Harald Kleinschmid t

BEDE AND TH E JUTE S

A CRITIQUE O F HISTORIOGRAPHY *

When J o h n Nowel l Linto n Myre s republishe d hi s accoun t o f th e

'English Settlements ' i n 1986, 1 h e chos e t o prefi x thi s ne w volum e
added t o th e celebrate d Oxford History of England b y a ma p o f 'th e
continental backgroun d t o th e Englis h settlements' , i n which , unde r
the nam e 'Jutes' , on e finds a grou p occupyin g th e J u t i s h peninsul a
where i t i s widest . O f th e identit y o f these 'Jutes ' Myre s h a s littl e t o
tell, excep t t h a t the y wer e a par t o f th e 'Anglia n Kulturkreis of
J u t l a n d an d Fyn 2 an d a n elemen t 'i n th e Mischgruppe of people s
pressing south-westwar d int o Frisia' under th e dominatio n o f th e
'Angles'. 3 Myres' s referenc e t o th e 'Jutes ' contain s tw o remarkable ,
yet inexplici t elements : firstly, t h a t th e 'Jutes ' cam e fro m Jutland ,
secondly, t h a t the y migrate d t o th e Britis h Isle s throug h th e land s
of th e Frisians . Myres' s sourc e fo r th e first contentio n remain s
cloudy, 4 whil e fo r hi s secon d contentio n h e draw s o n Bede' s testi -
mony 5 t h a t 'Iutae ' ha d com e t o th e Britis h Isles , an d add s t o i t som e
pre-World-War I I archaeologica l findings. 6 Henc e whil e thes e find-
ings displa y som e evidenc e supportin g assumption s o n th e interrela -
tion o f th e materia l culture s foun d i n Kent , souther n Hampshire ,
the Isl e o f Wight , Eas t Angli a an d J u t l a n d durin g th e 5t h an d 6t h
centuries, th e onl y primar y writte n sourc e fo r th e identificatio n o f a
distinctive migratin g grou p a s th e agent s o f t h at interrelatio n i s an d
remains Bede. In turn , Myres' s identificatio n o f Bede's 'Iutae ' wit h a
specific migratin g gens rest s o n tw o assumptions , firstly, t h a t Bede' s
statement stand s firm agains t criticism , and , secondly , t h a t th e mi -
grants ca n b e identifie d a s th e sociall y and/o r politicall y unifor m
group t o whic h Bede applied th e wor d gens. I t wil l b e show n i n th e
following presentatio n t h a t bot h assumption s ar e no t onl y purel y
hypothetical, but , beyon d that , highl y improbable .
Let u s then , instea d o f rashl y acceptin g th e contentio n t h a t a
'Jutish' gens existed , as k tw o critica l questions : wha t di d Bede know

21

North-Western Language Evolution 24 (1994), 21-46. DOI 10.1075/nowele.24.03kl e

ISSN 0108-8416 / E-ISSN 2212-9715 © John Benjamins Publishin g Compan y
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

about th e 'Jutish' migration int o Kent , an d d o w e kno w enoug h

about those migrants from Jutland t o justify thei r being classified a s
a gens?

1. What did Bede know about the 'Jutish' migration into Kent?

Myres's assertio n tha t Bede wa s 'singularly well-informe d o n th e

early histor y o f Kent' 7 ma y readil y b e accepted , fo r Bede stands
alone as a n 8th-centur y sourc e on Kentish immigration. Yet, had h e
been really well-informed, wha t h e made o f his knowledge is almos t
unforgiveably poor . Firstly , h e di d no t cal l th e immigrant s 'Jutes' ,
but 'Iutae' , a nam e whic h ha s lon g bee n know n t o hav e stimulate d
conflict rather tha n to have added to the understanding o f Migration
Age events. 8
Secondly, Bede did not sa y that 'Iutae ' came from Jutland , bu t h e
did n o mor e tha n vaguel y allud e t o th e continenta l home s o f thos e
migrants a s locate d nort h o f th e 'Angulus ' wher e th e Angle s wer e
held t o have come from. I n Bede's History, suc h vagueness o f the in-
dication of the area from whic h the 'Iutae ' are said to have migrated ,
sharply contrast s th e precisio n wit h whic h Bede refers t o the conti -
nental homes of the Saxons and the Angles. Hence, if Bede was truly
well-informed abou t th e 'Iutae' , wh y di d h e offe r n o mor e tha n im -
precise allusions to their continenta l homes ?
Thirdly, Bede' s contentio n tha t ther e wer e n o mor e tha n thre e
continental Germani c gentes settling in Britain is puzzling in view of
increasing unequivoca l evidenc e tha t th e migrant s forme d man y
more tribal groups. Therefore, if Bede was truly well-informed abou t
Migration-Age events , wh y di d h e suppres s evidenc e indicatin g th e
tribal heterogeneit y o f migrating groups? The answer provided mos t
frequently t o thi s questio n i s tha t Bede' s contentio n wa s derive d
from th e retrospectiv e superimposition of 8th-centur y administra -
tive framework s ont o a distan t past. 9 Tha t ma y indee d hav e bee n
the case ; yet i f Bede could procee d i n thi s way , th e obviou s conclu -
sion i s tha t th e plethor a o f segmente d migratin g group s ha d bee n
amalgamated int o large r entitie s i n th e cours e o f the tw o centurie s
separating th e migratio n proces s prope r an d Bede' s historiographi -

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 BEDE AND THE JUTES

cal effort. Shoul d thi s observatio n b e true, th e necessar y conclusio n

is tha t th e existenc e o f the 'Iutae ' i n n o earlie r sourc e tha n Bede' s
work give s ris e t o suspicion . Fo r i f Bede wa s uncertain abou t th e
continental home s of this gens, an d if he had littl e to tell his reader s
about them , w e may surmis e tha t informatio n abou t th e 'Iutae ' di d
not ran k prominentl y withi n th e corpu s o f knowledge tha t wa s pro -
vided t o Bede by hi s Kentis h informants. 10 Th e conclusion , then , i s
that Bede may hav e bee n force d t o extrapolat e knowledg e o f th e
distant pas t fro m wha t h e kne w o f hi s ow n tim e becaus e o f th e
dearth o f genuinely old traditions.
Fourthly, th e king s o f Ken t wer e referre d t o b y Bede and othe r
authorities a s th e ruler s o f that are a o r o f inhabitants wit h a nam e
derived fro m tha t o f th e area , bu t no t a s ruler s o f th e 'Iutae'. 11 I n
this respect , th e Kentis h king s differe d fro m othe r 7th - an d 8th -
century king s i n th e Britis h Isles , who m Bede assigned t o th e
Saxons o r the Angles . Among the latte r grou p o f kings, hardly any -
one derived hi s titl e fro m Britis h name s o f occupied territories , but ,
by contrast , fro m th e triba l name s o f th e populatio n group s ove r
which they were entitled to rule. 12
Finally, Bede has Pop e Gregor y I addres s Kin g Aethelberh t o f
Kent a s 're x Anglorum', 13 thereb y contradictin g Bede' s ow n style .
Even i f on e admit s th e possibilit y tha t th e papa l lette r reflect s a
generic expression , base d o n Roma n ignoranc e o f th e nicetie s o f
insular diplomati c convention s (i f suc h existe d a t all) , th e fac t re -
mains tha t i n Gregory' s time , th e Kentis h king s wer e no t know n
either by that titl e o r even a s king s of the 'Iutae ' outside th e Britis h
Isles.14
It i s certainl y easy , bu t hardl y fai r t o blame Bede for no t alway s
providing th e informatio n w e woul d lik e t o have . Ye t i n th e cas e of
the 'Iutae' , th e difficult y seem s t o b e particularl y grav e i n tha t
Bede's implici t suggestio n tha t th e 'Iutae ' wer e on e homogenou s
tribal grou p seems to find hardly an y suppor t fro m othe r sources . To
begin wit h place-names , th e difficult y i s no t onl y tha t ther e ar e n o
distinctly 'Jutish ' place-name s recorde d withi n th e confine s o f th e
early medieva l Kentis h kingdom , bu t that , wher e 'Iutae'-relate d
place-names appea r (i n Sussex , Berkshire , an d souther n Hamp -
shire), the y poin t toward s th e Rhenis h Eut s rathe r tha n t o th e

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 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

northern 'Jutes'. 15 In othe r words , while ther e seem s t o have been a

group know n t o earl y medieva l writer s a s th e Euts , this grou p can -
not b e relate d t o Jutland . Moreover , whil e Kentis h place-name s
show severa l correspondence s wit h place-name s i n th e Rhin e river
valley, the Frisia n Nort h Se a coas t an d som e areas i n Saxony , not a
single place-name parallel has been found linkin g together Kent an d
Jutland. Therefore , i f w e wer e t o believ e tha t th e 'Iutae ' wer e a
homogeneous triba l grou p comin g fro m Jutland , w e ar e face d wit h
the difficulty tha t w e are unable to explain why this group took with
it th e us e o f place-names commo n i n a variet y o f areas , bu t no t i n
their allege d homes . Th e explanatio n offere d mos t frequentl y fo r
this phenomeno n i s tha t th e 'Iutae ' ha d lef t thei r allege d home s i n
the Jutis h peninsul a alread y som e tim e befor e embarkin g fo r Brit -
ain fro m th e Frankish-Frisia n coast . Bu t thi s explanatio n raise s
more problems than it solves.
First o f all, archaeologica l evidenc e doe s no t allo w u s t o surmis e
that th e Jutis h peninsul a suffere d fro m a massiv e exodu s o f it s
population group s in late Roman times. 16 On the contrary, th e avail -
able evidence points towards continuity of settlement (wit h the poss-
ible exceptio n o f the 'Angulus ' for whic h Bede claims desertedness) ,
even i f o n a reduce d scale . Hence , if the 'Iutae ' wer e a homogenou s
tribal group , where di d they migrat e from ? Secondly , if during thei r
alleged wanderings , th e 'Iutae ' mixe d wit h othe r group s - which ,
indeed, occurre d frequentl y throughou t th e entir e Migratio n Age 17 -
and becam e par t o f a ne w grou p befor e movin g o n t o Britan , ho w
could Bede know them, an d how could he be sure tha t al l the inhab -
itants o f Kent , souther n Hampshir e an d th e Isl e o f Wigh t wer e
'Iutae' exclusivel y an d cam e fro m n o othe r are a tha n Jutland ?
Thirdly, the most destructive proble m abou t the 'Iutae ' is the appar -
ently complet e absenc e o f an y distinctivel y 'Jutish ' tradition s a s
collections o f intentiona l data. 18 Thi s poin t seem s t o requir e som e
elaboration, fo r it s significanc e doe s no t see m t o hav e bee n dul y
recognized as yet.
19th-century historical , archaeologica l an d philologica l scholar -
ship accepte d an d elaborate d th e Herderia n vie w tha t ora l tradi -
tions a s wel l a s th e relic s o f material culture s coul d b e used fo r th e
purpose o f reconstructing th e pre-literar y histor y o f triba l commu -

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 BEDE AND THE JUTES

nities. The y perceive d suc h cultura l phenomen a a s th e product s o f

the collectiv e creativ e effort s o f suc h communitie s whic h wer e re -
garded a s th e equivalen t o f individua l author s o f writte n texts .
Hence 19th - and even early 20th-century philologists , archaeologist s
and historian s too k grea t pain s t o associat e ora l tradition s wit h th e
known triba l group s o f th e Migratio n Ag e an d th e earl y Middl e
Ages, and regarded suc h oral traditions as emanations o f a collective
'folk spirit' . Thi s assumptio n reste d o n th e belie f tha t suc h ora l
traditions wer e legend s o r 'fol k songs ' i n th e sens e tha t the y wer e
communicated i n give n homogeneou s group s o f some size , an d tha t
these group s wer e represente d b y the triba l name s recorde d b y lat e
Roman an d earl y medieva l authors . Fo r instance , 19th - an d earl y
20th-century historian s believe d that , whateve r wa s transmitte d a s
'Gothic' tradition s wa s identica l wit h 'Gothic ' heroi c legend s o n th e
Migration-Age Goths, 19 and coul d no t be use d i n anythin g els e tha n
the mythologica l materia l o f epic poetry . Or , vice versa , the y main -
tained tha t th e so-calle d 'Germani c mythology ' represente d th e ear -
liest stratu m o f 'fol k tradition ' stil l survivin g i n rura l area s i n th e
19th century. 20
However, neithe r thes e contention s no r th e underlyin g assump -
tions hav e bee n tenable. 21 Philologist s hav e discovere d th e inher -
ently artistic character o f early medieval poetic records, at odds with
the simpl e forms o f 'folk song'. 22 At the sam e time, historians revise d
Romanticist view s of the Migratio n Age , and tha t revisio n rendere d
doubtful previou s conviction s tha t large-scal e migration s o f com -
plete ethni c o r tribal group s (conventionall y referre d t o a s 'peoples' )
had occurre d regularl y an d ubiquitously. 23 Consequently , historian s
and philologist s hav e been forced t o accept that th e ora l traditions -
of whatever origi n - shoul d b e associate d wit h a greate r variet y o f
social groups than had previously been allowed, while archaeologist s
have pointe d ou t th e grea t variet y o f local style s before 700 A. D.,
suggestive o f reduce d effort s toward s regula r long-distanc e com -
munication amon g residential groups. 24
With suc h observation s take n seriously , i t ha s becom e necessar y
to accep t intentiona l dat a (a s evidenc e fo r perceive d realities ) a s
facts i n their ow n right an d t o relate the m t o the relativ e presen t of
their recording , irrespectiv e o f thei r materia l contents . I n othe r

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 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

words, if, i n th e earl y 8t h century , Bede recounted intentiona l dat a

on the Migratio n Age , the prima facie evidentia l valu e o f such dat a
refers t o the early 8th centur y and not to the Migration Age. It is on
this backgroun d tha t th e questio n o f the allege d 'Jutish ' tradition s
becomes virulent . Fo r w e mus t n o longe r tak e i t fo r grante d tha t
what Bede records a s informatio n provide d b y hi s Kentis h inform -
ants represented actua l 'fol k traditions' in the sense of Romanticism.
However, i f Bede' s informatio n o n Ken t wa s n o reflectio n o f 'fol k
traditions', what was it?
Bede chose t o cas t suc h tradition s int o th e gende r o f genealogies,
and, sinc e we have ampl e 8th-century evidenc e fo r genealogie s fro m
the Britis h Isles , we have n o reason t o surmis e tha t Bede was inno-
vative i n thi s respect . W e ma y therefor e assum e tha t wha t wa s
recorded b y Bede followed a forma l a s wel l a s materia l convention ,
and that , thence , the genealogie s o f Kentish king s recorde d b y Bede
were intentiona l dat a fro m Kent . Nevertheless , th e questio n stil l
remains wha t th e politica l perspectiv e wa s fro m whic h thes e gen -
ealogies emerged , i . ., whether the y containe d genuin e tradition s
from th e Migratio n Ag e (a s Bede insinuates) o r whethe r the y wer e
rather compose d retrospectivel y a t a later poin t o f time. Only unde r
the conditio n tha t th e Kentis h genealogica l tradition s ca n be show n
to represen t genuin e Migratio n Ag e tradition s ar e w e justifie d i n
associating them with the 'Iutae' .
It is well-known that Bede divides the Kentis h genealogica l tradi -
tions int o tw o sections , containe d i n tw o distinc t chapter s o f th e
Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum. I n the first instanc e (I/15), he
lists th e ancestor s o f Hengest , reporte d t o hav e bee n th e leade r o f
some migratin g group s (althoug h Bede does no t sa y tha t Henges t
fought i n Kent) ; in thi s chapter , Hengest' s ancestor s ar e reporte d t o
have bee n Uictgislu s (= Wihtgisl) , Uitt a (= Witta) , Uect a (= Wehha /
Wehta), Uode n (= Woden) . I n th e secon d instance , Bede names th e
ancestors o f Kin g Aethelberh t (II/5 ) a s Irminricu s (= Eormenric) ,
Octa, 'Oeric cognomento Oisc' and Hengest . Bot h entrie s exhibi t th e
same genealogica l patter n o f arrangin g th e paterna l ancestr y as -
cendingly. Henc e w e may conclude tha t Bede' s sourc e wa s a geneal -
ogy beginning wit h Aethelberh t an d endin g wit h Woden . However ,
Bede chose to make thi s genealogy focus o n the figure o f Hengest a s

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 BEDE AND THE JUTES

its pivota l point . I t ha s lon g bee n observe d that , i n doin g so , Bede

raised Hengesťs prominence considerabl y i n th e Kentis h stirps
regia, while suc h prominence is no t confirme d b y the triba l nam e o f
the stirps whic h Bede linked wit h Oisc, Hengesťs son.25 Conse -
quently, i f th e Kentis h king s regarde d themselve s a s Oiscingas ,
Hengesťs significance constitute s a problem , fo r i t appear s t o con -
tain evidenc e tha t th e triba l nam e Oiscinga s ha d alread y bee n i n
use a t th e tim e Henges t ros e t o prominence i n Kentis h genealogica l
tradition.
Moreover, th e nam e Oisc deserves a close r look . I t ha s lon g bee n
observed tha t Oisc consists o f th e monothemati c elemen t O E Ös-,
Goth./OHG Ans-, a rare persona l nam e elemen t i n th e Britis h Isle s
before th e Viking-Ag e migrations. 26 B y contrast , i t wa s a commo n
name elemen t applie d t o members o f the Ostrogothi c stirps regia, of
whom Jordanes says tha t the y wer e revere d a s 'Ansi s i d es t semi -
deis'.27 Thu s th e allege d so n o f Henges t bor e a nam e well-know n
from Gothi c traditions . Also , anothe r nam e i n Aethelberhťs ances-
try exhibit s feature s o f Gothi c tradition , Eormenric, a name , nor -
mally take n t o be the exac t paralle l t o that o f the Ostrogothi c hero ,
mentioned a s an outstandin g figure b y the Widsith poet. 28
There i s goo d reason t o take seriousl y th e Gothi c element s i n th e
Kentish genealogy , fo r th e nam e Oisc is no t onl y recorde d b y Bede
as a cognomen t o Oeri c (which i n itsel f i s a frequen t Gothi c nam e
element), bu t i t als o correspond s exactl y t o th e nam e 'Anschis ' re -
corded by the Ravenna cosmographer , wh o was well acquainted wit h
Goths.29 The testimon y o f th e Ravenn a cosmographe r ha s hithert o
been discarde d solel y o n th e ground s tha t i t seeme d unimaginabl e
that a n autho r writin g sout h o f th e Alp s coul d hav e know n
Hengesťs alleged son , held t o have been a 'Jute' , onl y because Bede
insinuates suc h a belief. However , sinc e Gothic personal name s an d
traces o f Ostrogothic law are well evidenced in northern Ital y as lat e
as in the 11t h century, 30 there is no cogent argument agains t accept -
ing the apparentl y independentl y confirme d nam e evidenc e tha t th e
Kentish stirps regia continued tradition s o f Gothi c provenance. 31
While we cannot b e certai n tha t th e Kentis h king s wer e themselve s
of Gothic stoc k (for suc h a n assumptio n woul d tak e u s back t o 19th -
century Romanticis t point s o f view) , th e genealogica l evidenc e i s

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 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

sufficient t o sho w t h a t th e Gothi c tradition s (a s intentiona l data ) ar e

incompatible wit h Bede' s assertio n t h a t th e populatio n o f Ken t wa s
composed o f tribal 'Iutae ' only . Moreover, w e may assum e that , i f th e
Kentish stirps regia carried wit h i t tradition s o f Gothic origin , a tra -
dition nucleu s o f distinctivel y 'Jutish ' origi n i s unlikel y t o hav e eve r
existed.
The secon d grou p o f name s arrange d b y Bede as th e grou p o f
Hengest's ancestors , present s mor e problems . Fo r th e lis t i s a t vari -
ance wit h mos t othe r genealogie s recorde d i n th e 8t h century . Th e
most conspicuou s differenc e i s t h a t i t contain s n o mor e t h a n thre e
names betwee n Henges t an d Wodan , whil e mos t othe r genealogie s
from kingdom s i n th e Britis h Isle s provid e mor e name s separatin g
the migrants ' allege d leader s fro m Woda n a s th e believe d divin e
progenitor. Presen t scholarshi p regard s lengt h o f pedigree s a s a
criterion fo r th e legitimac y o f rulership i n predominantl y ora l socie -
ties, 32 acceptin g dept h o f historica l tradition s a s a n indicato r o f th e
rank an d estee m o f rulers . B y thes e standards , th e Kentis h king s
had littl e t o b e prou d of , i n comparison , fo r instance , wit h th e Eas t
Anglian stirps regia of th e 'Wuffingas ' o r th e Mercia n dynasty , fo r
still i n th e 8t h centur y thes e latte r stirpes coul d trac e thei r ancestr y
back t o th e continenta l past .
Another featur e markin g of f Bede' s genealog y o f th e Kentis h
kings fro m othe r 8th-centur y genealogica l record s i s th e sequenc e o f
alliterative names , jamme d int o th e uppe r par t o f th e pedigre e a s
the ancestr y o f Hengest . Kennet h Sisam has convincingl y argue d
t h a t suc h regularit y suggest s retrospectiv e compositio n rathe r t h a n
genuinely ol d traditions, 33 for i t i s hardl y a credibl e assumptio n t h a t
the name-givin g practice s o f four generation s woul d sui t th e require -
ments o f alliteratio n s o perfectly . Henc e w e m u s t suspec t t h a t th e
genealogy o f Henges t coul d hav e bee n compile d retrospectivel y a t
any on e poin t o f tim e befor e i t cam e t o b e include d int o Bede' s
History. I f th e pedigre e o f Hengest' s ancestr y wa s compile d retro -
spectively, w e hav e anothe r stron g piec e o f evidence fo r th e absenc e
of genuin e 'Jutish ' tradition s i n Kent . I n an y case , w e m u s t find ou t
when thi s pedigre e originated , i f w e hav e t o accep t t h a t i t belonge d
to the intentiona l dat a conveye d t o Bede by hi s Kentis h informants .

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 BEDE AND THE JUTES

Bede himself state s t h a t descen t fro m Woda n wa s regarde d a s

something equivalen t t o a norm 34 t o b e observe d b y ruler s claimin g
legitimacy. Althoug h i t i s no t tru e t h a t Woda n (o r Geat ) alway s
figures a s th e divin e progenito r o f king s (for h e compete s wit h
Seaxnet), 35 divin e origi n a s suc h seem s t o hav e bee n a conditio n fo r
the acceptanc e o f ruler s a s legitimat e kings . Hence , i f Hengest' s
genealogy wa s compile d retrospectively , th e reaso n wa s t o establis h
the divin e origi n o f th e Kentis h king s fo r th e purpos e o f layin g th e
foundation o f thei r legitimacy . Moreover , i f th e genealog y wa s com -
piled retrospectively , i t woul d follo w t h a t th e ruler s i n Ken t ha d
been withou t divin e origi n a t th e tim e the y migrate d int o Kent .
The searc h fo r th e rule r wh o migh t hav e ha d reaso n t o reques t
genealogical compilation s fo r th e purpos e o f ascertainin g hi s ow n
legitimacy i s no t difficult . Firstly , th e onl y nam e o f a kin g alliterat -
ing wit h W- afte r Henges t wa s Wihtre d (wh o rule d 690/92-725),
and, secondly , Wihtre d i s describe d b y Bede as th e rule r wh o
reestablished th e unit y o f th e Kentis h kingdom. 36 Ther e i s indee d
positive genealogica l an d othe r evidenc e t o suppor t thi s suppositio n
t h a t th e Kentis h king s wer e provide d wit h a divin e ancestr y onl y
under Wihtred . Th e onl y nam e occurrin g bot h i n Bede' s Kentis h
genealogy an d i n genealogie s recorde d elsewher e i s t h a t o f Uecta /
Wehha, wh o appear s i n th e Eas t Anglia n genealog y presumabl y
recorded lat e i n th e 8t h century. 37 Henc e th e nam e Uecta/Wehh a be -
trays a n interrelatio n betwee n th e stirpes regiae o f Ken t an d E a s t
Anglia. Suc h a n interrelatio n i s wel l confirme d b y othe r sources , ye t
not prio r t o th e 7t h centur y whe n bot h stirpes intermarried ; t h a t
means t h a t th e perio d o f Kentish-Eas t Anglia n interrelation s i s
later t h a n th e tim e whe n name s pertainin g t o Gothi c tradition s
prevailed i n th e Kentis h stirps regia.
The informatio n provide d b y Bede on th e Eas t Anglia n stirps
regia is mor e generou s t h a n th e scrap s o f new s h e ha s t o offe r o n
Kent. Fro m Bede we ca n glea n th e informatio n t h a t th e Eas t Ang -
lian king s excelle d a s earl y supporter s o f th e Catholi c church , an d
t h a t man y saint s emerge d fro m th e descendant s o f Kin g Anna , on e
of whos e daughters , Sexburh , wa s marrie d t o Earconberht , so n o f
Eadbald an d grandso n o f Aethelberht o f Kent. 38 Among Bede' s refer -
ences t o th e Eas t Anglia n stirps regia, one remar k shed s ligh t o n th e

29
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

interrelation betwee n Eas t Angli a an d Kent . Bede gives th e nam e

'Wuffingas' a s th e triba l nam e o f th e Eas t Anglia n stirps regia, b u t
'Wuffingas' i s nothin g bu t a variatio n o f th e Wylfing s recorde d b y
the Widsit h poet 39 an d wel l atteste d i n continenta l sources , i n Scan -
dinavia a s wel l a s amon g th e Liudolfing s o f Saxony. 40 Therefore ,
Bede's 'Wuffingas ' ca n b e regarde d a s th e bearer s o f a traditio n
derived fro m th e Migratio n Age . Th e proble m i s no w that , i n hi s
genealogy o f th e Kentis h kings , Bede lists th e Wylfingis h nam e
Wehha amon g Hengesťs ancestors, whil e a t th e sam e tim e givin g
'Oiscingas' a s th e triba l nam e o f the Kentis h stirps regia, instead o f
calling the m Wylfings , a s woul d hav e bee n appropriat e b y conven -
tional genealogica l standards . Th e onl y explanatio n o f thi s discrep -
ancy i s t o accep t that , a t th e tim e o f th e introductio n o f th e
Wylfingish nam e Wehh a int o th e Kentis h roya l genealogy , th e triba l
name o f th e Kentis h stirps regia had alread y bee n establishe d a s
t h a t o f Oiscingas , th e descendant s o f Oisc. Consequently, th e uppe r
part o f Bede' s genealog y o f th e Kentis h king s i s younge r t h a n th e
lower part , resultin g fro m th e secondar y translocatio n o f E a s t
Anglian Wylfingis h tradition s ont o th e Kentis h stirps regia after th e
marriage o f Earconberh t wit h Sexburh . I n othe r words , Hengesťs
Wylfingish ancestr y di d no t exis t a t th e tim e th e Kentis h king s
declared themselve s t o b e th e descendant s o f Oisc. The conclusio n i s
t h a t Oisc had bee n devoi d o f divin e ancestr y prio r t o th e 7t h cen -
tury. 41
That th e marriag e o f Earconberh t an d Sexbur h too k plac e i n a n
atmosphere o f crisi s ma y als o b e inferre d fro m th e fac t that , unde r
Aethelberht's so n Eadbald , a paga n reactio n occurre d agains t th e
Catholic missio n whic h seeme d t o b e obstructe d i n Kent , wherea s i t
was makin g progres s i n Eas t Angli a a t th e sam e time. 42 Hence , onl y
on th e evidenc e restin g o n th e nam e Wehh a migh t on e be induce d t o
assume t h a t th e Wylfingis h tradition s wer e translocate d ont o th e
Kentish stirps regia on th e occasio n o f Earconberht' s marriag e wit h
Sexburh. Bu t th e othe r name s o f Hengesťs alleged ancestr y rende r
this assumptio n highl y improbable . Fo r nex t t o Wehh a w e find th e
name Wihtgisl , whic h bot h alliterate s wit h Wehh a an d Woda n an d
is a dithemati c nam e th e initia l elemen t o f whic h i s identica l wit h
t h a t o f Wihtred. Witta, th e thir d nam e o n th e list , ca n b e explaine d

30
 BEDE AND THE JUTES

in a simila r way , fo r i t ca n b e rea d a s representin g th e initia l ele -

ment o f Wihtred's name . Th e mor e importan t point , however , i s t h a t
the nam e Witt a occur s i n th e Kentis h genealog y i n th e plac e wher e
Wuffa appeare d i n th e Eas t Anglia n genealogy . I n othe r words , th e
latter nam e wa s no t translocate d ont o th e Kentis h stirps regia, b u t
was replace d b y t h a t o f Witta. Th e reaso n i s self-evident : th e nam e
Wuffa coul d no t b e introduce d int o Kent , becaus e i t woul d hav e
implied t h a t th e Kentis h stirps regia identified themselve s a s
'Wuffingas', wherea s thei r nam e ha d alread y bee n establishe d a s
t h a t o f Oiscingas . Th e final questio n (t o b e answere d i n th e en d o f
this presentation) , then , i s whe n an d wh y th e nam e Witt a wa s
chosen t o replac e th e Wylfingis h nam e Wuffa .
Why woul d Wihtre d b e i n nee d o f a divin e ancestr y fo r Oisc?
Wihtred ha d eve n mor e reaso n t h a n hi s grandfathe r Earconberh t t o
search fo r legitimacy . For , befor e Wihtred' s ris e t o sol e rule , king -
ship i n Ken t ha d gon e throug h severa l year s o f apparen t upheaval .
Between 68 6 and , perhaps , 692 , a variet y o f othe r ruler s ha d ha d
influence i n Kent , eve n Wihtre d himsel f had , apparentl y i n 690 ,
begun t o rule jointly wit h anothe r king , Swaefhard . A s I have show n
elsewhere, 43 w e hav e sufficien t evidenc e t o assum e t h a t a t leas t
some o f thes e king s wer e supporte d b y part s o f th e Kentis h lande d
aristocracy, s o t h a t th e Oiscinga s wer e the n i n th e difficul t positio n
to have t o defen d thei r title s t o rul e agains t interna l rival s a s wel l a s
against pretender s fro m othe r kingdoms . Nex t t o Swaefhard , a cer -
tain Oswin e seem s t o hav e bee n acknowledge d a s a king , possibl y
jointly wit h Swaefhard . Moreover , Caedwalla , Kin g o f th e Wes t
Saxons, an d hi s brothe r Mul seem t o hav e hel d legitimat e title s i n
Kent durin g thes e years , a s Kin g Aethelre d o f Merci a ma y hav e
done. 44 Surprisingly , Bede denounced thes e ruler s collectivel y a s
'reges dubii ve l externi', 45 implying t h a t the y wer e usurper s an d t h a t
only Wihtre d wa s th e legitimat e king . Thi s judgmen t appear s t o b e
unduly hars h i n a t leas t tw o respects : firstly, becaus e Bede himself
acknowledged Swaefhar d a s rulin g jointl y wit h Wihtred , whic h
means t h a t th e latte r m u s t hav e accepte d th e forme r a s legitimat e
during th e perio d o f thei r join t rule ; secondly , becaus e w e hav e
charter evidenc e t h a t Oswin e a s wel l as , perhaps , Caedwall a an d
Mul, were accepte d a s king s i n Kent. 46 The existenc e o f a t leas t on e

31
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

genuine charte r i n Oswine's nam e seem s indisputable , because , un -

less som e previou s charte r materia l existed , n o intelligen t forge r
would fathe r a charte r upo n a kin g (suc h a s Oswine ) whos e nam e
was no t include d i n th e regna l list s o f th e kingdo m an d faile d t o
leave an y trace s i n othe r records . Consequently , i f Bede suspected
Oswine an d th e othe r contemporar y king s excep t Wihtred o f dubiou s
legitimacy, suc h a suspicio n woul d appea r t o reflec t th e perspectiv e
of Wihtred a s th e eventua l winne r o f the contes t fo r powe r i n Kent .
And th e fac t t h a t Bede uncriticially accepte d Wihtred' s perspectiv e
of Kentis h histor y show s tha t h e ha d n o othe r independen t evidenc e
allowing hi m a critica l stand . Therefore , w e ma y conclud e t h a t
Bede's informant s o n Kentis h affair s provide d hi m wit h a Wiht -
redian perspectiv e o n whic h Bede had t o rel y fo r wan t o f bette r
evidence. An d i t i s int o th e contex t o f thi s perspectiv e t h a t th e
genealogy o f Hengesťs ancestry ha s t o b e placed . Bede had n o othe r
choice t h a n t o accep t thi s perspective , although , a s ha s bee n shown ,
he di d no t bothe r t o concea l hi s scepticism. 47
In conclusion , Hengesťs divine ancestr y doe s no t suppor t th e as -
sumption t h a t th e Kentis h stirps regia fulfilled th e standard s o f le -
gitimacy whic h - accordin g t o Bede - wer e curren t durin g hi s ow n
lifetime. Quit e th e revers e seem s t o hav e bee n th e case : because th e
Kentish stirps regia did no t mee t thes e traditiona l standards , a gen -
ealogy ha d t o b e compile d b y mean s o f importin g divin e ancestor s
from anothe r stirps regia. Suc h difficulties coul d no t possibl y hav e
occurred, ha d th e Kentis h stirps regia had a t it s disposa l genuin e
traditions o f descen t fro m a recognizabl e continenta l triba l group .
Instead w e mus t assum e t h a t th e Kentis h stirps regia wa s not ho -
mogeneous i n origin , it s Gothi c traditio n bein g onl y on e amon g sev -
eral.
The latte r assumptio n i s supporte d b y evidenc e o f internal rival-
ries amon g th e Oiscingas , agai n i n Wihtred' s time . Onc e more , Bede
is a n involuntar y witnes s t o thi s struggle . Fo r th e Wihtredia n per -
spective serve d no t onl y t o downgrad e Wihtred' s unsuccessfu l prede -
cessors, but , beyon d that , t o suppres s an d exclud e fro m successio n
the cognat e branche s o f th e stirps regia. It i s surprisin g t h a t Bede,
who ha d a paramoun t interes t i n miracles , saint s an d th e affair s o f
monasteries, shoul d hav e overlooke d thre e generation s o f otherwis e

32
 BEDE AND THE JUTES

well-known churc h wome n i n th e monaster y o f Minster-in-Thanet .

Among them, th e mos t prominen t wer e Aebba, mentione d i n a 7th -
century origina l charte r a s th e recipien t o f a donatio n fro m Kin g
Hlothhere, he r daughte r Mildreth , venerate d a s a saint , an d Mild -
reth's daughte r Eangyth , wh o corresponded wit h St Boniface. 48 Even
if one admits that th e cult of St Mildreth wa s not recorded until th e
10th century , ther e i s no doubt abou t th e contemporar y prominenc e
of these churc h wome n an d thei r membershi p i n th e stirps regia of
the Oiscingas. 49 But Bede did not mention an y of them. Moreover, i n
her lette r t o S t Boniface , Eangyt h allude s t o unspecifie d problem s
with Wihtred , he r kinsman . Eve n i f th e allusio n i s vague , w e ma y
assume tha t th e underlyin g problem s followe d fro m th e attemp t b y
Wihtred's fathe r Egber t a t excludin g fro m successio n hi s nephew s
Aethelbald an d Aethelred , Eangyth' s granduncles , wh o wer e mur -
dered an d late r venerate d a s saint s togethe r wit h S t Mildreth . I n
other words , th e parallelis m betwee n th e activitie s o f Egber t an d
those o f his so n Wihtre d exhibit s recurren t attempt s t o monopoliz e
the Kentish royal succession for one group of descendants amon g the
7th-century Oiscingas . I n reactio n t o thes e violen t attempts , th e
excluded group s establishe d cult s o f saint s aroun d th e victim s o f
Egbert's an d Wihtred' s policies . I f Bede remained unawar e o f thes e
dramatic event s - i n fac t h e di d no t eve n mentio n th e monaster y o f
Minster-in-Thanet a t al l -, thi s ma y well be attribute d t o Wihtred' s
and hi s party' s lac k o f interest i n communicatin g the m t o Bede. I n
other words , Bede's silenc e betrays tha t hi s informatio n o n Kentis h
history ha d bee n sifte d throug h th e Wihtredia n perspectiv e befor e
being handed o n to Bede.
In sum , Bede' s knowledg e o f earl y Kentis h histor y (prio r t o
Wihtred) reflect s a n attemp t b y Kin g Wihtre d an d hi s part y a t
reestablishing sol e monarchica l rul e i n Ken t unde r th e the n rulin g
branch o f th e Oiscinga s t o whic h Wihtre d belonged . I n orde r t o
accomplish tha t goal , Wihtre d ha d t o rejec t potentia l o r factua l
claims t o hereditar y successio n fro m othe r kingdoms , especiall y be-
cause suc h contender s appea r t o hav e foun d suppor t amon g th e
Kentish lande d aristocracy . I n orde r t o wi n th e contes t fo r power ,
Wihtred wa s oblige d t o appea r a s th e beare r o f paramoun t legiti -
macy, whic h h e successfull y trie d t o achiev e b y combinin g th e

33
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

Gothic traditions of the Oiscinga s wit h th e Wylfingis h tradition s o f

the 'Wuffingas ' fro m who m h e descende d i n materna l line . A t th e
same time , he continued hi s father's polic y to exclude cognates fro m
his ow n kingroup . Henc e Wihtreďs perspective o f Kentis h histor y
(prior t o Wihtred ) di d no t includ e an y scra p o f traditio n o f th e
'Iutae'. Fro m whereve r Bede derived hi s knowledg e o f the 'Iutae' , i t
cannot hav e forme d par t o f th e informatio n conveye d t o hi m fro m
Kentish sources .

2. A 'Jutish' gen s in Kent?

Obviously, th e precedin g consideration s alon e d o no t ye t cal l int o

question th e 'Iutae ' a s a migratin g group . Fo r eve n i f Wihtred' s
attempts t o consolidat e hi s kingrou p indicat e tha t th e Oiscinga s
were no t deepl y roote d amon g othe r Kentis h social group s an d tha t
they carrie d wit h the m tradition s o f origin an d descen t othe r tha n
those o f th e 'Iutae' , th e Kentis h lande d aristocrac y ma y wel l hav e
had suc h tradition s a t thei r ow n disposal . Hence , i n orde r t o com -
plete thi s study , th e questio n ha s t o b e aske d whethe r ther e i s
evidence fo r tradition s o f the 'Iutae ' among the Kentis h lande d aris -
tocracy.
The contex t o f Wihtred' s struggl e fo r sol e rulershi p shed s som e
light o n th e transformatio n o f th e Kentis h aristocrac y durin g th e
late 7t h century . Thi s proces s le d t o th e repudiatio n o f a grou p o f
landowners whos e names see m to indicate trace s o f tribal tradition s
of continenta l origin , perhap s Gepidi c an d Burgundian . W e ma y
classify thes e 7th-centur y landowner s a s bearer s o f 'household' tra -
ditions different fro m thos e of the Oiscingas , so that the y owed thei r
status a s members o f the aristocrac y not to their servic e to the king ,
but to titles of their own . However, none of those identifiable 'house -
hold' tradition s point s toward s th e 'Iutae'. 50 During Wihtred' s reign ,
names exhibitin g a continenta l background , disappea r fro m th e
charters, bein g replace d b y name s showin g interrelation s wit h th e
then existin g kingdom s o f the Saxon s an d th e Angle s in th e Britis h
Isles. Specifically , on e group of witnesses t o Wihtred's charter s bea r
names linkin g the m t o th e Eas t Anglia n stirps regia, and anothe r
group appeare d a s witnesse s i n charter s togethe r wit h Kin g Swaef -

34
 BEDE AND THE JUTES

hard bearing a nam e elemen t identica l wit h th e first elemen t o f th e

name o f that king . Thi s nam e elemen t Swaef - represent s triba l tra -
ditions o f th e Swabians , whos e triba l nam e appear s i n severa l per -
sonal name s o f Essex kings. 51 Hence th e Esse x king s were connecte d
with tradition s originatin g o n th e continent, 52 whil e th e name s o f
the Kentis h aristocrat s supportin g Swaefhar d a s a rule r i n Ken t
were derive d from Esse x an d had no direct link t o the continent .
The translocatio n o f Swabia n tradition s fro m Esse x t o Ken t
through th e grou p supportin g first Swaefhar d an d late r Wihtre d i n
the latte r par t o f the 7t h centur y make s plai n th e background o f th e
then ongoin g contes t fo r primac y i n Kent . Fa r fro m bein g a mer e
struggle amon g a fe w individual s ove r legitimat e title s t o rule , th e
struggle too k plac e amon g variou s fraction s o f th e Kentis h lande d
aristocracy, whic h itsel f seem s t o hav e move d awa y fro m it s Migra -
tion-Age 'household ' traditions , optin g fo r tradition s associate d wit h
the variou s competin g rulers . Thi s struggl e gaine d stea m wit h th e
appearance o f groups characterize d b y names whic h connecte d the m
to bot h th e Eas t Anglia n an d th e Eas t Saxo n stirpes regiae. 53 Thes e
groups ascende d t o prominenc e i n charter s i n th e nam e o f Wihtred,
disclosing th e backgroun d o f Wihtred's own attemp t t o overcom e th e
Swabian association s o f Swaefhard's supporter s b y associatin g him -
self wit h th e Wylfingis h traditio n o f hi s materna l ancestry . Henc e
the extensiv e us e Wihtre d mad e o f hi s Wylfingis h heritag e wa s
nothing les s tha n a proper response t o the suppor t h e obtaine d fro m
the Eas t Anglian fraction i n the Kentis h landed aristocracy .
Eventually, Wihtre d als o employe d th e Swabia n tradition s whic h
had bee n associate d wit h hi s competito r an d co-rule r Swaefhard .
Wihtred di d s o afte r Swaefhard' s demis e b y usin g th e nam e Witta .
For that nam e ca n be rea d i n both ways , a s a nickname fo r Wihtre d
and a s th e nam e o f the continenta l rule r o f the Swabians , who m th e
Widsith poet mentions a s Witta. Thi s is th e reaso n why the compila -
tion o f th e genealog y o f Hengest' s ancestr y ca n hardl y hav e take n
place before Wihtred' s ascendanc e t o sol e rule in Kent .
There is , however , n o doub t tha t muc h o f th e translocation s o f
Migration-Age tradition s i n th e lat e 7th-centur y Kentis h lande d ar -
istocracy mus t remai n conjectural . Nevertheless , th e abov e observa -
tions ar e sufficien t t o sho w tha t tradition s o f th e 'Iutae ' wer e no t

35
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

identifiable a t an y poin t o f time amon g group s o f elevated statu s o r

in th e stirps regia in Kent. Henc e th e discussio n o f the transforma -
tion o f th e Kentis h lande d aristocrac y lead s t o thre e conclusions ;
firstly, tha t th e aristocrac y wa s no t a homogeneou s group , but tha t
it preserve d i n itsel f th e variegate d traditiona l Migration-Ag e iden -
tities wel l unti l th e en d o f th e 7t h century ; secondly , tha t Bede' s
'Iutae' canno t b e trace d amon g th e intentiona l dat a preserve d b y
identifiable group s amon g th e Kentis h lande d aristocracy ; and ,
thirdly, tha t th e immigran t populatio n o f Kent di d no t consis t o f a
single gens, but of many.
Therefore, th e 'Iutae ' ar e Bede' s historiographica l creation , hi s
intellectual construct , coine d a s a convenien t ter m t o cove r th e
populations o f Kent, souther n Hampshir e an d th e Isl e o f Wight a s
special cases , no t t o b e subsume d unde r eithe r th e Angle s o r th e
Saxons. Thi s i s no t t o den y tha t Bede may hav e use d som e knowl -
edge of the Euts , traces o f whom seem to have existed in Hampshir e
and Sussex 54 an d wh o ar e wel l atteste d i n a Frankis h source. 55 Yet
this admissio n contain s nothin g abou t Ken t an d nothin g abou t Jut -
land. A s fa r a s th e interrelatio n o f gentes in Jutlan d an d Ken t i s
concerned, i t belong s t o Bede' s 8th-centur y historiographica l work -
shop an d no t t o th e Migratio n Age . Thus , Bede the historian' s
achievement i n respec t o f th e 'Iutae ' i s tha t h e pave d th e wa y fo r
apparently never-endin g controversies , thereb y mouldin g th e stuf f
to keep his later colleagues busy.

College of International Relations /

Institute of History and Anthropology
University of Tsukuba
1-1-1 Tenno-dai
Tsukuba-shi, Ibaraki-ken
305 Japan

36
 BEDE AND THE JUTES

Notes

* Pape r rea d a t th e 13t h Internationa l Medieva l Forum , Plymouth Stat e

College of the University Syste m o f New Hampshire, 24 April 1992 .
1. Myre s (1937), Myres (1986).
2. Myre s (1986:map l , 115) .
3. Myre s (1986:107).
4. Th e precis e locatio n o f th e 'Iutae ' i n Jutlan d canno t b e gleane d fro m
Bede. Myres (1971:147).
5. Bede (1969: I/15) .
6. Cf. Åberg (1926), Jankuhn (1943), Jankuhn (1950), Jankuhn (1952),
Plettke(1921).
7. Myres (1986:114).
8. Björkman (1908), Björkman (1917), Dow n (1984) , Evison (1965), .
Hawkes (1956), S. Hawkes (1961), S. Hawkes (1969), S. Hawkes
(1981), Hurst (1976:295-299), Roeder (1927:43), Schwarz (1951:214-
224), Wadstein (1927:11-13).
9. Brandi (1915:6), Schreiner (1921:7-8).
10. Bede (1969:Praef. )
11. Chadwick (1924:35, 49 , 97) , Laur (1954/5:116-121), Vries (1953:139-
143)
12. Th e kings of Lindsey are the exception north o f the Thames .
13. Richter (1984:104-105). Sims-William s (1981:5-26) , Vollrath-Reichel t
(1971:43-48).
14. Brechte r (1941:196-278) , Brechte r (1967) , Deanesl y (1959) , Markus
(1963), Meyvaert (1977:N o X), Wallace-Hadrill (1976) .
15. Kleinschmidt (1992:Notes 20-31) . Cf. id., 'Beyond Conventionality . Re -
cent Work s o n the Germani c Migratio n t o the Britis h Isles ' (in press) .
See also below note 54.
16. Hvas s (1980:161-163), Piroth (1979).
17. Wenskus(1961) .
18. Se e on this term: Wenskus (1961:8-9).
19. Se e o n Gothi c legends : Boe r (1910) , Brad y (1943:149-176) , Brandi
(1908), Grienberge r (1922:377) , Mois l (1981:217-223) , Müllenhoff
(1859:291-292), Zink (1950).
20. Cf. Eggers (1959:199-254). Weber-Kellermann (1969:23-29).
21. Cf. Arnol d (1988:155-157, 169) . Ebling (1980:687-689), Hauck (1964:
22), Wagner (1969), Wagner (1978), Wagner (1979), Wainwright (1962:
23-55, 66-70), Wenskus (1973), Wenskus (1986a:155-171) .
22. Cf. Brodeu r (1959), Magoun (1953), Whitelock (1951:57-62). See als o
Kleinschmidt (1991).
23. Wenskus (1961:76, 440-443). Wenskus (1992).

37
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

24. Cf. Wensku s (1961:8-9). Meaney (1970:45-46), Moisl (1981).

25. A possibly useful explanatio n ha s been suggested b y Tolkien (1982: 64,
66-67). He maintained tha t th e description of Hengest a s a 'wraecce ' in
the Finnsburh Fragment point s toward s Hengesťs lawlessness, ren -
dering hi m unprotecte d b y th e la w o f hi s nativ e group . H e woul d
thence hav e bee n force d t o see k hi s fortune s elsewhere . Shoul d thi s
have bee n Hengesťs image, i t woul d matc h wit h th e possibl e fat e o f
Oisc, who, althoug h imbue d wit h Gothi c tradition , doe s no t see m t o
have ha d a divin e pedigre e and , consequently , ma y hav e bee n force d
into exile as well. Under such circumstances, the associatio n in Kent of
Oisc with Hengest migh t be attributed t o the similarit y of their (fictive
or factual ) fates . I n thi s case , th e proble m o f Hengesťs possible fìcti-
tiousness become s secondary , fo r hi s inclusio n amon g th e intentiona l
data o f the Kentis h roya l genealog y woul d solel y depen d o n what wa s
believed to have happened t o him. However, claims for Hengesťs ficti-
tiousness shoul d no t b e based o n his name, for stallio n name s ar e wel l
attested o n th e Continent ; cf. Schwarz (1967:16). Se e als o belo w not e
41.
26. Björkman (1910).
27. Jordanes, Getica, 78 . Cf. Hauc k (1970:46, 230-231) , Svennun g (1967 :
195), Wagner (1967).
28. Widsit h (1962:lines 8, 18 , 88, 111; cf. pp . 146-149).
29. Richmon d (1949:17).
30. Th e correspondenc e betwee n Oisc and Anschi s indicate s tha t Oisc fol-
lowed the soun d change fro m Wes t Germanic t o Old English an d mus t
therefore hav e bee n introduce d t o th e Britis h Isle s durin g th e Mi -
gration Age . O n th e persistenc e o f remnant s o f Ostrogothi c 'culture '
throughout th e early Middle Ages see Schmidt (1943).
31. Schnet z (1942:60, 65-66, 75-76).
32. Cf. Dumvill e (1977), Hil l (1988) , Kleinschmidt (1988), Sisam (1953),
Wenskus (1986b).
33. Chamber s (1959:316-317) , Sisam (1953:300-302).
34. Dumvill e (1977:77-79) .
35. Seaxne t appear s i n th e Eas t Saxo n genealogy . Cf. Hackenberg (1918:
94-95).
36. Bede (1969:IV/26[24], V/8).
37. Dumvill e (1976:31) . The Kentis h lis t i n Britis h Librar y Cotto n Vespa -
sian VI has Uect a replace d b y Uegdaeg (appearing elsewher e i n th e
Deiran genealogy of the same ms.); cf. Dumville (1976:30).
38. Bede (1969:III/7, ΠΙ/8, ΙΙΙ/22 , ΠΙ/24 , IV/19[17]). Cf . Stento n (1970).
Whitelock(1972).
39. Widsith (1962:line 29).

38
 BEDE AND THE JUTES

40. Wensku s (1976:72, 411 note 3659).

41. Se e abov e note 2 5 and o n the dioscuri c myt h i n relatio n t o the Sutto n
Hoo shipburial : Bruce-Mitfor d (1974:35-55) . Farrel l (1972) , Hauc k
(1983:449-457), Hauc k (1986:260-261) , S . Hawke s (1979:93-94) , Lind-
qvist (1948), O'Loughlin (1964:3-5 , 11, 14-16).
42. Bede (1969:II/5). Cf. Angenend t (1984:178-181), Angenendt (1986:756 -
760, 779-781).
43. Kleinschmidt (1992:Par t II notes 17sqq. ) Id., 'Schwaben i m frühmittel -
alterlichen England . Bemerkunge n un d Überlegunge n zu m frühmit -
telalterlichen Stammesbegriff , to appear in: Alemannisches Jahrbuch .
44. Ibid.
45. Bede(1969:IV/26[24]).
46. BCS 40 = S 14. BCS 73 = S 12; ASC Έ ' , s.a. 686 , 687 . Cf. Scharer
(1982:71-77).
47. Myres (1986:9-10).
48. BCS 45 = S 8. Boniface , ep . 14 . Liebermann (1889:4-5). Cf. Hahn
(1883:104-106). Rollason (1982). Swanton (1975). Witne y (1982:141 -
160). This uncritica l accoun t shoul d no t b e read withou t simultaneou s
consultation o f the publications by Brooks (1989:58-59), Yorke (1983:3-
4, 8), Yorke (1985:17, 21), Yorke (1990:26-39, 45-57).
49. Liebermann (1889, 4-5).
50. Se e for details on this an d the following : Kleinschmidt (1992:Par t II).
51. Se e als o Widsit h (1962:line s 23 , 44) . Cf. Kleinschmidt (1992:Par t II),
Kleinschmidt (note 43).
52. Widsit h (1962:lines 35-44).
53. Kleinschmidt (1992:Part II) .
54. Eutis h place-name s ar e o n record in : Ytingstoce (BC S 105 4 = S 683) =
Bishop's Stok e (Sussex) ; Nova forest a quae lingu a Angloru m Yten e
nuncupatur (Florenc e o f Worceste r 1849:45 ) = Ne w Fores t (Hamp -
shire); Ytena land [M s B]; Eota land [M s C] (Bede 1890:IV/16) , uniden-
tified, presumabl y i n southern Hampshire . Cf. Etingehele s (BCS 922 =
S 1577), unidentified , presumabl y i n Wiltshire ; Yttinge s hlaw e (BC S
777 = S 480), lost, but located in Berkshire. Cf. Björkman (1908).
55. Venantius Fortunatus , Carmina IX/1, lines 73-74.

39
 HARALD KLEINSCHMIDT

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