Manners of Resistance: Symbolic Defiance of Colonial Authority In Nineteenth Century

Philippines
Author(s): FERNANDO A. SANTIAGO, JR.
Source: Philippine Sociological Review , 2015, Vol. 63 (2015), pp. 137-168
Published by: Philippine Sociological Society

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 FERNANDO A. SANTIAGO JR.

Manners of Resistance:
Symbolic Defiance of
Colonial Authority In
Nineteenth Century
Philippines

Several accounts of rude and vulgar behavior that annoyed Westerners are
mentioned in nineteenth century documents on the Philippines. Filipino "bad
manners" have been cited as proof of the inferiority of the race and used to
underrate their intelligence. If Filipinos are to be understood on their own terms,
there lies the possibility that the incidents of rudeness mentioned in the historical

accounts were actually acts of defiance against colonial authority, the prospect
that bad manners were forms of everyday resistance. The study sheds light on
acts that made Filipinos rude, deceitful, distrustful, clumsy, and insolent; and
treat them as symbolic defiance of colonial authority on account of the traditions,
ethics, cultural framework and emotionalism of Filipinos.
The objective of the study is to highlight everyday resistance in Philippine
history. While historical studies have dealt with the subject matter, such works
have been inadequate in making the phenomenon part of the people's historical
consciousness. In continually giving attention to an overlooked aspect of Filipino
resistance, the public may eventually acknowledge past actions that have been
largely ignored. The present study is meant to bring into brighter light the

actions of numerous nameless individuals who like the "great men" of history
also opposed colonial authority. The study is also meant to broaden awareness
of the range by which resistance has been expressed in the Philippines.

Keywords: everyday resistance; bad manners; offensive behavior;

nineteenth century Philippines; weapons of the weak

Philippine Sociological Review (2015) • Vol. 63 • pp. 137-168 1Ï7

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"Vices and virtues, of good and bad qualities". Source: Costumes Tagals Illustration by Henri Valentin, Pp. 58
in Aventures d'un Gentilhomme Breton aux iles Philippines, by Paul De La Gironiere, 1855.

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 INTRODUCTION

history is replete with various uprisings in the form of rebellions,

Defiancerevolutions,
comes and otherinorganized
many forms
resistance. in the Philippines. In fact its
Historical studies
have documented the roles played by the great men and women of the
nation in these events. The significance of these moments as turning
points in the nation's past has also been studied extensively by Filipino
and foreign scholars. Because these events are written in Philippine
history textbooks, open resistance such as the anti-Spanish rebellions
of Francisco Dagohoy, Diego Silang, and Hermano Pule; the Philippine
Revolution of 1896; the Philippine-American War; the Second World
War; student activism during the Marcos years; and many other struggles
have become part of the collective memory of the Filipino people.
Over the years, alternative ways of viewing resistance have come to
light. Benedict J. Kerkvliet ([ 1990]2013:122) for instance, described the
spectrum of resistance as "broad, from organized and confrontational
forms to subtle, indirect, non-confrontational ones." Maria Hynes
(2013:559) called the two dominant modes of analysis of resistance in
sociology at present as, "the study of macropolitical forms, on the one
hand, and the micropolitics of everyday resistance on the other." Informal
and unorganized dissent in which, ordinary and powerless groups have
participated, a phenomenon popularly known as "everyday resistance,"
has therefore joined overt resistance in scholarly discourses. It may be
well worth noting that the reassessment of the concept of resistance is a
continuing process, as can be seen in recent studies such as Maria Hynes'
journal article Reconceptualizing Resistance: Sociology and the Affective

Fernando A. Santiago, Jr. received his Bachelor of Arts in History and Master

of Arts in History (with High Distinction) from De La Salle University-Manila.

He earned his Doctor of Philosophy in History from the University of the

Philippines-Diliman. He is a faculty member at the De La Salle University's

Department of History, where he served as the Vice-Chairman from 2003

2007. His research interests include Philippine agrarian history, Land Reform,

Local History and Everyday Resistance. The author can be emailed at fernando.

santiago@dlsu.edu.ph.

Philippine Sociological Review (2015) • Vol. 63 119

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Dimension of Resistance (2013) and Howard Caygill's On Resistance: A
Philosophy of Defiance (2013).
Like the examples in Philippine history mentioned above, unorganized
and informal expressions of opposition to the powerful have also received
the attention of intellectuals. Scholars such as Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr.,
Greg BankofF, Benedict J. Kerkvliet, among others, have looked into
these forms in their historically grounded studies.1 Yet, while everyday
resistance is well known to academics, they have not made their way
into the consciousness of the general public. Such instances are not
even mentioned in Philippine history textbooks. Many Filipinos are left
unaware that aside from overt resistance, their ancestors also engaged
in non-confrontational forms of dissent, including symbolic defiance.
The general public thus has a limited awareness of the range by which
resistance has been expressed historically.
It must also be noted that historians have looked into past struggles
as a means of acknowledging the sacrifices of their people's ancestors. In
the nationalist tradition, commemorating the past is a means of showing
gratitude for the sacrifices of the heroes, often men who led or participated

in open and/or violent historical struggles. Everyday resistance however

does not involve the actions of "great men" but instead involves the
actions of ordinary and powerless groups. The disregard for everyday
resistance therefore leaves a dimension of the historical struggle and
those who were involved- unrecognized.

1 1 See Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr.'s Clash of the Spirits: The History of Power

and Sugar Planter Hegemony on a Visayan Island. Quezon City: Ateneo

de Manila University Press, 1998; Greg Bankoff's Crime, Society and the

State in Nineteenth Century Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila

University Press, 1996 and "In Search of the Masses: Non-confrontational

Forms of Dissent in Late 19lh-Century Philippines." In The Philippine

Revolution and Beyond, Vol. 1, ed. Elmer A. Ordonez, 229-244. Manila:

Philippine Centennial Commission, 1998; Benedict J. Kerkvliet's The Huk

Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines. Quezon City: New

Day Publishers, 1979 and Everyday Politics in the Philippines: Class and

Status Relations in a Central Luzon Village. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila

University Press, 2013.

140 Philippine Sociological Review (2015) • Vol. 63

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 The objective of the present study2 is to highlight everyday resistance
in Philippine history. As mentioned earlier, while studies have been
written dealing with the subject matter, these works have been inadequate
in making the phenomenon part of the people's historical consciousness.
In continually giving attention to an overlooked aspect of Filipino
resistance, the public may eventually acknowledge past actions that have
been largely ignored. May this humble contribution to knowledge inspire
other scholars to conduct related studies, to bring into brighter light the
actions of numerous nameless individuals who like the "great men" also
opposed colonial authority.

EVERYDAY RESISTANCE
Prior to the explanation of how rudeness and vulgarity served as symbolic
forms of defiance, the concept of "everyday resistance" shall first be
discussed. A well-known work on the subject is James C. Scott's (1985),
Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, a study
based on his field research in a village in Kedah, Malaysia. In the study,
he called for a re-examination of preconceived ideas of resistance and
the broadening of the conventional understanding of the term (Lahusen
1989:174).
He defined "weapons of the weak" as "ordinary weapons of relatively
powerless groups: foot dragging, dissimulation, false compliance,
pilfering, feigned ignorance, slander, arson, sabotage, and so forth" in
which "peasant resistance expresses itself against those who seek to
extract labor, food, taxes, and rent" (Scott 1985:29). He showed that
through these "informal, low-profile techniques of resistance" peasants
were nonetheless able to "accumulate and become an effective force in

helping them obtain whatever they are fighting for." Aside from explaining
the workings of politics outside formal structures, he also pointed out
that effective resistance can exist in thought and symbolism. (Lahusen
1989:173; Scott 1985:37) In the words of the author,

2 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 21a Conference of

the International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA) hosted by the

National University of Singapore from June 22-25,2010.

SANTIAGO • Symbolic Defiance of Colonial Authority In 19th Century Philippines 141

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 "But inasmuch as I seek to understand the resistance of thinking, social beings,

I can hardly fail to ignore their consciousness- the meaning they give to their

acts. The symbols, the norms, the ideological forms they create constitute

the indispensable background to their behavior. However partial or imperfect

their understanding of the situation, they are gifted with intentions and values

and purposefulness that condition their acts."

(Scott 1985:38)

In Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts

(1990), another highly acknowledged study, Scott discussed the "public
roles played by the powerful and powerless and the mocking, vengeful
tone they display off stage" (Little 1993:153). In his analysis of the
symbolic politics of resistance, Scott looked into the "commonplace
forms of resistance that class struggle takes when it does not seek to
openly confront the forces that dominate." He referred to it as "hidden
transcripts," which for the weaker are the "dissonant political culture that
exists among subordinates out of earshot of their masters-the words of
anger, revenge, and assertion or the alternative meanings given to public
texts" (Bankoflf 1998:230).
The hidden transcript has three characteristics. First, it is "specific
to a given social site and to a particular set of actors." Second, "it does
not contain only speech acts but a whole range of practices." For the
subordinated, the "whole range of practices" refer to activities such as
"poaching, pilfering, clandestine tax evasion, and intentionally shabby
work for landlords," among others. For the dominant, hidden-transcript
practices include "clandestine luxury and privilege, surreptitious use of
hired thugs, bribery, and tampering with land titles," etc. In both cases, the

practices "contravene the public transcript of the party in question and are,

if at all possible, kept offstage and unavowed." The final characteristic is

that "the frontier between the public and the hidden transcripts is a zone
of constant struggle between dominant and subordinate." (Scott 1993:14)
In the words of the author: "This is a politics of disguise and anonymity
that takes place in public view but is designed to have a double meaning
or to shield the identity of the actors. Rumor, gossip, folktales, jokes,
songs, rituals; codes, and euphemisms-a good part of the folk culture of
subordinate groups- fit this description." (Scott 1990:19)

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 Scott's recognition of the existence of resistance "in thought and
symbolism" encouraged other scholars to search for hidden meanings in
people's actions. One such scholar is Benedict J. Kerkvliet ([1990]2013)
who observed non-confrontational resistance in a province of the
Philippines from the 1970s to the 1980s.3 In his book Everyday Politics
in the Philippines: Class and Status Relations in a Central Luzon Village,
he described "everyday politics" as involving "people embracing,
complying with, adjusting to, and contesting norms and rules regarding
authority over, production of, or allocation of resources and doing so in
quiet, mundane, and subtle expressions and acts that are rarely organized
or direct." What makes everyday politics distinct from other forms is that
it "involves little or no organizations, is usually low profile and private
behavior, and is done by people who probably do not regard their action
as political." (Kerkvliet [1990]2013:xix)
He then explained that the reason why people of lower status engage
in everyday resistance is that they cannot confront perceived wrongs,
"being unable or unwilling to risk direct action." They are not, however,
completely powerless and so engage in everyday resistance to "affirm
their claims to what they believe they are justly entitled to..Kerkvliet
thus makes it clear that social status determines political behavior
and that everyday resistance empowers the lower classes. (Kerkvliet
[1990]2013:122)
He then described three dimensions that characterize everyday
resistance. The first is that the scale is small, "involving an individual or
a small group with little or no formal organization and leadership." The
second characteristic is that the target is "frequently unaware of opposing
action or who is resisting, or at least not immediately aware of it." Last,
everyday resistance "can bring immediate benefit, including material
gains, to the resister." (Kerkvliet [1990]2013-.122-123)
Among examples observed by Kerkvliet were sarcasm; "criticizing
superiors behind their backs"; "surreptitiously cheating an employer";
language usage in jokes, puns, verbal characterizations, interpretations
of events, and complaints; deceit and foot dragging; physical harm to

3 Kerkvliet had earlier co-edited with Scott Everyday Forms of Resistance

in Southeast Asia (London:Frank Cass, 1986), originally a special issue

of Journal of Peasant Studies 13 (January 1986).

SANTIAGO • Symbolic Defiance of Colonial Authority In 19th Century Philippines 141

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property in the form of arson, sabotage and ambush; as well as "forms
of 'flight' such as leaving a landlord or employer, running away, and
walking off the job." (Kerkvliet [ 1990]2013:124)
Both Scott and Kerkvliet based their studies on participant observation
of peasant society. Kerkvliet however had a broader historical perspective
having earlier published The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt
in the Philippines (1979), which was an effort "to understand the Huk
movement from the point of view of its participants and sympathizers."
This well-known study was based on "thousands" of pages of captured
documents and trial papers. He also conducted oral history with prominent
members of the organization and ordinary folk who were involved in the
struggle. (Kerkvliet 1979:xi) He covered the history of the movement
from its origins to its decline in the 1950s. This study clearly served as a
background for Everyday Politics.
The significance of Kerkvliet's research is that aside from being
focused on the Philippines, he was able to show the continuity of issues,
conditions and reactions of peasants over time. He also saw the social,
economic and political transformations in the village he studied which
he described as having brought the "evolution of a significantly more
complex society and the intensification of capitalism." More important
is that his broad perspective allowed him to recognize the role played
by everyday resistance in village politics throughout the most part of the
twentieth century. (Kerkvliet [1990]2013:254-255) His study shows that
much of the forms of everyday resistance he had mentioned in his studies
remained present across time.
Reynaldo Ileto's ([1979] 1989) Pasyon and Revolution: Popular
Movements in the Philippines, 1840-1910 is another important work to
consider. The author deconstructed the "mind" of the Filipino masses
using the texts of the Pasyon Pilapil.4 Unlike Scott and, to some extent,

4 The Pasyon Pilapil was the popular name of Casaysayan nang Pasiong
Mahal ni Jesucristong Panginoon Natin (Account of the Sacred Passion

of our Lord Jesus Christ), the most common text used in nineteenth

century pabasa, or pasyon readings (Ileto [ 1979] 1989:12). Ileto saw

the masses' experience of Holy Week, which involved the pabasa, as

having "fimdamentally shaped the style of peasant brotherhoods and

uprisings during the Spanish and early American colonial periods" (Ileto

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Kerkvliet, who observed peasants in action, Ileto turned to historical
documents from the 19th century for his study. He presented events
from 1840 to 1910 from the vantage point of the masses and in the
process brought to light "the masses own categories of meaning that
shaped their perceptions of events and their participation in them" (Ileto
[1979] 1989:4-8). He demonstrated the importance of re-examining the
past to discover alternative meanings, as well as hidden and unarticulated
features of society. Similar to Scott and Kerkvliet, Ileto stressed the
necessity of interpreting the actions of the masses in reference to their
own terms, which involves the "decoding" of their words and deeds, and
keeping an open mind about the range of possible meanings.
A similar study is Clash of the Spirits: The History of Power and
Sugar Planter Hegemony on a Visayan Island by Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr.
The author's endeavor was to give voice to different categories of social
actors as they played their parts in the social game and sought to alter
the rules by which such games were played in history. He reconstructed
"indigenous systems of knowledge and thought by which local peoples
have perceived, resisted, accommodated and maneuvered through the
power relationships and the world-historical forces that defined the
social matrix in which they had to lead their lives." The study was also
an attempt to "reenter the minds of past generations by analyzing myths
and folk concepts, ideational factors intimately related to the modes of
producing and reproducing social life." (Aguilar 1998:7)
In light of the works of Ileto and Aguilar, the symbolic significance
of actions must therefore always be taken into account, even in historical
documents.

Like Ileto and Aguilar, Greg Bankoff contextualized his study in

Philippine history but adopted Scott's approach on weapons of the weak.
Bankoff himself noted that Ileto "revealed the significance of popular
interpretations of the Gospel story of Jesus as rendered by the pasyon"
but also stated that no attempt had been done to examine the everyday

[1979] 1989:11). He found that Catholicism "evolved its own brand of folk

Christianity from which was drawn much of the language of anticolonialism

in the late nineteenth-century." For lowland Filipinos, the pasyon served

as "a language of articulating its own values, ideals and even hopes of

liberation." (Ileto [1979] 1989:12)

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forms of resistance in terms of non-confrontational actions (Bankoff
1998:230).
Bankoff discussed everyday resistance in the Philippines in his works:
Crime, Society and the State in the Nineteenth-Century Philippines ( 1996)
and the conference paper In Search of the Masses: Non-confrontational
Forms of Dissent in Late 19th Century Philippines (1998). After
conducting archival research, Bankoff said that the "record shows a
people far from acquiescent to the forms of domination and exploitation
imposed by Spain, and expressing their anger and frustration in actions
that range from passive noncompliance to evasion to outright acts of
violence committed anonymously. Vagrancy, flight, arson, and other acts
of insubordination may be deeds of little individual significance but their
collective impact can be considerable." (1998:231)
Bankoff relied on judicial records and treated outlawed activities
such as vagrancy, flight, arson, drunken, and disorderly behavior, being
indocumentado (lack of documents), gambling, counterfeiting currency,
tax evasion and related activities such as desertion, infraction of municipal
regulations, perjury, and contempt of court as evidences of "the extent of
non-confrontational forms of dissent among peasants and workers during
the 19th century." These activities were perceived as threats to the colonial
order that had actual consequences such as economic sabotage, destruction
to property and civil disobedience. Furthermore, he stressed Scott's
point on the importance of recognizing these acts as a representation of
"an implicit disavowal of public and symbolic goals." He thus viewed
the mass participation in the Revolution of 1896 as "the culmination of
a rising tide of popular anger and frustration with a colonial system that
had manifestly failed to win their allegiance or buy their acquiescence."
(Bankoff 1998:231-240)
Bankoff revealed instances of everyday resistance in the Philippines
using archival documents. He showed in his study that non-confrontational
forms of dissent were present around a century before Kerkvliet observed
it in person. His study brought awareness of this phenomenon to Filipino
historians and the encouragement to reconsider their views on what
constitute acts of resistance. His interpretation of archival documents
from the nineteenth century under the lens of "everyday resistance"

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highlighted a pathway for the historical interpretation of struggles in the
Philippines.
The present study is anchored on concepts derived from the works
cited earlier. Like those of Bankoff and Ileto, the context shall be the
Philippines during the nineteenth century. Unlike the above works
however, this preliminary study shall focus on only one form of everyday
resistance: rude and vulgar behavior.
Because it deals with a stereotype imposed on Filipinos in the past
and maybe even at present, the study may to some extent run parallel to
Syed Hussein Alatas' work The Myth of the Lazy Native: A Study of the
Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese from the 16th to the 20th
Century and its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism (1977).
However, unlike the work of Alatas, the present study is not intended to
explain how perceptions were skewed to meet certain ideological ends,
instead the present study is meant to explain how Filipinos actions can be
understood in their own terms.

BAD MANNERS IN 19™ CENTURY SOURCES

The general low regard Spaniards showed for the natives of the Philippines
in the past is part of the collective memory of Filipinos. Jose Rizal in
his novels Noli me Tangere (1887) and El Filibusterismo (1891) remind
people of how their ancestors were subordinated and considered second
class under Spanish colonial rule.
The Spanish friar, Gaspar de San Agustin O.S.A., who lived in the
Philippines during the 17th century, was known for his works on Tagalog
grammar and his book Conquistas de las Isias Filipinos, 1565-1615
(1698). Historians, however, also remember him for his "jaundiced
views on Filipinos," whom the friar described as "inconstant, distrustful,
malicious, sleepy, idle, timid and fond of travelling by rivers, lakes and
seas." (Schumacher 1976:477; Bowring [ 1858] 1963:68) San Agustin
articulated what seemed to have been a common sentiment among
Westerners back then.

Aside from laziness which was a stereotype Westerners had of Filipinos

and other Malays, a topic extensively discussed by Rizal in his essay
Sobre la Indolencia de los Filipinos (1890) and later by Syed Hussein

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Alatas in his earlier mentioned work, bad manners were also considered
to be evidence of the inferiority of the race and the low intelligence of
the people. However, rude and vulgar behavior has not been subjected
to scholarly investigation in the same manner as laziness. It has also not
been evaluated as a form of resistance.

While it may seem that Filipinos were simply uncivilized, in light of

the presence of everyday resistance in the nineteenth century as shown
by Bankoff there is a possibility that bad manners were not always mere
uncouth behavior but acts of defiance against those in power. In other
words, bad manners towards Westerners were expressions of resistance.
There are many accounts of bad manners experienced by Westerners in
nineteenth century Philippines. These accounts involve rude, disrespectful
and insolent behavior; blunder and clumsiness; dishonesty; overt distrust
and other trivial acts. The common characteristic of these behaviors is

that they were found to be offensive by those who experienced them.

Aside from this, Kerkvliet's characteristics of everyday resistance are
also present in the accounts: it is small in scale "involving an individual
or a small group with little or no formal organization and leadership,"
the target is "unaware of opposing action or who is resisting, or at least
not immediately aware of it," and last, it "can bring immediate benefit,
including material gains, to the resister." (Kerkvliet [ 1990]2013:123)
The accounts that follow are derived from Sinabaldo de Mas y Sans
from the 1840's, John Bowring from the 1850's, Fedor Jagor from the
1870's, John Foreman from the 1890's and George John Younghusband
from the same decade. It is meant to serve as a mere inventory of offensive
behavior to show the range of bad manners shown by nineteenth century
Filipinos. In the presentation of the views of the authors, direct quotations
were given in the same style as Alatas for "this method is more reliable
than paraphrase, for the full impact of what the author intended to say
is diminished if it is not conveyed in his own words" (1977:22). A brief
background on the observers is also provided.
Sinabaldo de Mas y Sans was a noted traveler and diplomat sent by
Spain in 1834 on a diplomatic mission to the Orient. He visited successively
Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Calcutta, the Arabian Desert and
Manila. He stayed a few months in the Philippines and wrote The State of
the Philippines in 1842, which was first presented in confidential edition

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in 1842 and later published in Madrid in 1843. In the report he recorded
several instances of rude, disrespectful, and insolent behavior shown by
people of the Islands, many of which he experienced himself.
An instance of disrespectful behavior that he recorded involved
gobernadorcillos- local officials who had the dual function of municipal
governors and judges. It may be worth noting that the position was
the highest rank attainable to natives and mestizos, which accorded the
holders of the rank a high social status in their communities. Mas y Sans
narrated,

"A number of times has it happened that a Spaniard has had to contend with the

gobernadorcillo in the town house and the latter would gravely and seriously

seat (sic) in the big chair and keep the Spaniard standing and this occurred in

the town of Manacpacan, to Ramos, the physician of note, while I was in the

province where the town is a part. Ordinarily, neither the gobernadorcillo

nor the town officials or aldermen, nor any Filipino in general, rise from their

seats even when Spaniards enter the municipal building and oftentimes, they

remain lying in the benches unconcernedly, as if merely a dog more or less

has entered. This they do because privileged in the municipal buildings as

aldermen, they think that this is the opportunity to humiliate a Spaniard, by

dealing with him without consideration and making fun of his impatience,

sometimes very openly."

(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:29)

He also related his personal experience of being shown disrespect by

town officials, which he described as follows,

"In the few times I have been to the justices in the towns to ask for a guide or

something similar (of course by paying for their services), despite my passport

as captain, they have dealt with me with very little deference and respect."

(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:31)

He witnessed disrespectful behavior towards a friar whom he

accompanied to the province of Bulacan. He said that the friar went
with him to a house near the town of Baliuag and upon dismounting
wanted to give the horse to a boy who happened to be there, for him

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to tie to one of the posts of the house. The boy haughtily answered:
"Tie it yourself if you want, I am not your servant" (Mas y Sans
[ 1842] 1961:30).
There was also the case of a Spaniard named Muncio who had a
hacienda in Gapan, Nueva Ecija. One day he found one of his workers
doing nothing and asked why he was not working. The worker answered:
"Because I don't feel like it." Mas y Sans described what transpired next
as follows,

"... annoyed by this insolent manner, he beat him and at the stroke, the

Filipino laid hold of a knife these people are wont to carry. Muncio was not

frightened, but on the contrary threatened to kill him if he should not let go of

the weapon. The Filipino crossed his arms and warned him to leave at once

or he would end with him and eventually this he did."

(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:29)

Based on his account, it seems that discourtesy towards Spaniards

was of common occurrence. On the streets of Manila he fell into mud

several times because the locals "don't cede the sidewalks to the Spaniards
nor give them space" (Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:29). To describe another
experience, he said that

"[m]any times in a road full of mud where there is only one clean track have

Filipinos of the lowest class stopped, waiting for me to step into the mud to let

them pass and if I had touched the heads of their horses with my whip to open

way for me, they murmured."

(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:30)

There were also those instances when

"If one approaches a doorway to ask the coach-driver or the porter of the

many who are seated nearby, for a certain house or street, they don't make a

move and the same thing happens in the church benches."

(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:29)

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 Other occasions involved people laughing at him right in front
of his nose, he believed, for seeing him with eyeglasses (Mas y Sans
[1842] 1961: 30). There was another time when in the vicinity of a
town, he wanted to buy some mangoes and ears of roasted corn and
the vendor did not want to sell to him for no apparent reason, despite
his humble request. When he asked his servant why, he answered:
"Sir, that man must be crazy." (Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:30-31) Then
he also complained: "two or three times have I had to smell the noisy
emanations of an outpouring which decency does not permit me to
name, done in my presence, to the great enjoyment of those around"
(Mas y Sans [1842] 1961:31).
Mas y Sans thus lamented that he had "travelled among Turks,
Egyptians and Bedouins, without equipments nor escorts and that in no
place than in the Philippines" had he been "the object of less respect
and deference" and in no other place had it been necessary for him "to
use so much moderation and patience" (Mas y Sans [ 1842] 1961:30).
He was not the only European to experience such behavior.
Some details of the account of Mas y Sans were verified by Fedor
Jagor, a German ethnologist, naturalist, and explorer who published
his book Travels in the Philippines in 1875. In his account he said
"local authorities have, as a rule, but little respect for private Spanish
travelers, and treat them not seldom with open contempt" (Jagor
1875/1965: 163). He also mentioned that the cabmen he employed
insisted on being paid beforehand every time he rode in their vehicles
noting that the "distrust was occasioned by the scanty feeling of
respect most of the Europeans in Manila inspired in the minds of the
natives" (Jagor [1875] 1965:24).
John Foreman, an Englishman and a Fellow of the Royal
Geographic Society, lived in the Philippines for more than 20 years
during the late nineteenth century and also left an account (Foreman
[ 1906] 1980:xi). His book The Philippine Islands was first published
in 1890 and subsequently revised and enlarged in 1899 and 1906.
Like Mas y Sans, he recorded several instances of rudeness, such as
what follows:

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 "Before entering another (middle- or lower-class) native's house, he is very

complimentary, and sometimes three minutes' polite excusatory dialogue is

exchanged between the visitor and the native visited before the former passes

the threshold. When the same class of native enters a European's house, he

generally satisfies his curiosity by looking all around, and often pokes his

head into a private room, asking permission to enter afterwards."

(Foreman [1906] 1980: 169)

"If a native is told to tell another to come, he seldom goes to him to deliver the

message, but calls him from a distance."

(Foreman [1906] 1980:169)

Many instances of dishonesty among Filipinos that Europeans found

to be very annoying are also mentioned in his account. He described
Filipinos as

"Fond of gambling, lavish in his promises but lâche in the extreme to their

fulfillment. He will never come openly to admit a mistake or a pardonable

accident, but he will hide it until it is found out."

(Foreman [1906] 1980:167)

Furthermore he also said the following:

"If one pays a native 20 cents for a service performed, and that be exactly the

customary remuneration, he will say nothing, but if a feeling of compassion

impels one to pay 30 cents, the recipient will loudly protest that he ought to

be paid more."

(Foreman [1906] 1980:167)

"He seldom restores his loan voluntarily. He would even say, 'you did not
ask me for it'."

(Foreman ([1906] 1980:168)

"If the native be of want of a trivial thing, which by plain asking he could

easily obtain, he will come with a long tale, often begin by telling a lie, and

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 whilst he invariably scratches his head, he will beat about the bush until he

comes to the point, with a supplicating tone and a saintly countenance hiding

a mass of falsity. But if he's had nothing to gain for himself, his reticence

is astonishingly inconvenient for he may let one's horse die and tell one

afterwards it was for want of a rice paddy, or just at the very moment one

wants to use something he will tell one— 'Uala po'- there is not any."

(Foreman [1906] 1980:168)

Foreman then wrote of natives he knew "whose mothers, according

to their statements have died several times, and each time they have tried
to beg the loan of the burial expenses" (Foreman [1906] 1980:168). The
mother of his first servant died twice according to the account.
Finally, he shared his observation that

"If a question is suddenly put to a native, he loses his presence of mind, and

gives the reply most convenient to save himself from trouble, punishment or

reproach. It is a matter of perfect indifference to him whether the reply be

true or not. Then as the investigation proceeds, he will amend one statement

after another, until, finally, he has practically admitted his first explanation to

be quite false."

(Foreman [1906] 1980: 171)

Such experiences thus led him to make the following judgment

"One who knows the native character, so far as its mysteries are penetrable,

would never attempt to get at the truth of a question by a direct inquiry- he

would 'beat about the bush,' and extract the truth bit by bit. Nor do the natives,

rich or poor, of any class in life, and with very few exceptions in the whole

population, appear to regard lying as a sin, but rather as a legitimate, though

cunning, convenience, which should be resorted to whenever it will serve a

purpose. It is my frank opinion that they do not, in their consciences, hold

lying to be a fault in any degree."

(Foreman [1906] 1980: 171)

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 An interesting observation he made was with regard to how some
mothers taught their children

"to regard the European as a demonical being, an evil spirit, or at least, as an

enemy to be feared! If a child cried, it was hushed by the exclamation, 'Castila! '

(European). Thus if a white man approached a poor hut or a fine native residence,

the cry of caution, the watchword for defence was always heard- 'Castila! and

the children hastened their retreat from the dreaded subject."

(Foreman [1906] 1980: 169)

Another Englishman who went to the Philippines was Sir John

Bowring who held the tiles of Governor of Hong Kong, Her Majesty's
Plenipotentiary in China and honorary member of the Sociedad
Economica de las Filipinas (Bowring [1859] 1963:1). In his work A Visit
to the Philippine Isles in 1858-59, he took note of the bad manners of
Filipinos based mainly on the account of Gaspar de San Agustin, O.S.A.,
who was mentioned earlier.

What follows is a list of San Agustin's experiences:

1. They are envious, ill bred and impertinent. They will even ask a padre,

"Whence do you come? Where are you going?" If you are reading a
letter, they will look over your shoulders, though not able to read

themselves; and if two peoples are talking in secret, the Indians will

come hear, though not understanding a word.

2. They enter houses, and even convents, without leave, and seem to make

themselves at home in a manner to excite wonderment and anger; even when

the padre is asleep, they make a great noise in trampling the floor, though in

their own house they walk in as much care as if treading among eggs.

3. They are bold and insolent in making unreasonable requests, careless of

the when or the how.

4. They never shut the door they have opened, they return nothing to its

place.

5. They have the art of blundering about everything; they fold all garments

the wrong way; turn a shirt inside out, always present the back where the

front should be.

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 6. They take care of their own plates, and exhibit in their dwellings some

possessed before the arrival of the Spaniards, but in convents and houses

they break plates enough to ruin their masters. This is because of their

stupidity, or that they are thinking of their beloved, or of anything but

what ought to occupy their thoughts; and if they let fall a dish, it is passed

over by the Spaniards, or they are only called 'brute! animal! Savage! ' In

their own house, however, the breaking of a piece of earthenware would

be followed by a good number of cane blows, and this is of more efficacy

than all Cicero's Philippines (sic).

7. They cannot be trusted with a sword, mirror, glass gun, watch, nor any

delicate thing; they are sure to spoil it. You may confide to them a

bamboo, a stick, a piece of timber, a palm-branch, and to a few of them

a ploughshare.

8. Ask for tepid water, he will bring it boiling; say it is too hot, and you will

get it cold. He lives in a circle of extremes.

9. They willingly borrow money, which they do not repay, and he who will

not encourage ingratitude must show them no favour; to exact a promise

is to ensure a falsehood.

10. They never do the work they have been paid for beforehand, yet they

do not fail to ask for an advance: the carpenter must have money to buy

wood; the washerman to get soap; and they even practice their devices

upon the parish priest!

11. The Bishop of Troya, Don Francisco Gines Barrientes, a most circumspect

prelate, told me that an Indian brought him a handkerchief of guava fruit

and asked him for the loan of fifty dollars. And when the Lord Marquis

de Villasierra, Don Fernando de Valenzuela, was in the castle in Cavite,

an Indian gave him a cock, for which the Marquis ordered him to be

paid six times its value, and the Indian said he expected eighty cavans of

rice, and this too, was in a time of scarcity, when every cavan was worth

two dollars. It matters little, however, for they are just as well pleased

when they fail as when they succeed, for they do not value anything

given them by a Spaniard, not even by a priest! In selling they will

ask thirty and accept six; they take the chance of cheating and, knowing

the great goodness (la suma bondad) of the Spanish character, they do

not apprehend any expression of anger in consequence of an absurd

pretension.

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 12. The Indians show great indifference to danger; they will not move out

of the way of a restive horse, nor, if in a small boat, give place to a large

one. In the river, they see crocodiles approaching, they take no notice

and adopt no precautions.

13. They are credulous among themselves, yet believe nothing but what is

favourable about the Spaniards.

(Bowring[ 1859] 1963: 76-79)

Major George John Younghusband also left an account. He was

an Englishman appointed as a military observer during the Spanish
American War in the Philippines and Fellow of the Royal Geographic
Society. He published his book The Philippines and Round About: With
Some Account of British Interests in these Waters in 1899.
In the book he mentioned that one would normally be "treated with
ordinary civility and attention by the waiters and servants, men who
are paid to perform those functions" when going to a restaurant or
staying in a hotel in England or any of its colonies. In the Philippines
however, Filipino servants were "lazy, insolent, ignorant, and
feckless" individuals (Younghusband 1899:49). He described them as
"miserable servants, without method or intelligence" (Younghusband
1899:61).
For example, a servant "would never dream of filling up the water
jugs of his own initiative, but has on each occasion to be hunted up jug
in hand." He would never "think of emptying the utensils without being
told to do so." They would even "pour slops out the window into the
street." (Younghusband 1899:61) Furthermore he said that

"At dinner one may have been drinking draught beer regularly every night

for a fortnight, nevertheless each evening it is necessary to carefully explain

to the same boy exactly what draught beer is, and how much is wanted, and

he after consulting several other boys, and slopping about a bit, will discover

what you want with all the genuine pleasure of one who has at last solved a

great and important problem. The boys have no caste prejudices, which is a

blessing, and no class distinction except stupidity."

(Younghusband 1899:61)

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 These accounts are only a few of the totality of offensive behavior
most likely experienced by Westerners in the Philippines during the
nineteenth century. It is safe to assume that many other accounts of
offensive and undesirable behavior were not recorded. It is also possible
that there were cases far worse than any of those mentioned above. A
detailed evaluation of each experience would be desirable but given the
limitations of a journal article, such will be reserved for an expanded
study. For now, this preliminary study shall focus on explaining how bad
manners may have served as instruments of everyday resistance.

FINDING MEANING

In The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in

Southeast Asia, James C. Scott (1976) discussed the existence of hidden
realities and forms of protest in peasant societies in the region. He quoted
W.F. Wertheim for saying,

"No human society is a completely integrated entity. In any community,

there are hidden or overt forms of protest against the prevalent hierarchical

structure. In general a more or less dominant set of common values can be

discerned... But beneath the dominant theme there always exist different sets

of values, which are, to a certain degree, adhered to among certain social

groups and which function as a kind of counterpoint to the leading melody."

(Scott 1976:233)

These deviant values revealed themselves in myths, jokes, songs,

linguistic usage, or religion that at times have become institutionalized
formsofsymbolicprotest(Scott 1976:233). Such symbolic protest actually
thrived in the Philippines during the Spanish colonial era. For instance,
San Agustin wrote that during the seventeenth century the Filipinos did
not "employ lances and arrows against our ministry, but paper, pens, tales,
jokes and calumnies" (Bowring [ 1859] 1963:79-80). The ilustrados of the
nineteenth century also used poems, paintings, mock prayers, novels and
other forms of propaganda to criticize an unfair system and to attack the
tremendous influence of Spanish friars (Schumacher 1997). The works of
Kerkvliet, Bankoff, and Aguilar have already been explained.

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 Symbolic protest, in fact, still thrives today and despite not generally
being part of their historical consciousness, many Filipinos can easily
relate to the concept. The question is whether or not rude and vulgar
behavior rightfully belongs to the category of everyday resistance.
The answer may lie in a facet of Filipino culture. Historian Zeus
Salazar (2005 :np) once said, "If in the West a declaration of decisiveness
is 'I mean what I say and I say what I mean,' in the Philippines it is
'watch what I do and you will know what I mean.'" This statement
reveals an aspect of Filipino culture that must be understood in order to
comprehend their behavior. Filipinos are culturally non-confrontational
and tend to be indirect in their communication. This is not distinct to

Filipinos for Edward Hall (1989) explained that different cultures vary
and can be classified according to their styles of communication. Cultures
where communication happens through explicit statements in text and
speech are low-context cultures. While those where messages include
communicative cues such as symbolic behavior, body language, gestures
and silence, are high-context cultures. In the latter, much of what is said
is implied rather than stated directly. (Wurtz 2005:1)
Filipino society has been classified among high-context cultures.
In day-to-day interactions there are many things left unsaid between
them, leaving it to the circumstances to explain what is being conveyed.
Filipinos use indirect, non-verbal and vague language, relying on the
listener's ability to grasp what is implied by the context. (Salazar 2005:np)
This shows that for Filipinos, actions "speak" louder than words and that
rude, disrespectful, insolent, blundering, clumsy, deceitful and distrustful
behavior can serve as indirect expressions of dissent.
Compared to Filipino culture, Spanish culture on the other hand
can be categorized as a lower context culture. This is evidenced by an
observation made by Robert M. MacMicking ([ 1851 ] 1967) in a historical
account on the values of Spaniards in the Philippines during the nineteenth
century where he said,

"Frankness or openness of manner is considered ... to be the most desirable

point of good breeding; and when ones possesses that quality, he is pretty sure

to be well received by them."

(MacMicking [1851] 1967:39)

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 This indicates that cultural difference in their manner of communication

would have prevented Filipinos and Spaniards from immediately

comprehending each other. It is also probable that while for the Spaniards
acts of rudeness, disrespect, dishonesty, and clumsiness, were just
plain bad manners, for the Filipinos they were powerful expressions of
anger, frustration, dissatisfaction, annoyance or irritation. This cultural
framework therefore gives credence to the hypothesis that rude and
vulgar behaviors were acts of symbolic defiance among Filipinos.
Another factor to consider is the concept of "subsistence ethic." James
C. Scott (1976) explained that, "living close to the subsistence margin
and subject to the vagaries of weather and the claims of outsiders, the
peasant household has little scope for the profit maximization calculus
of traditional neoclassical economics. Typically, the peasant cultivator
seeks to avoid the failure that will ruin him rather than attempting a big,

but risky, killing" (Scott 1976:4-5).

This was actually observed among Filipino farmers during the 19th
century by Foreman ([1906] 1980:176) who noted that Filipinos were
"very slowly tempted to abandon the habits and traditional customs of
their forefathers." While change cannot be avoided, the account showed
the reluctance towards change in favor of the safe and tested.
During the nineteenth century, the Filipinos witnessed the militarization
of the colony as a result of Spain's growing fear of neighboring colonial
powers. Though militarization was disastrous in terms of immediate
and practical consequences for Spain; it nonetheless insured peace and
order in the colony (Robles 1969:165). Militarization increased the risks
involved in engaging in rebellion and following Scott's line of reasoning,
would have made symbolic opposition the safer option for protest among
the Filipinos.
The intensification of the coercive powers of the state thus increased
the risks involved in deviating from the norm. Any challenge to the status

quo could thus only be done discretely or indirectly. It is in this context

that protests, defiance, even vengeance had to be done through symbolic
means and bad manners were among the few options that were available
for those who needed an outlet of their aggression.
The subsistence ethic may have shaped the political behavior of the
people and just as they behaved in farming, they settled for adaptive or

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survival strategies to stave off threats. Everyday resistance was therefore
preferred because rebellion was simply too risky. Furthermore, risks
are largely proportional to the coercive power of the state and the more
overwhelming its power, the likelier the only alternative to subsistence
was death. In this case it becomes possible to "distinguish a peasantry
that submits only because it has no choice from a peasantry that would
probably not revolt even if it had the choice" (Scott 1976:194-195). As
Bankoff ( 1996:129) pointed out, on most occasions the threat of force from

the State was enough to forestall the need for wholesale repression.
Another concept that requires examination is the Filipinos'
emotionalism. According to Felipe Jocano (1997:69-70), emotionalism
permeates the conduct of Filipinos everyday affairs, which accounts
for their being personal and sensitive in almost everything they do.
This feature is not exclusive to a particular group for psychologically,
Filipinos are "highly sensitive people, whether one is a Christian Ilocano,
Tagalog, or Bisaya or a Muslim Tausug, Maranaw or Maguindanaoan."
He also stressed that the Filipino word for understanding is "unawa"
which means, "to empathize with those who are in need," thus the point
of reference is "feelings- feelings with reason." (Jocano 1997:9)
Salazar agreed with Jocano on this matter and said that,

"Pakiramdam, the level on which Filipinos carry on day-to-day relationships

is the externalization of an inner sensitivity called damdam. Damdam is made

up of sentiments that collectively form the Filipino's sense of self. Thus

hurting the feelings of a Filipino is the same as hurting his self-esteem. It is

tantamount to destroying the person himself. And when he loses face, he rises
in defense of his life."

(Salazar 2005 :np)

This was observed in the nineteenth century by the friar, Fr. Francisco
de Zuniga ([1803] 1973:230) who stated that Filipinos had the "great
tendency to be sensitive to all passions which are later forgotten to give
way to others." Foreman also commented that "the native never looks
ahead; if left to himself, he will do all sorts of imprudent things, from
sheer want of reflection on the consequences, when, as he puts it, 'his head
is hot' from excitement due to any cause" (Foreman [1906] 1980:174).

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 In Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion
in Tagalog Society Under Early Spanish Rule (1988), Vicente L. Rafael
discussed the concept of hiya which is often translated as "shame." He
explained that,

"like loob, (it) can take on a wide variety of significations. Hiya is also irritation

or vexation at being made an object of amusement or foil for someone else's

aggrandizement. To subject someone to this state of shame is hiyaiin, that

is, to mock, to jest, to disconcert and confuse, and figuratively to slap and

trample upon (dar una bofetada). To this extent, to be in a state of hiya is

to be in a vulnerable position, available to receive another's blows, whether

physical or figurative."

(Rafael 1988:126)

In light of Filipinos sensitivity, it can be said that to them a broken

heart was just as painful as wounded flesh. Hurting the emotions of one's
nemesis could thus have been considered a sufficient vindication for an

offense and when done to authorities, even a form of symbolic political

protest. Fr. Gaspar de San Agustin's account from the seventeenth century,
also gives credence to this hypothesis with his comment that the Filipino
"rejoices when you lose patience and give him a beating, for he goes and
boasts of having put his master into a passion. To irritate the Indian, you
must take no notice of his shortcomings." (Bowring [1859] 1963:82)
In the early nineteenth century, the Frenchman Paul de la Gironiere
([1853] 1962:49) made a similar comment when he said, "I made a firm
resolution never to allow a gesture of impatience to escape me, in their
presence, even in the most critical moments, and to preserve at all times
unshaken calmness and sangfroid."
It thus seems that Filipinos pushed Westerners to the limits of their
patience from which they got a sense of satisfaction when the latter got
angry. To some Filipinos, a scolding or even physical punishment was
a small price to pay for the satisfaction of seeing those in authority lose
their temper and react to offended emotions. Trivial it may seem, but
annoying the authorities may have been considered a sweet victory by
the Filipinos. This is consistent with a contemporary Filipino saying that
goes, "ang pikon/asar, talo" or roughly translated "the one who loses his

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temper is the loser." While this may be a modern saying, it does suggest
the probability of the continuity of a nineteenth century concept over
time.

Another issue is whether or not these acts were actually intended

to cause harm. Intent is defined in the legal sense as "the design,
determination, or purpose with which a person uses a particular means to
effect a certain result; it shows the presence of will..." (Reid 1997:344).
Establishing intent is a difficult task and even more difficult in the effort
to interpret bad manners as forms of resistance.
The key to establishing intent may be what many foreigners observed
as "contradictions" in the Filipino character. Gironiere ([1853] 1962:48)
for example noted that the natural disposition of Filipinos was a mixture
of "vices and virtues, of good and bad qualities." Joaquin Martinez de
Zuniga also said,

"The nature of these natives, according to the authors who have written about

them, is a maze of contradictions. They say that the natives are humble and

proud, bold and cowardly, cruel and merciful, indolent and industrious, all at
the same time and attribute to them a thousand and one contradictions."

(Zuniga [1803] 1973:230)

One of the contradictions is with regard their rudeness and their

extreme politeness. Despite all the accounts of rudeness of Filipinos that
have been recorded, there are also many accounts of their polite ways.
An example is the observation of Juan Francisco de San Antonio during
the 17th century that,

"The natives use a thousand more ways of expressing manners and courtesy,

in words, names and the titles by which they address each other, which are

varied, depending on the different provinces. It would take long to them

because they are exaggerated in being ceremonious. One does not pass in

front of another without asking him permission to do so, and in order to pass,

he bends his entire body to more than a deep bow, and at the same time, he

raises a foot up in the air, doubling the knee, and raises both hands to the

face. If he has to talk to a person of a higher rank, he will approach him with

all kinds of reverences, and that he will squat and raise his face, and in this

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 position he will await being asked the purpose of his coming, because talking

without be asked would be the height of bad manners."

(San Antonio 1977:144)

Jean Mallat ([1846] 1994:35) also noted that their "mutual politeness
was extreme: a person never passed before another without addressing
him with an expression equivalent to "with your permission" at the same
time he made a deep curtsy by raising the right foot, bending the left knee
and lifting the hands up to the face.

Robert MacMicking even expressed admiration for their hospitality

when he said that,

"Notwithstanding a great deal of ceremony and the customary exaggerated

polite expressions used to every stranger, there is so much innate hospitality in

the national character that it is not to be mistaken, and is perhaps one of their

best and greatest virtues as individuals."

(MackMicking [1851] 1967:38)

Therefore, it appears that rudeness and vulgarity were not mere results

of the Filipinos lack of civility but were instead expressions of dissent

or protest. As pointed out earlier, Filipinos developed a reputation for
being contradictory because they were polite, honest and loyal to those
they liked, while rude, disrespectful, dishonest and disloyal to those they
disliked. This is supported by MacMicking's observation that "So long as
any white man behaves properly towards them and treats them as human
beings should be treated, their character will evince many good points"
(MacMicking [1851] 1967:94).

RUDENESS AND VULGARITY AS POWER

Because the Spaniards had the monopoly of the means of coercion,

ordinary people had limited ways for venting out their anger and frustration

against their oppressors. Rudeness, vulgarity, insolence, clumsiness, etc.

were means of getting back at the powerful without getting themselves
into too much trouble. They may have even viewed such offensive acts
as an exercise of power. This is reflected in a comment by Bowring
that,

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 "The sagacious men among them say that the Indian and the cane (for his

correction) always grow together. They have another proverb: "The Spaniard

is fire, and the Indian snow, and the snow puts out the fire." One of the padres

reports that his servant-boy said to him: "You are a newcomer, and are too

indulgent: if I do amiss you ought to chastise me. Don't you know the proverb,

"The Indian and the cane grow together?"

(Bowring [ 1859] 1963:82)

Westerners felt helpless dealing with such offensive behaviors and

some reacted with cruelty. According to Mallat,

"If they are vindictive, jealous and licentious, they can nevertheless be

rendered useful when one knows how to punish them properly, sometimes

combining blows with reprimands, diminishing their ration of rice and fish,

cutting out three fourths of their wages."

(Mallat [1846] 1994:279)

While Mallat described a status degradation ceremony, Fedor Jagor

also noted that such punishments did not really affect Filipinos very
much. As he observed,

"The only inconvenience to which they (prisoners) are exposed are the
floggings which the local authorities very liberally dispense by the dozens

for the most trifling offenses. Except the momentary bodily pain, however,

there appear in most cases to make little impression on a people who have

been accustomed to corporal punishment from their youth upwards. Their

acquaintances stand by around the sufferers, while the blows are being
inflicted, and mockingly ask them how it tastes."

(Jagor [1875] 1965:34)

It is evident that punishments for irrational and trivial offenses had

little impact on Filipinos and based on Bowring's account, may have
even made them only angrier and stronger. It is also possible that to some,
surviving such punishment earned them status among their peers. It thus

164 Philippine Sociological Review (2015) • Vol. 63

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appears that instead of succeeding in breaking the spirit of Filipinos or
lowering their status, these punishments had the reverse effect for they
also became occasions for Filipinos to express their belief in their own
invincibility. As Younghusband observed at the turn of the century,

"With the current and well authenticated history of two centuries of Spanish

oppression, Spanish cruelty, and Spanish atrocity before one, it would be

natural to find in the Philippines a downtrodden and ultra subservient race.

But this is not at all the case..."

(Younghusband 1899:49)

Rude and vulgar behavior may therefore be recognized as forms of

everyday resistance during the nineteenth century. On account of the
traditions, ethics, cultural framework and emotionalism of Filipinos,
even bad manners may thus have been used to cause damage and harm.
In this context, such can be viewed as acts of symbolic defiance.

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