Internal Assignment

Q- Discuss the significance of gift exchange in simple societies.

I will be writing this essay through the works of Marcel Mauss in ‘The Gift:
Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies’ (1924). In this work of
his, Mauss mainly suggests that gift exchange systems have been an important
feature of many cultures throughout history, and that understanding these
systems is key to understanding the social and economic organization of
traditional societies. He found out that even in simple societies, gift giving is a
way of carrying out economic transactions. It’s not entirely voluntary but
obligatory. Mauss further questions this obligation to make a return of the gift
received. He analyses this compulsion. The reasons are related to morals, status,
power, societal expectations and contracts. Gift giving also plays a role or is a
way of initiating dispute or shaming others.
Mauss's objective here was to understand how simple societies conduct economic
transactions, and how they differ from modern societies in terms of defining
contract and exchange. He employed a comparative approach. According to the
author, in simple societies, exchange occurs between groups rather than
individuals. Goods of exchange are likewise diverse. It might be goods, property,
or the trade of children, women, knowledge, military support, feasts, dances, and
so on; hence, the market is merely one kind of exchange. He also saw the
principle of rivalry and hostility that exists in these tribal rituals.
Mauss begins his work by looking at gift exchange in Polynesia, noting that gift-
giving is a highly controlled practise with a complicated set of laws and
expectations. Gifts, for example, are transferred in some Polynesian societies as
part of a reciprocal exchange system that mandates individuals to give gifts of
equal value to those they have received. This instils a sense of commitment and
reciprocity in individuals and groups.
Gift exchange systems, according to Mauss, are not unique to Polynesia and can
be found in many traditional civilizations across the world. Gift-giving is
frequently considered as a tool to develop and sustain social relationships, as well
as to demonstrate wealth and reputation in these societies. According to Mauss,
one of the main characteristics of gift exchange in basic communities is that gifts
are more than just things, but are filled with social and symbolic meaning. A gift,
for example, might be given to express thanks, to develop a friendship link, or to
demonstrate one's wealth and generosity.
Gift exchange becomes a form of communication and social connection rather
than just an economic transaction in this sense. The author also comments that in
simple societies, gift exchange frequently entails complicated systems of
reciprocity, in which individuals and groups are required to offer gifts in
exchange for those they have received. This fosters a sense of obligation and
social indebtedness, which bonds individuals and groups together and contributes
to the maintenance of social order.

Additionally, Mauss' research of gift exchange in basic civilizations emphasises

the necessity of understanding the social and symbolic meaning of gift-giving, as
well as the intricate social and economic links that are built through these
activities. He explains how we can get a greater knowledge of the social and
cultural factors that support human connection and cooperation by investigating
the role of gift exchange in traditional communities.
Mauss investigates the topic of gift-giving in many  societies. According to
Mauss, gift-giving is more than just an exchange of items; it is a complicated
social practise that represents the ties and obligations of individuals and groups.
Mauss begins by detailing the exchange of presents between tribes, clans, and
households in primitive civilizations. He observes that gifts are not freely
offered, but rather come with particular expectations and obligations. A gift, for
example, may be offered in exchange for protection or support, and failing to
reciprocate the gift may result in a loss of honour and status.
Gift-giving, according to Mauss, is about more than just the items themselves,
but also about the social relationships they represent. Gifts are frequently given
to build or preserve social ties, to demonstrate wealth or generosity, or to
establish a social hierarchy between persons or groups. Mauss studied the Samao
tribe and their traditions to demonstrate the aforementioned concept. The system
of contractual gifts extends beyond marriages; these gifts accompany occasions
such as funeral ceremonies, trading, and the birth of a child. The phrases oloa and
Taonga relate to objects that belong solely to the husband and are considered
mobile assets, while the latter refers to permanent and immovable objects
brought in by the wife, such as decorations and talismans, in the newfound
family with an obligation to return.
Furthermore, Mauss contends that gift-giving includes a symbolic and spiritual
dimension in addition to economic transaction. Gifts are frequently endowed
with magical or religious meaning, and their exchange can serve as a sort of
communication between realms such as the living and the dead. Taonga are
strongly related to the person in Maori law and religion; they are the carrier of its
mana, magical, religious, and spiritual force. The fact that the gift received and
traded has a hau and is not inactive imposes the requirement of return since it is
thought that if it is not returned to the donor, it would bring bad luck. Among the
Maori, gift has an emotive quality. It was Eldson best who collected the Maori
data, sourced from a shaman or sage known as Tamati Rasaipuri. Mauss also
discusses an exchange between men and gods/ spirits of ancestors, in forms such
as sacrifices, gifts and performance of certain rituals. One such example is that of
the ‘asking festival’ in Alaska.

Following that, the author analyses the concept of "total services" in the context
of the reciprocity and exchange argument. The institution of 'total services'
entails the obligation to reciprocate gifts received, the obligation to give and the
obligation to receive for a guest who has no choice but to beg for hospitality and
receive gifts, to engage in trading, and so on. Similarly, the obligation to provide
is as significant; refusing to contribute is equivalent to declaring war or rejecting
an alliance bond; another reason that one is forced to give is because the recipient
possesses property that belongs to the donor.
The modern Western notion of economic exchange as a totally rational,
individualistic activity is challenged by Mauss' examination of gift-giving.
However, he contends that gift-giving is firmly ingrained in social interactions
and cultural traditions, and that it reflects a distinct set of values and goals than
those found in capitalist cultures.
Furthermore, the author talks of the study on Trobriand Islanders, which was
carried out by Malinowski through the method of participant observation. The
form of exchange is known as ‘Kula’. It is defined as an inter and intra tribal
commerce system.
The word ‘Kula’ means circle which signifies an exchange that takes place in a
circular direction or cycle. The author acknowledges that it is sort of a grand
potlatch. There is a religious and spiritual aspect to the Kula gift as well. To
understand the gift exchange better, functions of Kula exchange can be drawn out
as well. the exchange form allows corporation, leads to specialisation in terms of
manufacture and tribal leadership, formation of trade and marriage alliances
takes place, it maintains law and order , promotes unity within tribes and there is
also aspect of psychological comfort being provided, such as before sea voyages.
The author also describes other types of gift exchange, focusing mostly on
potlatch. He investigates the potlatch done by Kwakiutl Tribes. He describes
potlatch, a gift-giving ceremony used by indigenous peoples of North America's
Pacific Northwest coast, the tribes in highlight being in Alaska :Tlingit and
Haida, and in British Colombia: Haida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl. According to
Mauss, the potlatch is an excellent example of the intricate social and symbolic
components of gift-giving.
According to Mauss, the potlatch is a competitive gift-giving celebration in
which people or groups compete to outdo one another in displays of riches and
generosity. The potlatch involves the exchange of many different items, ranging
from food and clothing to canoes and slaves. The exchange of things, however, is
only one component of the potlatch, which is also distinguished by a variety of
symbolic and ritual acts. Potlatch is far more frantic, competitive, and destructive
than Kula. It is destructive in the sense that it entails specific techniques of
destroying precious items in order to demonstrate enormous wealth. It also keeps
accumulation and inflation under control, and class parity is maintained.
According to Mauss, one of the most fundamental components of the potlatch is
the concept of "prestations," or the exchange of presents that are not strictly
similar in value. The offering of presents during a potlatch is based on a
complicated web of social ties and obligations rather than a simple trade of items.
The obligation to give, however, is the very essence of potlatch. A gift provided
by a wealthy and powerful people, for example, may be more valuable than a gift
given by someone of lower status, and failing to reciprocate a gift of adequate
value might result in a loss of prestige and influence. Another significant
component of the potlatch is its significance in the formation and maintenance of
social hierarchies. Individuals use the potlatch to demonstrate their riches and
position, and the most successful potlatch hosts are those who can provide the
most valuable and impressive gifts. In this sense, the potlatch establishes and
reinforces social hierarchies and power structures.
Mauss also discusses the potlatch's spiritual and metaphorical components, which
he believes are crucial to its meaning and significance. The potlatch is a way of
communication between individuals and groups as well as a practical exchange
of gifts. The sharing of gifts has symbolic and spiritual significance, and the
potlatch is viewed as a means of linking the living with the spiritual realm. As a
result, there are religious and shamanistic dimensions to potlatch, as well as
economic and social ones. Potlatch requirements include things like establishing
eligibility to be chief in a tribe, asserting statuses, showing a gesture of sharing,
and humiliating opponents. It also aids in the establishment of appreciation or
gratitude through reciprocity.
To conclude , the author provides an intriguing glimpse into the complicated and
multidimensional practise of gift-giving in simple societies and early
communities. Mauss's investigation into the social, symbolic, and spiritual
components of gift-giving questions our beliefs about economic trade and pushes
us to rethink how gift-giving influences our relationships and identities.
Therefore, the economic transactions of the primitive societies here are
understood through the reciprocity and obligations of the system of gift
exchange, which is social and cultural in nature.