Social Scientist

Semitising Hinduism: Changing Paradigms of Brahmanical Integration

Author(s): Suvira Jaiswal
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 19, No. 12 (Dec., 1991), pp. 20-32
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3517649 .
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SUVIRA JAISWAL*

Hinduism: ChangingParadigmsof
Semitising
BrahmanicalIntegration

The viewofMax WeberlthatHinduismis nota religionin thewestern

senseoftheterm,as theconceptof'dogma'is missingfromit,continues
to be a centralpointof discussionin thedebateover Hinduism.It is
oftenarguedthatHinduismas well as Buddhismare notreligionsbut
ways of life.2The conceptof religionas it is understoodin the west
involvesthe notionof exclusivetruthbut this is not the case with
Vedic,brahmanical, Buddhistor Trantricsystems,wherewhatcounts
is the categoryof lineage,affiliation,cult,tradition, etc.,ratherthan
any dogma. It is assertedthatorthopraxy and not orthodoxyis the
operativeconceptand in factthereare no 'truereligions'in India.3
However, such statementsrepresentingthe Christiantheological
view-pointmay hardly be regarded as adequate froma social-
anthropological perspective, as this means the denial of the
universalityof religion.On theotherhand,religionis countedamong
the universal categoriesof cultureand it is argued thatin the past
therehas neverbeen a societywithoutreligion.4 In ouropinion,if in
modernsocietiesbeliefsand prescribeddoctrinesare given greater
importancethantheritual,it is because of therecedingsocial role of
ritual,whichin pre-modern societiesacts as a tool forsocial cohesion
and socialcontrol.In modernsocietiestheseaimsare achievedthrough
othermethods,and religionbecomes more and more a matterof
individualconcern.
However,in Hinduismorthodoxyis to be provedin the realmof
ritualand social behaviouralbeitqualifiedby caste and region,but
thereis no such insistencein therealmof ideas and beliefs.This has
led ProfessorHeinrichvon Stietencron to arguethatHinduismis not
one religionbutan associationofreligions, suchas Vaishnavareligion,
Shaiva religion,Smartareligionand so on.5 But such fragmentation
would amounttoequating'religion'with'sect'or 'cult'.Surely,thecon-

* CentreforHistoricalStudies,Jawaharlal New Delhi.

NehruUniversity,

Vol. 19,No. 12,December1991

SocialScientist,

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 21

ceptof 'religion'is widerand whileit providesspace fortheexistence

ofa numberofsectsorcultswithinitsfold,itis distinguished bycertain
normative moralcodes and perceptions whichembracealmostall areas
of lifeand reveal its culturalunity.Notwithstanding the multiplicity
of theformsand perceptions ofthedivine,it is theunifying patternof
socio-religiousrelationswhichprovidesHinduismits essentialunity6
and establishesitsclaimto be identified as a religion.
We mayelaboratethispointfurther. Hinduismshowsa remarkable
flexibilityin assimilitatingall kinds of and even contradictory
religiousand philosophicalconcepts.The co-existenceof prehistoric
formsof worshipsuch as thatof thesacredtree,animals,anthills,etc.,
along withthe highlycomplexworld-viewof Vedantaor Samkhyais
notmerelya questionoflongcontinuities and toleration ofotherview-
points. Its roots lie in the development of a hierarchicalsocial
structureto which Brahmanismprovided ideological support by
denyingtheequalityof menin thisworldeven in theory.Thus it was
easy to countenancedivergentcustomsand beliefsas long as their
practitionerscould be fittedinto the mosaic of social hierarchyin
whichpowerand puritywenthandin hand in oppositionto thosewho
weredependentand impure.7 The systemevolvedthroughthecenturies
in specifichistorical and itsbeginnings
conditions; are embeddedin the
ecologyof the Aryancattle-keepers, who had developed two distinct
classes of specialists, the warriorsand the priests.8The former
specialised in cattle-raidsand thus increased the cattle-wealthof
theirtribesand thelatterclaimedto do so by securingtheblessingsof
thegods throughtheirspecialisationin thesacrificialritual.Thus the
separationof the brahma(priestly)and the ksatra(warrior)elements
and thesuperiorstatusoftheformer, whichDumont9explainsin terms
ofthereligiousmentality oftheIndians,is in facta continuation of the
traditionof the pastoralists,whichfeaturewas not unique to Aryans
and has a perfectly rationalexplanation.10India has had a continuous
historyforthousandsof yearsand as such has carriedthe weightof
long traditions,but this does not mean thatit has remainedstatic.
While maintainingthe semblance of continuationit has made
significanttransitionsand transformations in the spheresof ideology
and social organisationin response to changingmaterial-which
includessocial-conditions.11
Thus our definitionof Hinduismtakesan integrated view of Hindu
beliefsand practicesand regardstheHindusocialsystemnotonlyas an
underpinning providingsupportto theedificeof Hinduismbut as its
importantconstitutiveelement. Such a perspectiveis sometimes
criticisedon thegroundthatit involvesconflationof Hinduismwith
thesocialorganisation oftheHindusand goes againsttheautonomyof
religiousstudiesby makingthestudyofreligion'entirely encompassed
within the study of society.'12As an alternative,Brian K. Smith
proposes to define Hinduism as 'the religionof thosehumanswho

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22 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

create, perpetuate,and transformtraditions with legitimising

reference to the authorityof the Veda.'13 He finds the thematic
definitions of Hinduismwhichlay emphasison certainkey concepts
such as the doctrineof transmigration, karmaand dharmaas quite
unsatisfactory as these do not enable one to differentiate between
Hinduismand otherIndic religions,such as Buddhismor Jainism,
whichalso sharetheseconcepts.On theotherhand,he also rejectsthe
views of those14who give the caste systema centralplace in their
definitionof Hinduismon the groundthat'withinthe disciplineof
academicand humanistic studyofreligionthereis a difference between
religionand the social structure it legitimises'and 'Hinduismclearly
entailsfarmorethancaste.'15
However,in ouropiniontheso-called'tolerance' ofHinduismand its
amorphous,all-inclusivecharactercannotbe understoodunless the
social structure of thosewho came to be knownas 'Hindu' and were
regardedas believersof'Hinduism'is takenintoconsideration. For,the
unifying and identifying factorwas providedby theinstitution ofcaste
whichhad thepowerto communicate or admitan individualor group
and notacceptanceorrejection ofanymoralorphilosophical doctrine.16
Thereis muchtruthin theremarkof Louis Dumontthatin India all
thatappearsto be socialis in factreligiousand 'all thatappearsto be
religiousis in factsocial'.17In a way BrianK. Smithmakesa concession
to thisfactby agreeingwithWilfredCantwellSmiththatthereis no
HinduismapartfromtheHindus and incorporating thisidea intohis
definitionofHinduism.Buthis insistence thatall Hinduscall upon the
authority of theVedas to legitimisetheirdoctrinesand practicesand
hence 'legitimisingreferenceto the authorityof the Veda' is
definitiveof Hinduismwillnotbeardeeperscrutiny. Therehave been
movementswithinthefoldofHinduismwhichhave rejectednotonly
the authorityof thebrahmanas,a pointBrianK. Smithis willingto
concede,but also thatof theVedas. For example,theLingayats,who
constitutean important Shaivitesect,notonlyrejectedtheauthority of
the brahmanas and ritualismbut also rejected the Vedas. The
Chennabasavapurana speaksof an incidentin whichtheLingayats,in
orderto humiliatea Vedic scholarhad theVeda recitedby thedogs.18
Withinthe foldof Srivaishnavism, theTamilsectof theTengalaitoo
renouncedtheVeda.19Iflatera sectionoftheLingayatsclaimingto be
Shuddhaor 'pure' Virashaivasbegan to seek legitimationfromthe
Veda, it was becauselikeall otherprotestmovements as a
originating
reactionto brahmanicalorthopraxy and casteinequitiesthe Lingayat
movement too failedto establisha fraternalcommunity devoidofcaste
distinctionsand developed a parallel caste systemwith the Ayyas
(Acharyas)or Jangamapriestsat thetop.
Smith'sargumentthatthe caste systemis not exclusiveto Hindus
only in India and followersof otherreligionsin India such as the
Buddhists,Jains,Muslimsand Christianstoo have caste divisionsis

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 23

notquitevalid.For whereasin thenon-HinduIndiancommunities the

systemof castes is an aberration,a survivalamong convertsfrom
Hinduism,retainedand fostered by thecontinuation ofearlierpatterns
of social relationseven afterconversion,in Hinduismcaste is central.
Not onlydoes it have religioussanctionbut it has providedits reason
for existence.The religious pluralism evinced by Hinduism is a
consequenceof the brahmanicalintegrativeprocess which allowed
freedomof beliefand worshipbut insistedon conformity in praxis,
whichalone was crucialforthemaintenanceof social hierarchy. This
does notmeanthatdoctrinalissueshave beennon-existent. Thesehave
beendiscussedand debatedinvariousschoolsand sectsofHinduismand
even define its sampradayas, but it is impossible to establish a
criterion oforthodoxy applicableto all Hinduson thebasis ofdoctrinal
principles derivedfroma canonor scripture.
However, Brian K. Smithputs forwardan interesting reason for
makinghis definition of Hinduismcentreon thelegitimising reference
to the Veda. By doing so, he explains thatHinduism ceases to be
totallydifferent fromthe Westernreligionswhich are rooted in a
fixed canon like the Bible or Quran. Thus he wishes to avoid the
general orientalistapproach of viewing Asian religionsas 'wholly
other'and 'exotic'.In theprocess,he over-valorises Vedic metaphors
in later textsignoringthe changes in the structureof brahmanical
beliefs and practices.He provides Hinduism with a canon which,
unlike the Bible or the Quran, is not read or reinterpreted by the
believersbut is used only as a categoryforcreatingorthodoxy.He
admits that Hindus 'appear' to use only the 'outside' of the Veda,
obliviousto whatis 'inside'.20Such arbitrary semitisation of Hinduism
is an epistemological necessityforSmith'sdiscourse,but it does little
justiceto the textualevidenceand to the historicalprocess through
which Hinduismevolved in post-Vedictimes.One could verywell
argue thatthe attemptof BrianK. SmithconstitutesOrientalismin
the reverse;forseparatingthe religiousfromthe social is alien to
Hindu tradition.The very termdharma, generally translated as
has bothreligiousand socialdimensions
'religion', in indigenoususage.
Moreover,althoughit maynotbe historically correctto say thatthe
conceptof a Hindu religionevolved as a resultof confrontation with
Christianity,the religionof the colonial rulers in the nineteenth
century,21 we shall notbe wrongin assertingthatconfrontation with
Islam, anotherSemiticreligion,introduceda culturaland religious
dimensioninto the termHindu,whichoriginallyhad a geographical
meaning.It seems to have been used in a negativesense in early
medievalPersiansourcestodenoteindigenouspeoplesfollowing a non-
Islamic religion and was accepted by the people themselvesas
interaction withtheMuslimrulingclass led to a growingawarenessof
differences in religiousand culturalpractices.It has been pointedout22
thatthe Persio-Turkic culturedominatedthecourtof Indian Muslim

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24 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

rulerswho regardedita matterofprestigetoclaimIranianconnections.

In timesofpeace theinteraction betweentheTurksand theindigenous
populationwould lead to a culturalsynthesis and appropriation of the
behaviourpatternofthenew rulingclass,butin a situationofpolitical
antagonismand socio-economic tensionthefeelingofbeing'theother'
would be intensified generatingan awarenessof a separateidentity.
Destruction desecrationof brahmanicalshrinesby some Muslim
and
rulers,even ifdone moreforpoliticalexpediencythanfromreligious
conviction,would naturallycreatea feelingof unityamongall those
communities whichregardedtheseplacesas sacredand strengthen the
notion of a shared tradition.The idea of a Hindu religion in
contradistinction to Islam is foundin the bhaktipoetryof medieval
saintssuch as Kabirand Dadu and is illustrated clearlyin the'Hindu-
Turk Samvad',23a poem of the Maharashtrainsaint Eknath,who
lived in thesixteenth century. The poem showstheHindu castigating
theTurkon thegroundthatalthoughboth'Hindu'and 'Musalman'are
God's creation,theTurkhas to catcha Hinduand makehima Muslim.
The Turk,on theotherhand,ridiculestheHindu forhis adherenceto
casterules,imageworshipand beliefin theVedas and Puranas.Later
in thesame regionthepoetBhushanatoo speaksofthelong-standing
enmitybetweenthe Hindu and Muslimreligions(dina) and credits
Sivaji and Chatrasala Bundela with having preservedsvadharma
and Hinduani.24Such sentiments even if expressedby a courtpoet
suggestthedevelopment oftheconceptofHindudharma underexternal
stimulus.
Of course, the Hinduani and Hindu dharma of Bhushana's
conceptionwas a typicalcaste notionwhichreferred to theauthority
oftheVedas,thePuranasand theSmritisand laid stresson growinga
chotiand wearingthejaneyu(yajnopavita).Politicalrivalryand loss
of royal patronagemust have provided favourablegroundforthe
assertionof antagonistic culturaltraitsamongthedisaffected sections
of the nobilityand the priestlyclass. But therewas no attemptto
mergeeitherverticallyor horizontallythe fragmented identitiesof
indigenouscommunities byinvoking a communalorreligiousissue.Itis
rightly held that the ideology of communalism is a modern
phenomenon. In anycase,as manyoftheIndianMuslimswereconverts
fromthe lower castes,the Islamiccommunity too did not presenta
monolithicwhole. It has been argued25thatthe caste hierarchy was
beneficial for the ruling classes, as it allowed the land-holding
peasant to have cheap labour and craftservicesfromthe depressed
menialcastesin thepettymodeofproduction and thuscreatedgreater
surplustobe moppedup bytherulers, whether HinduorMuslim.Hence
there is no attack on the caste systemeven for the purposes of
proselytisationin medieval Muslim sources. On the other hand,
brahmanisedrulersof the earlymedievalperiodoftenclaimedto be
the protectorsof the varna systemand regulated its functioning

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 25

throughthe officeof the dharmadhikari held by a learned,kulina

in thisregardhad become
brahmana.The role of therulingauthority
so conventionalthateven theMuslimrulersand Britishofficersof the
East India Companyweresometimesappealed to to adjudicatein caste
disputes.26
The brahmanical paradigm of social integration was well
established.It operated throughthe varna ideology.The alien and
marginalpeopleswereincorporated intothenetworkofcasteswithout
doing any damage to theirinternalkin-structure, customs,belief-
systems,etc., and they attaineda status commensuratewith their
socio-economiccondition.Endogamy along with hyporgamyhad
characterisedthe varna differentiation fromits inceptionin the later
Vedic times.The principleemergednot fromracial exclusivenessor
certainirreducible notionsofpurity/pollution27butwiththewidening
of social distancebetweenthedominantand subservient communities.
This is clearlyindicatedby a study28of theprocesswhichled to the
crystallisationof priestlygroupsintoan endogamousbrahmanavarna
towardstheend of theRigvedicperiod.Endogamywas buttressedby
thegrowingstrength and provedto be a fitting
of patriarchy29 toolfor
hierarchicalexpansion.The agriculture-based communities of the age
of the Buddha appropriatingthe forestlands of the huntersand
foodgatherers denouncedthemas impureand pollutingand thisis for
the firsttimein historicalsourcesthatwe come across the notionof
pollutioninheringin certaincommunities. Graduallythisled to a shift
of emphasisin thevarnatheoryfrom'function'to 'purityof descent'
and explicationof the notionof varnasankara,30 whichwas again an
argumentin favourof endogamy.The brahmanicalparadigmof social
integration was flexibleenoughto allow theabsorptionof influential
chieftainlyor priestlylineages of tribaloriginsinto kshatriyaand
brahmana castes, but the majorityof the tribal groups being
economicallyand culturallybackwardinflatedtherankof the sudras
and in earlymedievaltimesthedisparitiesin certainregionswere so
steep that the concept of a panchama (fifth)varna or varnetaras
(outcastes)who were lower than the sudras was floated.We have
shown elsewhere31thatcasteideologyhas not remainedstatic.It has
undergoneimportant modificationsin different
epochsadaptingitself
to changedmaterialconditions.Buttheintegrative principleremained
hierarchicallegitimisingsocial inequality.It is noteworthythat the
Devala Smriti32which tries to meet the challenge of Islam and
prescribesexpiatoryrites for the reassimilationof those men and
womenwho were forcibly made to live withthemlecchasand partake
oftheforbidden food,does so withintheframework ofthevarnarules.
The situation changed in colonial times. It is held that the
introduction ofwesterneducationmadea powerfulimpacton theminds
of the Indian intelligentsia
who were exposed to the ideas of social
equality,democracyand humanism, and thismade themacutelyaware

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26 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

of the evils prevailingin theirown communities.The activitiesof

Christianmissionariesput the Hindus on the defensivebut the
orientalistdiscoveryof the civilisationand cultureof ancientIndia
gave a boost to their sagging ego and generatedthe revivalist-
reformistmovementsof the nineteenthcentury.These sought to
identifyan original unitaryversion of Hinduism consistingof
humanistic,universalprinciplesand denounced the caste system,
child-marriage, thecustomofsati,etc.Thus,whereasRamMohunRoy
referredto the authorityof the Upanisads, Dayananda Saraswati
gave a call to go back to the fourVedas. Bothrejectedidolatryand
Puranicrituals.
The main contribution of Ram Mohun Roy lies in encouraginga
rationalisticworld-view and the upliftof women. Althoughhe
opposed castedistinctions, he did notentrustanyonebut a brahmana
withthe dutyof recitingtheVedas and theUpanishadsin his Samaj.
The activitiesof the Brahmo Samaj were mainlyconfinedto the
educated middle class; it did not involve the masses. However,
Dayananda Saraswati, the founderof the Arya Samaj, was more
forthrightin this respectand he attemptedto unite the Hindus by
rejectingthe existingcaste systemand transforming the polytheistic
Hinduism into a monotheistic, 'pristine'Vedic religion,which was
organisedand proselytising. Thus he provideda new paradigmof
Hindu integrationboth internallyand externallyrelatingit to the
acceptanceofa beliefsystem.
It is generally held that the Arya Samaj was a thoroughly
indigenousmovement and itsdoctrines owed nothingto thewest.33In
this respectit representsan anti-thesisto the BrahmoSamaj which
had triedto combinewhatitconsideredbestin thewesternand eastern
ideologies. Nevertheless,Jordens34 is quite rightin his view thatin
formulating his unique doctrinethatthe fourVedas are revelations
containing theeternalwisdomofgod and theonlyauthenticsourceof
uncorruptedAryaDharma,Dayananda was decisivelyinfluencedby
thedogmaofProtestant missionaries and Muslimtheologians thatGod
has revealed himselfin a book. No doubt therehad been a long
traditionofregarding theVedas as eternalknowledgerevealedby god
in some Indianphilosophicalsystemssuch as Yoga and Nyaya35 but
Dayananda'sexclusiveemphasison thehymnsto theexclusionof the
restof the Vedic literaturewas a novel innovationand he wentfar
beyond the orthodoxtraditionalbeliefin assertingthat the Vedic
Samhitas were the epitome of all knowledge, physical and
metaphysical.
Dayananda'sconceptof whatconstitutes theVeda, his unorthodox
interpretationof theSamhitas,his theoryof creationand themythof
an egalitarian,universalgolden age in pre-Mahabharata times,all
these were significantideological tools for denouncingevil social
customsand idolatrousbeliefsand practicesas lateraccretions,and

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 27

these prepared the ground for a new national and communal

awakening. He could also reject the pluralisticinterpretations of
Hinduismand explicatetheexclusivetruthof theVeda bringingit in
accordwithreasonand availablescientific knowledge.He is criticised
for his 'narrow exclusivism',which made him condemn all other
religionsof the day, Jainism,Islam and Christianity; but it is to be
kept in mind that he was reactingto the 'selective Christianity
consciously adapted for colonial consumption'by the Christian
missionaries and the attack of Muslim maulavis in a hostile
competitiveatmosphere created by colonial rule. Following the
typologyof religionas schematisedby BruceLincoln36one mayargue
that a narrowlypuritanicalattitudeis typical of the 'religion of
resistance',whichdefinesitselfin oppositionto the 'religionof the
statusquo'. In thiscase, traditional
Hinduismrepresented the'religion
of the statusquo' whichwas promotedand upheld by the orthodox
Hindu elite,who manipulatedtheHindu authoritystructure and felt
sufficiently threatenedby the anti-ritualand anti-casteteachingsof
Dayananda to denounce him as the destroyerof the Vedas. His
translationof the Vedas into Hindi to make themaccessible to all
withoutany discrimination of caste was a revolutionarystep in the
ambience of the nineteenthcentury.It was a directattack on the
special privilegesof the traditionalelite,sapping the foundationsof
theirauthority. Dayananda'ssupportcame largelyfromthe 'marginal
intelligentsia',whichcould include some membersof the traditional
elite displaced by colonial rule,but largelyconsistedof a new elite
arisingout of themiddlestratumwhichhad benefitedto some extent
fromthe processesof modernisation and was becomingaware of the
needforsocialreform and self-respect.
Jordenshas shownthatthefoundingmembersof theAryaSamaj at
Bombay(1875) weremoderately educatedpersonsengagedin tradeor
clerical services and other professions.He also gives the caste
composition ofthesemembersand pointsout thattheleadingmembers
of theSamaj belongedmostlyto thetradingcasteswhichhad recently
acquired prosperitythroughthe developmentof cottontrade and
industry. Thenumberofbrahmanamemberstoowas notinconsiderable,
but theymostlybelonged to the lower strataof school teachersand
clerksand not to the high statusbrahmanaintelligentsia.Twenty-
eightper centof thebrahmanamemberswerestudents;and brahmana
membershipdeclinedover the years.Laterwhen Dayananda shifted
his sceneofactivityto Punjab,theretoo,themajority of his supporters
came fromthe khatricaste, which had benefitedin recentdecades
througheducation,professionaljobs and trade,but in the traditional
status hierarchyheld an intermediateposition rankingbelow the
brahmanasand the aristocracy. In westernU.P. themovementhad a
broader base as the modernisingprocess had affecteda more
diversifiedsectionof society;but the tradingclasses continuedto

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28 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

preponderate. Thus it was basicallya movementof theliterate,urban

classes,winninga largenumberofadherents amongthosecasteswhich
had a particularreason to be dissatisfiedwiththe traditionaltaboos
and hierarchical aspectsof thecastesystem.
Dayananda denied the validityofjati divisionsand onlyspoke of
the varnas, which in his view were secular categories,a rational
divisionoflabourintofourfunctional classesbased originally on merit
and qualificationsof the individual but later degeneratinginto
hereditary castes.He aimed at makinghis AryaDharmaa universal
religionbased not on birthbut on the acceptance of its general
principles.The ten fundamentalrules of the Arya Samaj, although
couchedin verybroad terms,nevertheless emphasisethe missionary
spiritof the movementin layingdown thatone should not remain
satisfiedwithone's own progressbut shouldmakean activeeffort to
destroyignoranceand upliftall. The movementfromthe beginning
aimed at proselytisation. Dayananda reinterpreted the suddhiritual
and madeitintoan instrument ofconversion toHinduismredefining its
essencefrombirthto belief.Thusin theorynow thewholeworldcould
be convertedto theAryaDharma.
Nevertheless, the actual cases of suddhi in the life-timeof
Dayanandawereofa fewapostateHinduswho soughtreadmissionto
theHindu faith.The suddhimovementgainedmomentum in theearly
twentieth centurywhencommunities and notjustindividualmembers
weretargetedforconversion to meetthethreatofChristian missionary
activitiesand increasethenumericalstrength of theHindus who had
beenregistering a declineintheCensusreports. SomeRajputgroupssuch
as theMalkhans,who had beenconverted to Islambutretaineda good
deal of theirancestralfaith,were persuadedto returnto the Hindu
fold,but itwas mainlytheoutcastesor low castegroupsamongwhom
thesuddhimovementmade a greaterimpact.
Thus,theconsciousness thatpoliticalbattlescan no longerbe fought
out among the elitesalone and numbersmean access to power and
economicopportunities broughtintofocuscasteswhichwereregarded
hithertoas outsidethe Hindu varnasystemor too lowlyto be taken
intoreckoning. Theirconversionto Islamor Sikhismdoes notseemto
have arousedmuchresentment or a senseofloss in theearliercenturies,
but thepoliticalsituationhad changednow. It is said thatin orderto
stop theirconversionto otherfaithsand forgecloserlinkswiththe
widerHindu community theAryaSamaji propagandistsadopted the
same methodsas thoseof Christianmissionaries and achieveda good
deal of success in Punjab and westernUttarPradesh where large
numbersoflow castecommunities suchas theRahtiasofJullundhar and
Lahoredistricts, Meghsof Sialkotregionand Odes of Multanand the
Chuhras of Khalapur (north-western UttarPradesh) the-Shilpakars
of Kumaonand to some extenttheJatavsof Agracityand Nonia's of
Senapurwere convertedto the AryaSamaj. KennethW. Joneswrites

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 29

thatthis changedthe social compositionof the Samaj in the Punjab.

'The educatedelite,theurbanvaishyaand brahmanicalcastesbecame
a minoritywithinthe movement,although they maintainedtheir
leadership,if notunchallenged,at least undiminished.'37
It is not withoutsignificancethatthesuddhimovementcontinued
until the time of partitionbut petered out after independence.
Moreover, it failed to evolve a specific 'Arya' social identity
restructuredon the principles of social equality and secure the
permanent adherenceoflow castesto AryaSanmaj, eventhoughin many
cases the initiativeforsuddhihad been takenby the leadersof these
castes.In an interestingstudy38of theAryaSamaj and thelow castes
Ursula Sharma explores the reasons why in spite of its anti-caste
ideology the Arya Samaj was not able to proselytiseand win
permanentattachment of the low castes.She arguesthatwhereasthe
urban initiatorsof the suddhi campaigns wanted to rejuvenatethe
Hindu societyand establisha truly'nationalHindu culture',theaims
of themembersof thelow casteswere morespecific.Theywished to
improvethe statusof theircaste througha processof Sanskritisation
generatedby theirassociationwith the Arya Samaj. This createda
paradox. The ritual symbols reinterpreted by the Arya Samaj for
abolishingstatushierarchywere understooddifferently by the low
caste audienceswho adopted themin thehope of obtaininga higher
status.Whenthisdid nothappentheymoved towardsa moresecular
and politicalaction involvingthemselveswith politicalpartiesand
formingbodies like the Scheduled Caste Federation for political
purposes.Further, the AryaSamaj did nothave a ruralbase. It could
provideonly moralsupportto the low castes in theireffortsto raise
theirstatusin the villages but could not be very effectiveonce its
missionaries withdrewfromthelocalityto theirurbanbase.
However,we maypointout thateven in urbanareas theAryaSamaj
has notbeen able to evolvea distinctsocialidentity;and staunchArya
Samajis oftenlamentits beingengulfedinto thevortexof Hinduism.
The real reason for the failure of the Arya Samaj to establish a
separate identitylies in the factthatit could not abolish the caste
identity ofitsmembers, whichfactreducedit to beinga merereformist
sectof Hinduism.Hinduismhas infinite capacityto tolerateany kind
of theologyas longas itscastestructure remainsunharmed.No doubt
the Arya Samaj helped in weakeningthe notionsof caste hierarchy,
commensaltaboos,etc.,but thegroundforsuch changesin thecaste
society was prepared by the processes of industrialisationwhich
delinkedthecasteand occupationand made rulesagainstinterdining
and intermixingdifficultto observe. There was no such inherent
contradiction withregardto theobservanceof therulesof endogamy
whichhad theforceofa longtradition and continuedsubordination of
women.However,in ruralareas whereindustrialisation has notmade
muchimpact,theearlierstructural relationsare bound to prevailand

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30 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

thesecould not have been abolishedmerelythroughthe ideological

propagandaof theAryaSamajis.The use of traditional symbolssuch
as the vedic homa, the sacred thread, etc., for divergent and
contradictory purposesby thelow castemenon theone hand and the
AryaSamaji missionarieson the otherhighlights an essentialaspect
of the problem: despite the professedobjectiveof establishinga
castelesssocietytheAryaSamajcouldnotmoveoutoftheendogamous
caste structureand its attitudetowards the low castes remained
paternalisticrather than egalitarian. Hence the programmeof
evolvinga fraternal brotherhoodof the Aryas was reduced to the
consolidationof a Hindu communalidentity, basicallyan uppercaste
agenda.
Nowadays,the votariesof Hindutvaare floatinganothermodel of
integration,that of 'Rama-Bhakti'which is supposed to be the
rallyingpointforHindu integration and simultaneously a litmustest
forone's loyaltyto thenation.Butthishas littleto do withhistoryor
the problemof social integration
of Hindu communities. It is frankly
acknowledgedby the leadershipof this movementthat this is to
ensurea properplace fortheHindusin thepublicrealm.And it is no
less significant
thatthe symbolchosenforthispurposeis one who is
famousforupholdingthe patriarchalnormsand the varna system,
goingto theextentofbeheadinga sudraforpractising austeritiesand
aspiringforheaven,as thisact of transgression of varna duties had
resultedin the prematuredeath of the son of a brahmanain his
kingdom.39

This paper was presentedat a Seminaron 'Hinduism:Religionor Civilization?'

organizedbyMax MuellerBhavan,New Delhi,2-3December1991.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Max Weber,TheReligions ofIndia,trans.by H.H. Gerthand Don Martindale,

FreePress,Glencoe,1958,p. 21.
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OxfordUniversity Press,New York,1966.
3. FritzStaal,in Agni:TheVedicRitualofFireAltar,Vol. II, Berkeley,1983,p. 2.
4. Henri Bergson,Two SourcesofMorality and Religion,Doubleday,New York,
1954,p. 102,quoted in Syed HusseinAlatas,'Problemsof DefiningReligion',
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XXIX,No. 2, 1977,p. 214.
5. Henrichvon Stietencorn, 'Hinduism:On theproperuse of a deceptiveterm',in
GuntherD. Sontheimerand HermannKulke (eds.), HinduismReconsidered,
Manohar,Delhi,1989,pp. 11-28.
6. Madeleine Biardeau, Hinduism,The Anthropology of a Civilization,
Oxford
University Press,Delhi,1989.
7. F.A. Marglin,'Power, Purityand Pollution:Aspects of the Caste System
Reconsidered', ContributionstoIndianSociology,
N.S. I, No. 2, 1977,pp. 245-70;
SuviraJaiswal,'Studiesin EarlyIndianSocial History:Trendsand Possibilities',
Indian HistoricalReview,Vol. VI, 1981,pp. 1-63,reprintedin R.S. Sharma

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 SEMITISING HINDUISM 31

(ed.), SurveyofResearch in Economic and SocialHistoryofIndia,Indian Council

ofSocialScienceResearch,Delhi,1986,pp. 41-108.Page numbersof thelatterare
mentioned inthefollowing references.
8. Bruce Lincoln,Priests,Warriors and Cattle:A Studyin theEcologyofReligions,
University of CaliforniaPress,Berkeley, 1981.
9. Louis Dumont,HomeHierarchicus, Delhi,1970.
10. Suvira Jaiswal,'Varna Ideologyand Social Change',Social Scientist, Vol. 19,
Nos. 34, March-April 1991,pp. 4148.
11. Ibid.
12. Brian K. Smith,Reflections on Resemblance, Ritual and Religion,Oxford
University Press,1989,p. 11,fn.22. Also see JosephM. Kitgawa,'TheMakingof
an Historianof Religions', Criterion,Vol. 7, 1968.
13. BrianK. Smith,op. cit.,pp. 13-14.
14. AccordingtoR.C.Zaehner,Hinduismis as mucha socialsystemas a religion. See
Hinduism,p. 8. Also see S. Radhakrishnan, TheHinduViewofLife,Macmillan,
New York,1973.
15. BrainK. Smith,op. cit.,p. 11. Italicsas in theoriginal.
16. The earlyPuranasoftencounterpoise Vedic and Tantricwithoutregardingthe
latter as a 'heresy' practisedby those who were outside the pale. It is
recommended thatwomenand sudrasmayworshipPuranicdeitiesthroughthe
Tantricmodeofworshipas theVedicmodeofworshipis open onlyto themale
membersof theupperthreevaranas.See SuviraJaiswal,Originand Development
of Vaishnavism, 2nd edn.,MunshiramManoharlal,Delhi,1981,p. 152 ff.What
is involved here is the notion of hierarchyof religiouslevels which is a
reflectionof the empiricalrealityof social hierarchyand not the otherway
rouncd
17. Religion,Politicsand Historyin India,Delhi, 1970,p. 16.
18. Cennabasavapurana,Ch. LVII, Journal of theBombayBranchof RoyalAsiatic
Society,1868,p. 193.
19. Louis Renou,TheDestinyoftheVedain India,MotilalBanarsidass,Delhi, 1965,
p. 2. Amongothersectsrejecting theauthority of theVedas Renoumentionsthe
Mahanubhava sect of Maharashtraand Sahajiyas of Bengal. Accordingto
Ramakrishna, 'the truthis not in the Vedas, one should act accordingto the
Tantras,notaccordingto theVedas, thelatterare impurefromtheveryfactof
beingpronounced, etc.'(quotedinibid.,p. 3).
20. BrianK. Smith,op. cit.,p. 217.
21. J.Laine, 'The Notionof "Scripture" in ModernIndianThought',Annalsof the
Bhandarkar OrientalResearchInstitute, 64, 1983,pp. 165-79.
22. MuzaffarAlam, 'Competitionand Co-existence:Indo-IslamicInteractionin
MedievalNorthIndia',Itinerario, Vol. XIII,No. 1, 1989,p. 55.
23. Quoted in N.K. Wagle,'Hindu-MuslimInteractions in Medieval Maharashtra',
in Sontheimer and Kulke(eds.),HinduismReconsidered, pp. 55-56.
24. See forexamplekavittanos. 420 and 421 in Bhusana Granthavali, edited by
VisvanathaPrasadaMisra,Varanasi,3rd edn.,samvat2026,p. 209.
25. Irfan Habib, Interpreting Indian History,North-EasternHill University
Publications, Shillong,n.d.,pp. 20-21;SuviraJaiswal,'Studiesin EarlyIndian
Social History', pp. 49, 56,71-72.
26. Ibid., p. 89; also see H. Fukuzava, 'State and Caste System (Jati)in the
Eighteenth CenturyMarathaKingdom',Hitotsubashi JournalofEconomics,Vol.
IX,No. 1,pp. 32-35.
27. SuviraJaiswal,PresidentialAddress,AncientIndia Section,Proceedings ofthe
IndianHistory Congress, 38thSession,Bhubaneswar, 1977.
28. See SuviraJaiswal,'Stratification in RigvedicSociety:Evidenceand Paradigms',
TheIndianHistorical Review,Vol. XVI,forthcoming issue.
29. SuviraJaiswal,'Studiesin EarlyIndianSocial History', pp. 42-44,73-89.

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
32 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

30. Ibid.,pp. 70-73.

31. SuviraJaiswal,'Vama Ideologyand SocialChange',pp. 4149.
32. Devalasmriti in Smrtinam Samuaccayah, AnandasramaSanskritSeries No. 48,
Poona,1929,pp.85-89.
33. J.Laine,op. cit.,p. 173.
34. J.T.F.Jordens, DayanandaSaraswati: His Lifeand Causes,OUP, Delhi,1981.
35. L. Renou,op. cit,pp. 31-32.
36. BruceLincoln,'Notestowardsa Theoryof Religionand Revolution', in Bruce
Lincoln(ed.), Religion, Rebellion,
Revolution,
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1976,p.214.
38. UrsulaSharma,'StatusStriving and Strivingto AbolishStatus:The AryaSamaj
and theLow Castes',SocialAction, Vol.26,July-September1976,pp. 214-35.
39. Thisrefersto thestoryofSambukanarratedin theRamayanaof Valmiki,Gita
Press edn.,UttaraKanda,sarga75 -76.

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