Values as the Core of Personal Identity: Drawing Links between Two Theories of Self

Author(s): Steven Hitlin

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 66, No. 2, Special Issue: Social Identity: Sociological
and Social Psychological Perspectives (Jun., 2003), pp. 118-137
Published by: American Sociological Association
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 SocialPsychologyQuarterly
2003,Vol.66,No.2,118-137

ValuesAs theCoreofPersonalIdentity:
.DrawingLinksBetweenTwoTheoriesofSelf*
STEVEN HITLIN
University
ofWisconsin-Madison

Personalidentity
isan underanalyzed leveloftheselfoftenregarded as too
erroneously
forpropersocialpsychological
idiosyncratic Thetwodominant
analysis. theories of
selfidentity
theoryandsocialidentity theory,mention butrarely theconcept
explicate
In thispaperI addressthisgapbymaking
ofpersonalidentity. twomoves, oneconcep-
tualand oneempirical. First,I arguethatvaluesarea cohesive forcewithinpersonal
identity.
Conceptualizing valuesas thecoreof one'spersonalidentity leadstoward
understandingthecohesionexperienced amongone'svarioussocialidentities.In the
second,empiricalmove,I use measuresof a keydimension alongwhichvaluesare
arrayed(self-enhancement toillustrate
vs.self-transcendence) howa values-based con-
ceptionofpersonalidentity theformation
influences ofa roleidentity. the-
Specifically,
relevant
oretically valuesalongtheself-enhancement/self-transcendencedimension are
significant
predictorsof thevolunteer evenwhenpreviousmeasuresof the
identity,
arecontrolled.
identity I concludebydiscussing theutility
ofvaluesforstudying a level
oftheselfoftenconsidered tooideographic forsociological
analysis.

ofa societymay
The generalidentity-values Two theoriescurrently prevailin thelit-
be fullyentrenchednowhere, and yetthey erature on the fundamental interplay
cancastsomekindofshadowontheencoun- betweentheindividualand thesocialworld:
tersencountered indailyliving.
everywhere identitytheory(Stryker1980) and social
(Goffman 1963:128-29) theory(Tajfel1981;TajfelandTurner
identity
1979,1986).Each theorylinkstheindividual
The selfis "one ofthegreatestdiscover- to the social worldthrougha conceptionof
ies in thehistory ofthesocialsciences"(Joas theselfcomposedofvarioussocialidentities;
2000:2). Currentdebateshave driftedaway oftenthe formeris understoodto focuson
fromthemoreholisticdiscussions ofthecon- rolesand thelatteron socialgroups.1
ceptthatwe findin thepioneersofworkon Each theory also posits but rarely
self,such as Dewey,James,and Mead, to a addresses an additional level of identity,
more fragmented, disjointedpictureof self namely personal identity.
Personalidentity is
comprisinga varietyof disconnectedand "a senseof selfbuiltup over timeas the per-
sonembarkson andpursuesprojectsor goals
independentlystudiedand theorizedself-
thatare notthoughtofas thoseofa commu-
processes (Prentice 2001). In the current
nity,but as the propertyof the person.
proliferation ofself-processes (e.g.,self-actu- Personalidentity thusemphasizesa senseof
alization,self-esteem, self-verifi-individualautonomyratherthanof commu-
self-efficacy,
cation,self-enhancement, self-discrepancies) nalinvolvement" (Hewitt1997:93).It is expe-
we needa conceptionoftheselfthatcaptures riencedbyindividualsas "core" or "unique"
thesense of achievedcoherenceon thepart to themselvesin waysthatgroup-and role-
ofindividuals. are not;oftenitis discussedas a set
identities

* I am indebted to Shelly Correll, Jennifer 1 It is importantnot to reifya rigid distinction

Eggerling-Boeck,JeremyFreese, Gerald Marwell,
Jane Piliavin, three anonymous reviewers,and the
special issue editorsforcommentson earlierdraftsof
this paper. Direct correspondenceto the author at
Department of Sociology, 8128 Social Science
Building, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI
53706;hitlin@ssc.wisc.edu.
118
between the focus of identitytheory(roles) and of
social identitytheory(groups). For example,groups
can serve as referentsforprocesses discussedwithin
identitytheory (Stryker and Burke 2000). For a
nuanced criticism of an oversimple dichotomy
between the two theories,see Thoits and Virshup
(1997).

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY 119
of idiosyncratic attributesthatdifferentiate Values
the personfromothers(Tajfel and Turner
Research on values is disparate and
1986; Thoits and Virshup1997). Stets and
spans a varietyof social sciencedisciplines.3
Burke conclude that"both social identity
Sociologicalconcernwithvalueshasfluctuat-
theoristsand identitytheoristshave dis-
ed,witha flurry ofworkat midcentury and a
cussedtheperson[al]identity, but theyhave
decline followingthatpeak (Spates 1983).
largelyfailed to examine how it mightbe The two disciplinesof social psychology are
incorporated intotheirtheories"(2000:228). currently doinglittleworkon values:in psy-
In thispaper I aim to addressthislevel of chology,values researchis marginalat best
identity andto linkidentity theorywithsocial (Rohan 2000), whilevalues are mentioned
identity theorythrough an empiricaland the- onlythreetimesinthemostrecentimportant
oreticalunderstanding of personalidentity. reviewofthesociologically based socialpsy-
Individuals' values, deeply personal but chologicalliterature (Cook, Fine,and House
sociallypatternedand communicated,are 1995).
essentialforunderstanding personalidentity valueshave been important
Historically,
and offerus the abilityto identify empirical to scholarsexploringthe natureof the self
linksbetweenselfand socialstructure. and the individual'srelationshipto society.
This project draws conceptualbridges Dewey (1939) emphasizedtheprocessofval-
betweenvalues,personal identity, identity uation as essentialto his interpretation of
theory,and social identitytheory.I discuss pragmatism. Parsons(1937) theorizedvalues
these phenomena brieflyand propose a as instrumental to understanding theunitact.
framework forlinkingvalues withpersonal Kluckhohn (1951) reviewed the concept
identity.ThenI offera preliminary empirical extensively, buildingon Parsons' theoryof
illustration oftheutility ofsuchan approach. action.Rokeach (1973,1979)can be credited
To establishempiricalsupportforthevalues- with bringing theconceptintomodernfocus;
based approachto personalidentity, I ana- Shalom Schwartz (1992, 1994) currently
lyze a seriesof regressionmodels in which employs a model drawing explicitlyon the
valuesare allowedto predictthelevelofone Rokeach formulation of values.For thepur-
specificidentity, thatof a "volunteer." These poses of thispaper and for buildinga theo-
models includecontrolsforpreviousmea- reticaland empirical bridge between values,
suresoftheidentity, as wellas behavioraland the personal identity, and the two currently
influentialmodels of the self,I draw on
perceptualmeasuresrelevantto volunteer-
Schwartz'sconceptualizationand measure-
ing.Iftheoretically relevantvaluesare found
mentofvalues.
to be a significant predictorof thevolunteer
Values are "desirable transsituational
identity, thiswouldsuggestthatthe identity
goals,varyingin importance,thatserve as
develops in part as an outgrowthof one's guidingprinciplesin the lifeof a personor
(mostly)stablepersonalidentity.2 Thispaper othersocial entity."(S. Schwartz1994:21).
is the firststep in a programreevaluating, The primary contentofa value is thetypeof
defining, and employing the conceptof per- goal or motivationalconcernit expresses.
sonal identity, a fundamental butunderstud- Values fulfillfivecriteria:(1) theyare con-
ied aspectof bothidentity theoryand social ceptsor beliefs,(2) theypertainto desirable
identity theory. end statesor behaviors,(3) theytranscend
(4) theyguideselectionor
specificsituations,
2 Variousscholars(Joas2000;Kohn1967;Rohan evaluationof behaviorand events,and (5)
2000;Rokeach1973;S. Schwartz 1992)conceptualize theyare orderedby relativeimportance(S.
valuesas enduring personalconstructs.
The stability Schwartz1992; Schwartzand Bilsky1987).
ofvaluesoverthelifecourseis an empirical
question
thatthedatapresented herecannotaddresssatisfac-
torily.
Personalidentitycan be viewedinaccordance 3 For a reviewof theconceptin psychology, see
withMarkusand Wurf's(1987) "movingbaseline" Rohan (2000); in social theory,
see Joas(2000); as
imageof theself;theselfis fairlystableovertime, employed historically
insociology,
see Spates(1983);
withsomefluctuations(also see Demo 1992).Future foran updatedsociologicalreview,see Hitlinand
workshouldengagethisissuedirectly. Piliavin(forthcoming).

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120 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
Rokeach (1973) definedvalues as enduring PersonalIdentity in Social Identity Theory
beliefsthat certain patterns of behavior or and Identity Theory
end statesare preferableto others.4 Values
The termidentity remainsuntheorized in
possess what Joas (2000), drawing on James,
much social science work (Stryker2000).
calls a "noncoerced"element,a sense that Identity refersto the various meanings
value-influenced behavioris not attributed attachedto oneselfby selfand others,and
byego as influenced Valuesoper- locatesone in social space throughtherela-
externally.
ate at thelevelof individuals, of institutions,tionshipsimpliedbytheidentity (Gecas and
and ofentiresocieties(B. Schwartz1993). Burke 1995). In identitytheory,identities
Values are conceptualized as mental often-thoughnot exclusively-are tied to
structures existing at a higher level of hierarchically linkedstructural roles(McCall
abstractionthan attitudes(Howard 1995; and Simmons1966). Withinsocial identity
Rokeach 1973; Schuman1995; S. Schwartz theory, identity refersto a focuson the"com-
1992,1994;Williams1979).Katz's (1960) clas- monalitiesamongpeople withina groupand
sic workon attitudesincludes"value-expres- differencesbetween people in different
sive"as one ofthefourfunctions ofattitudes, groups"(Hogg 2001:131).(For comparisons,
a function thatexpressesvaluescentralto the see Hogg,Terry,and White 1995; also see
self-concept. Maio and Olson (2000) findan Stetsand Burke2000.)
empiricallinkbetweenvalues and attitudes, The natureof personal identityis less
mediatedby whattheycall "goal-expressive clear.6 James(1892) pointsout thatthe self
attitudes";theseexpressan underlying moti- has a multitude of thoughts,out of which
vational value structure.Other research individuals perceive certain thoughtsas
demonstratesthe link betweenvalues and "belonging" to them (reflecting a "trueself":
attitudesregarding issuessuch as out-group e.g.,R. Turner 1976), while other thoughtsdo
not.The thoughtsclaimedby the individual
prejudice(Biernatet al. 1996) and attitudes
constitute hisorherpersonalidentity, a sense
towardhighachievers(Feather 1996). The
ofconsistency in selfovertime.Jamespoints
linkfromvaluesto behavior,however, is less
out thatthissense of "unbrokenness" coex-
direct(S. Schwartz1996).The vastliterature istswithotheraspectsof selfand is not the
on the relationship of attitudesto behavior entirety oftheself.
(Ajzen 1985;Ajzen and Fishbein1977,1980) Baumeister(1986) arguesthatthe reifi-
demonstrates a less than perfect match cationof theidea of a personal,innerselfin
betweenone's measuredattitudesand one's Westernsocietycomes fromchanges that
actual behavior. Accordinglywe wish to occurredduringthe early modernperiod
avoid claiminga simplecausal relationship (sixteenthto eighteenthcenturies).7 A pri-
between a person's values and his or her vate, inner sense of self arose as society
behavior.Manywho discussthevalues con- offered the potential for a distinction
ceptmakethemistakeofsimplyobservinga betweenpublicand privatelives.Although
behavior and figuringout which values social identities existedthroughout previous
"caused"suchan action.5 history, a senseofselfapartfromsocialroles
and familialidentifications arose fromthe
4 Accordingto Rokeach (1973), a distinction
between"instrumental" valuesand"terminal" values 6 Goffman (1963)distinguishesthreekindsofiden-
isfundamental. ShalomSchwartz (1992)hasfoundno tity:"social,"or categoriesthatan individualcan be
empirical evidenceforthisdistinction
and questions provedto possess;"personal," an assumption thata
itsutility,maintainingthatallelementsofthemotiva- personhas one identity (oftena name)whichothers
tionalconcernsunderlying specificvaluescan be can continuously applyto him(sic);and"egoidenti-
expressed inbothterminal goal)andinstru-
(ultimate ty,"an Eriksonian termsignifyinga senseofpersonal
mental(meanstoan end)terms. continuity.Goffman focuseson thefirsttwoofthese
5 "It is in thepresence ofconflict
thatvaluesare ideas;I use "personalidentity" in a sensecloserto
likelyto be activated, to enterawareness,and to be Erikson's.
used as guidingprinciples. In theabsenceof value 7 Harbus(2002)maintains thatBaumeister is his-
conflict, valuesmaydrawno attention. habit-
Instead, toricallyinaccurate in regardto individuals'
current
ual, scriptedresponsesmaysuffice"(S. Schwartz focuson theirselves.She believesthatevidenceof
1996:2). suchself-focus canbe tracedbacktomedievaltimes.

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY 121
lesseningofreligiousand societalinfluences. Abrams1988;J.Turneret al. 1987),in con-
In a move (apparentlyunawares)following trastto socialidentities, whichare composed
Nietzsche, Baumeister holds that as the of categorymemberships. This isolationof
moraldirection providedhistorically bysoci- thepersonalidentity fromthesocial,howev-
etal institutions receded,it was leftto the er, ignoresthe factthatpersonaltraitsare
individualto definehimselfor herself.The rarelyunderstoodapartfromsocial defini-
modernconceptionofa personalselfis a rel- tions(Deaux 1996). Personalidentityneed
ativelyrecentdevelopment. notbe conceptualized as idiosyncratic; sucha
Bothidentity theorists andsocialidentity view would seem to place the phenomenon
theorists discusstheidea ofa personalidenti- beyondsocial scientificanalysis.Although
ty,but theyneitherengage it directlynor social identitytheory(and the relatedself-
incorporate itprominently intotheirtheories categorization theory)positthatan increase
(Stets and Burke 2000). Hewitt,in a rare in identitysalience leads to an increasein
extended discussion of personal identity, identification withthatidentity, thispointis
definesit as "a sense of continuity, integra- notalwayssupportedempirically (e.g.Ethier
tion,identification, and differentiation con- and Deaux 1994). Trafimow, Triandis,and
structedby the personnot in relationto a
Goto (1991) arguefora separationbetween
community and itsculturebut in relationto
personaland social identities, and hold that
the selfand its projects"(1989:179).I place
eachexistsinseparatecognitive structures.In
personalidentity at thecoreoftheself,expe-
response, Reid andDeaux (1996) believethat
riencedas unique but subjectto social pat-
an integration of personalwithsocialidenti-
terningthroughthe conceptof values.This
relationto social and groupidentities tiesis supported morestrongly thana segre-
differs
fromothermodels,in whichsocial and per- gated model (also see Deaux 1992b, 1996).
sonal identities are viewedas theend points In thispaper I begin to develop a socio-
on a continuum(Tajfel 1978), a hierarchy logically grounded understanding of the per-
(J.Turneret al. 1987),or a two-dimensional sonal level of self by anchoring the self in
center-periphery schematic(Brewer 1991). individuals' value-structures. I contend that
My conceptionallowsforthe"permeability" theself,and personalidentity in particular, is
of personal and social identity (Deaux notsimplyconstituted byrole obligationsor
1992b),evenwhileitpermitstheconceptsto self-comparisons with relevant others.
be theorizedandmeasuredas separate,albeit Personalidentity is producedthroughvalue
fundamentally intertwined, structures. commitments. The cross-situational sense of
Identity theoryholdsthatindividuals are consistency thatindividualsexperiencecan
a compilation ofdiscreteidentities, oftentied be conceptualized,and studiedempirically,
to theirsocial roles,whichbecomesalientas by focusingon theirpersonal value-struc-
situations callforthem(Stryker 1980;Stryker tures.Valuesdevelopin socialcontexts, draw
and Burke 2000). More recent work has on culturallysignificant symbolicmaterial,
expandedidentity theoryto allow aspectsof and are experiencedas a necessaryand fun-
self-what Thoits and Virshup(1997) call damental,but noncoerced,aspect of self.
"sociodemographic"categories(e.g., social Understoodas conceptionsof the desirable,
class,gender)-to be incorporated withinthe values are not experienced as externally
structure of role identities. Even so, nobody bindingbut ratheras ideals worthstriving
has yet specified theoreticallyhow these for.By focusingon values,we can tieperson-
transsituational identities mergewithsocially al identitymore closelyto disparatework
structuredrole identities(Stets and Burke thattypically dealswithvaluesfromeitheran
2000). overstructuralor an overindividualistic
Social identitytheoristsdefinepersonal approach.By viewingthe person'sself-con-
identityas a set of idiosyncratic traitsand ceptionas a whole,we can theoretically and
personality characteristics8 (Hogg and empirically pulltogetherthevariousstrands
8Deaux (1992a) maintainsthatthetermattributeis
ofscholarship on selfintoa conceptionofthe
more accurate in regard to these phenomena than person more congruentwith the holistic
personalidentity. focusof early,currently underutilized devel-

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122 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
opersof the conceptof self,suchas Dewey experienceof personalidentity. Values lead
and James.9 to thedevelopment of thesereflexive value-
butare notreducibleto suchiden-
identities
FramingtheProblem:LinkingValues, tities.Nor do value-identities, phenomena
PersonalIdentity, and Social Identities thatsituateus withrespectto othersin the
socialworld,tellus muchaboutourrelation-
Values oftenare conceptualizedas cen- shipwithourselvesand ourothervalues.Our
tralto theperson;yettheyrarelyare linked valueslead to experiencesofpersonalidenti-
systematically withtheself(e.g.,Baumeister ty,whichin turnlead to reflexiveconstruc-
1986;Erickson1995;Hewitt1989;Joas2000; tions of various role-, group-, and
Rohan2000;Smith1991).Thisis understand- value-identities. These latteridentitiesare
able in lightof the purviewof thetwomain tied more directlyinto concretebehaviors
theorieslinkingselfwithsociety:neitheris than are values. Conceivingof oneself,for
quiteable to focuson transsituational aspects example,as open to change(a reflexiveuse
of self (Thoits and Virshup1997). Values, of a value to definea value-identity) is not
definedas transsituational, do notfitsquare- thesameas seeingoneselfas "shy,"or "over-
lyintothecurrent paradigms. weight,"examplesused byauthorsin linking
Gecas (2000) attempts to drawa connec- identitieswithphenomenaotherthanroles
tionbetweenidentity theorizingand values or groups(Thoitsand Virshup1997). Such
throughwhathe terms"value-identities." A self-descriptions situateindividualsin rela-
focus on value-identities,Gecas argues, tionto othersin socialspace;a "shy"identity
allowssocialpsychologists to concentrate on is an internalization of thatrelationship. In
the role of culturein the maintenanceand myconception, focuseson an
a value-identity
developmentof varioussocial identities. In individual'srelationship to the widersocial
focusingon culture,however,we mayover- and symbolicsphereratherthanto one's self
look patterned structural effects on individu- and one's othervalues. Gecas's conceptis
als' value-structures. The concept of usefulforcertainreflexive understandings of
value-identities is usefulforGecas's purpose: one's self relative to others,but we must
it linksvaluesto identity theory. Yet itis less examine values themselvesto understand
usefulfordiscussingthe natureof personal personalidentity and experiencesof authen-
identity. Value-identities arisewhen"individ- ticity.
uals conceiveof themselvesin termsof the Our values,then,cause us to possess a
values theyhold" (Gecas 2000:96).Helping sense of a unified,transsituational personal
an olderpersonacrossthe street,forexam- identity. Thesevaluesinturnare enactedand
ple, can be seen as an act reflectingone's articulated situationallythrough theinterme-
valuingof benevolence. Accordingto Gecas, diate developmentof variousrole-,group-,
it is not the value per se thatleads to that and value-identities. Of course,thebehaviors
behavior,but rathera value-identity: one's we enact as a resultof our identitiescan
reflexive viewof oneselfas a "good person" cause us to reflecton our values and, over
gives rise to the behavior,mediatingthe time,to find differentvalues most com-
(oftendistaland unarticulated) value.Value- pelling.When thishappens,we experience
identitiesderive fromthe self-reflective shiftsin our personalidentity, our sense of
appropriation, to the self,of behaviorsthat "whowe are."Thustherelationship ofvalues
reflect culturally prescribed(and structurally at thecoreoftheselfto thevariousidentities
patterned)values. we incorporateintoour sense of selfis not
I argue more stronglythan Gecas that unidirectional. Personalidentity shapes-but
values are the primaryphenomenonin the also is shaped by-our otheridentitiesand
behaviors.Unfortunately, empiricalillustra-
9 Values are the most important, but not the only, tionsof these reciprocaleffects are beyond
phenomenon constitutingpersonal identity.Other thescope ofthedata at hand.
aspectsof personalidentitytheoretically include(but In thispaperI aimto movebeyondtheo-
are not limitedto) traits,abilities,bodilyself-percep-
tions,otherperceivedunique personalcharacteristics, reticalattemptsto linkvalues withthe self
and personality. (e.g., Erickson 1995, Hermans 1987;

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY 123
Verplankenand Holland 2002) by incorpo- closestto a sociologicalarticulationof the
ratingempiricalmeasuresof values.As with thesisadvancedhere.She discusses"self-val-
mostaspectsof self,social scientistsdo not ues" as transcending situationsandidentities:
have an unmediatedviewof thephenomena we "becom[e]committed to thoseidentities
of values;therefore postulating theirimpor- that best enable us to express our most
tance maystrikesome observersas uncon- importantself-values"(1995:134).Erickson
vincing(Hechter1993).Yet,byincorporating viewsa values-basedconceptionof authen-
a literatureof cross-nationallyvalidated ticityas an importantmotivationalforce
measuresof values (S. Schwartz1992,1994), withinthe self.If we understandsuch an
we can beginto empirically linkthesediffer- experienceofour"trueself' (R. Turner1976)
entlevelsoftheself.Suchan approachoffers as a phenomenonderiving fromactivity gov-
a window,if not a completeview,into the ernedbyvalues,an empiricalanalysisof val-
natureof personalidentity. Values are inter- ues offersa windowintopersonalidentity.
mediatephenomenashaped by sociodemo- This conceptualization allows us to
graphic factors (Hitlin and Piliavin understand theachievedcoherenceinherent
forthcoming) but experiencedas fundamen- inthemodalexperienceofselfhood, butdoes
talto one's senseofoneself.I feelthatI am in not renderthe "authentic"self mysterious
touchwithmycore selfwhenI act in accor- norinexplicable. Commonalities in valuesin
dance withmy (socially patterned)value- variousgender,racial,and socialclassgroups
structure. demonstrate patternsin self-perception and
In theabsenceof detailedself-measures theframing ofmoraland ethicalissueslinked
and value-measures overtime,I cannotfully with,but not reducibleto, social, role-,or
demonstrate thecontention thatvaluesare a group-identities.
stablecore of personalidentity. Otherwork Focusingon valueshas been criticized as
has foundstability in valuesamonglate ado- an overdeterministicapproach to under-
lescents(the same age as mysample),thus standingindividuals(e.g.,Swidler1986).This
givingempiricalsupport to the idea that criticism, however,oftenshowsa failureto
one's innervaluesare patternedoverthelife understand theplace of agencyin selftheo-
course.Johnson(2001) findsthatjob values rists'work.Ratherthanviewingvalues as a
become increasinglystable duringyoung "prime mover" of human behavior, we
adulthood on the basis of reinforcement regardthemas important insofaras theyhold
fromjob rewards.Lindsayand Knox (1984) meaningfor individuals.In this symbolic
reconfirm thestability ofworkvaluesin high interactionist approach,values as values are
school seniors,whileMortimeret al. (1996) not important; rather,the relationshipof a
extendKohn's (1976) thesisto adolescents' person'svalue of (say) securityto his or her
workconditionsand theireffectson value othervalues delimitsthatindividual'sper-
formation. Kiecolt and Mabry(2000) focus sonal identity. This core identity, the anchor
on the self-concept as directingself-change forconstructing our selfsymbolically, is con-
duringcollege:possiblybymeasuringvalues stituted byourvalues.
theyfindthemesof"achievement"
indirectly, If we examineShalomSchwartz's(1992)
and "self-control" to be important in college above-mentioned fivecriteriaforvalues,we
students'lives.Suchfindings pointto thepat- can drawexplicitlinkswiththevalues-as-per-
terneddevelopmentof stabilityin personal sonal-identity perspective. Personalidentity,
valuesystems. like values,(1) involvesconceptsand beliefs
Values and personalidentityare linked and (2) pertainsto desirableend statesor
at the theoreticallevel throughthe concept behaviors.Incorporating these criteriainto
ofauthenticity. Authenticity is a primary self- personalidentityallows foran emotionally
motive(Gecas 1986,1991);we feelauthentic laden,motivational senseofpersonalidentity
whenwe behavein keepingwithour values. above and beyondthe cognitivelyfocused
Authenticity, in otherwords,reflectsan acti- approaches of identitytheories.We might
vationof one's personalidentity. Erickson's includea sense of"possibleselves"(Markus
(1995) instructive discussionof the relation- and Nurius1986)inthisconception, suchthat
shipbetweenselfand authenticity comesthe people comparethemselveswithideal ver-

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124 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OUARTERLY
sions of self,both withinand across situa- relationat thesecondlevel,arguingthatpeo-
tions.These ideal selves,linked to values, ple withcertainvaluestructures willbe more
posess motivationalpropertiesand are dis- likelyto selectsituationsin whichtheycan
tinctfromroleand groupmembership. enact values that are importantto them.
In continuing thecomparisonof person- Thesesituations, in turn,reinforce (or poten-
al identitywithvalues,personalidentity(3) tiallyalter) the values themselves.People
transcends specificsituationsand (4) guides construct(measurable) situatedidentities
selection and evaluation of behavior and aroundtherolestheyadoptbychoosingsuch
events.The conceptionofselfofferedhereis situations.
thatourpersonalidentity underliesthevari- Specifically, I examinethe "volunteer"
ous rolesand groupswe select:whichgroups identity. Volunteering is tied closelyto cer-
"feel"rightand whichrolesseem appropri- tainvalue priorities, and is a usefularena in
ate,as inthe"role-personmerger"(R. Tlhrner which to pursue these questions (Serow
1978). 1990). Volunteeringis a situated activity,
Finally,(5) identities,like values, are oftenconductedinconcertwithother,similar
orderedby relativeimportance.In such a volunteers. This coordinationof activity can
model,identitiesare not simplylinkedhier- lead to the development of a particular
archically above "a" personal identity. group-identityamong members of that
Rather,group-and role-identitiesrevolve group.The role of volunteertranscends spe-
dynamicallyaround the "core" of the self, cificsituationsand capturesbroadermean-
whichconsistsprimarilyof an individual's ings assigned to performingactivities
personalvalue-structure. Situationscall for intendedto helpothers. The volunteer identi-
enactmentof a particularidentity; yet core tythusis empirically measurable, andbridges
aspectsof selfdo notdisappearwhenone is identity theoryandsocialidentity theory.1" In
claiminga roleor identifyingwitha group. addition,sucha group-and role-identity car-
ries powerfulvalue-ladenmessagesin our
TheVolunteer Identity:
Incorporating a culture,and is well situatedforexploring
ValidatedIdentityMeasure linksbetweenthevaluesthatanchorourper-
Situationalinfluences,such as the con- sonal identityand a concretesocialidentity.
textualsalienceof a social issue,can shape Clary et al. (1998) findvalues(measured
the understanding and enactmentof values as an undifferentiated, unitary concept)to be
(Seligmanand Katz 1996).Values,conceived one of six motivational functions served
of as primaryconstituting forceswithinthe through volunteering. If identities arise
self,are vitalforunderstanding how people throughinteraction, thenvolunteering is a
orient themselvesto situations and thus relevantidentity foranalyzinga studentpop-
developsituatedidentities.Valuesare linked ulation because it is becomingan official
withsituationsin two importantways:(1) requirement forhighschoolgraduationand
theyoperate withinsituationsby affecting an unofficialcriterionforacceptance into
judgmentsand perceptions,and (2) they college. Although"volunteer" ultimately
influence decisionsaboutwhichsituations we mightbe low in an individual'ssaliencehier-
find most desirable.10An exploration of archy, manycollegestudentshave volunteer
behaviorin ongoingsituationsis beyondthe experienceand developsome degreeof this
scopeofthedataI presenthere.I explorethis identity. Thus the assertionsmade here are

l' As a sociologist,I mustpointout thatopportuni- 11 In fact,otherthanBurke'sworkon themeanings

tiesbothforchoosingsituationsand foractingwithin of various identities(e.g., Burke, Stets,and Pirog-

themare tiedintimately to issues of power,structure,
race,class,gender,and the like.Not all people have
equal opportunitiesto choose the situationsin which
theyenactselves,northeselvesthatmightbe enacted
in a givensituation.For a firstattemptat conceptual-
izing gender,racial,and ethnicidentities,see Frable
(1997). For a moresociologicalapproach,see Howard
(2000).
Good 1988), I know of no researchthat empirically
measuresvarious role-identities by creatingan ordi-
nal measure such as the Callero-Grube measure
employedhere. Other work (e.g., Serpe 1987;Thoits
1986, 1992) relies on measuresof commitmentto or
adoption of variousidentities.Thereforethisvalidat-
ed "volunteer"identitymeasureis usefulfortheillus-
trativepurposeunderyingthispaper.

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY
preliminary; theyare illustratedbytesting for
a linkbetweena value-ladenidentity and the
valuesthatconstitute one's personalidentity.
Identitiesserveas anchorsforbehavior
and understandingin the ongoingflowof
interaction. These identitiesdo not develop
at randombutare a behavioraloutgrowth of
one's personalidentity.The valuesat thecore
oftheselfthatproduceoursenseofpersonal
identity are distalinfluenceson action,shap-
ingand channeling thechoiceofsituations in
whichwe interact.These situationsact, in
turn,on our sense of self;perhapstheyeven
cause us to reconfigure and reevaluateour
core values.Insofaras values are cognitive-
emotionalframeworksthat constitutethe
self-as-agent,we wouldexpectthatindividu-
als-as faras theirsocial structural circum-
stancesallow-will engagein situationsthat
are consistent withthosevaluesperceivedto
be important andthatpermitthemto express
suchvalues.Thereforewe can viewbothself
and values as importantdistal causes of
behavior.Personal identity, constitutedby
values,is thusan understudied distalforcefor
situatedactivity. In thiscase I predictthat
self-enhancementand self-transcendence
valueswillinfluencetheadoptionofthevol-
unteeridentity.
METHODS
Data
The data reportedhere are part of a
three-wave longitudinal study initially
designedto examineindividuals' self-concep-
tionsduringtheirfirstyear at a large mid-
westernuniversity (Lee 1997). Lee selected
studentson the basis of theirfirst-yearresi-
dence halls in orderto partiallyevaluate a
new "learningcommunity" underdevelop-
mentat the university. Studentswere sur-
veyed beforeenrollingat college ("before
college") and again at the end of theirfirst
year("firstyear");bythattimethesampling
framenumbered860. Accordingto Lee, 63
percentof the originalpopulationreturned
thesurveysforthefirstwave,and 50 percent
returnedsurveysforthe second. I supple-
mentedthesedata byconducting an Internet
surveyof studentsfromthe firsttwo waves
duringthiscohort'sfourthyear of college
("fourthyear"),based on thesamplingframe
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125
at theend of thefirstyear.Because of attri-
tion from the university,663 students
receivede-mail invitationsforthe "fourth
year"survey. This wave is the onlyone that
containsmeasuresofvalues.
Three hundredfourteenstudents(47.4
percentof thoseinvited,36.5 percentof the
original sampling frame) completed the
Internetsurveyinstrument.Of these 314
respondents, 108 had completed"beforecol-
lege"and 184had completed"first year."The
ratioof womento men is about 2 to 1 (see
Table 2), and the sampleis overwhelmingly
white.Althoughthe sample was not drawn
randomly,the data have the advantage of
beinggatheredduringan importanttransi-
tion period of self-formation (Kiecolt and
Mabry2000); theprojectof choosingvalues
is of greatconcernto modernadolescents
(Baumeister1986;Erikson1968).
Measures
"Values" measures.I include 36 items
fromtheSchwartzValue Survey(S. Schwartz
1992;Prince-Gibson and Schwartz1998). In
brief,Schwartzasked respondentsto rate a
list of values from-1 to 7: -1 representsa
valuethatis "againstmyprinciples" and7 is a
valuethatis "a guidingprincipleinmylife."12
Schwartzthencombinedthese36 responses
intothe10 valuesrepresented in Figure1.
Thisfigureis derivedfromtheRokeach
(1973) measurementof values. Schwartz
explicitlyadvocatestheratingofvaluesover
Rokeach'suse ofrankingbecauseoftheway
inwhichvaluesareconceptualized: ratinghas
more useful statisticalproperties,allows
longerlistsof values to be includedin the
instrument, does not forcechoices among
values thatmightbe equallyimportant, and
12 The numberof values used by Schwartzacross
his workrangesfrom36 to 58. Schwartzattemptsto
anchor the ratingsby asking respondentsto choose
theirmostand least stronglyheld value beforecom-
pletingthe instrument. I followeda different proce-
dure,anchoringresponsesthroughthestandardization
processdiscussedbelow.This anchoringoccursat the
level of the analystand is not leftto the respondent.
Schwartz recentlydecided that the standardizing
methodused here is,in fact,the properway to treat
values derived fromhis instrumentfor regression
analysis(S. Schwartz,January24,2002,personalcom-
munication).
126 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY

OPENNESS SELF
TO /R\ SCEN'
CHANGE NCEN
/ \ ~~Self-Direction Uniiversalism /

/ Stimulation\/

-- \ / ~~~~~~~Benevolence

Hedonism:%

/ \\\ 7 X~~~~~~rdition

\Achievement /o

Power Security/
SELF- \/ CONSER
ENHANCEMENT _ VATION

Figure1.TheoreticalModel of RelationsAmongMotivaltionalTypesofValues
Source:Prince-Gibsonand Schwartz(1998:54).

offers theopportunity to measure"negative" standardizing values within individuals

values(S. Schwartz1994).13 The itemsI draw
on and Schwartz's10-valuemodel,withtheir
corresponding items,are displayedinTable1.
AlthoughI use theSchwartztheoretical
model as a guide,the actualconstruction of
mymeasuresdiffers in two important ways.
First,I use a principalcomponentsfactor
analysisto guide me in the construction of
myvaluesmeasuresso thattheywillbe con-
sistentwiththepatternsfoundin mysample
of college students.Below I discusshow I
constructed themeasures.Second,I focuson
individualvalue systemsratherthanexamin-
ingaggregate summaries ofgroup-levelvalue
rankings. I do so by adjustingeach individ-
ual's scoresinrelationto hisorherownaver-
age responsesto theSchwartzinstrument. By
13 The "ranking" versus "rating" issue of values
measurement has been debated. For advocates of
ranking,see Alwinand Krosnick(1985); Krosnickand
Alwin (1988).
ratherthanfocusingon values at the aggre-
gate level,I incorporatea symbolicinterac-
tionistfocuson the meaningsof values for
individualsrelativeto othervalues held by
thoseparticular individuals.
The factoranalysissuggeststhatthe 36
itemsrepresent sevendistinctfactors.
Shalom
Schwartzestablishedrelationships among10
values, using smallest-space analyses
(Guttman1968) arrayedacrosstwo dimen-
sions (see Figure1). The firstinvolvesself-
enhancement (composed of the values
achievementand power)/self-transcendence
(consisting of universalismand benevo-
lence).The seconddimensionentailsconser-
vation(composedof the values conformity,
tradition,and security)/openness to change
(hedonism, stimulation,self-direction).
Schwartzholdsthatthispatternis foundin
manycountriesaroundthe world,and that
mostpeople in mostplaces recognizethese
values.An eleventhvalue,a formofreligiosi-

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY 127

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128 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
ty (spiritualityin mysample), sometimes measure adapted by Grube and Piliavin
emergesin his analyses,but does not match (2000) usingCallero's(1983) measureof the
neatlywiththeother10valuesandis lessuni- blooddonoridentity. Threeitemstapintothe
versallyrecognized. degreeofimportance ofthevolunteeridenti-
In mostinstances,the correspondence ty for the respondents,and the items are
betweentheitemsand theunderlying values added togetherto producethe finalvalue.
theymeasureis muchthesamein mydata as The responsechoicesrangefrom1 ("agree
inSchwartz's. (See Table 1 fora comparison.)
strongly")to 7 ("disagree strongly");the
Some differences are present,probablydue
itemsare "Doing volunteerworkis some-
to the sample.'4"Independence,"forexam-
ple,is an important aspectofachievement for thingI rarelythinkabout,""I would feel a
Americancollege students.The values that loss if I were forcedto give up volunteer
constituteopennessto changeforSchwartz work"(reversecoded),and "Volunteering is
(Figure 1) load onto a singlefactorin my an importantpart of who I am" (reverse
sample,as do thevaluesconstituting conser- coded). The alpha forthis scale is .87 for
vation. "fourthyear"and .82for"firstyear."College
Because mygoal is to analyzethe rela- studentsappear to hold some level of this
tionshipbetweenvalues and identityin my identity as a resultof both"mandatory" and
sample(as opposed to Schwartz'sprojectof "voluntary" volunteerexperiences:83.4 per-
examininguniversalpatternsof value-struc- centof the"fourthyear"samplereporteda
tures),I constructed mymeasuresusingthe volunteeridentity, even if it was minimal.I
relationships foundbetweentheitemsin my
haveno data aboutthelocationofthisidenti-
data. My sevenvalues,as shownin Table 1,
saliencehierarchies.
are universalism, conservation, opennessto tyin individuals'
change,achievement,benevolence,power, The Volunteer PerceivedExpectations of
and spirituality.I did notincludethoseitems Others scale uses the same seven-point
whichloaded stronglyon more than one responsecategoriesas theidentity scale and
value. includesthefollowing items:"It reallywould-
To construct each value,I averagedthe n'tmatterto mostpeople I knowifI decided
students'responsesto eachoftheitemslisted to giveup doingvolunteerwork,""Manyof
undereach valueheading.The measuresthus thepeoplethatI knowexpectme to continue
take a value from-1 to 7; highernumerical doingvolunteerwork"(reversecoded),"No
valuesindicatea stronger importance forthe one would reallybe surprisedif I stopped
value.Then I standardizedeach individual's doing volunteerwork,"and "Many people
ratingfora particular value relativeto hisor would
probablybe disappointedin me if I
herownratingoftheothersixvalues.Forthe
decided to stop doing volunteer work"
purposesofthisproject,I expectthosevalues
The alpha is .78 forboth
whichrepresent self-transcendence (benevo- (reversecoded).
lenceand universalism) to be correlatedpos- "fourthyear"and"first year."
itivelywithgreaterstrength ofthevolunteer Volunteer hours/week measures how
identity, and theself-enhancement values to much volunteering the respondent has per-
be relatednegatively to thisidentity. formedon a scale from1 to 4, rangingfrom
"Volunteer identity" measures.Mydepen- "onlyonce or twice"to "severalhoursper
dentvariableis thatofvolunteeridentity,"5 a week."

14
"[I]t appears thatthe averageAmericanstudent
is exceptionalin givinghighpriorityto self-oriented
desires"(Schwartzand Bardi 2001:286).
15 One anonymousreviewerwonderedwhyidenti-
tyratherthan behaviorwas the dependentvariable.
In brief,thestudyfocuseson theself,and leaves aside
for now importantquestions about the relationship
between self and behavior.The link between values
and behavioris even less directthantheheavilymedi-
ated linkbetweenattitudesand behavior,and values
are not conceptuallyimportantforpredictingspecific
behaviors(S. Schwartz1996). I contend(beyond the
scope of this paper) that the values-behavior link
occursthroughthe developmentof situationally rele-
Verplankenand Holland (2002) argue
vantidentities.
that values affectbehavior if the value is (1) cogni-
tivelyactivatedand (2) centralto a person'sself-con-
cept. For a furtherdiscussion of the link between
values and behavior, see Kristiansen and Hotte
(1996).

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY
RESULTS
As a preliminary that
stepforillustrating
a focuson valuesis usefulfora fullerunder-
standingof self,I estimatethreeregression
models.Althoughthe data are not perfect,
theyallow us to addresstheprocessof link-
ing values and identitiesempirically.The
dependentvariablein all threemodelsis the
volunteeridentitymeasure.In Model 1, I
conducta cross-sectional analysisof all stu-
dentsin the"fourth year"sample.In Models
2 and 3, I use the sample of studentsfor
whom I have data froman earlier wave.
These models,withtheircontrolfora previ-
ous measure of the identity,allow me to
assess whethervalues are significantpredic-
torsofthisparticular overandabove
identity,
previousidentitylevels.Ifvaluesarefoundto
predictvolunteeridentity,
significantly espe-
ciallyinmodelscontrolling forpreviousiden-
titymeasures,thiswill be strongevidence
thatvaluesare an important partoftheiden-
tity-formationprocess.
Table 2 presentsmeans and standard
deviationsforthe measuresincludedin the
modelsinthefollowing analyses.Because the
analysesuse twosubsamples, Table2 presents
thedescriptivesseparatelyforeach.The vol-
unteeridentity means(12.03,12.90)are both
in the middle of the potentialdistribution
(rangeis 3 to 21); the meansfor"perceived
129
expectations ofothers"(13.92,14.39)bothlie
nearthelowermiddleof thepotentialrange
(4 to 28). Highervaluesof each meanrepre-
sentgreateramountsofthevolunteeridenti-
ty and greaterperceivedsocial pressureto
maintainthe identity. Studentsin each sam-
ple reportvolunteering morethan"once or
twice"in college,but do not approach the
level of a fewhourseach month.Volunteer
activityappears,on average,to accountfor
onlya smallportionof theiroverallcollege
experience;yet 83 percentof the sample
reporta volunteeridentity. Each subsample
is approximately one-thirdmale.
Given limitsof samplesize,I includein
the models those values mosttheoretically
relevantto thevolunteeridentity,drawingon
the self-enhancement/self-transcendence
dimensiondiscussedbySchwartz(see Figure
1): theseare benevolence,power,universal-
ism,and achievement. The presentedmeans
forthevaluesare,in effect, within-person z-
scores,suchthatthe averagememberof the
cross-sectional subsample(Model 1) values
universalism only.04 above his or her own
averageratingof thesevenvalue constructs.
Poweris the lowest-rated value,on average
1.4 standarddeviationbelow each individ-
ual's meanratingforall sevenvalues.Future
projectsfocusingon different identities(e.g.
"student")willincludedifferent, theoretical-
lyappropriate combinations ofvalues.

Table 2. DescriptiveStatisticsforVariablesIncludedin Models 1-3

Models 2 and 3
Model 1 (LongitudinalMeasures
(Cross-Sectional) Available)
Mean SD Mean SD
"FourthWave" VolunteerIdentity 12.03 4.86 12.90 4.95

"FirstWave" VolunteerIdentity 13.08 4.17

"FirstWave" PerceivedExpectations 15.46 5.74
"FirstWave" VolunteerHours/Week 3.00 1.03

Male .38 .33

"FourthWave" PerceivedExpectations 13.92 5.47 14.39 5.81
"FourthWave" VolunteerHours/Week 1.56 1.12 1.73 1.07
Universalism .04 .70 .09 .71
Benevolence .58 .50 .56 .49
Power -1.40 .72 -1.44 .69
Achievement .55 .62 .56 .63

N 206 96

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130 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
Table3 presentstheparameterestimates natureoftheidentity. Individualswhoreport
forthe regressioncoefficients forthe three greaterconcernswithpoweror achievement
models.Model 1 presentsa cross-sectional are less likelyto possessa strongidentity as
analysisinorderto utilizea largersubsample. volunteers. This resultis even morestriking
We observethatthe regressioncoefficients when we considerthe sample as a whole:
forthe concurrent behavioralmeasureand achievement ranksquitehighamongcollege
theconcurrent "perceptionsof others"mea- students.
sureare significant forpredicting thevolun- Model 1 demonstrates not onlya "posi-
teeridentity.Also, as in subsequentmodels, tive"effectofholdingstronger self-transcen-
genderis nota significant predictorofvolun- dencevaluesbutalso a "negative"effect(on
teeridentity. theadoptionof a volunteeridentity) of high
Incorporating thegreatersamplesize at self-enhancement values.People seem to be
thisstep allows us to take a more sharply
attractedto an identity thatenactsvaluesof
focusedlook at therelationships betweenthe
benevolence, butalso maybe "pushedaway"
values underconsideration. Benevolence,as
fromthisidentity by a greaterconcernwith
we mightexpect,is a significant(p < .05) and
The powerand achievement. itmay
Alternatively,
positivepredictorof volunteeridentity.
two values thatconstituteSchwartz'sself- be thatpeople motivated by benevolence are
enhancement construct (powerand achieve- motivated to enter more
different, personal
ment) are associated negativelywiththe volunteering situations(such as a homeless
volunteeridentity, as we mightexpect. shelter)than those motivatedby the more
Model 1, standingalone,indicatessup- globaluniversalism (perhapsjoiningan orga-
portforthe values-as-personal-identity the- nization such as AmnestyInternational).
sis:theregression forthreeofthe Unfortunately
coefficients thelimitsofthesedata do not
fourvalues significantly predictvolunteer allowus to disentangle theseissues.The larg-
identity.This findingis consistentwithwhat erproject,ofwhichthisanalysisis onlya first
we would expect, given the value-laden step,will permitus to beginexaminingthe

Table 3. Estimatesof EffectsofValues and VolunteerMeasures in RegressionModels ofVolunteerIdentity

Model 2 Model 3
Model 1 (Longitudinal: (No Identity
(Cross-Sectional) IdentityControl) Control)
Coefficient SE Coefficient SE Coefficient SE

FirstYear VolunteerIdentity .443*** .108

FirstYear PerceivedExpectations .04 .072

FirstYear VolunteerHours/Week 1.153*** .360
Male -.05 .524 .448 .691 .108 .763
Constant 3.504 .982 -3.715 2.032 3.485 1.44

FourthYear PerceivedExpectations .311*** .052 .324*** .073 .393*** .073

FourthYear VolunteerHours/Week 1.555*** .245 1.217*** .335 1.387*** .369

Universalism .38 .416 1.284** .572 .891 .612

Benevolence 1.154** .530 1.961*** .733 2.167*** .816
Power -1.092** .417 .896 .636 -.151 .638
Achievement -.775* .426 -.158 .571 -.393 .634

R2 .511 .670 .572

N 206 96 96
Note:Coefficients are unstandardized.
*p <.10; **p <.05; ***p <.01

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY 131
interacting (and reciprocal)effects ofspecific toolsto confirm theimportance ofthoseval-
valuesand specificidentities. ues whichlinktheoretically witha particular
Model 2 includeslongitudinal controlsof identity.
the dependentvariableand the concordant In Model 3,thesamedependentvariable
behavioralmeasure.As expected,theregres- (volunteeridentity)is regressedon values
sioncoefficient forthe"firstyear"volunteer and concurrent measuresforthe same sub-
identityis a significantpredictor of the sampleas in Model 2. In thiscase,however,
"fourthyear"identity in thismodel.That is, the"firstyear"measuresare removedfrom
we wouldexpectpreviousidentity as a volun- an analysisof thefirstsubsampleso thatthe
teer to stronglypredictcurrentvolunteer longitudinaland cross-sectional(Model 1)
identity.Students'perceptionsabout others' subsamplescan be compared.Recall that
expectations duringtheirfirst yeardo notsig- Model 1 is an analysisof the entiresample
nificantly affecttheirvolunteeridentityin fromthe"fourthyear"data; thissubsample,
theirsenioryear,whenwe controlforexpec- however,does notincludethepreviousiden-
tationsof others.We mightsurmisethatthe tityvariable.Therefore, to allowforcompara-
perceivedexpectations ofotherswhichinflu- bilitybetweenthe longitudinalsample and
ence identityformation drawmore on cur- thecross-sectional analysis, I estimateModel
rentperceptions ofsignificant referent others 3 withoutthepreviousidentity variable.In all
thanon previousperceptions. In otherwords, otherwaysitis identicalto Model 2.
one's senseofoneselfas a volunteercurrent- We see thattheconcurrent measuresof
lyis influenced morestrongly bycurrent oth- behaviorand others'perceptions retaintheir
ersthanbyone's pastconceptionsof others' significance and thatthe betas do not differ
expectations. The sameis nottrueforbehav- greatly.The same is true of the key value
ioralmeasures, however:bothpastvolunteer- measure: benevolence retainsits positive
ing behavior and concurrentmeasures of relationship andsignificance (p < .01) in each
volunteer behavior are significant predictors model. The coefficient for universalism
oftheidentity (p < .01). Identitiesare devel- retainsits positiverelationshipin the two
oped boththrough theopinionsofothersand models,althoughit failsto reachsignificance
throughbehaviorrelevantto thatidentity. It in Model 3 (a function of samplesize). This
appears,inthiscase,thatvolunteering behav- differenceprobablyis notsurprising because
ior exertsa morelastingeffecton theidenti- Model 2 controlsforpreviouslevels of the
ty than does the original perception of identity,while Model 3 does not. That is,
others'viewoftheidentity. Model 2 is estimatingtheeffects oftheinde-
Most importantto the thesis of this pendentvariableson a change in identity,
paper-that values are key indicatorsof while the subsequentmodels examine the
one's personalidentity whichare important cross-sectionaleffectsof the independent
forunderstandingmore preciselysituated variables on identitylevels. Ultimately,
identities-theregression coefficientsforthe however,the continuingsignificance of the
universalismand benevolence values are theoretically identity-relevant values bene-
relatedsignificantly and positively to having volenceand universalism indicatetheutility
a volunteeridentity. Thiseffectis foundwith ofincluding valuesin modelsofidentity.
controlsforpriormeasuresofthesameiden- The main goal of this analysis was to
Thesetwovaluesmakeup whatSchwartz showthatvaluesincreaseour understanding
tity.
calls the self-transcendence values, which ofidentity. Thisgoal was metwhenI showed
lead to a focuson othersratherthanon one- thatvalues are a predictorof identity in all
self.Such an understanding of the place of threemodels.It is notablethatuniversalism
values withinthe self allows us to specify inthecross-sectional subsamplefailsto reach
whichvalues are linkedto a particularrole- significance; thiscould be the resultof the
or group-identity. That is,we would expect differences betweenthelongitudinal control
self-transcendence to be an importantpre- modelofidentity in Model 2 and in Model 3,
dictorof the people who stronglyhold the notedabove.Alternatively, itmaybe thatthis
specificidentity consideredhere,thatof vol- subsampledoes not associate universalism
unteer.Sucha linkoffers socialpsychologists withthe volunteeridentityas it does in the

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132 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
case ofbenevolence, theotherprincipalself- By conceptualizing the core of personal
transcendence value.Perhapsthissubsample identityas composed of particularvalue-
replicatesotherfindings(Omoto, Snyder, structures,social psychologistscan advance
and Martino2000) thatyoungervolunteers the scholarshipon the selfin at least three
tendto be motivatedmorestrongly byinter- directions.First,we can apply our under-
personal relationshipsthan by a sense of standingof the selfto the disparate,rather
obligationto the community(whichmoti- fragmented scholarshipon values.Values is
vatesoldervolunteers).Such a conclusionis oftena catchalltermforwhateverphenome-
supportedbya closelook at theitemsconsti- non variousresearchersare examining.By
tuting thevaluesofbenevolence(truefriend- usingthe validatedSchwartzmeasures,we
ship,honesty,forgiveness, helpfulness)and can beginto pulltogether thevariousstrands
universalism(equality, a world at peace, of researchon values.In reconceptualizing
socialjustice,broad-mindedness). These val- theworkon valuesas thecoreoftheself,we
ues themselves correlatewitheachotheronly can addressthefragmented natureof schol-
slightlyand weakly(r = .102,p < .10). This arship-onself (see Prentice2001). In such
populationmay experiencevolunteering as fragmentation, the personis viewedas ever
an interpersonalactivity(a group-identity)
to more efficient,with compartmentalized
a greaterextentthanas fulfilling universal, processesthatare an aspectofthe"self"sim-
"liberal"goals.We shouldnotmaketoomuch plythroughtheaccidentof occurring within
ofthispossibility,
however.The analysespre- thesamebiologicalindividual. Whenwe take
sented here suggestsupportforthe larger thisapproach,we lose theimportant-and,I
pointunderlying thispaper:thatvalues can believe,fundamental-unifying sense of self
be an important and illustrative
aspectofthe so important to theoriginators
oftheconcept
self,whichcan increaseourunderstanding of in bothpsychology and sociology.Bothiden-
bothpersonalidentity and role-and group- titytheoryand social identitytheorycan be
identities. expandedby engagingthe originalfocusof
workon self,namelyself as a totality. The
DISCUSSION inclusionof values,as presentedhere,is an
Social identitytheoryandidentity theory attemptto round out and unifythe two
bothposita selfcomprising a varietyofrole- approaches:it does so byoffering a theoreti-
orgroup-based identities.Takentogether,the cally valid and empiricallytestableframe-
two theoriesadvance our understanding of work for understanding individuals'
the self and its relationshipto the various self-conceptionas more than the sum (or
identitiesthatindividuals claimas theirown. even the interplay)of theirgroupand role
Thesetheoriesleave personalidentity under- memberships.
analyzed,however.People's self-conceptions A second advantage of incorporating
do notconsistsolelyoftheirvariousroleand values addresses what Deaux (1996) and
groupmemberships. We sharecertainaspects Thoits and Virshup (1997) regard as an
withimportantreferencegroupsand com- overcognitive approachto social identifica-
monlyunderstoodrole expectationswithin tion processes. People do not simplyform
particularsocial structuralpositions; yet cognitive attachments to particulargroup-
these self-identifications and self-expecta- and role-identities;
indeed,the termattach-
tions do not fully capture the sense of mentsignifies something deeper.People feel
uniquenessthatis,ifnotuniversal, an impor- as thoughimportantaspects of self reflect
tantpartofmodernWesternunderstandings "who theyreallyare,"a topic about which
of self(e.g.,Baumeister1986;Giddens1991; mostindividualsdo not feel neutral.Values
Taylor1989,1991).ThoitsandVirshup(1997) deal intrinsically withissuesofcognitionand
point to the need for identitytheoryto offeeling. Valuesare emotion-laden concep-
include transsituationalphenomena; the tions of the desirable thatunderlievalue-
findings presentedhereincorporate personal identities, whichthemselvesare developed
identityintoprominent through aroundaffectivemeaningsappropriatedto
self-theories
theutilizationofvalues. self(Gecas 2000).

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 VALUES AND PERSONAL IDENTITY
The thirdadvancepermitted by suchan
understanding ofpersonalidentity is primar-
ily sociological. Various studies, notably
Kohn's works(1959,1969,1976; Kohn and
Schooler 1982; also see Inglehart 1997;
Inglehart andBaker2000),demonstrate links
betweena numberof sociologicalvariables
and values. Gender, race, ethnicity, social
class,nationof origin,and educationare all
found-througha varietyofdifferent, some-
timesincommensurate measures-to shape
people's values. By linkingself to values
throughpersonalidentity, we can begin to
systematically connectthesestructural posi-
tionsto selfin a waychampionedbythepio-
neersof self-theories,yetwithprecisionand
nuance.One's place in the social structure
has discreteeffectson manyoutcomes;val-
ues are bothan important intermediate force
and an interestingoutcome in theirown
right.By understanding valuesas thecoreof
theself,sociologistscan understand patterns
in perception,self-conception, and action
across membersof particularsocial groups
while also allowing room for individual
agencyand action.That is,all membersof a
particular socialgroupmayplace priority on
particularvalues,butalso maypossessimpor-
tantindividualdifferences in the constella-
tion of values and identitiesthatmake up
theirsenseof self.Social class,race,and gen-
der do not strictlydeterminevalue struc-
tures;yet the key values privilegedin the
transmissionof social-groupmembership
(ascribedor chosen)indicatecommonalities
amongmembersofsuchgroups.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
133
selves" and constructa sense of self that
"feels right"(Karp, Homstrom,and Gray,
1998). It willbe instructiveto followup on
individualsaftertheyleave college,whena
sense of personal identitypresumablyhas
solidified,perhapsas in Newcomb's(1943)
Bennington study.Future analyses also
wouldaddressmorefullythetranssituational
qualityofpersonalidentity.
In additionto offeringlongitudinal possi-
bilitiesfor futureresearch,values can be
linkedwitha varietyof identities, not only
theidentity underdiscussionforthisanalysis.
In the future,researcherswould be able to
testtheproposition thatvaluesare important
predictorsof a wide varietyof role- and
group-identities.Similarly,such analyses
would allow social psychologiststo begin
specifying thoseaspectsofthepersonaliden-
titywhichshape (and are shapedby) thevar-
ious identitieswe claim. Universalism,for
example,performs curiouslyin the analyses
presentedhere;futureworkcan disentangle
suchissues.We could hypothesize thatvari-
ous social structuralpositions(social class,
race,religion)lead to different interpreta-
tionsof thesame values;thuswe mightfind
thatvalues do not operateuniformly across
important sociologicalvariables.
Finally,futureresearchersmay tryto
combinesomeof thesedirections in orderto
specifythe interrelation of identitytheory
and socialidentitytheoryinwaysbeyondthe
scope of thesedata. One's personalidentity,
composedof values and understoodas the
core of theself,offersintriguingpossibilities
forempiricallyfindinglinksbetweenthese
twoimportant theories.

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StevenHitlin is a PhD studentat theUniversity of Wisconsin-Madison.His researchinterests

includeselfand identity,
values,gender,and social theory.
In hiscurrent
researchhe theoretical-
lyand empiricallylinksselftosocialstructure,
usingtheconceptsofvaluesandpersonalidentity.

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