Studies in Byzantine Sigillography

STUDIES IN BYZANTINE
SIGILLOGRAPHY
14
Studies in Byzantine Sigillography
14
Founded by
Nicolas Oikonomides
Edited by
Nicolas Oikonomides (vol. 1-6)
Werner Seibt (vol. 7)
Jean-Claude Cheynet and Claudia Sode (vol. 8-12)
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and
Christos Stavrakos (vol. 13–14)
STUDIES IN BYZANTINE
SIGILLOGRAPHY
14
Edited by
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt
and
Christos Stavrakos
H
F
Editorial Board
Ioanna Koltsida-Makre
John W. Nesbitt
Vivien Prigent
Werner Seibt
Elena Stepanova
Zhenya Zhekova
This publication uses the Athena Ruby font (vers. 21, July 2015), courtesy
Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.
© 2022 Brepols Publishers n. v., Turnhout, Belgium.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a re-
trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.
D/2022/0095/222
ISBN 978-2-503-60127-4
e-ISBN 978-2-503-60128-1
DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.130657
Printed on acid-free paper.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword VII
Abbreviations IX
COLLECTIONS AND FINDS
Vera Bulgurlu, Seals from the Basilica of St John the

Theologian in Ayasuluk 3
Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou,

Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the Acquisitions of the
Athens Numismatic Museum Collections 21
Nikolaos Mastrochristos, Lead Seal of John VIII

Palaiologos from Rhodes 35
Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras, A Selection of

Important Seals from the Private Collection of Zafeiris Syrras 45
HISTORY, PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ADMINISTRATION
Andreas Gkoutzioukostas, The Office of oikistikos: A Re-

examination of the Sigillary Material and an Unpublished Lead
Seal from Konstantinos Kalantzes’ Collection 59
Werner Seibt, The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s 69
Werner Seibt, Auch der georgische Aristokrat Vač‛e Lip’arit’

emigrierte in der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts in das
Byzantinische Reich 81
BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND
Michael N. Boutyrski, The Bulla of Joseph, metropolitan of

Rosia 87
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Jean-Claude Cheynet, Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors

des frontières de l’Empire 91
Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg

Oleynikov, A Collection of Byzantine Seals from
Velikij Novgorod 107

Volker Hilberg, Byzantium and Beyond: Siegel aus
Skandinavien 121
PIETY
Gert Boersema, Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine

Jerusalem Pilgrimage 137
TECHNOLOGY AND MANAGEMENT
Maria Teresa Catalano, Nutzen und Grenzen der

RTI-Fotografie am Beispiel von zwei stark beschädigten
byzantinischen Bleisiegeln 147
George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou, Integrated

Management of Lead Seals: The Case of the Numismatic
Museum, Athens-Greece 159
Index of Proper Names and Terms 173

Index of Iconography 186
Index of Metrical Inscriptions 187
VI
Foreword
This volume, reviewed by anonymous readers, was produced at a time

when the Covid-19 pandemic has kept the libraries of universities and
research institutes closed. However, all the contributors overcame these
problems by writing articles containing some new information, topics
and interpretations of sigillographic data. The main part of the volume
include themes presented at the 12th International Symposium of Byz-
antine Sigillography (St Petersburg, 28–30 May 2019), especially ma-
terial from excavations or seal collections. In addition, the volume also
hosts articles promoting our knowledge concerning the administration,
prosopography, history and iconography of Byzantium.
During the preparation of this volume, our dear colleague
Prof. Dr Ivan Jordanov sadely passed away. Professor Jordanov has of-
fered remarkable editions of Byzantine seals found in Bulgaria; he has
always been present at our International Symposia and his death is a loss
for the Byzantine Studies. For these reason this volume is dedicated to
his memory.
The editors
Abbreviations
ADSV: Antičnaja Drevnost᾿ i Srednie Veka

AE: Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς
BHG: Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca, ed. F. Halkin, (Bruxelles, 1957–1967)
BMGS: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BnF: Bibliothèque nationale de France
Bulgurlu, Bizans Mihirleri: V. Bulgurlu, Bizans Kurşun Muhurleri (Istanbul,
2007)
Byz: Byzantion
ByzSl: Byzantinoslavica
BV: Byzantina Vindobonensia
Byzantine and Rus’ Seals: H. Ivakin – N. Khrapunov – W. Seibt (eds), Byzan-
tine and Rus’ Seals. Proceedings of the International Colloquium on
Rus’-Byzantine sigillography. Kyiv, Ukraine, 13–16 September 2013
(Kiev, 2015)
BZ: Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CFHB: Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae
Cheynet, “Antioche et Tarse”: J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byzantins des musées
d’Antioche et de Tarse”, TM 12 (1994) 391–478, pl. I–XIII
Cheynet, Société: J.-Cl. Cheynet, La société byzantine: l’apport des sceaux (Paris,
2008)
Cheynet, Tatış: J.-Cl. Cheynet, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Yavuz Tatış
(Izmir, 2019)
Cheynet, Zacos: J.-Cl. Cheynet, Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliothèque na-
tionale de France) se rapportant aux provinces orientales de l’Empire
byzantin (Paris, 2001)
Cheynet et al., Istanbul: J.-Cl. Cheynet – V. Bulgurlu – T. Gökyıldırım, Les
sceaux byzantins du musée archéologique d’Istanbul (Istanbul, 2012)
Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques: J.-Cl. Cheynet – D. Theodo
ridis, Sceaux byzantins de la collection D. Theodoridis. Les sceaux patro-
nymiques (Monographie 33) (Paris, 2010)
Cheynet – Vannier: J.-Cl. Cheynet – J.-Fr. Vannier, Études prosopographiques
(Paris, 1986)
Corinth XII: G. R. Davidson, The Minor Objects [Corinth XII] (Princeton, 1952)
CSHB: Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae
Darrouzès, Notitiae: J. Darrouzès, Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantino-
politanae (Paris, 1981)
Dated Seals: N. Oikonomides, A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals
(Washington, DC, 1986)
ΔΧΑΕ: Δελτίον Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας
Abbreviations
De adm. imp.: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed.

Gy. Moravcsik, tr. R. J. H. Jenkins, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC, 1967)
DHGE: Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques
DO: Dumbarton Oaks
DOCoins cf. Grierson, Catalogue
DOP: Dumbarton Oaks Papers
DOSeals: Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg
Museum of Art, 1–3, ed. J. W. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides (Washing-
ton, DC, 1991, 1994, 1996); 4–5, ed. E. McGeer – J. W. Nesbitt –
N. Oikonomides (Washington, DC, 2001, 2005); 6, ed. J. W. Nesbitt
– C. Morrisson (Washington, DC, 2009)
ΕΕΒΣ: Ἐπετηρὶς Ἑταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν
ΕΕΦΣΠΘ: Ἐπιστημονικὴ Ἐπετηρὶς Φιλοσοφικῆς Σχολῆς Πανεπιστημίου
Θεσσαλονίκης
EO: Echos d’Orient
EPLBHC: A. G. Savvides – B. Hendrickx (eds), Encyclopaedic Prosopographi-
cal Lexicon of Byzantine History and Civilization, I–III (Turnhout,
2007–2012)
Felix, Islamische Welt: W. Felix, Byzanz und die islamische Welt im früheren 11.
Jahrhundert (BV 14) (Vienna, 1981)
Genève: M. Campagnolo-Pothitou – J.-Cl. Cheynet, Sceaux de la collection
George Zacos au Musée d᾿art et d᾿histoire de Genève (Milano, 2016)
Gkoutzioukostas, Απονομή: A. E. Gkoutzioukostas, Η απονομή δικαιοσύνης στο
Βυζάντιο (9ος-12ος αιώνες) (Thessaloniki, 2004) (Βυζαντινά Κείμενα και
Μελέται 37)
Grierson, Catalogue III: Ph. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the
Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, III, 1–2
(Washington, DC, 1973)
Guilland, Recherches: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines I–II
(Berlin – Amsterdam, 1967)
Hagios Nikolaos: Hagios Nikolaos: Der Heilige Nikolaos in der griechischen
Kirche I–III, ed. G. Anrich (Leipzig – Berlin, 1913)
Hecht: J. Nesbitt – A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt – W. Seibt, Highlights from the Robert
Hecht, Jr., Collection of Byzantine Seals (Thessaloniki, 2009)
IFEB: Institut français d’études byzantines
IRAIMK: Izvestiya Rossiyskoy Akademii Istorii Materiaľnoy Kuľtury
Iviron II: P. Lemerle – N. Oikonomidès – D. Papachryssanthou, Actes d᾿ Ivi-
ron, II, Du milieu du xie siècle à 1204 (Archives de l᾿Athos 18) (Paris,
1990)
Janin, Églises: R. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l᾿empire byzantin, Ière
partie. Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecumenique. III. Les
églises et les monastères (Paris, 21969)
JIAN: Journal international d’archéologie numismatique
X
Abbreviations
JÖB: Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik (formerly Jahrbuch der Öster-

reichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft)
Jordanov, Corpus I, II, III: I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria,
Vol. I, Byzantine Seals with Geographical Names (Sofia, 2003), Vol. II,
Byzantine Seals with Family Names (Sofia, 2006), Vol. III (Sofia,
2009)
Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 1”: I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from
Bulgaria, volume, 1–3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corri-
genda (1)”, Numizmatika, Sfragistika i Epigrafika 7 (2011), 189–228
genda (2)”, Bǔlgariya v Evropeǐskata Kultura, Nauka, Obrazovanie,
Religiya, Chast 1 (Bulgaria in European Culture, Science, Education,
Religion, Part 1 (Šumen, 2015), 124–64
genda (3)”, Pismenost, Knižovnici, Knigi: Bŭlgarskata sleda v kultur-
nata istorija na Evropa (Šumen, 2018), 124-164
Jordanov, Preslav: I. Jordanov, Pečatite ot strategijata v Preslav (Sofia, 1993)
Jordanov – Zhekova: I. Jordanov – Zh. Zhekova, Catalogue of Medieval Seals at
the Regional Historical Museum of Shumen (Šumen, 2017)
Kestner I–II: W. Seibt, Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft. Die Bleisiegel
im Museum August Kestner, I (Rahden/Westfalen, 2011); A.-K. Was-
siliou-Seibt – W. Seibt, Der byzantinische Mensch in seinem Umfeld.
Weitere Bleisiegel der Sammlung Zarnitz im Museum August Kestner,
II (Rahden/Westfalen, 2016)
Koltsida-Makre, Μολυβδόβουλλα: I. Koltsida-Makre, Βυζαντινά μολυβδόβουλλα
συλλογής Ορφανίδη-Νικολαΐδη Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών (Athens,
1996)
Konstantopoulos: K. M. Konstantopoulos, Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα τοῦ ἐν
Ἀθήναις Ἐθνικοῦ Νομισματικοῦ Μουσείου (Athens, 1917; reprinted
from JIAN 5 [1902]–10 [1907])
Laurent, Bulles métriques: V. Laurent, Les bulles métriques dans la sigillographie
byzantine (Athens, 1932; offprint from Hellenika 4 [1931]–8 [1935])
Laurent, Corpus: V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l’Empire byzantin, V, 1–3,
L’eglise (Paris, 1963–1972); II, L’administration centrale (Paris, 1981)
Laurent, Orghidan: V. Laurent, La collection C. Orghidan (Paris, 1952)
Laurent, Vatican: V. Laurent, Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier Vatican (Vati-
can, 1962)
Lavra I–IV: Actes de Lavra I–IV, éd. P. Lemerle – A. Guillou – N. Svoronos –
D. Papachryssanthou (Archives de l᾿Athos 5, 8, 10, 11) (Paris, 1970,
1977, 1979, 1982)
LCI: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie
XI
Abbreviations
Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη: I. G. Leontiades, Μολυβδόβουλλα του Μουσείου

Βυζαντινού Πολιτισμού Θεσσαλονίκης (Thessaloniki, 2006) (Βυζαντινά
Κείμενα και Μελέται 40)
Lihačev, IZIGI: N. P. Lihačev, Istoričeskoe značenie italo-grečeskoj ikonopisi:
Izobraženija Bogomateri v proizvedenijah italo-grečeskih ikonopiscev i
ih vlijanie na kompozicii nekotoryh proslavlennyh russkih ikon (St Pe-
tersburg, 1911)
Lihačev, Vostok: N. P. Lihačev, Molivdovuly grečeskogo Vostoka, ed. V. S.
Šandrovskaja (Naučnoe nasledstvo 19) (Moscow, 1991)
MAIET: Materialy po Archeologii, Istorii i Etnografii Tavrii
Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus I: D. M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead Seals
from Cyprus (Nicosia, 2004)
Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus II: D. M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead Seals
from Cyprus. II (Nicosia, 2014)
MK: Münzkabinett
MM: F. Miklosich – I. Müller, Acta et diplomata Graeca medii aevi sacra et
profana, I–VI (Wien, 1860–1890) (repr. Athens, 1996)
MÖNG: Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft
NE: Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων
ODB: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium
Oikonomidès, Listes: N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance byzantines des ixe
et xe siècles (Paris, 1972)
PBW: Prosopography of the Byzantine World, 2011 edition, http://www.pbw.
kcl.ac.uk/
PG: Patrologia Graeca
PLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (Wien, 1976–1996)
PLRE: Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, 1971–1992)
PmbZ I: Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Erste Abteilung (641–
867), ed. R.-J. Lilie et al. (Berlin, 1999–2002)
PmbZ II: Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Zweite Abteilung (867–
1025), ed. R.-J. Lilie et al. (Berlin, 2013)
PO: Patrologia Orientalis
Polemis, Doukai: D. I. Polemis, The Doukai. A Contribution to Byzantine Pros-
opography (London, 1968)
REB: Révue des Études byzantines
Regesten: F. Dölger, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches I–V
(München, 1924–1965); fasc. I, 1–2, new edition by A. E. Müller
(München, 2009, 2003); fasc. II and III, new edition by P. Wirth
(München, 1995, 1977); fasc. V, by F. Dölger and P. Wirth (München
– Berlin, 1965)
Regestes: Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, I, by V. Grumel,
new edition by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1972); II–III, by V. Grumel, new
XII
Abbreviations
edition by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1989); IV, by V. Laurent (Paris, 1971);

V–VII, by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1977, 1979, 1991)
RN: Revue numismatique
Šandrovskaja, Sfragistika: Iskusstvo Vizantii v sobranijah SSSR (Katalog vys-
tavki) (Moscow, 1977), I–III, section “Sfragistika” by V. Šandrovskaja
Šandrovskaja – Seibt: V. S. Šandrovskaja – W. Seibt, Byzantinische Bleisiegel
der Staatlichen Eremitage mit Familiennamen. 1, Sammlung Lichačev.
Namen von A bis I (Wien, 2005)
SBS: Studies in Byzantine Sigillography
Schlumberger, Mélanges: G. Schlumberger, Mélanges d’archéologie byzantine
(Paris, 1895)
Schlumberger, Sig.: G. Schlumberger, Sigillographie de l’Empire byzantin (Paris,
1884, repr. Torino, 1963)
Seibt, Bleisiegel: W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich, I. Teil,
Kaiserhof (Wien, 1978)
Seibt, Skleroi: W. Seibt, Die Skleroi: Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische
Studie (Wien, 1976)
Seibt – Zarnitz: W. Seibt – M. L. Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als
Kunstwerk. Katalog zur Ausstellung (Wien, 1997)
Seyrig: J.-CI. Cheynet – C. Morrisson – W. Seibt, Les sceaux byzantins de la
collection Henri Seyrig (Paris, 1991)
Skoulatos, Personnages: B. Skoulatos, Les personnages byzantins de l’Alexiade,
Université de Louvain, Recueil de Travaux d’Histoire et de Philologie,
6e série, (Louvain, 1980)
Sode, Bleisiegel: C. Sode, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin II (Poikila Byzantina
14) (Bonn, 1997)
Sokolova, Imperial Seals: I. V. Sokolova, Byzantine Imperial Seals: The Cata-
logue of the Collection = Pečati vizantijskih imperatorov: katalog kolle-
kcii (St Petersburg, 2007)
Speck, Bleisiegel: P. Speck, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin (West) (Poikila By
zantina 5) (Bonn, 1986)
Stavrakos, Bleisiegel: C. Stavrakos, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familienna-
men aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen (Wies-
baden, 2002)
Szemioth – Wasilewski: A. Szemioth – T. Wasilewski, “Sceaux byzantins du
musée national de Varsovie”, Studia Zrodłoznawcze, Commentationes
11 (1966) 1–38; 14 (1969) 63–89
TIB: Tabula Imperii Byzantini
TM: Travaux et memoires
Vatopédi : Actes de Vatopédi. I. Des origines à 1329, éd. J. Bompaire – J. Lefort –
V. Kravari – Ch. Giros (Archives de l᾿Athos 21) (Paris, 2001)
Viz. Vrem.: Vizantijskij Vremennik
XIII
Abbreviations
Wassiliou, Corpus I: Al.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel

mit metrischen Legenden. 1, Einleitung, Siegellegenden von Alpha bis
inklusive My (WBS 28/1) (Wien, 2011)
Wassiliou, Corpus II: Al.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel
mit metrischen Legenden. 2, Siegellegenden von Ny bis inklusive Σφραγίς
(WBS 28/2) (Wien, 2016)
Wassiliou, Boersema: Al.-K. Wassiliou–Seibt, Ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτὸς σφραγὶς
ἀσφαλεστάτη. Byzantinische Bleisiegel der Sammlung Gert Boersema
(Thessaloniki, 2022)
Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel II: Al.-K. Wassiliou – W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen
Bleisiegel in Österreich. 2, Zentral- und Provinzialverwaltung (Wien,
2004)
WBS: Wiener Byzantinistische Studien
Zacos, Seals II: G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals II, ed. J. Nesbitt (Bern, 1984)
Zacos – Veglery: G. Zacos – A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals I (Basel, 1972)
ZRVI: Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta
XIV
COLLECTIONS AND FINDS
Vera Bulgurlu
Seals from the Basilica of St John the

Theologian in Ayasuluk
The Basilica of Ἅγιος Ἰωάννης ὁ Θεολόγος, the Apostle St John the Theo-
logian, built over his tomb, is situated on the southern slope of the hill
Ayasuluk, just below the Byzantine fortress which is enclosed within its
own walls at the top of the hill. Ayasuluk, part of the theme of Thrake-
sion, itself is also surrounded by thick walls protecting the pilgrimage
site. 1 It is very close to the center of the town of Selçuk, and about two
and a half kilometers away from the ancient city of Ephesus. 2
The control of the city passed from Byzantines to the Turkish tribes
as early as late eleventh century, however it was again under Byzantine
rule for a period of relative prosperity before finally passing into the
hands of the Turkish Beyliks in 1304 under the rule of Menteşe. The
name of the city was changed to Ayasuluk (the Turkish version of Hagi-
os Theologos). 3 In 1425, the city was captured by the Ottomans. 4
Ayasuluk has been excavated since mid-nineteenth century by vari-
ous archaeological teams. Between 2007 and 2019 extensive archaeolog-
ical research and restoration was carried out by the team of Prof. Musta-
fa Büyükkolancı from Pamukkale University. During this period, only
1
ODB III 2080 (s.v. Thrakesion [C. Foss]); C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity:
A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge, 1979), 107 gives a possible
date for the building of the walls as the seventh century; N. Karydis, “The Evolution
of the Church of St John at Ephesos during the Early Byzantine Period”, Jahreshefte des
Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 84, ( 2015), 97–127; S. Ladstaetter,
“Ephesus” in P. Niewöhner (ed.), The Archaeology of Byzantine Anatolia: From the end of
the Late Antiquity until the Coming of the Turks, (Oxford, 2017), 238–48; 247.
2
Ayasuluk was included when the city of Ephesus was declared a World Heritage
Site by UNESCO in 2015.
3
C. Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor”, DOP 56 (2002), 129–51; Foss,
Ephesus after Antiquity, 107–37.
4
F. Emecen, “Ayasuluk”, TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, https://islamansiklopedisi.org.
tr/ayasuluk#1-tarih (23.04.2021).
Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt

and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 3–20
©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132241
Vera Bulgurlu
15 Byzantine lead seals, of which two are damaged, and two lead blanks,
have been recovered and will be presented in this paper. Four of the
Ayasuluk seals have already been published by J-.C. Cheynet as seals of
Ephesus in the RN 154 in 1999. 5 I have included them in this paper as
they are excavation seals and not purchases or confiscations.
So far, as opposed to the Museum collection of Ephesus seals, no
early seals have been discovered, although Ephesus was Christianized
early and the cult of St John the Theologian was already strong in the
late Roman period. It is difficult to make an assumption as the excava-
tion is ongoing. Historically, the early Byzantine city was built within
the ancient city of Ephesus. The hill Ayasuluk gained in importance after
Justinian’s monumental restoration of the basilica of St John in the sixth
century. However, Ayasuluk, protected by its thick walls, only became a
more favorable, safer location for the people in the seventh century, dur-
ing the Persian and Arabic attacks. 6
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the theme of Thrakesion was
still a wealthy agricultural, monastic and trading area, what is also re-
flected in the excavation seals: The majority of them belong to the elev-
enth century, but the earliest one stems from the first half of the ninth
century, and the latest one from the twelfth century. Five of them belong
to officials of the civil fiscal administration of the theme, three to the ec-
clesiastical administration. As could be expected on the obverse of five
of our seals there is an image of St John Theologian, four in the form of
a bust, and one of St John, standing facing.
Important administrative and ecclesiastical seals discovered in the
excavation of Kadıkalesi/Anaia, a fortress town on the Aegean coast
some 20 kilometers south of St John, also reflect an active communal life
in the same period. 7
5
J.-C. Cheynet, “Les sceaux Byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, RN 6e série, 154
(1999), 317–52.
6
Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity, 107.
7
See V. Bulgurlu, “Seals from the Kadıkalesi/Anaia Excavation”, in C. Stavrakos
– B. Papadopoulou (eds), Proceedings of the 10th International Symposium of Byzan-
tine Sigillography, Ioannina, 1–3 October 2009 (Wiesbaden, 2011), 277–91. A twelfth
century seal of the clergyman Constantine, and two very fine specimens among these
seals belonging to a Georgios, dated to the twelfth–thirteenth centuries, have a well-
known image of St John the Theologian standing, holding the Bible on the obverse.
See V. Bulgurlu, “Kadıkalesi/Anaia Byzantine Lead Seals from the Excavation Seasons
2011–2017”. in C. Ünal et al. (eds), Port Cities of the Aegean World. Coins, Seals and
Weight (Manisa, 2018), 43–55.

Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk
Other important metal Byzantine tenth–eleventh century finds

from Ayasuluk are 16 reliquary crosses and two cross pendants recently
published by Andreas Pülz of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. 8
A bronze stamp seal discovered in 2013 is included in this article (see
no. 14).
Justinian I is known to have built the monumental basilica of St John,
along with cisterns and acqueducts in order to provide the pilgrims with
water. During the 2010 excavation, Mustafa Büyükolancı discovered a
monumental cistern south of the basilica and south east of the possible
palace. The cistern originally had nine domes which he judges to have
collapsed in the eleventh century. Another monumental cistern near the
castle wall and five other cisterns have been uncovered. 9 Almost all our
seals except for one, Eusebios oikonomos Ephesou (9th c.), were found in
the cistern. The Eusebios seal is a surface find near the Martyrion.
Catalogue
Abbreviations of this article
EM: Ephesus Archaeological Museum; Exc.: Excavation; D: Diameter;
T: Thickness; W: Weight; STJ: Saint Jean; GDA: Güney Doğu Alan:
Southeast area; GB: Güney; Batı: Southwest; S: Sarnıç: Cistern
The material is grouped in the categories: I. Family names, II. Geograph-

ical terms, III. Others
I. Family Names
1. Sergios Hexamilites, vestes, krites tou Velou kai ton Thrakesion
(second half of the 1060s)
EM Inv. 2–33–76
Excavation 1976, no details available
Provenance: at the foot of south wall of fortress, atrium
D: 25 mm W: 13.7 gr T: 5 mm
8
A. Pülz, Byzantine Artefacts from Ephesos: A Catalogue (Vienna, 2017).
9
See M. Büyükkolancı, “Ayasuluk Tepesi ve St Jean Anıtı Kazısı Takip Kapısı
Projesi Raporu”. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon
Birimi (Denizli,2013). For a discussion on the water supply of Ayasuluk, see Foss, Ephe-
sus after Antiquity, Appendix II 183–84.

Vera Bulgurlu
Double strike
Ed. J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, RN 154 (1999),

330–31, no. 21. Another specimen from Dumbarton Oaks is edited in DOSeals
III 2.27 (but smaller, D. 23 mm). For the detailed analysis of the cursus honorum
see A.-K. Wassiliou, “Die Familie Hexamilites. Ein Beitrag zur byzantinischen
Prosopographie”, Hellenika 52 (2002), 253–56, no. 11
Obv. Inscription of five lines. Border of dots.
.KERO|.ΘEICEΡ|ΓIΩRECT,|KPITHT|RHΛ
[+] Κ(ύρι)ε βο[ή]θει Σεργίῳ βέστ(ῃ) κριτῇ τοῦ βήλου
Rev. Inscription of five lines. Decoration of single pellet between two

leaves at the top and bottom. Border of dots.
-.-|KAITΩN|ΘΡΑKHCI|ΩNTΩE,|MIΛITΗ|-.-
καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων τῷ Ἑξ(α)μιλίτῃ
As already pointed out by A.-K. Wassiliou, the family name Hexami-

lites is related to the town Hexamilion in the Dardanelles. The family
belonged to the civilian aristocracy. Most of the members were high-
ranking officials in the civil service, often judges appointed to themes. 10
A lot of seals with the name Sergios Hexamilites and juridical offices
are known, but with exception of one type (πρωτοσπαθάριος, βασιλικὸς
νοτάριος καὶ κριτὴς ἐπί τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου) they belongs to one person, who
10
Wassiliou, “Hexamilites”, 243–58.

is mentioned with the titles from βέστης to κουροπαλάτης and was in the
year 1082 πρωτοπρόεδρος καὶ λογοθέτης τῶν σεκρέτων. 11
2. Alexios Palaiologos, sebastos (c. 1100-c. 1160)
EM Inv. 7–7–17
Provenance: STJ 17 DDI
Exc. date: 23.8.17
Grid: R30, DD room
Level: 42.69
D: 43.5 mm W: 52.2 gr T: 5 mm
The letters on the matrix are positively cut. The seal is in good condition.
Unpublished
Obv. A young, beardless St Demetrios standing facing. He is in military

dress, holding a spear in his uplifted right hand, left hand resting on his shield
on the ground. Nimbus with border of pearls. His cloak falls in elegant folds
from behind his back. Border of dots. The inscription is positively cut.
|ΔΗ|- Τ|ΡΙ|ΟC Ὁ ἅγιος Δημήτριος
Rev. Inscription of five lines preceded by a cross between two pellets.

Border of dots.
· + ·|ΑΘΛΗΤΑΔΗ|ΤΡΙΕΠΑΛΑΙ|ΟΛΟΓΟΝCERA|ΑΛΕΙΟΝΑ,|-
ΜΕCKE..IC
Ἀθλητὰ Δημήτριε, Παλαιολόγον | σεβαστ(ὸν) Ἀλέξιον ἀ(εὶ) (?) or (πρῶτον)
(?) με σκέ[πο]ις
Ibidem, 253–56, no. 17; 245–46, no. 4; Cheynet et al., Istanbul, 5.44 (with ref-
11
erences).

Vera Bulgurlu
Two dodecasyllables, with a caesura after the seventh syllable respective-

ly. Nevertheless, problems arises with the last letter in the fourth line,
what could be an A followed perhaps from an abbreviation. It could be
interpreted as ἀ(εί) or πρωτο. The importance of the above seal results
from his unique character. From the narrative sources and seals more
persons with the name Alexios Palaiologos 12 are known. The owner of
our specimen was perhaps the youngest son of Anna Doukaina, who was
the sister of Eirene Doukaina, the wife of Alexios I. Komnenos, and of
Georgios Palaiologos. The Alexios Palaiologos mentioned in the sources
only as σεβαστός, was at first a collaborator of Nikephoros Melissenos,
and later an important commander under Emperor Alexios I. 13
II. Geographical Names

3. Eusebios oikonomos Ephesou (first half of the 9th c.)
EM Inv. 35–71–78
Provenance: floor of the Martyrion
Exc. Date: 1978
D: 29 mm W: 20.40 gr T: 5 mm
Double struck. Corroded, obv. effaced, reverse inscription only faintly visible.
Small piece missing at the channel opening.
Ed. Cheynet, “Selçuk”, 340, no. 35 (dated full 9th c.)
Obv. Today corroded. Cheynet could still see an invocative cross mon-
ogram (Laurent V), with tetragram in the quarters.
12
Cheynet – Vannier 149–51, no. 14; 168–70, no. 28 (this Alexios Palaiologos is
the paternal grandfather of Michael VIII); 170–72, no. 29 (Alexios Palaiologos Kom-
nenodoukas); Jordanov, Corpus, III 621–23; Lihačev, Vostok, LXIV 5. Cf. Wassiliou,
Corpus, I 74.
13
Cheynet – Vannier, 149–51, no. 14 (with references).

Rev. The inscription, in four lines, is today poorly preserved. Border

of dots.
..CE|BIωVΚΩ|N.MΩE|..COV
[Εὐ]σεβίῳ (οἰ)κ(ο)ν[ό]μῳ Ἐ[φέ]σου.
Eusebios was the second known oikonomos of the metropolis of Ephesus,

known from a seal.
4a. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (late 10th–early 11th c.)
EM Inv. 26–38–83
Provenance: GB Area
Exc. Date: 30.12.1983
D: 24.21 mm W: 6.12 gr T: 2.5 mm
Cracked along the channel, damaged, especially the lower half of the obverse.
Ed. Cheynet, “Selçuk” 338, no. 32 (dated to the second half of the 10th c.)
Obv. St John Theologos, standing facing. Nimbus with border of

pearls. Border of dots. The inscription to the left of the Saint is lost. To
his right is visible:
.|I|Ω|a|
Rev. Inscription on four lines starting with a cross. Border of dots.
+ ΘEOΔΩ|ΡΩΑΡΧΙΕ|ΠΙCΚΟΠΩ|EΦECOV
Θεοδώρῳ ἀρχιεπισκόπῳ Ἐφέσου
The seal has already been published by Cheynet, but without excavation
details, and dated to the second half of the tenth century. He identifies

Vera Bulgurlu
this Theodoros as an archbishop who should be added to the Ephesos

archbishop list.
According to the paleographic characteristics of the inscription, we
would like to relate the owner to the Theodoros archiepiskopos of Ephe-
sos, also known from the epigraphic evidence. As D. Feissel has already
pointed out, Theodoros must be the predecessor of Archiepiskopos
Kyriakos (attested for the first time for the year 1027). He must have
been acting as archbishop already in the tenth century. 14 This suggestion
is supported by the sigillographic evidence: the three specimens in our
article (4a, b, c) stem from a close period and belong to one and the same
person.
4b. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (c. 1000–1020)
Exc. Inv. STJ GD Area 53S

Level: 1.2 cm
Exc. Date: 20.07.2011
Level: lower: 40.86
D: 26 mm W: 9.40 gr
A triangular-shaped piece is missing from the left half of the seal and there is
some corrosion on either face.
Unpublished. – A parallel specimen in very good condition was preserved in
the former collection George Zacos. Ed. Zacos, Lead Seals II 898
Obv. Bust of St John the Theologian, bearded, slightly turned towards

the right, nimbus with border of pearls. The Saint holds the decorated
Bible in his left hand, his right hand is raised in blessing. The “Manus
Dei” on our specimen is almost completely effaced.
14
D. Feissel, “Les métropolites d’Éphèse au xie siècle et les inscriptions de
l’archevêque Théodôros”, in A. Avramea et al. (eds) Βυζάντιο. Κράτος και κοινωνία. Μνήμη
Νίκου Οικονομίδη, (Athens, 2003), 232–47, especially 234–41.

The circular inscription (lost on our seal) may be reconstructed accord-

ing to the parallel specimen: [Θεολόγε β(οή)θ(ει)]
The inscription in two columns reads:
 – IΩ|Ο|Θ|Ε|Ο|Λ, Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Θεολόγος.
Rev. Inscription of five lines preceded and followed by an ornament of

cross between two pellets:
  |ΤΩCΩΔ,|ΘΕΟΔΩ..|ΑΡΧΙΕΠΙCΚ|EΦECOV|  
Τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Θεοδώ<ρῳ> ἀρχιεπισκ(όπῳ) Ἐφέσου
4c. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (first quarter 11th c.)
EM Inv. 7–40–12
Provenance: STJ. GD Area 52S
Exc. Date: 27.07.2012
Level: 40.57
D: 21 mm W: 7.16 gr
Unpublished
Obv. Bust of St John Theologos, holding the decorated Bible in his left
hand. Right hand raised in blessing. Nimbus with pearl border.
The inscription to the right of the Saint is damaged. To his left is visible:
|IΩ|
Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης)

Vera Bulgurlu
Rev. Inscription of four lines starting perhaps with an epiclesis to the

Saint. Above and below the inscription an ornament of cross between
two lines. Linear border.
  |..OΛΓΟ |..ΗΘΘΕ|ΟΔΩρΩ|ΕΦΕC|  
[Θε]ολόγ(ε) [βο]ήθ(ει) Θεοδώρῳ Ἐφέσου
5a, b. Paulos, protospatharios epi tou Chrysotriklinou, krites epi tou

Hippodromou kai anagrapheus ton Thrakesion (early 11th c.)
5a: EM Inv. no
Exc. Inv. No: STJ 11–2
Provenance STJ 60A 53S AO3 53S/1.39
Exc. Date: 17.08.11
Level: top: 40.28
D: 19 mm W: 5.55 gr
Unpublished
Flan too small for the legend. Effaced in places, especially on the reverse.
5b: EM Inv.: 6–5–15

Provenance: Cistern, Room AA;
Exc. date: 24.07.2015
Level: top: 40.82, lower: 40.05
1.5 cm away from west wall, 2.54 cm away from south wall
D: 26 mm W: 6.93 gr
Unpublished
Flan slipped to the left, two thirds of the inscription missing
5a 5b
The two specimens stem from the same boulloterion. They were discov-
ered in different excavation years, 4a in 2011 and 4b in 2015. We offer
a combined transcription of the legend. Specimen 4b is in better condi-
tion than specimen 4a.

Obv. Inscription of five lines, probably starting with a cross.
.KER,.|πAVλο.|Cπαθ,επ.|TTP,K.|KPIT.
[+] K(ύρι)ε β[(οή)θ(ει)] Π]αύλ(ῳ) [(πρωτο)]σπαθ(αρίῳ) ἐπ[ὶ] τ]οῦ
Χρ(υσο)τρ(ι)κ[λ(ίνου)] κριτ[ῇ]
Rev. Inscription of five lines.
.πITOV|..ΠΟΔΡ,μ|..ΝΑΓΡΑ|.ΕΙΤ,θΡ,|KHC,
[ἐ]πὶ τ[οῦ ἱπ]ποδρ(ό)(μου) [(καὶ) ἀ]ναγρα[φ]εῖ τ(ῶν) Θρ(ᾳ)κησ(ίων)
As anagrapheus, Paul was responsible for keeping the census of prop-

erties and making Land Surveys for taxation purposes. 15 More seals
of the same typological structure and period are already known.
They were all attributed to the same person named Paul in the past
(Cheynet et al., Istanbul 3.35 [commentary]). But we would not ex-
clude, that we have to deal with two contemporary persons. Then the
owner of our seal type could be identical with Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος
ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων
(Zacos, Seals II 1032), and the other specimens could be attributed to
another homonymous (Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς καὶ βασιλικὸς τοῦ
Ὀψικίου (Thierry 82, photo in Vienna); Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς
ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων (DOSeals III 2.24]) and Paul
πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ Καππαδοκίας (Cheynet
et al., Istanbul 3.35).
6. N. N. ton Thrakesion (second quarter of the 11th c.)
Exc. Inv. STJ 13–Y–4

Provenance: STJ GDA 51 S
Exc. Date: 11.7.13
Level: 42.30
D: 25 mm W: 11.80 gr
Large piece broken off at the top, one third of the seal. Very pale. Damaged on
the obverse and the reverse.
Unpublished
15
ODB I 84 (s. v. anagrapheus) (Kazdhan – Tkacz).

Vera Bulgurlu
Obv. Inscription of five lines, the first line is damaged. Border of dots.
..... |ΓΡΑΦΑC|.VΡΩΚΑΙ|ΤCΛΟ|ΓC
.... γραφὰς [κ]υρῶ καὶ τοὺς λόγους
Rev. Inscription of five lines, the first line and the left part of the sec-
ond are damaged.
....|... N.|....ATΩ.|ΘΡΑΚΗ.|.ΩΝ
.... τῶ[ν] Θρᾳκη[σί]ων
The inscription was composed as two dodecasyllables. Name and func-

tion of the owner are lost.
7. Eustathios, patrikios, krites tou Velou, chartoularios tou Genikou,

arklas Thrakesion (c. middle 11th c.)
EM Inv. 6–7–17
Provenance: STJ 17 AZ–I
Exc. date: 24.07.2017
Level: 41.62 Area T48
D: 23 mm W: 9.31 gr
In good condition.
Unpublished

Obv. Bust of St John the Theologian, facing, large rectangular beard,

hair shaped like a hat, nimbus with border of pearls. Holding a jewelled
Bible in left hand. Linear border. Sigla:
|Ω|I|O| Θ|Eο|ΛO|ΓO|C
Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Θεολόγος
Rev. Inscription of eight lines.
KER.|.ΤΩCΩΔ.|ΕVCTAΘ,ΠΡΙ|KIΩKΡΙΤ,Τ|RHΛXTΛΑ.|
TΓΕΝΙΚ,ΑΡ|ΚΛ,ΘΡΑKΗ|-C,-
Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)[θ(ει)] τῷ σῶ δού[λ(ῳ)] [Ε]ὐσταθ(ίῳ) π(ατ)ρικίῳ κριτ(ῇ) τοῦ
βήλου χ(αρ)τουλα[ρ](ίῳ) τοῦ γενικ(οῦ) ἄρκλ(ας) Θρᾳκησ(ίων)
Chartoularioi of the arklai (“chest”), 16 subordinate to the Logothete of

the Genikon, and responsible for holding the cadastral register in the
provincial administration are rarely mentioned in the sources. On seals,
we know for example such an official for the “West” (Δύσις). 17 The own-
er of our seal, Eustathios, was responsible for the “chest” of the Thrake-
sion theme. Additionally he belongs to the group of the judges of the
velum in the capital, also called “μικροὶ δικασταί”. 18
16
Oikonomidès, Listes, 313.
17
DOSeals, I 1.4 (Konstantinos πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ,
ἄρκλας Δύσεως, dated generally to the 11th c.) – Unfortunately the geographical unit
is not preserved on Fogg 2168, ed. Laurent, Corpus II 383, because the inscription is
damaged. The name of the seal owner is also problematical: Père Laurent proposed Dem-
etrios. We date the specimen to the second half of the eleventh century.
18
Gkoutzioukostas, Απονομή δικαιοσύνης, 155.

Vera Bulgurlu
III. Others
8. David (11th c.)
EM Inv. 2–7–11
Exc. Inv. STJ 11/2
Provenance: GD Area 53 RS
Exc. date 5.08.11
Level 41.84
D: 18 mm W: 4.31 gr
Double strike, effaced, some letters visible beneath.
Unpublished
Obv. Bust of Theotokos Hodegetria facing, with Jesus child on her

left arm, her head turned slightly towards the Child. Both have a nimbus
with a border of pearls. Border of dots. From the sigla only Θ is visible.
Rev. Inscription of four lines, starting with a cross.
..E|RΟΗΘΙ|TΩCΩΔ,|ΔΑΔ
[Θ(εοτό)κ]ε βοήθ(ει) τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Δαυίδ
9. Ioannes, diakonos tes Megales Ekklesias kai kouboukleisios (sec-

ond quarter of the 11th c.)
EM Inv. 1–7–11
Provenance: East GD Area 53S
Level: 40–45 cm
Exc. Inv. STJ 11–1
D: 20 mm W: 9.51 gr
The print on the right field of the obverse and on the left field of the reverse is
not evident. Fine patina.

Unpublished. – A parallel specimen is in an American private collection, ed.

M. Braunlin – J. Nesbitt, “Selections from a Private Collection of Byzantine
Bullae”, Byz 58 (1998), 172–73, no. 1 (dated to the first half of the 11th c.)
Obv. Bust of St John Chrysostomos, facing, with curly beard, nimbus

with border of pearls. The carving is rather crude. He holds the deco-
rated Bible in his left hand, his right hand is raised in blessing.
Inscription in two columns: |IΩ- Ο|..|..|.
Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ [Χρ(υ)σόστομ(ος)]. Border of dots.
Rev. Inscription of four lines. Border of dots.
.ΙΩΔ,Κ,|.HCE|..KOV|R,
[+] ᾿Ιω(άννῃ) δ(ια)κ(óνῳ) [τ]ῆς Μ(ε)γ(άλης) Ἐ[κ(κλησίας) (καὶ)]
κουβου(κλεισίῳ)
John served in the Hagia Sophia and had the ecclesiastical title koubouk-
leisios.
10. N. N. epi tou theophylaktou koitonos (second quarter of the

11th c.)
Exc. Inv. No: STJ 18.Y.25

Exc. date: 02.08.18
Surface find
D: 27 mm W: 10.42 gr
Obverse effaced and cracked along the channel. V-shaped part at the channel
opening broken off on the reverse. Crack in right field.
Unpublished

Vera Bulgurlu
Obv. Completely damaged
Rev. Inscription of four lines. Decoration of pellet between two leaves

at the top
–  –|SEΠIT|ΘEOΦVΛ.|KTK..|TΩNOC|–  –|
(καὶ) ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοφυλ[ά]κτου κ[οι]τῶνος
The name and the title of the owner were included in the damaged ob-
verse, and from the reverse we conclude that he was a eunuch in charge
of the Emperor’s Bedchamber (θεοφύλακτος κοιτών).
11. Damaged Seal
Exc.Inv. STJ 13–AO6–1

Provenance: STJ Cistern AO6
Exc. Date: 11.7.13
Layer: 39.09

Obv. Traces of a figure. The half of the channel is broken.
Rev. Uncertain traces of letters
12. Seal Blank
EM Inv. 6–3–13
Provenance: North – East Sounding STJ GDA, surface find
Exc. Date: 29.08.13
Grid: 51.52 TUY
Depth: 39.00–38.00
Level: 1 meter AN cistern
D: 26.5 mm W: 12.5 gr
Blank with raised channel

Vera Bulgurlu
13. Seal Blank

Provenance: GDA AN Cistern
Exc. Date: 10.7.13
13 APE E8.3
Level: top: 39.94, lower: 39.77
D: 27 mm W: 11.90 gr
Blank with raised channel
14. Bronze stamp seal
EM Inv. 9–3–13
South Wall
Exc. Inv. DP.1381.45
Exc.date: 1981
D: 26.15 mm W: 128.81 gr H: 50 mm
The stamp is oval. Uncertain. Part of the engraving seems to be crosses

combined with other signs.

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou
Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the

Acquisitions of the Athens Numismatic Museum
Collections
This article deals with a total of sixteen Byzantine lead seals of good con-
dition (except two), which have been admitted in the Athens Numismat-
ic Museum as donations, between the years 1920 and 1999 as following:
1920 (two pieces, nos 1, 2), 1934 (one piece no. 3), 1971 (three pieces, nos
4, 5, 6), 1974 (one piece, no. 7), 1978 (one piece, no. 8), 1979 (one piece,
no. 9), 1987 (one piece, no. 10), 1991 (four pieces, nos 11, 12, 13, 14),
1999 (one piece, no. 15). Thus, the seals are presented here according to
their inventory year. The findspot of the seals is unfortunately unknown,
except nos 5 and 6 originating from Turkey. One seal belonged to an em-
peror, six to high standing administration officials, two to church officials,
one to a monastery, two to persons without titles and offices, two are
iconographical, and finally two corroded ones are of uncertain reading.
1. John, chartoularios (c. first half of the 7th c.)
Inv. no NM 1920/ΙΔ (4). D: 22.00 mm; field: 20.00. W: 10.964 gr. Good con-

dition. Cf. Zacos-Veglery, pl. 236, no. 249, pl. 243, no. 496
Α: Cruciform monogram: ΙΩΑΝΝΟV

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132242
Β: Cruciform monogram: ΧΑΡΤΟVΛΑΡΙΟV

Ἰωάννου χαρτουλαρίου.
2. Euphemios (c. first half of the 7th c.)
Inv. no NM 1920/Z (3). D: 22.22 mm; field: 17.59 mm; W: 10.975 gr. Good

condition.
// Zacos-Veglery, no. 610
A: Wreath border. Eagle with open wings. An impressive cross above his
head.
Β: Wreath border. Cruciform monogram: ΕVΦΗΜΙΟV
3. George Melissenos (13th c.)
Inv. no NM 1934/ΚΖ (5) no inventory. D: 36.30 mm; field: 33.00 mm; W:

19.l093 gr. Fair condition. For parallels and commentary s. Wassiliou, Corpus I 1086.
Α: Saint George standing holding spear in the right hand and shield on
the ground in the left.
In the field: o|Α|ΓΙ|Ο|C-γε|ωρ|γι|ο|c

Ὁ ἅγιος Γεώργιος

UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS
Β: Metrical inscription of six lines:

ΚΑΛΩΝ|ΜΕΛΙCΩΝΤΟΥ|ΧΤΜΑΡΤVCΚVΡΟV|
ΤΟVΜΕΛΙCΗΝΟV|ΤΑCΓΡΑΦΑC| ΓΕΩΡΓ..
Καλῶν μελισ(σ)ῶν τοῡ Χ(ρισ)τ(οῡ) μάρτυς, κύρου τοῡ Μελισ(σ)ηνοῡ τὰς
γραφὰς Γεωργ[ίου].
The members of the noble family of Melissenoi were from the ninth to
the eleventh centuries primarily military commanders and governors of
themes. The family remained in power in the middle of the eleventh cen-
tury. During the twelfth century Melissenoi served in the civil admin-
istration. In the thirteenth century Melissenoi are known as landown-
ers in the region of Smyrna. 1 George could be identified with Γεώργιος
τζαούσιος Μελισσηνός from Smyrna, who bequeathed his fortune to the
Monastery of Lembiotissa in 1283.
4. Leontios bishop of Magnesia (first to second third of the 7th c.)
Inv. no NM 93/1971 (6). Provenance: Turkey. D: 25.23 mm; field: 19.03 mm.

W: 14.602 gr. Good condition.
Ed.: M. Karamesine-Oikonomidou, “Νομισματική Συλλογή”, Ἀρχαιολογικόν
Δελτίον (hereafter ΑΔ) (1972), Χρονικά 9, pl. 11, no. 39. Cf. A. Avramea –
M. Galani-Krikou – I. Touratsoglou, “Μολυβδόβουλλα με γνωστή προέλευση
από τις συλλογές του Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών”, SBS 2 (1990), 258, no. 80.
– An excellent preserved specimen in the Auktion Rauch 89, 5–8.12.2011 (part
of the lot 2354).
Α: Wreath border. Cruciform monogram composed by the letters A, E,

I, N, O, Π, Τ, V, and analysed as ταπεινοῦ (nominative: ταπεινός). In the
quarters: ΛΕ|ΟΝ|ΤΙ|ΟV
1
ODB II 133.

Β: Wreath border. Inscription in four lines, with a cross at the end:

ΠΟΛΕ|ΩCΜΑ|ΓΝΗCΙ|ΑC +
Λεοντίου ταπεινοῦ 2 πόλεως Μαγνησίας.
In the above mentioned publications the cruciform monogram on the

obverse was not read. Two cities with the name Magnesia are known.
Magnesia of Maiandros and Magnesia of Sipylon, now Manisa. For both
cities the sources are very poor as far as the early Byzantine period is con-
cerned. Magnesia of Sipylon is known primarily from the bishops of the
city. 3 In any case the epithet ταπεινός refers to a bishop.
5. George Gavalas, sebastos (13th c.)
Inv. no NM 95/1971 (8). Findspot: Turkey. D: 24.75 mm. W: 21.063 gr. Good

condition.
Ed: Avramea – Galani-Krikou – Touratsoglou, “Μολυβδόβουλλα με γνωστή
προέλευση”, 258, no. 81 = ΑΔ 27 (1972), 9, pl. 11, no. 41 (reference) = G. Tou-
chais, “Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques en Grèce en 1976”,
BCH 101 (1977), 519 (reference) = J.-C. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestations à
Byzance (963–1210) (Paris, 1990), 151 (reference).
Α: Line border. The Virgin standing, orans with the bust of Christ in
front of her (Episkepsis type).
In the field left and right: -Θy

Μή(τη)ρ Θ(εο)ῦ
2
For the analysis of the monogram we would like to thank Robert Feind.
3
B. Blysidou et al., Η Μικρά Ασία των Θεμάτων. Έρευνες πάνω στην γεωγραφική
φυσιογνωμία και προσωπογραφία των Βυζαντινών Θεμάτων της Μικράς Ασίας, (Athens,
1998), 223–24, P. Culerrier, “Les évêchés suffragants d’ Ephèse aux 5e–13e siècles”, REB
45 (1987), 139–64, 157; W. Seibt – C. Ünal, “Byzantine Seals in the Tunay Demran col-
lection”, Polisch Archaeology in the Mediterranean 30/2 (2021), 516.

Β: Metrical inscription in five lines, presided by a cross:
+CΦΡΑ|ΓΙCCΕΒΑ|ΟYΓΑΒΑ|ΛΑΓΕΩΡ|ΓΙΟΥ
Σφραγὶς σεβαστοῡ Γαβαλᾱ Γεωργίου
The seal was presented for the first time in the second International Sym-
posium for Byzantine Sigillography held at the Numismatic Museum of
Athens, 16–17 May 1988. The family name Gavalas is well attested in
the narrative sources, especially for the late Byzantine period, but before
this time it is documented at first on seals. Most of the members were
military officers, some served in the fleet, others were church officials
and intellectuals. Especially for the thirteenth century some owners of
this family name are landowners in the region of Smyrna. Between 1204
and 1250 a part of the family took control of Rhodes. 4
6. John (11th c.)
Inv. no NM 94 /1971 (7). Findspot: Turkey. D: 23.54; field: 21.00. W: 8.059 gr.

Good condition.
Ed.: ΑΔ 27 (1972) 9, pl. 11, no. 40. Reference as anonymous seal.
Α: Border of dots. Bust of the Virgin with the medallion of Christ in

front of her. In the field left and right:
–ΘV Μή(τη)ρ Θ(εο)ῡ.
Circular inscription:
+ΘΚΕROHΘ,ΤΩCΩΔΛΩΙΩ
Θ(εοτό)κε βοήθ(ει) τῷ σῷ δούλῳ Ἰω(άννῃ)
4
PLP 3290–3313, 91568–70, 93282–87. A. Sabbides, “ Ἡ βυζαντινὴ δυναστεία
τῶν Γαβαλάδων καὶ ἡ ἑλληνοϊταλικὴ διαμάχη γιά τὴ Ρόδο τὸν 13ο αἰ.”, Βυζαντινά 12 (1983),
405–28; idem, “Ἡ Ρόδος καὶ ἡ δυναστεία τῶν Γαβαλάδων τὴν περίοδο 1204–1250”, Δελτίον
τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τῆς Ἑλλάδος 24 (1981), 405–28; H. Ahrweiler,
“L’histoire et la géographie de la région de Smyrne entre les deux occupations turques
(1081–1317)”, TM 1 (1965), 81, 169; Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel II 271; Wassiliou,
Corpus I 616; eadem, Corpus II 2065–2066; Genève 334; ODB II, 811.

Β: Border of dots. Metrical inscription in five lines:
-+-|ΤΙΝΟC|CΦΡΑΓΙC|ΠΕΦVΚΕΝ|ΗΓΡΑΦΗ|ΛΕΓΕΙ
Τίνος σφραγὶς πέφυκεν ἡ γραφὴ λέγει
For this special group of seals, combining a regular legend with the name
of the seals owner on one side, but with an anonymous metrical inscrip-
tion on the other side, see the introduction in Wassiliou, Corpus I, pp. 42–
44 (with explanations and interpretations concerning this phenomenon).
7. Iconographical seal (11th c.)
Inv. no NM 389/1974 (9). D: 24.49 mm; field: 19.11 mm; W: 12.608 gr. Good

condition.
Α: Bust of St Nicholas blessing with the right hand and holding book of
Gospels in the left. In the field right and left:
||ni|k.-.ao/. Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Νικ[όλ]αο[ς].
Β: Border of dots. Radiant cross.
Concerning seals with iconographic repertoire only see Cotsonis, Reli-

gious Imagery.

For the combination of a cross depiction (reverse) with the Virgin or a

Saint (obverse), see especially the index in Cotsonis, Religious Imagery
(s.v. “cross”, “cross on steps” and “cross-staff ”).
8. Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067)
Inv. no NM128/1978 (10). D: 32.12 mm; field: 24.89 mm; W: 27.925 gr.

Good condition.
// Zacos – Veglery, no. 87a, b.
Α: Border of dots. Bust of Christ holding book of the Gospels in

front of him. In the field right and left: IC–XC. Circular inscription: +
ΕMMANOVHΛ.
Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς - Ἐμμανουήλ.
Β: Border of dots. The Emperor standing, holding the labarum in the

right hand and the akakia in the left. Circular corroded inscription:
+KΩNRACIΛΕVCΡΩM.....ΔK,
+Κων(σταντῑνος) βασιλεὺς Ῥωμ[αίων ὁ] Δούκ(ας).
9. Liberos or Liberes, krites (13th c.)
Inv. no NM 149/1979 (11). D: 35.00 mm; field: 30.00 mm; W: 32.284 gr.

Good condition. About parallels and the commentary s. Wassiliou, Corpus
Ι 1150.
Α: Saint Daniel standing, orans in the lions’ den. In the field left and
right the inscription: Ο|ΠΡ|ΟΦΙ|ΤΗ|C – Δ|Α|ΝΙ|ΗΛ
Ὁ προφ(ή)της Δανιήλ.

Β: Border of dots. Metrical inscription of seven lines:
ΚΡΙΤΗCΔΑ|ΝΙΗΛΚΑΙΓΡ|ΑΦΩVΝΠ|ΡΟCΤΑC
ΤΕΛΕΙ|CΕΒΑΟVΛΙΒΕΡ|ΑΞΕΙCΚΡΙ|ΝΩΝ
Κριτὴς Δανιὴλ καὶ γραφῶν νῦν προστάτης
τελεῑ σεβαστοῡ Λιβέρου πράξεις κρίνων
The metrical inscription gives the family name in genitive. The nomina-
tive was Λιβέρης or Λίβερος (both forms exist in the sources). Probably
the Christian name of the owner is Daniel, since, being himself a judge,
he invokes the prophet judge Daniel as his protector.
10. John Tourkopoulos (first half of the 14th c.)
Inv. no NM 27/1987 (12). D: 28.52 mm; W: 15.256 gr. Fair condition.

For parallels and the commentary see Wassiliou, Corpus I 1018. Cf. Cheynet,
Tatiş, 7.6.
Α: St John Prodromos, holding a long cross in the left hand and an open
scroll in the right. Only traces of the accompaning inscription are vis-
ible: Ὁ ἅγιος - Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Πρόδρομος.

Β: Inscription of five lines:
+ΙΩ|ΝCΦΡ|ΓΙCΑΤ.|ΤΡΚΟΠ|ΛΟV
᾿Ιωάν(ν)ου σφράγισμα τ[οῦ] Τουρκοπούλου
Metrical inscription. This person is very good documented by this seal

type. To him belongs also another specimen with a non metrical inscrip-
tion, as already pointed out by Wassiliou, Corpus I 1018, and edited by
Cheynet, Tatiş 7.6.
11. John, imperial protospatharios and strategos of the Kibyrraiotai

(second quarter of the 11th c.)
Inv. no NM 162/1991 (17). D: 3 cm field: 2.8 cm. W: 16.081 gr. Fair condition.

Cf. DOSeals, II 59.24 (date: IX/X c., different boulloterion). Cf. A.-K. Was-
siliou, “Beamte des Themas der Kibyrraioten”, in H. Hellenkemper – F. Hild,
Lykien und Pamphylien (TIB 8) (Vienna, 2004), 409.
Α: Circular border. Cross on steps. Circular invocation inscription.
Β: Inscription in five lines: +IΩΑΝΝ|R’A’CΠΑΘΑ|ΡΗΩSCTΡΑ|

ΤΗΓΟΤΟΝ|ΚVRI,PΕ’T’
+Ἰωάνν(ῃ) β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπαθαρ(ί)ῳ (καὶ) στρατηγ(ῷ) τ(ῶ)ν
Κυβιρε(ω)τ(ῶν).
From an earlier time stems another Ioannes β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ

στρατηγὸς τῶν Κυβεριοτῶν (second quarter of the tenth century), known
also from the sigillographic evidence. On the obverse a patriarchal cross
with fleurons is depicted. 5
5
DOSeals II 59.24 (IX/X c.). Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, “Beamte des Themas der
Kibyrraioten”, in H. Hellenkemper – F. Hild, Lykien und Pamphylien [TIB 8], (Vienna,
2004), 409.

12. Gregory, bishop of Koloneia (1030/1070)
Inv. no NM 671 /1991 (13). Donation of Petros Protonotarios.

D: 22.17 mm; field: 20.00 mm; W: 8.600 gr. Good condition.
Ed.: SBS 6 (1999) p. 97 = Μ. Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, ΑΔ 46
(1991), Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5, no. 4 (references).
Α: Border of dots. Bust of St John Prodromos, holding long cross in the

left hand. In the field left and right: ΙΩ - Π/Δ
Ἰω(άννης) Π(ρό)δ(ρομος).
Β: Inscription of four lines, preceded by an ornament:
+ΚΕR,Θ,|.ΡΙΓΟΡΙ|.ΠΙCK,Π|,ΚΟΛΟΝ,|-Α-
+ Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [Γ]ριγορί(ῳ) [ἐ]πισκ(ό)π(ῳ) Κολον[(εί)]α[ς].
One Koloneia was originally a suffragan bishopric of Nikopolis in Arme-

nia II, but was to become an autocephalous archbishopric in the ninth
century, and after 968 the seat of a metropolitan. 6 Nevertheless, the seal
refers surely to the other Koloneia, a suffragan bishopric of Mokissos
Kappadokias, 7 just like the seal of Nikephoros, bishop of Koloneia, in
Laurent, Corpus V/1 616 (last quarter of thenth–first third of eleventh
century).
13. The royal monastery of John Prodromos of Ereme (10th/11th c.)
Inv. no NM 673/1991 (15). Donation of Petros Protonotarios.

D: 24.61 mm; field: 20.22 mm; W: 11.120 gr. Good condition.
6
Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/1, 630.
7
Darrouzès, Notitiae, e.g. 10, 462.

Ed.: Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5 no. 6 (refer-

ence).
// Laurent, Corpus V/3 1944 = DOSeals, V 43.1 = DO 55.1.5070, Seyrig, 286.
Α: Bust of St John Prodromos holding a long cross in his left hand. In the
field left and right: |ΙΩ|ΑΝ|Ν – Π
Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰωάνν(ης) [ὁ] Π(ρόδρομος).
Β: Inscription of five lines:
+CΦΡΑ|Γ,ΤΗCRMO|NTOΥΠΡΟΔ|ΟΜ’ΤΗCΕ|.HMHC
+Σφραγ(ὶς) τῆς β(ασιλικῆς) μο(νῆς) τοῡ Προδ(ρ)όμ(ου) τῆς Ἐ[ρ]ήμης.
This legend is mentioned additionally on three more boulloteria from

different times, 8 the Athenian seal offers a slightly different type. The
problematic second letter of the toponyme is lost on all specimens. If
it was a P, we have to read Ἐ[ρ]ήμης. Unfortunately, such a monastery
is not attested in the sources. Nevertheless, Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt
proposes a location Ereme near Lemessos/Cyprus, which was (not only)
an important medieval center. Notably, the narrative sources offer only
sporadic information about this area, primarily concerning the period of
the Frankish occupation. 9 In the past was proposed for the other pieces
8
Type 1: Laurent, Corpus V/3, 1944 (reading Ἐρημίας, and attributing it to a well-
known imperial female monastery in Constantinople. He dated the seal erroneously to
the 10th–11th c.), and later on DOSeals, V 43.1 (Ἠρημίας?, dated 11th c., instead of sec-
ond half 10th c.).
Type 2: DOSeals, V 81.1a,b (Εὐήμις?, dated 10th/11th c. instead of second half
of the 10th c.).
Type 3: Seyrig, 286 (without proposal for reading the toponyme, but correct
date (end 10th–first half of the 11th c.). Cf. at last J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Le bullaire monas-
tique à Byzance”, TM 23/2 (2019), 246, with note 12, fig. 6 (247) (Εὐήμης).
9
Μεγάλη Κυπριακή Εγκυκλοπαίδεια 6 (2011), s.v. Ερήμη and Ερήμη αρχαιολογικός
χώρος.

a Y, reading Ε[ὐ]ήμις. Such a name is mentioned on an inscription on an

ivory plaque. 10
14. Anonymous (11th c.)
Inv. no NM 674/1991 (16). Donation of Petros Protonotarios. D: 21.00 mm;

field: 19.00 mm; W: 5.464 gr. Good condition.
Ed.: Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5, no. 7. Refer-
ence of the reverse as St George.
Α: Border of dots. Bust of the Virgin Orans with the medallion of Christ
in front of her. In the field r. and l. ΜΡ – Θ
Μ(ήτη)ρ Θ(εοῡ).
Β: Border of dots. Bust of Saint Prokopios holding spear in the right

hand and shield in the left. In the field r. and l. |ΠΡ – ΟC
Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Πρ(οκόπι)ος
For the combination of the Theotokos (Episkepsis type) on the obverse

with St Prokopios on the reverse on seals, see also Cotsonis, Religious
Imagery 10.96 and 10.118.
15. Theodore Eirenikos (late 12th–early 13th c.)
Inv. no NM 163/1999 (18). D: 37 mm; field 35 mm; W: 19.909 gr. Good con-

dition
10
N. Oikonomides, “The Concept of ‘Holy War’ and Two Tenth-Century Byzan-
tine Ivories”, in T. S. Miller – J. Nesbitt (eds), Peace and War in Byzantium, (Washing-
ton, DC, 1995), 81.

A parallel specimen in Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1955.1.3011), ed. I. G.

Leontiades, “Byzantine Lead Seals with Family Names”, in Ch. Stavrakos
– B. Papadopoulou (eds), Ἠπειρόνδε. Proceeding of the 10th International
Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (Ioannina, 1–3 October 2009),
(Wiesbaden, 2011), 301–02, no. 4.
Α: Border of dots. St Theodore Tiron, standing. The inscription’s part

at the right side of the Saint is lost. At his left we read: Θ..|ΔωΡ.|
ΟΤΗ|Ρω|Ν
[Ὁ ἅγιος] Θ[ε(ό)]δωρ[ο(ς)] ὁ Τ(ί)ρων
Β: Border of dots. Inscription of six lines preceded by a cross and fol-

lowed by an ornament:
+ΑΓΙΕΘΕ|ΟΔΩΡΕ...|ΘΕΙΜΟΙΤΩ..|ΔΟVΛΩΘ..|ΔωΡΩΤ...|
ΡΗΝΙΚΩ
Ἅγιε Θεόδωρε [βοή]θει μοι τῷ [σῷ] δούλῳ Θ[εο]δώρῳ τ[ῷ Εἰ]ρηνικῷ.
Through the parallel specimen we are informed that the spelling EI in

the family name was given as ligature ().
The owner of this seal was already identified with Theodore Eirenikos
who held a number of offices under the emperor Alexios III Angelos
(1195–1203), and was Patriarch of Constantinople from 1214 to 1216.
For a detailed analysis of his cursus honorum and other seal types see es-
pecially Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 98, no. 80, and Wassiliou, Corpus I 702.
16. Seal with metrical inscription (late 12th–early 13th c.)
No inventory (1). D: 28.09 mm; field: 25.01 mm; W: 11.102 gr. Corroded.

Α: A military saint, perhaps St George, standing, holding sword in the

right hand and shield in the left. The inscription referring his name is lost.
Β: Inscription of four or five lines, followed by an ornament. We can

read:
Κ.ΡΟVCΦ|..Γ.CΜΑΓ.|.ΑΦΩNAΓ|....: -
K[ύ]ρου (;) σφ[ρά]γ[ι]σμα γ[ρ]αφῶν ΑΓ...
The end of the legend (probably a regular dodecasyllable) preserved in

the last line is uncertain. We expect a family name starting with ΑΓ.
The sigillographic material presented in this article enriches our knowl-

edge in some cases with new seal types or completes already known types
with additional specimens. In some cases, it was also possible to offer
corrections concerning older editions. Of special interest is our no. 13.

Nikolaos Mastrochristos
Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from

Rhodes*
Εἰς μνήμην Βάσως Πέννα
The paper presents the only imperial seal in the possession of the Collec-
tion of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese. It is in very fine
condition and since 2000 it is on display in the Byzantine exhibition of
the Palace of the Grand Masters in Rhodes.
Fig. 1. John VIII Palaiologos (© Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dode-

canese)
Unpublished. Mention in Ε. Kollias – Th. Archontopoulos – A.-M. Kasda-

gli – Α. Katsioti – Μ. Michaelidou – A. Nika – E. Papavassiliou – Μ. Sigala –
* I would like to thank the Director of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dode-
canese, Dr Mania Michaelidou, for the permission to study the seal and to my colleague
and friend Dr Vangelis Maladakis for his valuable help. My warmest thanks are also due
to Prof. Dr Chr. Stavrakos for the invitation to participate in the present volume, to
Professors W. Seibt and J.-Cl. Cheynet for their help and their comments, to Dr Anna-
Maria Kasdagli for editing the English text and Dr Eva Apostolou, curator of the Numis-
matic Museum of Athens, for her assistance in tracing bibliography in pandemic times.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132243
Κ. Kefala, Η Ρόδος από τον 4ο αιώνα μ.Χ. μέχρι την κατάληψή της από τους Τούρκους
(1522), Παλάτι Μεγάλου Μαγίστρου, exh. cat. (Athens, 2000), 85 (attributed to
John V). – An obvious parallel seal was presented in the auction Rauch (Vi-
enna) 87, 8.-10. 12. 2010, lot 1476 (only the reverse published); see fig. 2 (we
thank the auction house for the photo and the permission to republish it).
Fig. 2. Auction Rauch (Vienna) 87, 8.–10. 12. 2010, lot 1476. A paral-
lel seal of John Palaiologos.
The exact provenance of the seal is unknown but is was catalogued in Rho-
des on 27–1–1976 without any details. It was also handed to the Archaeologi-
cal Service of the Dodecanese in 1954. Its catalogue number is 366 and its di-
ameter is 32 mm.
On the obverse, the seal displays Christ with a short beard, standing
frontal before a low throne, with the right hand extended in benedic-
tion. He wears chiton and himation and in his left hand holds a book of
Gospels. Dotted border.
Inscribed with the sigla: iΣ ̄ x̄Σ
On the reverse standing emperor, wearing a crown with cross and
pendilia, divitision and a long jeweled loros whose end falls over the left
wrist. He has a cross-scepter in his right hand and an akakia in the left.
Border as on obverse. Vertical inscriptions on either side:
iΩ̄ |ΔE|CΠO|TΗΣ|OΠẠ|Λ|EO|ΛO|ΓΣ 1
Ἰω(άννης) Δεσπότης ὁ Παλεολόγ(ο)ς
1
The last letter could also be a special ligature of Omikron and Sigma.

Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes
The image of Christ is on the obverse, as in the majority of the imperial

Byzantine seals. 2 After the Palaiologan restoration of Constantinople
(1261), as in our example, he is depicted on the seals without an accom-
panying invocation. 3
On the reverse, the emperor is blessed by the manus Dei as on other im-
perial seals of the Palaiologoi, such as those of Michael VIII (1261–1282) 4,
Andronikos II (1282–1328) 5 and Andronikos III (1328–1341). 6 As for his
title, Δεσπότης, it was originally used for the junior emperor, despotes (lord,
master). However, by the reign of Michael III the senior emperor is referred
to as despotes and after the times of Nikephoros III this becomes the title
used almost exclusively on imperial seals. 7 Inscriptions on coins in which
the emperor was merely designated as despotes often co-existed with others,
much lengthier ones echoing his full traditional titulature of imperial docu-
ments. 8 It must not be forgotten that the institutional role of the emperor
was never questioned in Byzantium and, until the very end, he theoretically
remained not only the head of the state and the source of all power, 9 but
also of the Church, a role that was affirmed in the Council of 1409. 10
2
C. Stavrakos, “Οι βυζαντινές σφραγίδες και το θείον”, Οβολός 2 (1998), 149–53;
V. Penna, “Εικονογραφικά βυζαντινών μολυβδοβούλλων: Ο αυτοκράτορας, η εκκλησία, η
αριστοκρατία”, ΔΧΑΕ 20 (1998), 261–65. For the image of Christ on the obverse of seals,
see: J. Cotsonis, “To Invoke or Not to Invoke. The Image of Christ on Byzantine Lead
Seals. This is the question”, RN 170 (2013), 549–82.
3
Cotsonis, “To Invoke”, 577.
4
Zacos – Veglery, 1.1, no. 120, 121bis; Cheynet et al., Istanbul, no. 1.47; Ge-
nève 19, with discussion about the meaning of the manus Dei on seals of Michael VIII.
See also Ch. Stavrakos, “The Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Lead Seals and Minor Ob-
jects from the Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin (Zerbitsa) at Xerokampi of
Lakonia”, B. Caseau – V. Prigent – A. Sopracasa (eds), Οὗ δῶρόν εἰμι τὰς γραφὰς βλέπων
νόει. Mélanges Jean-Claude Cheynet [= TM 21/1 (2017)] (Paris, 2017), 764 ff.
5
Laurent, Vatican, no. 17; Zacos – Veglery, 1.1, no. 123; Sokolova, Imperial Seals,
nos 196–97, 202; DOSeals, 6, no. 106.1, 106.2.
6
DOSeals 6, no. 108.1.
7
On the title despotes, see: R. Guilland, “Le despote (ὁ δεσπότης)”, REB 17 (1959),
52–89 [repr.: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines II (Berlin, 1967),
1–24]; A. Failler, “Les insignes et la signature du despote”, REB 40 (1982), 171–86.
8
Andronikos II Palaiologos’ case is characteristic. Grierson, DOCoins, V/1, 7, 96, 131.
Cf. C. J. Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy in an Age of Decline (Cambridge, 2014), 190.
9
T. Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager: Power and Political Ideology in Byzan-
tium before 1453 (Geneva, 2011), 127. For the role of the emperor, see mainly: G. Dag-
ron, Emperor and Priest. The Imperial Office in Byzantium (Cambridge, 2003).
10
Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 128. Cf. V. Laurent, “Le trisépiscopat du
patriarche Mathieu Ier (1397–1410). Un grand procès canonique à Byzance au début du
xve siècle”, REB 30 (1972), 55, 89–96, 135–37.

There was an undoubted reduction in the number of seals during the

Palaiologan period. 11 Since it is not clear who the depicted emperor is
on our seal – there were three Palaiologoi named John – we will pro-
ceed to comparisons and examine the historical background. John VII
(1370–1408), would be an unlikely candidate: son of Andronikos IV
Palaiologos and grandson of John V, he reigned for just five months,
from April to September 1390 12. John VI (1347–1354), who was a Kan-
takouzenos, need not be considered. 13 Also, our emperor does not re-
semble John V (1341–1391) who, in his iconography appears slim and
less robust. 14
We should not forget that in the auction Naumann (Vienna) 62, 4. 2.
2018, lot 968, a somehow similar seal (but with important differencies!)
was attributed to John V, VII or VIII Palaiologos. 15 Looking more ac-
curately we see that the first name is not ΙΩ, but MXI, so the seal belongs
to Michael VIII. On the other hand, there was really another somehow
similar seal type of a John Palaiologos in the former Zacos collection
(Fig. 3) with only minor discrepancies. On the left side of the reverse we
read ΙΩ | ΔΕC|ΠΟ||C, the legend on the right side is more or less lost.
Probably we have to do with the same emperor as on our seal.
11
G. Vican – J. Nesbitt, Security in Byzantium: Locking, Sealing, Weighing (Wash-
ington, DC, 1980), 25; N. Oikonomides, “The Lead Blanks Used for Byzantine Seals”,
SBS 1 (1987), 100; Cotsonis, “To Invoke”, 576–77 and note 113, with bibliography.
12
Also, his representation on his coins is quite dissimilar. N. Oikonomides, “John
VII Palaeologus and the Ivory Pyxis at Dumbarton Oaks”, DOP 31 (1977), 329–37;
P. Katsoni, “Ο γάμος του Ιωάννη Ζ´ Παλαιολόγου με την Ευγενία Gattiluzi (1396/1397)”,
Βυζαντιακά 11(1991), 183–201; eadem, “Δυο ταξίδια του αυτοκράτορα Ιωάννη Ζ´
Παλαιολόγου (1390–1408) στη Δύση”, Πρακτικά ΙΓ´ Πανελληνίου Ιστορικού Συνεδρίου
(29–31 Μαΐου 1992) (Thessaloniki, 1993), 215–29; G. T. Dennis, “John VII Palaiologos:
‘A Holy and Just Man’”, A. Avramea et al. (eds), Byzantium, State and Society. In Memory
of Nikos Oikonomides (Athens, 2003), 205–18. However, we know an imperial seal of
Andronikos IV Palaiologos and his son Ioannes VII Palaiologos, dated by the editor pri-
marily between 18. 10. 1377 and 1. 7. 1379: W. Seibt, “Der bisher jüngste Bleisiegeltypus
byzantinischer Kaiser”, JÖB 56 (2006), 239–43 (photo on p. 243).
13
For the emperor, see: A. Keselopoulos, “Βίος τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Ἰωάννου ΣΤ´ τοῦ
Καντακουζηνοῦ (ἢ Ἰωάσαφ μοναχοῦ), (1295–1383)”, Θεολογία 46 (1975), 573–610; D. M.
Nicol, The Reluctant Emperor. A biography of John Cantacuzene, Byzantine Emperor and
Monk, c. 1295–1383 (Cambridge, 1996).
14
See, for example, his depiction on the golden bulla of the Vatican: A. Martini,
I sigilli d’oro dell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Milano, 1984), no. 18.
15
https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?term=Byzantine%20Lead%20
Seal%20Palaeologus&category=12&en=1&de=1&fr=1&it=1&es=1&ot=1&images
=1&currency=eur&thesaurus=1&order=1&company=&fbclid=IwAR0dNK8TDQ
TjqPHzSKb5ZSKSAV90H0ggtN7AIIVaG-RZHnnwXLjcA6bZtqY(last visit 17–6–
2021).

Fig. 3. Seal of John Palaiologos from the former Zacos collection (Sigil-
lographic photo-archive of the Division for Byzantine Research of the
Austrian Academy of Sciences
The Rhodes seal is comparable to the gold bullae of John VIII

Palaiologos in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (BZS.2012.08.21) 16
and the one at the Vatican, dating from 1439. 17 The similarities between
them are remarkable, while the differences insignificant. Of the latter,
the most important is the epithet Δεσπότης, which on the gold bullae is
replaced by ἐν Χριστῷ αὐτοκράτωρ; 18 also, the manus Dei is missing from
the gold seals. The closest parallel is the Vatican gold seal and the resem-
blances between the two are striking. On the reverse, the emperor’s pos-
ture, gestures, dress and features are almost identical – just less elaborate
on the lead seal. Christ’s representation is less detailed in the specimen
under examination, and the low throne is not as ornamented and rectan-
gular as in the gold bulla.
So far, it seems that the features of our seal point to John VIII. The
validity of this hypothesis may be tested by exploration in other schol-
16
F. Dworschak, “Byzantinische Goldbullen”, BZ 36 (1936), 40–45; P. Grier-
son, “Byzantine Gold Bullae, with a Catalogue of Those at Dumbarton Oaks”, DOP 20
(1966), [239–53] 252–53; Zacos – Veglery, 1972, 128bis; H. C. Evans (ed.), Byzantium.
Faith and Power (1261–1557) (New York, 2004), 35 no. 8 ( J. Nesbitt).
17
Schlumberger, Mélanges, 184–85, pl. X, V; V. Sella, Le bolle d’oro dell’Archivio
Vaticano (Citta del Vaticano, 1934), nos 22–23; Martini, I sigilli d’oro, no. 22.
18
The same form is attested also on a golden bulla of John V (December 1342) at
the Lavra (Mt Athos). Lavra, III, 222–23, pl. CCXXIV, 3, and at Vatopedi, F. Dölger,
Aus den Schatzkammern des Heiligen Berges, Textband (München, 1948), 328 no. 5;
J. Lefort – V. Kravari – C. Giros – K. Smyrlis, Actes de Vatopédi, II. De 1330 à 1376 (Ar-
chives de l’Athos XXII) (Paris, 2006), pl. XCVIII.b. A combination of both is attested
at golden seals of Andronikos III Paleologos ( January 1329), where he is inscribed as:
Ἀνδρόνικος ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ δεσπότις ὁ Παλαιολόγος. Ibidem, 222, pl. CCXXIV, 1.

arly fields. Let’s see what happens with the inscriptions on coinage.
Around 1367 John V Palaiologos introduced the stavraton, a large silver
coin with abstract figures of Christ and the imperial bust. Stavrata were
also issued by John VIII and remained use until the fall of the Byzantine
Empire 19. During the reign of John V, but also under John VIII, they
were inscribed: Δεσπότης ὁ Παλεολόγος, Θεοῦ Χάριτι Βασιλεὺς Ρωμαίων
(the Lord Palaiologos, by God’s Grace Emperor of the Romans). 20 It is
known that it is rather difficult to attribute stavrata to a certain emperor
named John, since the differences between the specimens that each one
of them minted were minor. 21 The same happens with the seals. 22
John VIII, born in 1392, was the penultimate Byzantine emperor. By
the time he ruled (1425–1448), the sultanate of Mehmed II extended
to the walls of Constantinople, completely surrounding it. John sought
aid from the west, proclaiming a union with the Church of Rome. The
people of Constantinople refused to accept the union and no aid was
received. The city was already doomed when John died in 1448. In art,
he is well known from his portraits in the Council of Ferrara-Florence
painted by Pisanello 23 and the mural of the Magi Chapel at the Palazzo
Medici-Riccardi in Florence. 24 The identification becomes more confi-
19
See indicatively: A. Cutler, “The Stavraton: Evidence for an Elusive Byzantine
Type”, American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 11 (1964), 237–44, pl. XLI–XLII;
M. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy (c. 300–1450) (Cambridge,
1985), 542 ff.; P. Grierson, Byzantine Coinage (Washington, DC, 1999), 16, 22.
20
DOCoins V/2, pl. 65–69, nos 1231 and on ( John V), pl. 81–91 ( John VIII).
21
Cf. T. Kourembanas, “‘Θησαυρός’ χάλκινων νομισμάτων των τελευταίων
Παλαιολόγων από τη Λήμνο”, E. G. Papaefthimiou – I. P. Touratsoglou (eds), Ὁλοκότινον.
Studies in Byzantine Numismatics and Sigillography in Memory of Petros Protonotarios
(Bibliotheca of the Hellenic Numismatic Society 10) (Athens, 2013), 130–32.
22
See, for example, the note of N. Oikonomides concerning his thoughts on
identifying the emperor John Palaiologos on a golden seal of Lavra in Mount Athos, in
Lavra, III, 224–25.
23
R. Weiss, Pisanello’s Medallion of the Emperor John VIII Palaeologus (London,
1966); M. Vickers, “Some Preparatory Drawings for Pisanello’s Medallion of John VIII
Palaeologus”, The Art Bulletin 60.3 (1978), 417–24; V. Juŕen, “A propos de la médaille
de Jean VIII Paléologue par Pisanello”, RN 15 (1973), 219–25; S. Lazaris, “L’empereur
Jean VIII Paléologue vu par Pisanello lors du concile de Ferrare – Florence”, Byzantini
sche Forschungen 29 (2007), 293–324. The emperor’s depiction of Pisanello was copied
in an illuminated manuscript of the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Sinai (Sinai gr.
2123): G. Prato – J. A. M. Sonderkamp, “Libro, testo, miniature: il caso del cod. Sinait.
gr. 2123”, Scrittura e Civiltà 9 (1985), 309–23. For the depictions of the emperor in art,
see: Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy, 333–34, with recent literature.
24
See selectively: C. Acidini Luchinat (ed.), The Chapel of the Magi. Benozzo Goz-
zoli’s frescoes in the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi Florence (New York, 1994); F. Cardini, The
Chapel of the Magi in Palazzo Medici (Florence, 2001); D. D. Davisson, Secrets of the

dent if the history of Rhodes, where his seal was found, is examined.
Could a likely recipient of his letter be identified?
In the first decades of the fifteenth century, Rhodes became more isolat-
ed. Its defences were expanded and modernized after the battle of Nico-
polis (1396), which put an end to the mass participation of Westerners
against the Ottoman advance into Europe. 25 During the reign of John
VIII, two grand masters ruled Rhodes: Antoni Fluvià (1421–1437) 26
and Jean de Lastic (1437–1454). 27 During his rule, in 1440, an Otto-
man fleet attacking Rhodes was successfully repelled. He undertook the
construction of the new walls of the town, a work that started in 1444
and was completed after his death, under grand master Jacques de Milly.
During this time, the Order was at the zenith of its power, and played
a significant military role in the defense of the Mediterranean against
Turkish encroachment.
The recipient of the letter of John may have been the grand master of
Rhodes. Thus, he would follow the policy of his father, Manuel II, who
visited Rhodes in 1390, before his coronation, and started discussions
with the Hospitallers. 28 Certainly, the correspondence of the Byzantine
emperor would be addressed, if not to the Master, to someone of high
status. On the eve of the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 29 apart from the
Medici Palace and Its Private Chapel: Six Studies in the early Italian Renaissance (San
Bernardino, 2014); C. Riva, La Cavalcata dei Magi di Benozzo Gozzoli. Storia, ermet-
ismo e antiche simbologie (Firenze, 2017). Recently, A. Mattiello, “Who is that man? The
perception of Byzantium in fifteenth-century Italy”, in A. Mattiello – M. A. Rossi (eds),
Late Byzantium Reconsidered. The Arts of the Palaiologan Era in the Mediterranean (Lon-
don – New York, 2019), 177–92.
25
D. Seward, The Monks of War. The Military Religious Orders (2London, 1995),
239–40; A.-M. Kasdagli, Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes. Displaced
Pieces and Fragments (Oxford, 2016), 7 with literature.
26
P. Bonneaud, “Les origines du maître de l’hôpital Antoni de Fluvià - 1421–
1437”, Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire et du patrimoine de l’ordre de Malte 24‎ (2011), 26–
30.
27
B. Galimard Flavigny, Histoire de l’ordre de Malte (Paris, 2006), 317–19.
28
J. W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus (1391–1425). A Study in Late Byzantine
Statemanship (New Brunswick, 1969), 76–77; G. P. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Con-
stantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Dumbarton Oaks Studies XIX)
(Washington, DC, 1984), 411–12; M. Acheimastou-Potamianou, “Δύο αμφιπρόσωπες
εικόνες του Χριστού και της Παναγίας στη Ρόδο”, ΔΧΑΕ Λ´ (2009), 210.
29
From the numerous publications for the council of Ferrara-Florence, see se-
lectively: J. Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge, 1959); idem, Personalities of the
Council of Florence and other Essays (Oxford, 1964); V. Laurent, Les “Mémoires” du
grand ecclésiarque de l’Église de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le Concile de Flor-

grand master, he could have been in touch with religious representatives

of the island. 30 And being a proponent of the Union, since he believed
that this was the only way to get the needed support from the Latins
against the Ottomans, he would readily have approached both the Or-
thodox and the Latin metropolitan.
The Orthodox metropolitan of Rhodes at the time was Nathanael
(† 22.4.1455) 31. The Latin archbishop of Rhodes throughout most of
the reign of John VIII was the Dominican convert Andreas Chrysso-
vergis (1431–1447). 32 Both prelates were sent as representatives to the
Council of Ferrara-Florence, and both accepted and signed the decreto
of the Union 33. Fra Andrea Chryssovergis belonged to the Dominican
ence (1438–1439) (Paris, 1971); C. Scourtis Gaddis, The Failure of Reconciliation: The
Byzantine Experience at the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–39) (PhD Diss. Uni-
versity of Los Angeles) (Los Angeles, 2004); H. Chadwick, East and West: The Mak-
ing of a Rift in the Church: From Apostolic Times until the Council of Florence (Oxford,
2005), 258 ff.; S. Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos und das Konzil von Ferrara-Florenz
(1438/39). 2 vols (Stuttgart, 2013–2014).
30
For the emperor in the Council, see: Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos; J. N. van
Sickle, “Re-evaluating the Role of Emperor John VIII in the Failed Union of Florence”,
Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68.1 ( Jan. 2017), 40–58. For the emperor, see also:
D. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453 (2Cambridge, 1994), 339–68. For
his diplomacy, see: S. Mergiali-Sahas, “A Byzantine Ambassador to the West and His Of-
fice during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries: a Profile”, BZ 94/2 (2001), 602–04;
eadem, “Το άλλο πρόσωπο της αυτοκρατορικής διπλωματίας: Ο Βυζαντινός αυτοκράτορας
στο ρόλο του πρεσβευτή τον 14ο και 15ο αι.”, Βυζαντιακά 25 (2005–2006), 253–59; C. J.
Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy in an Age of Decline (Cambridge, 2014), 190.
31
Ζ. Ν. Tsirpanlis, Ανέκδοτα έγγραφα για τη Ρόδο και τις Νότιες Σποράδες από το
αρχείο των Ιωαννιτών Ιπποτών (1421–1453) (Rhodes, 1995), 205–06.
32
Fedalto, La Chiesa, II, 88; Ζ. Ν. Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες στα
χρόνια των Ιωαννιτών Ιπποτών (14ος-16ος αι.). Συλλογή ιστορικών μελετών (Rhodes, 1991),
264 note 2, with literature.
33
Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 300. For Andreas in the council, see:
Gill, The Council, 114, 124, 129, 130, 148, 145–55 passim, 169; Gill, Personalities, 47,
53, 82, 100, 159, 239, 292; Scourtis Gaddis, The Failure of Reconciliation, 77, 80, 90,
92, 98, 104, 113, 174; Z. Tsirpanlis, “Ἡ ἐφαρμογὴ τοῦ φλωρεντινοῦ ‘ὅρου’ στὸ ἑλληνικὸ
ἀρχιπέλαγος. (Ἡ περίπτωση τῆς βενετοκρατούμενης Κρήτης καὶ τῆς ἱπποτοκρατούμενης
Ρόδου”, Βυζαντινὰ 16 (1991), 86 ff. For the Orthodox Church and its position for the
Union and the Council, M.-H. Blanchet, “L’Église byzantine à la suite de l’Union de
Florence (1439–1445): de la contestation à la scission”, in A. Argyriou – C. Otten-
Froux – P. Racine – G. Saint-Guillain (eds), viiie Symposion Byzantinon. L’Église dans
le monde byzantin de la ive croisade (1204) à la chute de Constantinople (1453). Stras-
bourg, 8 et 9 novembre 2002 [= Byzantinische Forschungen 29 (2007)], 79–124; eadem,
“La réaction byzantine à l’Union de Florence (1439): de discours antiromain de la Syn-
axe des orthodoxes”, in M.-H. Blanchet – F. Gabriel (eds), Réduire de Schisme? Ecclési-
ologies et politiques de l’Union entre Orient et Occident (xiiie–xviiie siècle) (Paris, 2013),
181–96; M. Hinterberger – C. Schabel, “Andreas Chrysoberges’ Dialogue against Mark

Order, although Greek by birth and born to Eastern Orthodox parents.

He was from Constantinople and thus was called Andrea de Pera or de
Constantinople. 34 Indeed, Pope Eugene IV addressed a letter to Chryss-
overgis, assuring him that when Nathanael was transferred to another
bishopric, or upon the latter’s death, the metropolis of Rhodes would be
integrated with his authority. 35
It is fairly certain that emperor John VIII and Andreas were old ac-
quaintances. Many years before the Council, in 1414, as a representa-
tive of the emperor Manuel II ( John’s father), Andreas had attended the
Council of Constance, where he spoke for the Union. 36 Additionally,
he and Manuel II were both students of Demetrius Kydones 37. Andreas
was, however, a controversial personality because of his apostacy; he had
also been sent to the Council of Basle (1431), where he had delivered an
Eugenikos”, in A. Frazier – P. Nold (eds), Essays in Renaissance Thought and Letters in

Honor of John Monfasani (Leiben-Boston, 2015), 492–95; M.-H. Blanchet, “Le rejet de
l’Union de Florence (1439) dans les professions de foi antiunioniste: Marc d’Éphèse, Mi-
chael Balsamon et Sylvestre Syropoulos”, in M.-H. Blanchet – F. Gabriel (eds), L’Union
à l’épreuve du formulaire professions de foi entre Églises d’Orient et d’Occident (xiiie–xviiie
siècles) (CNRS Monographies 51) (Leuven, 2016), 191–206.
34
Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 264 n. 2; Laurent, Les “Mémoires”,
117, n. 5; M.-H. Laurent, “L’activité d’André Chrysobergès, O.P. sous le pontificat de
Martin V (1418–1431). Étude et documents”, EO 34 (1935), 414–38; R.-J. Loenertz,
“Les dominicains byzantins Théodore et André Chrysobergès et les négociations pour
l’union des Églises grecque et latine de 1415 à 1430”, Archivum fratrum prædicatorum IX
(1939), 5–61; J. Darrouzès, “La date de la mort d’André Chrysobergès, O. P., archevêque
de Nicosie et légat apostolique à Chypre”, Archivum fratrum prædicatorum XXI (1951),
301–05; T. Ganchou, “Dèmètrios Kydônès, les frères Chrysobergès et la Crète (1397–
1401): de nouveaux documents”, in Chr. Maltézou – P. Schreiner (eds), Bisanzio, Vene-
zia e il mondo franco-greco (XIII–XV secolo). Colloquio internazionale nel centenario della
nascita di Raymond-Joseph Loenertz, O. P. (Venise, 2002), 435–95; C. Delacroix-Besnier,
“Manuel Calécas et les frères Chrysobergès, Grecs et Prêcheurs”, Les échanges culturels au
Moyen Âge. Actes du 32e congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement
supérieur public (Dunkerque, 2001), (Paris, 2002), 151–64.
35
Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 301. Such a thing, though, never hap-
pened. Andrea was transferred from the See of Rhodes to the one of Nicosia, Cyprus
(Gill, The Council, 336–37, 391), and Nathanael died in Rhodes.
36
Gill, The Council, 23–27.
37
Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 39–40; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus,
416 ff.; Ganchou, “Dèmètrios Kydônès”, 440. For Kydones, see: G. Cammelli, Démétrius
Cydonès correspondence (Paris, 1930); R.-J. Loenertz, Démétrius Cydonès correspondance,
Vol. I, II (Vatican, 1956–1960); K. Frances, Demetrius Cydones (c. 1324-c. 1397): Intel-
lectual and Diplomatic Relations between Byzantium and the West in the Fourteenth Cen-
tury, (PhD diss., Fordham University 1981) (New York, 1981); S. Mergiali-Sahas, “Το
άλλο πρόσωπο της αυτοκρατορικής διπλωματίας”, 245.

oration in the name of the Pope. 38 Thus, it seems that John sent a letter
to Rhodes, most probably either to prepare the ground for the Council
of Ferrara-Florence or after his sojourn there. The reasons are unknown,
but were probably associated with religious and political rather than fi-
nancial support although it is known that the coffers of the Byzantine
emperor were practically empty during the council of Florence 39.
In any case, John’s letter was formal. In Byzantium, the emperor
would seal important documents (chrysoboullon) with gold; less impor-
tant but still official documents with lead seals, and ordinary letters with
wax seals. 40 Lead seals, as in our case, were used for recipients of a high
status, and wax seals for all others. 41
Even though some questions that emerge from the study of this speci-
men remain unanswered, its significance is evident. A unique find, of
known provenance, linked to the penultimate emperor of the Byzantine
Empire, is evidence of contact between the Byzantine court and the
capital of the Hospitaller state. It is proof of diplomatic correspond-
ence, an indication of common interest between the emperor and either
the grand master or, more likely, the notorious Andreas Chryssovergis,
Latin archbishop of Rhodes. Well-known historical facts independent
of our specimen indicate that such diplomatic correspondence was to
be expected. The proposed identification of our lead seal palpably sup-
ports the existence of this correspondence. Past assumptions now appear
highly probable. It is even possible that the three assumed principals,
John VIII, Chryssovergis and Nathanael, travelled together to or from
Ferrara, while the archbishop would have been a handy and expert inter-
preter for the emperor.
38
Mansi, XXIX, 468–81. For the negotiations, see: P. Loenertz, “Les dominic-
ains”.
39
Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 96 ff.
40
J.-C. Cheynet – B. Caseau, “Sealing Practices in the Byzantine Administration”,
in I. Regulski – K. Duistermaat – P. Verkinderen (eds), Seals and Sealing Practices in
the Near East. Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic
Period. Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute of
Cairo on December 2–3, 2009 (Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta 219) (Leuven – Paris –
Walpole, MA, 2012), 137.
41
Cheynet – Caseau, “Sealing Practices”, 138.

Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras
A Selection of Important Seals from the

Private Collection of Zafeiris Syrras
Zafeiris Syrras began collecting Byzantine seals in March 2003; since

then he has continued to acquire Byzantine lead seals and at this mo-
ment in time the collection numbers close to 1000 pieces. The collection
is expected to grow, as the interest of the collector in Byzantine lead seals
remains very high. It is one of the most important private collections of
lead seals internationally, not only in terms of the number of seals but
also in terms of quality and historical importance of its articles. Christos
Stavrakos is working on the publication of this collection and it was also
the focus of his summer fellowship at Dumbarton Oaks.
The seal of this collection attesting an Ἰωάννης πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ
τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ βασιλικὸς χρυσογλύπτης is already published in
the last volume of Studies in Byzantine Sugillography. 1
Some other seals of the collection Zafeiris Syrras are presented in the
volume in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti. They are the seals of Nikētas
Tornikēs (twelfth century, possibly mid-century), Basileios bishop of
Hexamilion (mid eleventh–early twelfth century), Michaēl Tzikandy-
los (or Tzykandylēs) (mid twelfth century–2nd half of twelfth century),
Maria, nun and zōstē (3rd decade of eleventh–early twelfth century),
Nikēphoros Melissēnos, magistros, vestarchēs and katepanō (1065–
1075), Theodora Komnēnē, pansebastē (1130–1180) and Kōnstantinos
Theodōrokanos (2nd half of eleventh–early twelfth century; probably
between 1060–1080). 2
1
Ch. Stavrakos – Ch. Tsatsoulis, “Rare Seal of a Goldsmith (Χρυσογλύπτης) from
the Unpublished Collection of Zafeiris Syrras (London)”, SBS 13 (2019), 131–48.
2
Ch. Stavrakos – Z. Syrras, “Some Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the
Private Collection Zafeiris Syrras (London)”, in Ch. Diamanti – A. Vassiliou (eds), Ἐν
Σοφίᾳ μαθητεύσαντες. Essays in Byzantine Material Culture and Society in Honour of So-
phia Kalopissi-Verti (Oxford, 2019), 325–33.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132244
In this paper we will present some representative and interesting

pieces of the collection and we will focus on the newest acquisitions of
the collector. The seals of the collection to be published here are divided
in the following categories: seals with family names and seals with metri-
cal inscriptions regardless they bear family names or not.
1. Basileios Agapetos, patrikios (2nd half of the 11th c.)
19 mm
6.16 gr
// Jordanov, Corpus III 467 (discovered in the fortress Chala in Haskovo), Col-
lection Zacos 1724.
Ed Jordanov, Corpus III 467 (with further older bibliography).
On the obverse frontal bust of Theotokos with the Child of the icono-
graphical type of Theotokos Episkepsis 3 with the usual inscription M. /ΘV
On the reverse the inscription in five lines:
- -
Ker,θ, Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει)
ΤωCΩΔ, τῷ σῷ δού(λῳ)
raciλ,π̅ρ̅� ι � ̅ Βασιλ(είῳ) π(ατ)ρι(κίῳ)
ΤΩαγα τῷ Ἀγα-
Πιτ, πιτ(ῷ)
3
See W. Seibt, Die Darstellung der Theotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln,
besonders im 11. Jahrhundert, SBS 1 (1987), 35–56; H. Hunger, Heimsuchung und
Schirmherrschaft über Welt und Menschheit: Μήτηρ Θεοῦ ἡ Ἐπίσκεψις, SBS 4 (1995)
33–42. Concerning the period until the end of the Iconoclasm see A.-K. Wassiliou-
Seibt, Die sigillographische Evidenz der Theotokos bis zum Ende des Ikonoklasmus, in
L. M. Peltomaa et al. (eds), Presbeia Theotokou. The Intercessory Role of Mary across Times
and Places in Byzantium (4th–9th Century), (Vienna, 2015), 233–42.

A SELECTION OF IMPORTANT SEALS FROM THE PRIVATE COLLECTION
Agapetos is a family name derives from the verb ἀγαπῶ (= love). Accord-
ing to the suffix -ητός, Ἀγαπητὸς is the one who can be loved.
The Christian name Agapetos is well attested on Byzantine lead seals.
We are aware of several Agapetoi though Agapetos is used exclusively in
all cases not as a family name.
This seal is a unique evidence for the Agapetos as family name. This
member according to its title belonged to the so called middle-class ar-
istocracy.
Τhe first attested Agapetos was pop of Rome from May 946 till De-
cember 955 and is mentioned in the short vita of Dunale of the Synax-
arium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. 4 Another Agapetos from Lainon
(ἀπὸ τοῦ Λαΐνου) in the second half of the temth century is recorded
in the vita of St Savvas because of his miraculous therapy by the Saint. 5
A lead seal Agapetos, bishop of Akmoneia (suffragan of bishopric of
Laodikeia in Phrygia) is dated around the year 1000. 6 In contrary to the
testimonies of the sources of the middle byzantine period, the family
name Agapetos is in the Palaiologan period well and lavishly attested. 7
2. Konstantinos Nikaeus, protoproedros (last third of the 11th–early

12th c.)
22 mm
7.03 gr
Unpublished
4
PmbZ 20159.
5
PmbZ 20160.
6
Problems arise concerning the reading and the analysis of the monogram on the
obverse because the poor preservation of the specimen. Laurent, Corpus V 3, 1736 pro-
posed Agapios, while the editors of DOSeals III 4.1 preferred Agapitos. Cf. PmbZ 20161.
7
PLP 111–30; 91018–24. Interesting is the name Ἀγαπητίνα as female form of
this family attested around the year 1321 (PLP 91017).

The inscription covers both sides of the seal:

Obverse:
Θ̅κ� ε̅ � ̅ Θ(εοτό)κε
rohθei βοήθει
κωναν Κωνσταν-
.Ινω [τ]ίνῳ
Reverse:
Α͂Α͂ε (πρωτο)(προ)έ-
δρωτω δρῳ τῷ
νικα Νικα-
ει εῖ
Here we deal with a Κωνσταντῖνος Νικαεὺς who was πρωτοπρόεδρος.
Etymologically the family name Νικαεὺς is derived from the city of
Nikaia. 8 From the second half of the twelfth century we are aware of
another Κωνσταντῖνος Νικαεὺς probably with a standing St Georgios
on the obverse; the inscription is metrical (Κωνσταντίνου σφράγισμα
τοῦ Νικαέως) 9 who probably is not related with our πρωτοπρόεδρος.
The family name is well attested in the middle byzantine period and
specially by several lead seals. According A.-K. Wassilou-Seibt the
oldest sigillographical testimony of the family name is a lead seal
of the collection of Dumbarton Oaks with the metrical inscription
Νικηφόρου σφράγισμα τοῦ Νικαέως. 10 From the Palaiologan era is
mentioned a Νικαεὺς without Christian name as πάροικος in Thes-
saly. 11
3. Georgios Tanoteres (end of the 11th till first half of the 12th c.)
17 mm
3.56 gr
// private collection in Shumen
Ed. Jordanov, Corpus II 697; Jordanov, Corpus III 2053.
8
See Wassiliou, Corpus II p. 50.
9
Wassiliou, Corpus I 1231.
10
Wassiliou, Corpus II 1508; see also eadem, Corpus I p. 162.
11
PLP 20232.

Obverse:
Buste of St George in the usual iconographical type, holding a shield
and a spear. The inscription is partially preserved, e.g. Gamma on the on
the right side.
Reverse:
.ḲeRΘ [+] Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει)
Γεωργ, Γεωργί(ῳ)
τωτανο. τῶ Τανο(υ)-
τερη τέρῃ
Our specimen is in a much better condition than the parallel piece

found in Bulgaria. The family name is probably originated from the Ar-
menian. Tanouter 12 in mediaeval Armenia means master of house, head
of a family, landlord, householder, patriarch, chief of a trive/race 13 and
lord of a clan. 14 According Tumanoff 15 Τer means lord and tun means
house. According Adontz Tanuter corresponds in biblical texts to
οἰκοδεσπότης. 16
12
See M. Bedrossian, New Dictionary Armenian-English. Venice 1875, 690;
R. Thomson, An Introduction to the Classical Armenian (New York, 1989) (2nd edition),
251.
13
N. Garsoïan, Les “guerriers des seigneurs”, Studia Iranica 32/2 (2003), 178–80;
T. Greenwood, “A Corpus of Early Medieaval Armenian Inscriptions”, DOP 58 (2004),
63, 65, 67, 83.
14
L. Avdoyan, “Feudal Histories: Praying Court to the Mamikonians and Bagratu-
nis of Taron”, in R. Hovannisian (ed.), Armenian Bagesh/Bitlis and Taron/Mush (Costa
Mesa, California, 2001), 73–74, 91.
15
C. Toumanoff, “Introduction to Christian Caucasian History, The Formative
Centuries (IVth–VIIIth)”. Traditio 15 (1959), 64, 73; idem, Studies in Christian Cauca-
sian History (Georgetown, 1963), 114 (henceforth: Toumanoff, History).
16
N. Adontz, Armeniia v epokhu Iustiniana, (St Petersburg, 1908), 404–05; see
also Toumanoff, History, 115.

In the Typikon of Theotokos Petritziotissa (1083) there is an inter-

esting passage which describes the responsibilities of the office of kellar-
ites who is called in Armenian tanouteres:
Ἕτερος δὲ ἔστω κελλαρίτης, ὃς παρὰ τοῖς Ἴβηρσι τανουτέρης ὀνομάζεται, ὃς
ὀφείλει κατὰ τὸν τῶν μοναζόντων ἤτοι τῶν μοναστηρίων τύπον ἀδόλως καὶ
ἀσκανδαλίστως ὑπὸ τὴν χεῖρα ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν τόν τε ἄρτον καὶ τὰ προσφάγια
πάντα καὶ τὰ ἀρτύματα, οἷον ἔλαιόν τε καὶ μέλι καὶ τὰ τούτοις παρόμοια,
καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν τούτων ποιήσασθαι ἔξοδον εὐκαίρως τε καὶ ἐπιμελῶς μετὰ
φόβου Θεοῦ. 17
During the great celebrations in the monastery the kellarites (τανουτέρης)
had the management of all κατὰ χρείαν goods and was responsible to
provide the monks in the refectorium with bread, olive oil, honey and
other food. 18 In some monasteries κελλαρίτης had one or more assistants;
specifically in the monastery of Lazaros Galesiotes the παρακελλάριος, an
assistant of κελλαρίτης, distributed to the monks an amount of money
after the death of Lazaros. 19
We could find another member of the family attested by two par-
allel seals: a Stephanos Tanouteres without any titles or office (on the
obverse of his boulla there is a depiction of bust of John Prodromos),
dated to the second half of eleventh century. 20 The similar name Tanos
is recorded in Thessaly (Trikala) in the first half of the fourteenth cen-
tury. 21
In the collection there are also several seals with metrical inscrip-
tions: From these we have chosen to show two:
4. Pantepoptes Monastery (end of 11th–first decades of 12th c.)
16 mm
4.57 gr
// DOSeals 5, 53.1c; DOSeals 5, 53.1a and b (from the same boulloterion);
Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη 20.
17
P. Gautier, “Le typikon du sébaste Grégoire Pakourianos”, REB 42 (1984), 59,
679–84.
18
B. Leontaritou, Εκκλησιαστικά αξιώματα και υπηρεσίες στην πρώιμη και μέση
βυζαντινή περίοδο (Athens-Komotene, 1996), 281–85 (henceforth: Leontaritou,
Aξιώματα).
19
Leontaritou, Aξιώματα, 284.
20
Jordanov, Corpus, II 698; idem Corpus, III 2054 (the parallel specimen in the
former collection Zacos, photograph in Vienna/Austrian Academy of Sciences).
21
PLP 27432.

Ed Laurent, Corpus V 2, 1171, see also the photograph Laurent, Corpus V

1172, pl. 149; N.K. Moutsopoulos, Ανασκαφή κάστρου Ρεντίνας (1995), in Το
Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 9 (1995 [1998]), 335 (without
picture); DOSeals 5, 53.1; Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη 20; R. Feind, Verse auf byz-
antinischen Bleisiegeln Teil 2: Ρ–Ω. Verses on Byzantine Lead Seals Vol. 2: Ρ–Ω,
(Regenstauf, 2013), 2585.
Obverse:
Ω +Ὦ
Παν Παν-
Τεπο τεπό-
πτα πτα
Reverse:
Cω σῷ-
ετc ζε τοὺς
ccoi σοὺς οἰ-
ket κέτ(ας)
+ Ὦ Παντεπόπτα σῷζε τοὺς σοὺς οἰκέτας

The inscription covers both sides of the seal, it is a regular dodekasylla-
bos with caesura after the fifth syllable and paroxytony at the end.
There are already several sigillographical types with the same metrical
legend. 22 Furthermore the question if the lead seal of the Dumbarton
Oaks collection 23 with a bust of Theotokos (iconographical type of Ma-
22
Schlumberger, Sig. p. 138; Laurent, Bulles métriques, 559; Laurent, Corpus,
V 2, 1171 (first transcription of the obverse); Cheynet et alii, Seyrig, 281; Leontiades,
Θεσσαλονίκη, 21.
23
Accession number BZS.1958.106.5040, https://www.doaks.org/resources/
seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.5040/view.

ria orans without Child) on the obverse and the inscription + Ὁ Παν]-
τεπό-πτις on the reverse is associated with the Monastery of Jesus Christ
Pantepoptes must stay open. The Monastery of Pantepoptes 24 was
founded in 1087 by Anna Dalassena. 25
5. Theodoros Chetames, kouropalates and doux of Melitene (1078–

1080)
28 mm
23.26 gr
// Former Collection Zacos; Auktion Lanz 154, 11–12.6.2012, 615; Auction
Zeus Numismatics 17, 5.6.2021, 939; Leu Numismatics 25-Oct-20, 1984;
Ares Numismatics Auction 2, 28 Sep. 2019, 938 (from a private dutch collec-
tion). A very similar sigillographical type but not from the same boulloterion:
Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 62 (also Auktion Lanz 154, 11–12.6.2012, 614).
Ed Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus, II 1618 (with the former bibliography)
Obverse: depiction of St Theodore standing to front in military attire;

he holds a beautiful decorated shield in right and spear in left hand. The
inscription to the left and right of the Saint:
O-a-γι-ο/θε-οδ-ωρ, Ὁ ἅγιος Θεόδωρ(ος)
24
Janin, Églises, 513–15; V. Kidonopoulos, Bauten in Konstantinopel 1204–1328.
Verfall und Zerstörung, Restaurierung, Umbau und Neubau von Profan- und Sakralbau
ten, (Wiesbaden, 1994), 28–30.
25
See Cheynet – Vannier, 95–99; Cheynet, Société, 2, 438–47.

The inscription of the reverse:

-+- -+-
Omωνυ- Ὁμώνυ-
Μονconδ μόν σον δού-
κακροπαλα κα κουροπαλά-
Τηνμαρτυc την μάρτυς
Xetamhnto Χετάμην τὸ-
ṇmeλιτηνηˋ ν Μελιτηνῆ(ς)
Ckεποιc σκέποις
- -
+ Ὁμώνυμόν σον δούκα, κουροπαλάτην,

μάρτυς, Χετάμην τὸν Μελιτηνῆς σκέποις
The metrical inscription consists of two dodecasyllaboi verses, both with
paroxytony at the end, the first with a caesura at the fifth and seventh and
the second at the fifth syllable.
About the person of Theodoros Chetames is already written by
V. Šandrovskaja and W. Seibt. He was commander of Melitene and
later of Edessa. There are several sigillographical types 26 all connected
with the same person allow us to create the cursus honorum of Theo-
doros Chetames. 27 We are aware also of a metrical seal of a Chetames
ἀνθύπατος (depiction of Saint Theodoros on the obverse) but is not sure
if it is connected to our Theodoros 28 or his father. 29
The collection Zafeiris Syrras includes also several seals with very in-
teresting iconography.
6. Lychnites (12th c.)
32 mm
19.13 gr
// Vatican 184
Ed Laurent, Vatican, 184
26
See Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1618.
27
Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques, 51; idem, Zacos, 34;
Šandrovskaja – Seibt 62.
28
See Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1468.
29
J.-Cl. Cheynet – E. Erdoğan – V. Prigent, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée
d’Adiyaman”, SBS 12 (2016), 117–18.

Obverse:
A frontal standing figure which according the inscription is identified
as the Ἀλήθεια (= Truth); she wears a long robe and is holding a scepter
with her right hand. It is notworthy that the inscription carefully does
not mention the Ἀλήθεια 30 as ἁγία (Saint) although she is depicted as a
saint with a halo. The inscription:
Hαλη // θη. Ἡ Ἀλή-//θη[α]
Reverse:
+φωc + Φῶς
Xphma χρημα-
Tizωκαι τίζω καὶ
Λυχνοc λύχνος
Tωλυχνι τῷ Λυχνί-
-Τη- -τῃ-
+ Φῶς χρηματίζω και λύχνος τῷ Λυχνίτῃ
The inscription is metrical, a regular dodecasyllabos with caesura at the

fifth syllable and paroxytony at the end.
It is obvious that the poet of the epigram creates a verse based on
the etymology of the family name of the owner (Lychnites), that derives
from λύχνος (the oil lamp) and its φῶς (light); both are connected with
the Ἀλήθεια (= Truth), which is, according the inscription, the most im-
portant characteristic of the owner of the boulloterion. Λυχνίτης is also a
precious stone of red colour and specially a name of Parian marble quar-
30
Ἀλήθεια in Ancient Greece (the Veritas of the Romans) was the personified spirit
of truth and sincerity. Her opposite virtue was δόλος (Trickery): Aesopi Fabulae 530 (=
535 Perry).

ried by lamplight 31 and in the Byzantine period λυχνῖτις is an adjective

for a reddish glowing stone. 32
The connection of ἀλήθεια with φῶς is biblical; Jesus Christ is de-
scribed as the light and truth of the world. 33 This literary motive is often
repeated in the byzantine literature. 34 Furthermore ἀλήθεια itself is re-
lated often with the φῶς as a vital factor of piety. 35
The personification of the truth is unique in the byzantine Sigillogra-
phy. We are aware of classical personifications such as the Tyche and the
Victory. In the byzantine art we are aware of some personifications of the
Truth, the most famous is the depiction on the crown of Constantine IX
Monomachos 36 where is depicted together with the virtue of Humility
(Ταπείνωσις). 37
Personifications of the Truth we find also in illuminated manuscripts
such the Vat. gr. 1927 fol. 156r (Ἀλήθεια is depicted together with Ἔλεος
[Mercy]); 38 it contains a psalter Book dated in the twelfth century. The
depiction in the manuscript is very similar to the depiction on our seal
31
H.-G. Liddel – R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford, 1968), 1068.
32
LBG 955.
33
John 8,12: ἐγώ εἰμι τὸ φῶς τοῦ κόσμου· ὁ ἀκολουθῶν ἐμοὶ οὐ μὴ περιπατήσῃ ἐν τῇ
σκοτίᾳ, ἀλλ’ ἕξει τὸ φῶς τῆς ζωῆς; Ibid. 14,6: ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια καὶ ἡ ζωή· οὐδεὶς
ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸν πατέρα εἰ μὴ δι’ ἐμοῦ.
34
Indicativelly J. Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Mélode. Hymnes, vols 1–5
[Sources chrétiennes 99, 110, 114, 128, 283. Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1, 1964; 2, 1965; 3,
1965; 4, 1967; 5, 1981] 27 app. 1–5:
Ἡ πάντων χαρά, Χριστός, ἡ ἀλήθεια,
τὸ φῶς, ἡ ζωή, τοῦ κόσμου ἡ ἀνάκλησις
τοῖς ἐν γῇ πεφανέρωται
τῇ αὐτοῦ ἀγαθότητι, γέγονε τύπος τῆς Ἀναστάσεως,
τοῖς πᾶσι παρέχων θείαν ἄφεσιν.
35
Indicativelly P. J. Alexander, Gregorii Nysseni opera, Leiden, 1962, vol. 5, 424,
12–13: ἧς τὸ ὄνομα ἀλήθειά ἐστι καὶ ζωὴ καὶ φῶς καὶ ἀφθαρσία καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα.
36
See T. Dawson, “The Monomachos Crown. Towards a Resolution”, Symmeikta
19 (2009), 183–93; N. Oikonomidès, “La couronne dite de Constantin Monomaque”,
TM 12 (1994), 241–62; The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzan-
tine Era, a.d. 843–1261, in H. Evans – W. D. Wixom (eds), The Metropolitan Museum
of Art (New York, 1997), 210; G. Moyseidou, “Το στέμμα του Μονομάχου· μια συζήτηση
χωρίς τέλος”, in A. Avramea et al. (eds) Byzantium: State and Society – In Memory of
Nikos Oikonomides (Athens, 2003), 403–16.
37
For the depiction of the virtues on the crown see E. Antonopoulos, Contribution
à l’étude des abstractions personnifiées dans l’art médiobyzantin, (unpublished doctoral
thesis), (Paris, 1984), 252–54 (henceforth: Antonopoulos).
38
E. De Wald, The Illustations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint, III. Psalms and
Odes. Part 1: Vaticanus Graecus 1927 (Princeton, 1941), 25–26, Pl. XXXVIb; Antono
poulos, 146–47.

and this is a further element justifies our dating to the twelfth century.
The Truth is the second figure from the left – depicted with Δικαιοσύνη
( Justice) – illustrated also with halo and long scepter in the right hand
in the manuscript Coislin 79 fol. 2r 39 in Paris. This manuscript is dated
between 1074 and 1078; 40 it contains Homilies of John Chrysostomos.
In other words we have the unique depiction of the personification
of the Truth on Byzantine lead seals.
The collection of Zafeiris Syrras, as we have shown in previous but
also in this publication, consists of a large number of important seals.
These lead seals are in their majority in very good condition and bear
all kinds of bullae: lead seals with family names, seals of unknown or
unknown important officials of the State or Church, seals with rare ico-
nography, many of them with metrical inscriptions.
39
I. Spatharakis, The portrait in Byzantine illuminated manuscripts, (Leiden,
1976), 110–11, fig. 71.
40
I. Spatharakis, Corpus of Dated Illuminated Greek Manuscripts to the year 1453,
(Leiden, 1981), I no. 94; II pl. 173.

HISTORY, PROSOPOGRAPHY AND
ADMINISTRATION
Andreas Gkoutzioukostas
The Office of oikistikos: A Re-examination of the

Sigillary Material and an Unpublished Lead Seal
from Konstantinos Kalantzes’ Collection*
The office of oikistikos 1 is attested in the Byzantine Taktika on court

protocol, official documents and lead seals, which contain information
about the persons who held the position and the duties attached to it.
The sigillary material that reveals important aspects concerning the de-
velopment and function of the institution was systematically studied by
J. Nesbitt in a monograph on the subject, 2 and since then other seals
have been published that allow us to form a more complete picture of
the oikistikos. 3 The discovery of a new seal of an oikistikos in the private
collection of Konstantinos Kalantzes (no. 136), which we publish here
for the first time, gives a different dimension to the context of this dig-
nitary’s field of action and at the same time provides the impetus for a
review of the relevant sigillary material and consequently of the office
from the institutional and prosopographical aspect.
The oikistikos is mentioned for the first time in the Kletorologion of
Philotheos (899), according to which he was a subordinate in the service
* I would like to express special thanks to my colleague Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassi

liou-Seibt for her invaluable assistance in the dating and reading of certain seals.
1
For the oikistikos see F. Dölger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanz
verwaltung, besonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, (Byzantinisches Archiv, 9) (Leipzig
– Berlin, 1927) (repr. Darmstadt, 1960), 91; N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance
byzantines des ixe et xe siècles, (Le Monde Byzantin) (Paris, 1972), 313; J. W. Nesbitt,
“The Office of the Oikistikos: Five Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection”, DOP 29
(1975), 341–44; Laurent, Corpus II, 188–89; ODB 3, 1516; Jordanov, Corpus, ΙΙΙ, 297;
J. Shea, Politics and Government in Byzantium. The Rise and the Fall of the Bureaucrats,
(London, 2020), 50–51.
2
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341–44.
3
The newer sigillary material was commented on by Shea, Politics, 50–51, in his
recent monograph on the Byzantine state apparatus, where he confirms Nesbitt’s conclu-
sions, reproducing his readings and dating.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132245
of the logothetes tou genikou. 4 It should be stated, however, that the ad-
jective οἰκιστικὸν (κώδικον) or the noun οἰκιστικόν is attested earlier than
the eighth century in papyri in the sense of the financial or tax account
or list. 5 Based on the etymology of the name, scholars have linked the
oikistikos (from the verb οἰκίζω) with the construction of buildings 6 or
with the basilikoi oikoi (from the noun οἶκος) whose assets were recorded
by the oikistikos. 7 What is certain is that oikistikos was involved in keep-
ing tax registers. According to a tax treatise (Tractatus of Cod. Marc.
Gr 173), during the reign of Leo VI (886–912) the papers (χαρτία) of
the service of the oikistikos recorded the estates of monasteries, nursing
homes or persons who enjoyed tax exemptions. 8 This must have been the
main function of the dignitary in the service of the genikon logothesion.
Unlike the other employees in the service of the logothetes of genikon, 9
the oikistikos is also attested in the Escurial Taktikon (971–973). 10 This
means that its importance had increased and it cannot be excluded that
the oikistikos had by this time become an independent office. 11 A lead
seal testifying to the existence of one of his assistants, the chartoularios,
4
Oikonomidès, Listes, 113.32 and 155.6, where the oikistikos is included in the
spatharioi. An appointment as oikistikos required a payment of six gold coins to the ar
tiklinai. See ibidem 233.10.
5
http://papyri.info/ddbdp/cpr;22;19, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/cpr;22;20,
http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1412, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1414,
http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1433, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/sb;18;13247. See
also ODB, 3, 1516. Cf. E. Trapp et al., Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, besonders des
9.–12. Jahrhunderts 6 (Vienna, 2005), s.v. οἰκιστικός.
6
See F. Dölger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung be
sonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim, 21960), 91.
7
See Guilland, “Les logothétès”, REB 29 (1971), 15; Oikonomides, Listes, 313.
Cf. ODB, 3, 1516.
8
Dölger, Beiträge, 117.1–26: “Ἰδιοστάτων τάξιν ἐπέχουσι καὶ τὰ προκατεσπαμένα
λογίσιμα… Εὑρίσκονται δὲ ταῦτα ὁμαδικῶς μὲν ἐν τῷ λογαριασμῷ τῶν τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ
χαρτίων κείμενα. Ἐλογάριασε γὰρ τὰς διοικήσεις ὁ δηλωθεὶς ἀποιχόμενος βασιλεὺς κῦρ
Λέων καὶ δεξάμενος ἀπὸ τῶν διοικήσεων πάντων τῶν θεμάτων τὰ εὐρισκόμενα ἐν ἑκάστῳ
προκατεσπασμένα λογίσιμα, προσεγράψατο μὲν ταῦτα ἐν τοῖς τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ χαρτίοις
ὁμαδικῶς, ὡς δεδήλωται…”. See also ibidem 91; N. Oikonomidѐs, Fiscalité et exemption
fiscale à Byzance (ixe–xie s.), (Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique. Institut
de recherches byzantines. Monographies 2) (Athens, 1996), 140.
9
Shea, Politics, 46.
10
Oikonomidès, Listes, 273.20.
11
Oikonomidès, Listes, 313. Cf. also Cheynet et al., Istanbul , p. 173, which, how-
ever, states, apparently inadvertently, that the oikistikos had previously belonged to the
service of the sakelle; Shea, Politics, 51–52, who wonders if, as an employee of the genikon
logothesion, the oikistikos had assistants, while he seems to lean towards the view that the
office became independent in the middle of the eleventh century. See also ibidem, 129.

THE OFFICE OF OIKISTIKOS
is dated as early as the end of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh cen-
tury, but the dating is not absolutely certain. 12 All the employees of the
independent service of the oikistikos are mentioned in the chrysoboulla
from the middle of the eleventh century, which speak of protonotarioi,
logariastai, 13 chartoularioi, basilikoi notarioi and notarioi of oikistikos. 14
A lead seal, dating to the last third of the eleventh century, attests to
Stephanos, πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν
Ἀρμενιακῶν. 15 Stephanos seems to have taken over the registration of
12
See Laurent, Corpus, II 398 (Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς σπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
οἰκιστικοῦ [10th/11th c.]; unfortunately there is no photograph of the seal, for verifica-
tion of the reading and dating), no. 397 (Δαβίδ, βασιλικὸς νοτάριος τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ, first
half of the 11th c.). This seal could be more precisely dated to 1020–1050 taking into
consideration a parallel specimen from Vienna, Münzkabinett 521. Cf. also Nesbitt,
“Oikistikos”, 343, no. 5, who dates the seal to the tenth/eleventh centuries.
13
See also V. Laurent, Corpus, II. 400 (Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν
οἰκιστικῶν (11th/12th c.). See below p. 4.
14
JGR 1 630 (chrysoboullon of Konstantinos IX Monomachos [1045]); Lavra
I, no. 32.40–57 (chrysoboullon of Michael VI [1057]): “Διὸ παρεγγυώμεθα (καὶ) πάντας
ἐξασφαλιζόμεθα, ἀπό τε τῶν κατὰ καιροὺς σακελλαρ(ίων), γενικῶν (καὶ) στρατιωτ(ικῶν)
λογοθ(ε)τ(ῶν), τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας σακέλλης καὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου, ὀικονόμων τῶν εὐαγῶν
ὄικων, τῶν ἐπὶ τῶν ὀικεια(κῶν) (καὶ) τῶν ἐφόρ(ων) τῶν βασιλ(ικῶν) κουρατωρειῶν,
γηροτρό(φων), εἰδικῶν, τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ θείου ἡμῶν ταμείου τοῦ φύλ(ακος), κουρατώρων τοῦ
οἴ(κου) τῶν Ἐλευθερίου καὶ τῶν Μαγγάνων, οἰκιστι(κῶν) (καὶ) τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτοὺς πρωτονοτ(α)
ρί(ων), λογαριαστῶν, χαρτου(λα)ρί(ων), βασιλι(κῶν) νοταρί(ων) (καὶ) νοταρίων, πρὸ(ς)
τούτοις κριτῶν πολ(ι)τ(ικῶν) (καὶ) θεματι(κῶν), (καὶ) παντὸ(ς) ἑτέρου δουλ(είαν) τοῦ
κοινοῦ μεταχειριζομένου, τοῦ μηδένα τῶν ἁπάντων δἐν οἱωδήποτε χρόνω, καθ’ οἱονδήτινα
τρόπον, ἐπ’ ἀδείας ἔχειν μερικῶς ἢ ὁλοκλήρως ἐκκόπτειν τὴν τοιαύτην δόσιν ἢ τὸν καιρὸν
ὑπερτίθεσθαι, (καὶ) μὴ συμπαρέχειν τοῖς προτετυπωμένοις καὶ τὰ νῦν προστεθέντα
νομίσματα, ἢ συνήθ(ειαν) ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιζητεῖν ἢ ὄχλησιν τὴν οἱανδήτινα τῶ μέρει τῆς
μον(ῆς) ἕνεκεν τούτων ἐπάγειν…”; Ibidem, no. 33.91–92 (chrysoboullon of Konstantinos
X Doukas [1060]) 196–99; Ibidem, no. 36.27 (chrysoboullon of Michael VII Doukas
[1074]); Lavra I, no. 38.58–59 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]);
Actes d’Ιviron, no. 41.99–100 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]);
Vatopédi I, no. 10.60 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1080]); Lavra I,
no. 43.47–48 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1081]), no. 46.38–39 (chryso
boullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1084]) and no. 48.51–52 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I
Komnenos [1086]) 258–59; Era L. Branouse, Βυζαντινὰ ἔγγραφα τῆς μονῆς Πάτμου, Α´
– Αὐτοκρατορικά (Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών, Κέντρον Βυζαντινών Ερευνών) (Athens, 1980),
no. 2.19–20 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]), no. 3.53–54 (chryso
boullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]), no. 5.80 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I
Komnenos [1087]) and no. 6.67–68 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1088]). See
also P. Gautier, “Diataxis de Michel Attaliate”, REB 39 (1981), 109.1463–1465, which
includes a copy of a chrysoboullon of Michael VII Doukas (1075) in which the oikistikos
and his subalterns are mentioned. Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343; Dölger, Beiträge, 91,
according to which the official became independent from the service of the genikos log
othetes circa 1044.
15
Two seals from different boulloteria: (a) Zacos, Seals, II, no. 1048 and (b) Nes-
bitt, “Oikistikos”, no. 4, who dates the seal in the second half of the eleventh century,

lands that enjoyed tax exemptions and were now being re-taxed as they
were returned to the tax lists. 16 This responsibility for the new ὀρθώσεις
is undoubtedly related to the oikistikos’ earlier function. According to
J. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides and E. McGeer, in this case “the reinstate-
ment in stages (neai orthoseis) of the taxes due on properties which
had received temporary tax alleviations” may have concerned the whole
theme of the Armeniakoi and if an oikistikos was involved in such a pro-
cess, then perhaps it was a massive measure. 17 In our view, it is not cer-
tain that the office was solely responsible for the Armeniakon thema. The
oikistikos Stephanos may have undertaken an ad hoc activity related to
the new ὀρθώσεις or the expansion of the oikistikos’ activity as denoted
on his seal, 18 but in any case not necessarily in the theme of Armeniakon. 19
Nor, in our view, did the anonymous protospatharios epi tou chrys
otriklinou, hypatos, oikistikos, judge of the hippodrome and of the Boukel
larioi mentioned on a seal serve as krites and at the same time as oikistikos
in the theme. 20 According to another documentary testimony, “ὁ τὰ τοῦ
θέματος τῶν Θρακησίων δικάζων οἰκιστικός” (“the oikistikos who judges
(the cases) / who is the judge in the theme of the Thrakesians”). 21 This
does not necessarily mean that the officer performed his duties in the
theme as krites and as oikistikos. 22 It is more probable that the krites of
Thrakesion was already an oikistikos before his appointment as krites of
Thrakesion, but not necessarily in the framework of the theme. The word-
ing used in the document gives the impression that the oikistikos was a
judicial officer serving in the theme, but this, of course, is not true. It
cannot be excluded that the klerikos tes megales ekklesias, kouboukleisios
probably between 1050 and 1070; DOSeals, IV, no. 22.22, which date the seal generally
in the eleventh century.
16
For the orthosis see Dölger, Beiträge, 141; Svoronos, Recherches sur le cadastre
byzantin et la fiscalité aux xie et xiie siècles: le cadastre de Thèbes, Bulletin de Correspon-
dance Hellénique 83 (1959), 45; ODB, III 1539.
17
DOSeals IV 22. 22. Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344.
18
Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344.
19
According to Shea, Politics, 51, Stephanos belonged to the service of the (me-
gas) oikistikos and was responsible for “a new type of reimplementing taxes on property,
which itself implies that there were oikistikoi responsible for the other areas of the de-
partment’s jurisdiction”. This is an interesting assumption, but there is nothing to indi-
cate that other oikistikoi, each with a different set of duties, also served in the department
of the oikistikos as we will try to show below.
20
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos” 341–42; DOSeals IV 1. 17.
21
ΜΜ IV, p. 16 (1049).
22
Conversely Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344.

and epi tou patriarchikou sekretou Konstantinos, who compiled the prak
tikon, had other documents in front of him mentioning all the offices
held by the judge, which he described in the above rather unsuccessful
and unclear manner.
In my opinion, none of the above testimonies necessarily implies
that the kritai mentioned were at the same time serving as oikistikoi in
the themes. 23 They had probably served as oikistikoi before they became
thematic judges. Of course, this does not mean that the oikistikos could
not perform his duties in the provinces either in person or through his
subordinates, as revealed by the testimonies of the chrysoboulla for the
monasteries of Mount Athos and Patmos that speak of their possible
presence in the estates of those monasteries. However, the information
supplied by these documents does not give the impression that in addi-
tion to the oikistikos who headed his department there were other oikis
tikoi in the provinces, and so far there is no evidence of an oikistikos with
a clear geographical designation.
It has been argued that the testimony of a seal of Theophylactos, ve
starches, krites, megas oikistikos and gerokomos, indicates the elevation of
the office. It is further held that the megas oikistikos was the head of the
service in which “lesser” oikistikoi served. 24 Indeed, the adjective me
gas, provided it is not a rhetorical addition, reveals a more exalted office,
while at the same time distinguishing it from the rest of the oikistikoi.
The question that arises, however, is whether there actually was a body
of oikistikoi serving in an office under the megas oikistikos, as has been
argued. 25
According to Pančenko a Michael πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν
οἰκιστικῶν is mentioned on a seal 26 dated (because of the title πρόεδρος)
by V. Laurent 27 to the eleventh/twelfth century. The reading of the end of
the inscription as τῶν οἰκιστικῶν should, however, be excluded. Accord-
ing to a photo sent to me by Elena Stepanova, to whom I am most grate-
ful, it should be read as “Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαὴλ πρόεδρον καὶ λογαριαστὴν
τὸν…” (legend in accusative), but the obscure last word, which may refer
23
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343–44.
24
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343. See also Shea, Politics, 51.
25
Shea, Politics, 51.
26
B. A. Pančenko, Katalog molivdovulov (offprint from the Izvestija Russ. Arheol.
Instituta v Konstantinopole, 1903, 1904, 1908) p. 50, no. 128 (without picture).
27
Laurent, Corpus, II 400. According to the title of proedros, the seal could be
dated between the last third of the eleventh century and the first third of the twelfth
century.

to a family name, is certainly not οἰκιστικῶν. Consequently, there was

no logariastes of the oikistikon and Michael was not the logariastes of the
supposedly subordinate oikistikoi of the megas oikistikos, as has been con-
jectured.
Moreover, it should not be assumed that there was a single service
in which all the oikistikoi served, since apart from the independent ser-
vice of the oikistikos or megas oikistikos in which potonotarioi, logaria
stai, chartoularioi, basilikoi notarioi and notarioi worked, there were also
other oikistikoi employed in other offices, a fact that should be taken into
consideration. This is at least substantiated by the evidence of the seal of
Pothos, βέστης (?) (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης
καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας, 28 which due to a misreading was previous-
ly believed to refer to οἰκιστικὴ σακέλλη. 29 Consequently, an oikistikos
could also serve in the office of the sakelle. In fact, this is not the only of-
fice to which an oikistikos belonged, as according to an unpublished seal
from the Kalantzes collection an oikistikos also served in the vestiarion.
The seal is the following:
Obv. St John Prodromos, standing, facing forward, right hand raised, an

open scroll held in his left hand. To his right is a tree, with an axe placed
against its foot. This is a literal rendering of Matthew 3.10: “ἤδη δὲ ἡ
ἀξίνη πρὸς τὴν ῥίζαν τῶν δένδρων κεῖται· πᾶν οὐν δένδρον μὴ ποιοῦν καρπὸν
καλὸν ἐκκόπτεται καὶ εἰς πῦρ βάλλεται” [And now also is the axe laid unto
the root of the trees: therefore every tree which bringeth forth not good fruit
is hewn down, and cast into the fire].
Only the left part of the inscription is preserved: IΩ for Ἰω(άννης)

28
DOSeals, IV 32. 26. See also below “Oikistikoi in other departments”, no. 1.
29
See ODB, III,1516.

Rev. .....|ΟCT,..|.RΔOMAΡ..|.IKICTIKΩ|TCEKΡET,|TRECT|.AΡ,
.....ὀστ(ι)[αρ(ίῳ)] [ἑ]βδομαρ(ίῳ) [(καὶ)] [ο]ἰκιστικῷ τοῦ σεκρέτ(ου) τοῦ
βεστ(ι)αρ(ίου)
Date: third quarter of the 11th century.
Consequently, the megas oikistikos, who was an independent officer, was

different from his homonymous subordinates in other financial services
such as the sakelle and the basilikon vestiarion. 30 This is also supported
by the use of the adjective megas, as it is a matter of differentiating be-
tween homonymous dignitaries as in other cases, e.g. megas domestikos,
megas droungarios. But the adjective megas is not necessarily used to dis-
tinguish the head of the service from his subordinates, which is usually
done by the prefix proto- (e.g. protonotarios, protoasekretes, protokangel
larios, etc.). Neither in this case, therefore, nor in general, can the prefix
proto- and the adjective megas be considered to have the absolutely iden-
tical function. 31 Consequently, those who consider the adjective megas
as indicating an increase in the importance of the office of the oikistikos
have moved in the right direction, but their assumptions concerning
the inclusion of “lesser” oikistikoi in his service are not convincing, since
there were also oikistikoi who worked in other financial services, even if
their precise responsibilities in each of these (which probably had to do
with keeping financial records) are not known.
The last documentary attestation of an oikistikos occurs in 1088, as
has been correctly pointed out. 32 The term oikistikon mentioned later
(1201) in a chrysoboullon of Alexios III Angelos from the Patmos mon-
astery together with other taxes and claims made by government officials
and employees, 33 has probably nothing to do with the office of oikis
30
See for these services N. Oikonomidès, “L’évolution de l’organisation ad-
ministrative de l’empire byzantin au xie siècle (1025–1118)”, TM 6 (1976), 137 (=
N. Oikonomides, Byzantium from the Ninth Century to the Fourth Crusade. Stud
ies, Texts, Monuments, [Variorum Collected Studies Series], Aldershot, 1992, X);
Aik. Christophilopoulou, Το πολίτευμα και οι θεσμοί της Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας 324–
1204. Κράτος–Διοίκηση–Οικονομία–Κοινωνία, (Athens, 2004), 230, 232–33.
31
On the contrary, see Shea, Politics, 51.
32
ODB, III, 1516.
33
Branouse, Βυζαντινὰ ἔγγραφα, no. 12.10–12 (1201): “ἐκχωρεῖ δὲ τῶ μέρει τ(ῆς)
αὐτ(ῆς) μο(νῆς) προσκαθίσαι ἐν τοῖς δικαί(οις) αὐτ(οῦ) πρὸ(ς) συγκρότ(η)σ(ιν) ταύτ(ης)
καὶ ὑπηρεσί(αν) μισθί(ους) ξέν(ους) ἐλευθ(έ)ρ(ους) καὶ ἀ̣νεπιγνώστους τῶ δημοσίω /
τεσσάρ(ων)/ [ἀνω]τ̣έ̣ρ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣ σὺν τ̣(ῆ) τούτ(ου) αὐλῆ ἀπὸ πάσ(ης) καὶ [παντοίας] ἐπηρ(είας),
ψωμ[ο]ζημ(ίας), ἀγγαρ(είας), οἰκ̣ι̣σ̣τ̣(ικοῦ), ζαμ.τ.., [ἐν]νομ[ίου], ..... καὶ ............κοῦ καὶ
ἑτέρ(ας) ὁποιασδ[ήτινος] ἀπαιτήσ(εως) καὶ παρεισ̣πρ[άξεως]”.

tikos. Apart from the uncertain reading of the word oikistikon, the office
of oikistikos did not exist after the eleventh century.
Prosopographical Catalogues
Oikistikoi
1. Ῥωμανός, οἰκιστικὸς (second quarter of the 11th c.). 34
2. Ν. οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς Θρακησίων (1049). 35
3. Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός,
κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων (1040–1070). 36
4. Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ γηροκόμος
(third quarter of the 11th c.). 37
5. Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς
Ἀρμενιακῶν (c. last third of the 11th c.). 38
6. Θεόδωρος Σκληρός, βέστης καὶ οἰκιστικὸς (last quarter of the
11th c.). 39
Oikistikoi, probably identified with one of the above persons, are
also mentioned on seals of their assistants, respectively a char
toularios and a notarios. 40
Oikistikoi of other departments

1. Πόθος, βέστης (?) or πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς
σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας (1030/1060). 41
34
Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 57.
35
ΜΜ IV, 16 (1049).
36
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341, no. 2 (10th/11th c.); DOSeals, IV 1. 17 (11th c.).
37
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 342, no. 3 (11th c.).
38
Two seals from different boulloteria: (a) Zacos, Seals, II, no. 1048 (middle
11th c.) and (b) Nesbitt, “Oikistikos” 342, no. 4 (1050–1070); DOSeals, IV 22.22
(11th c.). See also SBS 12 (2016) 144, no. 2549 (c. last third of the 11th c.). (Catalogue
of Auctions [2007–2011] composed by A-K. Wassiliou-Seibt).
39
Seibt – Zarnitz 1.2. 6.
40
See above n. 13.
41
V. Laurent, “Sceaux byzantins inédits”, BZ 33 (1933), 356, no. 77 (11th–
12th c.); A. Bryer – D. Winfield, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pon
tos, with Maps and Plans by R. Anderson and Drawings by J. Winfield (Dumbarton
Oaks Studies, XX) (Washington, DC, 1985), p. 318; DOSeals. IV, no. 32. 26 (11th c.),
who do not exclude another honorary title rather than vestes. Protospatharios could be
also possible.

2. N. ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου

(third quarter of the 11th c.). 42
Uncertain seals of oikistikoi

1. Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος,
οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου (10th/11th c.),
according to Nesbitt. 43 Another possible reading could be Κωνσταντῖνος,
ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἐπὶ
τῶν δεήσεων (10th c.), although the engraver seems to have used the wrong
case – nominative (οἰκιστικὸς or οἰκεῖος) instead of dative, as the editor has
correctly remarked. The seal could be dated in the second half of the 11th c.
2. Ἰωάννης Καρδάμης, σπαθάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς (?), according to the

editors, who date the seal in the first half of the 11th c. and express their
reservations about the name of the office, since on the obverse are in-
scribed the letters HCTOOIK, which, as the editors surmise, may have
been falsely inverted by the engraver, for OIKHCTO. 44 But according
to the same letters the reading εἷς τῶν οἰκείων is also possible, although
we need here a dative. In any case, this is one more seal that cannot be
attributed with certainty to an oikistikos. The seal could be dated more
precisely in the second quarter of the 11th century,
At this point is must be noted that a seal of the oikistikos Νικόλαος
(10th c.) published by I. Jordanov, 45 has been differently read by
W. Seibt who attributes the seal to Nikolaos, basilikos makellites (first
half of the 11th c.). 46 Fourthermore, a seal in the State Hermitage Mu-
seum, which Pančenko 47 attributed to an ἐπὶ τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ (?) was mis-
read; I would like to thank Elena Stepanova for sending me a photo.
This seal mentions a Manuel βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν
καὶ ξενοδόχος Νικαίας (c. 940/980). 48
42
See above p. 64-65
43
Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341, no. 1.
44
Cheynet et al., Istanbul, 2.143.
45
Jordanov, Corpus, III, no. 834 (10th c.).
46
W. Seibt,“Some Seals of Byzantine Professional Men”, in Ἀντιχαρίσματος
ἐπισφράγισις: A Tribute to Prof. Ivan Jordanov’s 70th Anniversary (In Honorem 6) (Shu-
men, 2019), 433.
47
Pančenko, Katalog 47–48, no. 121, the reading was accepted by Laurent, Corpus,
II 399.
48
The same person is attested on a very similar seal (see G. Schlumberger, Sig., 6
[facsimile], dated to 10–11th c.).

In sum, the office of oikistikos was certainly held by a total of six persons,
five according to the evidence of the seals and one according to the tes-
timony of a document, while another two oikistikoi served respectively
in the vestiarion and the sakelle. The only dignitary with a family name
is Skleros. The highest honorary title awarded to a person who held the
position of oikistikos is vestarches, but we do not know if the holder ac-
quired this title, when he was oikistikos or when he became gerokomos, a
position also listed on the relevant seal. 49 The same applies to the oikis
tikos who bore the title of protovestes, as this may be due to his position
as provincial judge, according to the evidence of seals. Only Skleros held
the title of vestes having no office other than that of oikistikos (last quarter
of the eleventh century). In any case, while honorary titles obviously go
hand in hand with the rise in importance of the office, due to the scanty
information of the primary sources we cannot trace the exact evolution
of the titles borne by the holders of the office of oikistikos.
49
See for example ODB, II, 848–49.

Werner Seibt
The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s
On 26 August 1071, the Byzantine emperor Romanos IV Diogenes (and

several high officers) fell into Seljuq hands during the battle of Mantzi
kert, an enormous catastrophe for the Empire. 1 Some leaders of the re
maining forces, like Andronikos Doukas proedros, immediately left the
army to escape to the capital, but others gathered to discuss the situation
and to decide who would take overall command for the time being.
As a seal in the collection of my wife clearly proves, the very experi
enced Norman general, Erbebios Phrangopolos, proedros and stratelates
and a member of the imperial war council, was acknowledged leader of
the army, (“δίκαια ὑπερέχων ἀκεφάλης Ἀνατολῆς”). 2 About this time
Paulos, the katepano of Edessa, left the stratopedon and became doux
of Theodosioupolis (Iberia). 3 We do not know if this was a decision of
the war council or if he left the army because he was bypassed in favour
of Erbebios.
At any rate Erbebios did not remain long in this position, since it
surely ended when the emperor was freed from captivity (after eight
days). Perhaps it was due to Erbebios’ prowess that the Seljuqs did not
use their chance to annihilate the Byzantine army. But his name is not
mentioned in conjunction with events after the emperor left the Sultan
(and many officers and soldiers had abandoned Mantzikert).
The Byzantine sources do not report any territorial concessions by
Romanos IV, but the Oriental ones (esp. Sibt ibn al-Ğausī) enumerate
1
For the exact date cf. P. Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, Bd. 2
(CFHB 12/2). (Wien, 1977), 155–56.
2
Coll. Wassiliou-Seibt 404. Ed. W. Seibt, “Übernahm der französische Nor
manne Hervé (Erbebios Phrangopolos) nach der Katastrophe von Mantzikert das Kom
mando über die verbliebene Ostarmee?”, SBS 10 (2010), 92–94. For a parallel in the
collection Tatış see Cheynet, Tatış 3.43 (with a slightly different interpretation).
3
Also Mantzikert was part of this doukaton.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132246
Werner Seibt
the “towns” Mantzikert, Edessa, Manbiğ and Antiocheia, 4 probably

including the doukates of Antiocheia and Edessa. Anyway, the peace
treaty did not work, as Romanos was soon deposed and was not able to
regain supreme authority.
On October 1, 1071, Michael VII Doukas and his mother Eudokia
were proclaimed emperors, as a result of the preparatory intrigues of
kaisar Ioannes Doukas. 5 But Romanos IV Diogenes did not surrender
and was soon assisted by the doux of Antiocheia, Khatchatour, a mem
ber of the Armeno-Iberian clan of the Theodorokanoi. 6 In the spring
of 1072 an imperial army under Andronikos Doukas protoproedros, the
kaisar’s elder son, overcame the troops of Khatchatour who was taken
prisoner. Soon afterward Romanos himself was also taken prisoner and
blended on June 29, 1072 in Kotyaion so brutally that he died. 7
For some time the real power behind the throne was kaisar Ioannes
Doukas, assisted by his two sons Andronikos and Konstantinos. Prob
ably it was his plan to engage more members of the Eastern aristocracy
in the defense of the endangered eastern military districts. Of course,
the most efficient Byzantine armies were stationed in the border regions.
Till the early years of Alexios Komnenos the military system was main
tained there and we have good information about the commanders in
the East, esp. through seals. The “interior” themata were less heavily de
fended, so the Turkish invaders found less resistance there.
Philaretos Brachamios played apparently a decisive role between
c. 1072 and 1074. After he had disappointed the emperor Romanos
IV in 1069 (as he was not able to intercept the Seljuq hordes who had
conquered Ikonion on their return), the emperor did not honour him
with new commands – and he did not accompany the imperial army
in 1071. 8 Recently a new seal type appeared in an auction. 9 It presents
4
Cf. F. Dölger – P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des Oströmischen Reiches
von 565–1453. 2. Teil. Regesten von 1025–1204 (München, 1995), 972.
5
Cf. Schreiner, l. c. 156.
6
Cf. W. Seibt, “The Theodorokanoi. Members of the Military Aristocracy with
an Armeno-Iberian Origin”, SBS 13 (2019), 88.
7
Schreiner, l. c. 158.
8
Some seals mention him as μάγιστρος καὶ δούξ, recently also a single type as
πρόεδρος καὶ δούξ was published by N. Alekseenko in Bosporskie issledovanĳa 30, 316–
28. Perhaps he became proedros only in 1071/1072.
9
Zeus, Budget Auction 15, 21. 2. 2021, 656 (now in the collection Cheynet). The
seal is in “provincial” style.

Philaretos probably as proedros and doux of Edessa, of course before

his promotion to kouropalates, probably in 1072. In this year Philaretos
was promoted to kouropalates and stratopedarches πάσης Ἀνατολῆς, as
some seals document. 10 Probably he was responsible for the south-east
ern frontier regions of the Empire; he stayed at least partially in Cilicia
with his troops.
I would prefer to date the command of the former king of Greater
Armenia, Gagik (Kakikios Aniotes in Byzantine sources) in his capacity
as protoproedros, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος, megas komes of the imperial stables
and megas doux (resp. protodoux) of Charsianon, to this year 1072 as
well. 11 Perhaps Gagik held this command only for a short time because
of problems with prominent Byzantines (not the least with the metro
politan of Sebasteia). Somewhat later he appears on a seal as kouropa
lates and doux (perhaps only as “former” doux, simply belonging to the
class of doukes). 12
Seals inform us that Konstantinos Senachereim, the youngest son of
Yovhannēs Senekʽerim (the last king of Vaspourakan), was promoted
(probably also at this time) to proedros and doux of Kappadokia and
Charsianon; 13 later on be became kouropalates and doux – his elder
brothers had been promoted only in terms of their successive rank titles,
but did not obtain any command. 14
In ad 1072 the Armenian Aplłarib (son of Hasan, son of Xul Xačʽik,
a relative of the royal house of the Artsruni, became commander of Tar
sos (till 1078). 15
10
e.g. Cheynet, Société, 396–97; Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques
(Paris, 2010), 37.
11
Cf. W. Seibt, “The Eastern Frontier of Byzantium in the Decennia after Man
tzikert – Can seals help reconstruct developments?” SBS 12 (2016), 25 (with elder lit
erature). One more specimen of the “protodoux”-type appeared recently in the auction
Demos 7, 29. 1. 2022, 752.
12
Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 7.
13
Coll. Cheynet, from Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 11, 1.8.2020, 988;
parallels in the coll. Feind (Cologne) and in nomos, Auction 22, 26.06.2021, 4/6.
14
W. Seibt, “The sons of Senekʽerim Yovhannēs, the last king of Vaspurakan, as
Byzantine aristocrats”. Revue des Études Arméniennes 37 (2016–2017), 126. Abusahl/
Aposachles is even documented by a seal as nobellisimos, perhaps for some years later
(l. c. 124).
15
Surely seals mentioning Apelgaripes Chasanios once as magistros bestes and
strategos of Tarsos and Sou[loun]de (?) (perhaps another name for Kulak near the
Pylai Kilikias or Podandos, modern Pozantı), with St Theodoros on the obverse ( J.-
Cl. Cheynet, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Yavuz Tatış [Izmir, 2019], 3.48), and
once as proedros and strategos of Tarsos and CΛNTE, with St Georgios on the ob

Werner Seibt
Also in Cilicia arrived c. 1073 some Hetʽumides from the region

of Ganjak. 16 They emigrated because of problems with the Kurdish
Šaddadids of Ganjak and the Turkish danger. Their leader received a
command in Lampron, perhaps as topoteretes or as kastrophylax, under
the superior command of Aplłarib.
Recently the seal of Sanpatis (Smbat) magistros and katepano of
Mopsuestia was acquired for the collection Wassiliou-Seibt; 17 it does
not stem from the years after 1078, this Armenian probably also received
his command probably around 1072. Perhaps he is identical with the
Smbat who was for some months commander of Edessa after Apokapes’
death in 1083. 18
For c. 1073 Matthew of Edessa reports about a fight between Philar
etos and (the Iberian) Tornikios, the commander of Sasun (south of
Taron), 19 who did not want to obey the stratopedarches. Though Philar
etos’ troops consisted also of a strong Frankish regiment under Ŕabłat
(Raimbaud?), Tornikios won a victory. Nevertheless, soon thereafter
Tornikios was killed by Turks under the command of ‘Amr-Bakr (?), in
stigated by Philaretos – according to Matthew. 20
verse (Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 10, 12. 7. 2020, 972; J.-Cl. Cheynet informed
us about parallel specimens in the auctions Naumann 64, 1. 4. 2018, in lot 845, and
Themis numismatics 7, 27. 6. 2020, 843), can belong to the above Aplłarip.
There are some more seals of an Apnelgaripes magistros (with St George on the
obverse), which were often attributed to this person; cf. e.g. Seyrig, 44; Zacos, Seals, II
362; D.M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead seals from Cyprus (Nicosia, 2004), 263 f., no. 227;
M. N. Butyrskĳ – I. A. Oreckaja, Zapečatlevšie istorĳu. Vizantĳskie i drevnerusskie pečati
iz častnych sobranĳ (Moscow, 2018), 44. Additionally we know another type of an Apel
garipes magistros bestes, with St George on the obverse, which could belong to the latter
synchronous officer. Not to forget one more seal, now in Gaziantep, which has only the
metrical inscription Σώζοις μάγιστρον Ἀπελγαρίπην, Λόγε: J.-Cl. Cheynet – E. Erdoğan
– V. Prigent, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée de Gaziantep”, REB 78 (2020), 44. On the
other hand Grigor Magistros had a grandson of this name who was in the early twelfth
century master of Pir on the Euphrat.
16
They were probably Albanians, perhaps more or less “Armenized”; their names
were unusual in Armenia before this time. Cf. G. Dédéyan, Les Arméniens entre Grecs,
Musulmans et Croisés. Etude sur les pouvoirs arméniens dans le Proche-Orient méditer-
ranéen (1068–1150) (Lisbonne, 2003), 663.
17
No. 499, from Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 7, 10. 5. 2020, 757. A paral
lel in the museum of Antiocheia was published by J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byzantins des
musées d’Antioche et de Tarse”. TM 12 (1994), 423–24, no. 55; pl. V, 55.
18
Cf. Matthew of Edessa 147 (trad. Dostourian).
19
A little bit earlier Βῆκεν had been ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος καὶ στρατηγὸς Σασοῦν, ac
cording a seal in the Ermitaž (M-2837); cf. V. S. Šandrovskaja, “Popravki i dopolnenĳa k
‘katalogu molivdovulov’ B. A. Pančenko”. Viz. Vrem. 38 (1977), 115, no. 20; pl. V, no. 1.
20
Matthew of Edessa 137–39 (trad. Dostourian).

In the important doukate of Iberia (probably including Vanand-

Kars) c. 1072 Gregorios Pakourianos (of Ibero-Armenian origin) be
came doux (till c. 1074), 21 at least with the title proedros, but probably
already as protoproedros or even as kouropalates.
Basileios Apokapes, who conquered Edessa in 1078 and became as
proedros doux of this military district, 22 is mentioned on other seals as
proedros and doux (without a geographical specification); 23 perhaps he
was active in the East in the period 1072–1074.
Ioseph Tarchaneiotes was promoted to proedros and established as
doux of Antiocheia, c. 1072. 24 Soon afterward he became even proto
proedros, but passed away (still as commander of Antiocheia) in 1074. 25
His son Katakalon Tarchaneiotes who had been with him in Antiocheia
(with the title magistros) tried to calm the unrest in the city, but without
great success. Probably, he was not the new appointed doux but the com
mander of a military unit. In former times scholars thought that Isaakios
Komnenos became his immediate successor, but we would prefer to
settle Michael Maurex between the two commanders. A new seal type 26
presents Maurex as πρόεδρος καὶ δοὺξ Ἀντιοχ(είας). It could well be that
Maurex was appointed doux of Antiocheia immediately after the news
of Tarchaneiotes’ death had reached the capital, but lost this command
shortly afterward, when the internal power politics had changed and the
new protagonists appointed Isaakios Komnenos as commander of this
very important doukate.
In 1073 Isaakios Komnenos was elevated to the post of domestikos
ton scholon of the East (with the title of protoproedros 27) to fight the
21
Cf. P. Lemerle, Cinq études sur le xie siècle byzantin (Paris, 1977), 166–67, with
n. 112; W. Seibt, “Das byzantinische Militärkommando ‘Iberia’”, in G. Tcheishvili (ed.),
Scientific Paradigms (Tbilisi, 2009), 156.
22
Vgl. Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 13; DOSeals, 4.73.1.
23
Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 12; J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byz
antins des musées d’Antioche et Tarse”, TM 12 (1994), 423, no. 79; idem, “Sceaux de la
collection Khoury”, RN 159 (2003), 426, no. 7.
24
His seals in Seyrig, 161 and DOSeals, 5.9.3.
25
I. G. Leontiades, Die Tarchaneiotai. Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische Stu
die (Βυζαντινά κείμενα και μελέται 27) (Thessaloniki, 1998), 43–45.
26
Zeus, Web Auction 18, 27. 6. 2021, 706 (now in the collection Cheynet). A bust
of St George on the obverse.
27
For his career cf. Zacos – Veglery 2701. The title of protoproedros is document
ed by an unpublished seal in the museum of Bilecik.

Werner Seibt
Frankish commander Roussel who had started a rebellion. 28 In theory

the command of the domestikos was higher than that of the stratopedar
ches (though Philaretos’ title kouropalates was higher than protopro
edros), but the two generals did not bother each other; Isaakios was ac
tive (though without success) in north-western Anatolia, Philaretos at
the south-eastern border of the Empire.
In the year 1074 much changed. Ioannes Doukas kaisar lost his power
and became a monk, esp. after the Norman leader Roussel had pro
claimed him emperor, 29 and the eunuch Nikephoritzes and the metro
politan Ioannes of Side became the real power behind the throne. They
replaced many commanders who had been appointed in the last years.
Philaretos Brachamios lost his high command as stratopedarches of the
East, but he refused to step down. He won over at least a part of his sol
diers and enlisted new ones, became a rebel and withdraw with his fol
lowers to the Cilician mountains, bringing a certain region there under
his (independent) dominium. 30
Probably in this time another former Byzantine officer, Ruben, the
ancestor of the Armenian Rubenids, withdraw in a similar way with his
military retinue also to the Cilician mountains and established a small
dominium there (perhaps at least in the beginning in cooperation with
Philaretos). After some time he subjugated Kopitaŕ and other places
(and held them until his death in 1093).
Gregorios Pakourianos was recalled from Iberia (and Kars?); soon
the Georgians used their chance and annexed not only the Byzantine
thema of Anakopia and Soteropolis (in Abkhazia), but managed even
to occupy Kars, the capital of Vanand (and probably also some regions
of the doukate of Iberia). 31 Pakourianos was accused of facilitating this
loss (because of good relations with the Georgian king), but was reha
bilitated later on and could ascend in his career.
28
On a seal from his earlier career Roussel calls himself Χουρσέλιος ὁ Φράγ(γ)
ος, βέστης: J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux de la collection Khoury”. RN 159 (2003), 436–37,
no. 20; cf. Schlumberger, Sig. 660.
29
Cf. Polemis, Doukai, 37–38.
30
In this time he used seals as κουροπαλάτης καὶ δούξ, cf. e.g. Stavrakos, Bleisiegel,
43; Cheynet, Société, 396; Seibt, “Philaretos”, 286 f.
31
Only four years later, around 1078, the Georgians were expelled from Kars by a
Turkish army under the command of Ahmed. Cf. Seibt, “Eastern frontier”, 28; Dédéyan,
Les Arméniens, 133.

In Antiocheia Isaakios Komnenos, still as protoproedros, became the

new doux, where he remained till 1077/1078. 32 But he had many prob
lems – he was even arrested for some time by people of Antiocheia, who
supported the seditious patriarch of Antiocheia, Aimilianos (1074); 33 in
1075 Isaakios was taken prisoner by a Turkish army under Aḥmad Šāh. 34
A metrical seal type of Michael Maurex as kouropalates and “δοὺξ τῆς
Ἀντιόχου” was already published long ago; 35 it is quite possible that the
experienced Maurex was sent as short-term helper in need during one of
these occasions, honoured with the higher rank.
In Edessa Leon Dawatanos 36 (probably Leon Diabatenos 37) be
came doux; in 1078 he was overcome by Basileios Apokapes. 38
The historian Nikephoros Bryennios mentions by chance, that in
1077, when Nikephoros Botaneiates started his rebellion, Nikephoros
Palaiologos (the father of Georgios Palaiologos) was doux of Mesopo
tamia.
A new seal in the collection Wassiliou-Seibt 39 documents a Michael
as protoproedros and doux of Mesopotamia (with a standing figure of
St Theodore on the obverse). Michael could well be the predecessor of
Palaiologos, perhaps c. 1074/1076. He does not mention a family name
and we cannot see any indicia connecting this seal with any other one –
to learn more about this personality.
In ad 1077, when Nikephoros Botaneiates started his usurpation, much

changed again in the East. Turks and Turcomans had destroyed the pub
lic order in many parts of Anatolia, wandering around eager for booty,
32
Cf. his seal in Zacos – Veglery 2701 and Seyrig 162.
33
Cf. J.-Cl. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963–1210) (Paris, 1990),
80–81, no. 100.
34
Cf. K.-P. Todt – B. A. Vest, Syria (Syria Prōtē, Syria Deutera, Syria Euphratēsia)
(TIB 15). Wien, 2014, Teil 1, 571.
35
Seibt, Bleisiegel, I, p. 170, n. 18. A parallel specimen existed in the former Zacos
collection. From this Michael Maurex we know also a seal as proedros and doux of An
tiocheia: Zeus, Web auction 18, 27. 6. 2021, 706. On the other hand, we do not know if
the damaged seal of a Michael protoproedros and katepano of Theoupolis belonged to
Maurex, cf. DOSeals V 9.8.
36
According Matthaios of Edessa 143 (trad. Dostourian).
37
According a seal type he was βέστης καὶ κατεπάνω in the 1060s (Stavrakos,
Bleisiegel, 61); 1071 he was already bestarches, and for 1078 he is mentioned as katepano
of Mesembria.
38
Matthaios of Edessa (trad. 142 Dostourian).
39
No. 412.

Werner Seibt
some starting already to settle, and c. 1080 even a separate Soultanate

(of Rum) was established in Ikonion. In Central and Eastern Anatolia
the capable emir Danişmend became very dangerous to the Byzantines.
Sometimes Turkish hordes were even used by the Byzantine government
or high dignitaries in special cases against their internal enemies.
In the meantime Philaretos Brachamios had become the master of a
considerable private army based in the mountains of the Tauros north
of Cilicia, gathering subsidies for his troops, but guaranteeing a certain
security for the people in the region under his control.
In Antiocheia riots broke out after Isaakios Komnenos had left the
city, and the officer in charge there, Vasak Pahlavouni, was killed. 40 A
part of the population, primarily Armenians, 41 invited Philaretos to
take over the control of the city – and he took advantage of this extraor
dinary chance. There is actually a seal of Philaretos as kouropalates and
doux of Antiocheia, 42 though he had not been officially invested by
the emperor. It was the time of Botaneiates’ insurrection and it became
necessary for him to find an agreement with Philaretos. The solution
was the (relatively modest) promotion of Philaretos from the rank of
kouropalates to protokouropalates, but with the appointment as domes
tikos of the Scholai of the East, making him again the defender of the
south-eastern regions of the Empire (in 1078) (with the highest possible
command). This way Philaretos returned into the imperial administra
tive system but he possessed a sort of half-autonomy, as the central gov
ernment did not have many possibilities to control him strictly. Anyway,
it would be wrong to declare him a Byzantine “vassal” or even an inde
pendent ruler.
It is not sure if emperor Botaneiates sent a new doux to Anti
ocheia in the following years. In the list of the governors of Antioch,
969–1084, the editors of DOSeals 5 closed the list of the doukes with
Philaretos Brachamios for the time-span 1078/79–1084. 43 But already
the first seal in their series 44 offers a serious problem. This DO seal
40
A seal in a private collection with the legend Βαασακίου σφραγ(ὶς) – τοῦ
Ἀρσακίδους stems probably from this son of Grigor magistros. It is not sure that he had
been already officially invested as doux of Antiocheia; perhaps Isaakios Komnenos had
left him as deputy in the city till a new doux was appointed.
41
There were apparently tensions between the different ethnic (and religious) enti
ties in this big metropole.
42
Seibt, “Philaretos”, 287.
43
DOSeals, 5, p. 22.
44
DOSeals, 5.9.1.

(58.106.3289) presents a Konstantinos protokouropalates and doux;

they transcribed the last two lines as κὲ δουκ(ὶ) Ἀ{τ}ντιοχ(είας). I would
propose κὲ δούκα τ(ῷ) [Ἀ]ντιόχ(ῳ), preferring the family name Antio
chos to the doukate of Antiocheia. 45 Perhaps from this man stems the
seal type of a Konstantinos Antiochos proedros, also with a standing
figure of St Demetrios on the obverse; another synchronous homony
mus with different depictions of the Theotokos on the obverse should
be separated. 46
ad 1078 Basileios Apokapes, a comrade and friend of Philar
etos, conquered Edessa after some months of siege (with the help of
Philaretos) and became doux of Edessa, first still as proedros, 47 then as
protoproedros, 48 later on as protonobellisimos (perhaps at the end of
Botaneiates’ reign), 49 and Alexios Komnenos made him even a sebastos, 50
before Apokapes died in 1083.
In Samosata (Samsat, northnorthwest of Edessa) the Armenian Tav
tukas became katepano with the title of proedros, probably also 1078 or
shortly after this year. 51
Under Botaneiates (or in the first years of Alexios Komnenos) Elpi
dios Brachamios, a relative of Philaretos, became kouropalates and doux
of Cyprus. 52 Philaretos had in this time surely the right to propose (but
not to invest!) governors of the cities in his domain, but the granting of
rank titles was anyway an imperial prerogative.
On the other hand, Michael the Syrian mentions e.g. four com
manders of Melitene as “men of Philaretos”; the first (probably in 1078)
was Theodoros Chetames (Hetʽum) whom seals mention as kouropa
45
In the new volume of DOSeals, 8.45.2, we offer both possibilities.
46
Cf. DOSeals, 8.45.2–4. Also in this group one type mentions the title proedros
(45.4).
47
Cf. n. 22.
48
The first seals in this position are of a relatively provincial style. For this person
cf. M. Grünbart, “Die Familie Apokapes im Lichte neuer Quellen”, SBS 5 (1998), 38.
49
On the seal type of the auction Obolos by nomos 14, 15.12.2019, 653, the family
name is transcribed ΑΠΚ[ΑΠΗC].
50
Cheynet, “Antioche” 53; Wassiliou, Corpus, I 652; Leu Numismatics, Webauk
tion 10, 7.-8.12.2019, 1884.
51
For his Viennese seal cf. Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 279; a till now unknown
parallel was in the Archaeological Museum of Zagreb. Probably this Tavtukas, the broth
er of Konstantin of Keŕkeŕ, who also had built up a dominium in the region of Edessa,
plaid in 1098 an important role in Edessa, for some time as partner of the crusader Bal
duin of Boulogne, and esp. as his father-in-law; cf. Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1035–1044.
52
Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 254.

Werner Seibt
lates and doux of Melitene. 53 This man was later on invested as emir of
Edessa by the Seljuq prince Tutuš (1094/1095). 54 The other three com
manders of Melitene were Hareb (Ariebes), 55 Balatianos (Abalantes or
Balantios), 56 and Gabriel. 57
In Mesopotamia Nikephoros Palaiologos was Doux when Botanei
ates started his rebellion, as mentioned above; if Michael protoproedros
had not been his predecessor he became his successor; we do not have
any information about the circumstances there in the later period. 58
The situation in Vaspourakan is still less clear. We do not know a sin
gle Byzantine commander during the 1070s. The country was more or
less already under the control of the Turks, but perhaps some regional
commanders started to establish first semi-independent domains (in
agreements with the neighbouring Turkish emirs).
Some seal types mention Philaretos as sebastos and megas domes
tikos of the East. 59 It could well be that Philaretos reached this very high
position already under Botaneiates, shortly after Alexios Komnenos was
honoured with it, or even simultaneously. 60 Emperor Alexios I Kom
53
Cf. Šandrovskaja – Seibt 62; Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1618; Leu Numismatics, Auk
tion 7, 24.-25.10.2020, 1984. Theodoros Chetames had an Albanian origin (cf. Seibt,
“Eastern frontier” 26). This man had been in the imperial service since some years, as
seals document him already with the much lower rank titles patrikios (nomos, obolos
Webauktion 13, 2.7.2019, 746) and anthypatos (Wassiliou, Corpus, 1468). He was surely
related with the Hetʽumides who came 1073 to Cilicia.
54
As emir of Edessa he was not any more a Byzantine dignitary or a vassal of the
emperor, though he continued to emphasize his former Byzantine title of kouropalates,
perhaps especially regarding the Greek population. Otherwise he would have been re
warded with a much higher title, as we had seen concerning Apokapes.
55
A seal in DO (58.106.1816) from the 1080s or a little bit later mentions him as
noubellisimos and doux. He surely was an Armenian and should play an important role
in Cilicia after the arrival of the crusaders.
56
This family is well-documented in this time.
57
This personality, also of Armenian origin (though not belonging to the Arme
nian church), is very well-known. Seals mention him as protokouropalates, emir and
doux, as well as protonobellisimos and doux (Zacos, Seals, II 464–65; Wassiliou, Corpus,
I 492 and 479), and he became even sebastos, before he died in 1102.
58
The exact date when Mesopotamia came under the control of Danişmend is un
known. This Turcoman emir had started to establish a dominium in Eastern Anatolia
in the 1070s (with Sebasteia as center). Recently his seal appeared in an auction; the
reverse legend reads: Σφραγὶς Τανισμὰν ἀμηρᾶ (Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 10,
12.7.2020, 995); it stems probably from his later period (he died in the year 1104).
59
Seibt, “Philaretos” 289–90.
60
For the title of sebastos before Alexios I Komnenos became emperor, cf. W. Seibt,
“Der byzantinische Rangtitel Sebastos in vorkomnenischer Zeit”, TM 16 (2010) (= Mé
langes Cécile Morrisson), 759–64.

nenos promoted the commander of the East (resp. South-East) even to

protosebastos, probably 1082 at the latest, to find a modus vivendi and
to avoid confrontation with him. But Philaretos’ position became more
difficult when his ally Apokapes, the doux of Edessa, died in 1083, and
esp. in 1084, when Antiocheia was lost to Sulaiman b. Qutlumiš. When
Philaretos travelled to the Sultan in 1086 he probably had already lost
the imperial confidence. 61
Concerning Iberia and Kars two seals offer the information that at
least a part of these doukates came again under Byzantine control after
a Turkish horde had expelled the Georgians from Kars, c. 1078, as they
mention a Georgios Alousianos as protonobellisimos and doux of Karin
(i.e. Theodosioupolis vel Iberia) and of Kars. 62 The title protonobellisi
mos points to a date immediately before the accession of Alexios I or dur
ing his first years as emperor. This Alousianos is not known otherwise,
but we could postulate an identification with the Ałusian/Alousianos
who was appointed as emir of Antiocheia by the Seljuq sultan at the end
of 1086. 63
At the end of the eleventh century we come across some Armenian
relatively independent masters of certain regions, who continued to
mention Byzantine titles on their seals. A good example is a Konstan
tinos who calls himself nobellisimos, doux and archon. 64 It could well
be that this man is identical with Konstantinos master (išχan) of Kaŕkaŕ
on the Euphrates, who played a certain role around 1098, when crusad
ers arrived in Edessa. 65 He could have been a Byzantine commander at
earlier times, but was honoured with the title of nobellisimos only at the
end of the century.
Another example is Vasil (Basileios) Goł, the master of the Komma
gene († 1112), who appears as Basileios sebastos and doux on his seal. 66
He had been apparently a doux (in the East) already in the time when
61
Seibt, “Philaretos”, 292.
62
W. Seibt, “Byzantine Imperialism against Georgia in the Late 10th and 11th
Centuries?” Georgian Diplomacy 16 (2013), 113–14; Wassiliou, Corpus I 265–66; Ge-
nève, 134.
63
Perhaps he had been sent as an ambassador to the sultan but changed the sides.
It could also be that personal rivalries or jealousy with Philaretos played a special role, as
Alousianos remained one step under sebastos.
64
Cf. Seibt, “Eastern frontier”, 30–31.
65
Cf. Dédéyan, Arméniens, 1034–38; 1050–51.
66
Cf. W. Seibt, “Vasil Goł – Basileios der ‘Räuber’ – Βασίλειος σεβαστὸς καὶ δούξ”,
JÖB 58 (2008), 153–58; Wassiliou, Corpus, I 180; Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1057–1137.

Werner Seibt
Philaretos was still Megas Domestikos, 67 but he surely was honoured

with the high title of sebastos only by Alexios I Komnenos, when the
crusaders arrived in the East, and Byzantium hoped to restore the old
order, searching for allies (with the hope to re-integrate them later on).
Vasil’s brother Bagrat had also been a Byzantine officer before he was
incarcerated for some time; 1097 he was already free and accompanied
the crusaders, becoming a confident counsellor of Balduin (Baudouin
de Boulogne). 68 In a similar way Gabriel, the master of Melitene, was
honoured with the title of sebastos in this time.
We should have in mind that the Byzantine economy broke down in
many parts of the empire during the 1070s; the government could not
supply the regular pay of the armies in the East, forcing the single com
manders to provide it from the people under their control (esp. the rich
ones, including the church, though they had had certain privileges in
former times). This way the bond between the leaders and their troops
became closer than normally, making the latter willing to assist even a
separatist, autonomous policy of the officers who guaranteed their sala
ries.
67
Cf. also the seal of a Basileios sebastos, who was apparently a relative of the me
gas domestikos (Philaretos): Wassiliou, Corpus, II 2194.
68
Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1137–55.

Werner Seibt
Auch der georgische Aristokrat Vač‛e Lip’arit’

emigrierte in der zweiten Hälfte des 11.
Jahrhunderts in das Byzantinische Reich
Für die Verbindungen der georgischen Fürstenfamilie Lip’arit’ (die dem

Clan der Baγvaši angehörte) mit Byzanz, wo sie als Liparites (Λιπαρίτης)
erscheint, konnte für das 11. und 12. Jahrhundert bereits einiges Mate-
rial zusammengestellt werden, primär auf der Basis byzantinischer Blei-
siegel. 1
Kürzlich erschien in einer Auktion 2 ein weiteres Siegel, mit einem
bisher für diese Familie noch nicht belegten Vornamen, leider ohne
Rangtitel oder Amt.
Auf dem Avers findet sich die – wenig aussagekräftige – Anrufung
KE RΘ | ΤΩ CΩ | ΔOVΛ|Ω; darüber ein kleines Kreuz, rechts und
links lange Kürzungsstriche, und der Buchstabe der letzten Zeile wird
von zwei eher längeren Zierstrichen eingerahmt.
Die fast vollständig erhaltene Revers-Legende weist breite, massive
Buchstaben auf: RATC|.AN TΩ | ΛΗΠΑΡ|ΙΤ
Βατσ[έ]αν τ(ὸ)(ν) Λ(ι)παρίτην.
1
Vgl. zuletzt W. Seibt, „Die georgische Fürstenfamilie Lip’arit’ / Liparites und
Byzanz im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert“, in K. Pagava (ed.), Baghwashi. Paper collection
(Tbilisi, 2021), 136–51; A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt – G. Boersema, „War der georgische
Fürstensohn Niania Lip’arit’ in den frühen 1050er Jahren byzantinischer Militärkom-
mandant von Iberia?“ Ibidem, 152–58. Das hier vorgestellte Siegel war damals noch
nicht bekannt.
2
Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auction 15, 21. 2. 2021, Nr. 664. Gewicht 11 gr;
Durchmesser 22 mm. Im Katalog wird Βατσεάντῳ (Batseantos) als Vorname vorgeschla-
gen und auf ca. 12. Jahrhundert datiert.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132247
Werner Seibt
Darüber und darunter eine kleine Perle zwischen langen Querstri-

chen. Der erste Buchstabe der zweiten Zeile ist plattgedrückt, die Spu-
ren lassen primär an Epsilon denken. Während der Familienname klar
und gut bekannt ist, lässt sich der Vorname in byzantinischen Quellen
nicht nachweisen, ist aber offenbar der Versuch, einen georgischen Vor-
namen (mit griechischer Endung „hellenisiert“) wiederzugeben. Im ge-
orgischen Namen-Lexikon von Al. Γlont’i finden sich folgende Varian-
ten: Vač‛a (mit aspiriertem Č‛ani), Vač‛e, Vač‛an, Vadza (mit Dzili) und
Vac‛a (mit C’ili); 3 die auch heute noch beliebteste Form ist die zwei-
te, Vač‛e. Genau diese Form (Vač‛ē) findet sich auch im Armenischen,
nicht zuletzt bei sehr prominenten Familien. 4 Offenbar ist der Name
iranischen Ursprungs. 5
Ein gewisses Problem bereitet der Wechsel vom Dativ auf den Akku-
sativ, aber dergleichen kommt öfters vor. Wenn wir Batsean als Akkusa-
tiv interpretieren, bietet sich als Nominativ primär Batseas an, also eine
Form von Vač‛ē, verbunden mit der griechischen Endung -ας. Störend
ist allerdings, dass danach der Artikel τῷ im Dativ steht, worauf dann der
Familienname wieder im Akkusativ folgt. Wir haben den Artikel dem-
gemäß als Verschreibung für τόν aufgefasst.
Die Palaeographie der Buchstaben lässt an 2. Hälfte 11. Jh. denken;
die langen Zierstriche sprechen primär für das Ende dieser Epoche, also
ca. letztes Viertel 11. Jahrhundert.
Zu dieser Zeit war der berühmte Fürst Li’parit’ schon verstorben
(† 1062/1064), und da wir die Namen seiner beiden Söhne, Ivane und
3
Al. Γlont’i, Kartveluri sak’utari saχelebi. Antrop’onimta leksik’oni (Tbilisi, 1986),
122.
4
H. Ačaŕean, Hayoc‘ anjnanunnreri baŕaran V (Erevan, 1962; Ndr. Beirut, 1972),
39–41.
5
F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch (Marburg, 1895; Ndr. Hildesheim, 1963), 342–
43, s. v. Wačē; cf. 516.

AUCH DER GEORGISCHE ARISTOKRAT VAČ‛E LIP’ARIT’ EMIGRIERTE IN DER ZWEITEN
Niania, ohnehin kennen, kommen diese für die Identifizierung mit

Vač‛e sicher nicht in Frage. 6
Eine eher missverständliche Passage bei Matthaios von Edessa zum
Jahr 1058 deuten wir dahingehend, dass ein Liparites, dessen Vorname
nicht genannt wird, byzantinischer Kommandant von Melitene war, als
diese Stadt von den Seldschuken eingenommen und geplündert wurde. 7
Wir kennen auch einen weiteren Liparites (ohne Vornamen überliefert),
der 1082 auf seldschukische Seite gewechselt sein soll, aber später, 1096,
vom georgischen König Dawit῾ eingekerkert und später nach Byzanz
gesandt wurde, wo er umkam. 8 Ob unser Siegler mit einem der beiden
identisch war oder es sich um eine weitere Person dieses Geschlechts
handelt, bleibt ungewiss.
Der berühmte georgische Fürst Lip’arit’, der große Gegenspieler des
georgischen Königs Bagrat’, den er sogar drei Jahre lang vertrieb (die-
ser musste in Byzanz Zuflucht suchen), wurde ca. 1060 entmachtet
und emigrierte nun seinerseits nach Byzanz, wo er bald danach starb.
Vielleicht begleitete ihn der oben vorgestellte Vač‛e. Ob dieser im kai-
serlichen Dienst Karriere machte, sagt das Siegel leider nicht aus, da es
weder Rangtitel noch Amt oder Kommando anführt; da es auch keine
Heiligendarstellung bietet, kann nicht einmal auf diesem Weg eine Ver-
mutung erarbeitet werden. Wir wissen auch nicht, wie Vač‛e mit dem
Fürsten verwandt war. Letzterer hatte mindestens einen Bruder, und
überhaupt war der Namen Lip’arit’ im großen Clan der Baγvaši keines-
wegs selten.
Im Gegensatz zu Vač‛ē wäre die zusammengesetzte Form Βαρασβατζέ

auch byzantinisch belegt. 9 Skylitzes erwähnt zum Jahr 1029 einen
Γεώργιος Βαρασβατζέ, der der Verschwörung verdächtigt wurde. 10 Ein
Iberer namens Βαρασβατζέ mit dem Rangtitel protospatharios war im
Jahr 1038 Kommandant von Edessa, als er einen arabischen Angriff
erfolgreich abwehrte. 11 Ein Siegel der Ermitaž, das ich – vorsichtiger
als die Editorin – in letztes Drittel 10.-früheres 11. Jh. datieren möch-
te, nennt einen Tornik(ios) Βαραβατζέ als protospatharios und strate-
6
Gelegentlich wird auch ein Rat’i als dritter Sohn angenommen.
7
Cf. Seibt, „Lip’arit’“, 138.
8
L.c. 139.
9
Vgl. auch Justi, 350, s. v. Waraz-Wačē.
10
Skyl. 377, 95.
11
Skyl. 403, 31–404, 49.

Werner Seibt
gos. 12 Ein sehr ähnliches, aber nicht stempelidentisches Siegel aus Athen
edierte I. Koltsida-Makre. 13 In Kolophonen georgischer Handschriften
des Iberon-Klosters aus dem 10. Jahrhundert wird mehrfach ein Ivane
Varazvač‛e erwähnt. 14
12
Ermitaž M-1265, ed. V. Šandrovskaja, „Odno utočnenie teksta chroniki Skili-
cy po materialam sfragistiki“, Soobščenĳa G. Ermitaža 40(1975), 46–47. Die Autorin
vermutet Βαρασβατζέ, aber ein Sigma ist definitiv nicht vorhanden. Ob das beigefügte
Siegel eines Tornikios (M-8668) wirklich einen Strategen von Edessa nennt, möchte ich
lieber offenlassen. Vgl. auch V. S. Šandrovskaja, Sfragistika, 730 (ohne Abb.).
13
I. Koltsida-Makre, „New acquisitions of Byzantine lead seals in the Athens Nu-
mismatic Museum collections“, SBS 9 (2006), 19, Nr. 10.
14
Iviron I, 8–9; vgl. auch S. 16 (Versuch eines Stammbaumes).

BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND
Michael N. Boutyrski
The Bulla of Joseph, metropolitan of Rosia
This article represents the personal lead seal of a Joseph, metropolitan of

the Rus’, in a private collection in Moscow. In our opinion, the owner of
the seal was the metropolitan Joseph at the end of the pre-Mongol era
(1236–1240) (fig. 1).
D: 37 mm; weight: 26.3 gr.
Obverse: Traces of the Virgin with the Child on a throne with rectan-
gular back. The halo of the Virgin is unusually big. Traces of the sigla
 – ΘV.
Reverse: Inscription of six lines (double dodecasyllable).

ΤΟΝΠ.ΕΝ
ΑΡΧΙΩΣΗΦ
ΤΗCΡΩCIACE
ΠΙCΚΟΙCCHC
.KOΡΗΚΑΤΑ
ΙΟV
Τὸν π[οι]μενάρχην Ἰωσὴφ τῆς Ῥωσίας,

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132248
Michael N. Boutyrski
ἐπισκ(ο)πῆς σῆς, [ὦ] κόρη, καταξίου

Virgin, honor Joseph, the Poimenarches of Rosia, Thy patronage. 1
The ornament above the first line is totally lost, probably there was a
cross. In the first line Ny and Pi are ligated, then follows perhaps a very
thin Omikron and a Iota, but pressed. Poimenarches is a very com-
mon paraphrase for a metropolitan. 2 Ἐπισκοιπῆς is simply a mistake
for ἐπισκοπῆς. Ἐπισκοπῆς σῆς puts the metropolis of the Rus’ under the
special patronage of the Virgin. Instead of ὦ also σύ would be possible.
Καταξιῶ (honor) is quite rare in metrical legends. At the end of the last
line there is an ornament (four dots in cross-order); perhaps there was a
similar ornament also on the left side of the line. In the Sheremetiev col-
lection there is a fragment of a parallel seal. 3
The paleography and the impression of the seal point primarily to
the first half of the thirteenth century. The available sources allow us to
restore the sequence of metropolitans, but not always the years of their
installation and/or death.
After the catastrophe of 1204, the Rus’ian Church was perhaps still
ruled by Nikephoros II, who was appointed in the early 1180s and was
succeeded by metropolitan Matthew (firstly mentioned in 1210 and
died on August 19, 1220 or shortly later). 4 After a vacancy position
in 1224/25 Kyrillos was appointed to the chair by the Nicene Patri-
arch Germanos II and ruled until 1233. His successor became Joseph,
a Greek sent from Nicaea. Neither the circumstances of his appearance
in Kiev around 1236–1237, on the eve of the Batu invasion, nor his ac-
tivities during a short period of stay at Kiev, nor his subsequent fate are
known. Scholars believe that Joseph either died when the Mongols took
the capital of Old Rus’ in 1240, or he left the city before and survived
for some time. The next metropolitan, Kyrillos II, was able to occupy the
chair only in 1242/47 and ruled until 1281. Perhaps after him there was
1
I thank my colleagues W. Seibt, D. Athinogenov and A. Vinogradov for their
help in reading this legend.
2
Already Michael I, metropolitan of Rosia from 1130 untill at least 1145 (before
1156) had used it. Cf. W. Seibt – O. Alf ’orov, Byzantine seals and Rus’ seals in Byzantine
manner found on the territory of Ukraine (Collection of the Sheremetiev’s Family Museum,
Kyiv) (Kiev, 2022), metropolitans no. 6 (in print).
3
Cf. Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 12.
4
Nikephoros is for the last time mentioned in 1201/1202.

THE BULLA OF JOSEPH, METROPOLITAN OF ROSIA
another metropolitan Nikephoros though for a short time (1281/1282).

His successor was Maximos (1282–1305).
From these metropolitans of the Rus’ian Church in the XIII century,
only the following ones left seals:
Nikephoros II calls himself at least on one type ποιμενάρχης Ῥωσίας
πάσης, on another one ὑπέρτιμος Ῥωσίας. 5 Kyrillos presents himself as
μοναχός, ἐλέῳ Θεοῦ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος τῆς μητροπόλεως Ῥωσίας (many seals
are extant). 6 A single seal mentions a Nikephoros, who must not be
identified with Nikephoros II, as μητροπολίτης πάσης Ῥουσίας. 7 Maxi-
mos preferred ἐλέῳ Θεοῦ μητροπολίτης ἁπάσης Ῥωσίας καὶ ὑπέρτιμος. 8
The image of Virgin was established on the Rus’ian metropoli-
tans’ seals from the end of the XI century, but it appeared more often
in another iconography – Orans with the medallion of Christ before
her (Znamenie) with the epitheta Ἡ Ἱερά and Ἡ ἁγία Σοφία. The bullae
of metropolitan Joseph have the image of the Virgin seated on a high-
backed throne with the Child (obv.). Such images appear on the seals of
the patriarchs of Constantinople; Methodios II (1241), Germanos III
(1265–1266), and Gregorios II (1283–1289) used even a very similar
Type of the rectangular throne of the Theotokos. 9
5
Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 11 (five different boulloteria). Most of the
elder publications had mistakes.
6
Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 13 (with elder literature). On the obverse
there is a standing figure of the Theotokos Episkepsis (Znamenie) with the epitheton Ἡ
Ἱερά.
7
Seibt – Alf ’orov, Metropolitans no. 14. On the obverse a bust of St Polyeuktos,
the patriarch of Constantinople. Alekseienko attributed this type erroneously to Nike-
phoros II: Seal of Nikephoros, the Metropolitan ΠΑΣΗΣ ῬΩΣΙΑΣ from Byzantine
Cherson. ADSV 48 (2020), 270–89.
8
Seibt – Alf ‘orov, Metropolitans no. 15. On the Ἡobverse we find again a stand-
ing figure of the Theotokos Episkepsis, but with the legend Ἡ ἁγία Σοφία.
9
Cf. Zacos, Seals II, 36, 38, and 40.

Jean-Claude Cheynet
Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors des

frontières de l’Empire
L’Empire romain d’Orient, entouré d’ennemis, utilisa pour s’en dé-

fendre toutes ses ressources militaires, mais aussi la diplomatie pour re-
chercher des alliés potentiels ou décourager des agresseurs 1. Le service
du drome, dirigé par son logothète, était chargé de la réception des am-
bassadeurs étrangers et de l’envoi des émissaires byzantins.
Les sceaux byzantins découverts hors des frontières de

l’Empire
Les bulles byzantines retrouvées hors des frontières de l’Empire sont assez
rares, puisqu’elles furent émises en bien moins grand nombre que celles qui
servirent à l’administration des provinces de l’Empire. Quant aux bulles
émises par le patriarcat de Constantinople, elles relèvent d’une autre lo-
gique, puisque les limites du patriarcat ne coïncidaient pas avec celles de
l’Empire. La répartition chronologique des bulles laïques correspond à l’in-
tensité des relations diplomatiques du moment. Ainsi, les bulles découvertes
en Ukraine et en Russie sont les plus abondantes aux xie et xiie siècles.
Parmi les bulles ayant franchi les frontières de l’Empire, on s’attend à
voir, parmi les mieux représentées, celles du bureau du drome en charge
des relations diplomatiques, ainsi que les bulles impériales. Cependant
ces dernières se rencontrent rarement, alors que nombre d’entre elles
scellaient la correspondance impériale avec les chefs d’Etat. Mais elles
étaient le plus souvent appendues à des chrysobulles ; leur poids mesu-
rait l’importance accordée par la chancellerie impériale à ses correspon-
1
Les travaux sur la diplomatie byzantine sont nombreux. Signalons l’un des plus
importants récemment parus : N. Drocourt, Diplomatie sur le Bosphore. Les ambassa-
deurs étrangers dans l’empire byzantin des années 640 à 1204 (Louvain – Paris, 2015).

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132249
Jean-Claude Cheynet
dants, et variait entre un et quatre nomismata, parfois davantage, en cas

d’exceptionnels efforts diplomatiques 2. Cela explique qu’elles ne soient
guère parvenues jusqu’à nous, compte tenu de leur valeur intrinsèque.
Elles ont été depuis dérobées et refondues.
Dans quels territoires ces bulles ont-elles été découvertes ? Elles sont
abondantes dans les Balkans, principalement en Bulgarie, mais il faut bien
distinguer les moments où la Bulgarie fut indépendante et ceux où elle
était intégrée à l’Empire (972–986 et 1018–1187). Beaucoup ont été éga-
lement mises à jour dans les principautés russes au nord de la mer Noire,
Chersôn jouant un rôle d’intermédiaire crucial. Je me fonde sur le travail
de V. Bulgakova, mais évidemment la prochaine publication de la collec-
tion Sheremetiev par W. Seibt et A. Alf ’orov donnera une meilleure vue
de ces trouvailles. Les autres régions frontalières sont moins représentées,
à l’exception de Chypre qui, avant la reconquête byzantine, constituait
un cas particulier d’une province démilitarisée dont les ressources étaient
partagées entre l’Empire et le califat. Des bulles byzantines ont été décou-
vertes en Palestine, émises postérieurement à la conquête arabe 3.
De manière un peu surprenante, en Italie, le nombre de bulles byzan-
tines provenant des territoires restés hors du contrôle impérial ou l’ayant
quitté, est faible, alors que les relations avec les principautés lombardes, les
villes marchandes italiennes ou encore la papauté furent intenses 4. À ma
connaissance, les pays du Caucase qui entretinrent aussi des relations sui-
vies avec l’Empire aux xe et xie siècles sont aussi quasiment absents, sauf
en quelques villes de la zone immédiate d’influence de l’Empire, comme
à Pétra, en Géorgie de l’Ouest 5. Enfin, il faut ajouter quelques trouvailles
plus lointaines qui ne sont pas nécessairement le fait du hasard.
2
Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, Le livre des cérémonies, sous la direction de
G. Dagron († ) et B. Flusin [CFHB LII/1, Series parisiensis], (Paris, 2020) : Livre II,
éd., trad. et notes par G. Dagron († ), à l’exception des chapitres II 42, 44–45 et 51 éd.,
trad. et annotés par D. Feissel – B. Flusin – C. Zuckerman, avec la coll. de M. Stavrou,
359–75. Ph. Grierson, “Byzantine Gold Bullae, with a Catalogue of Those at Dumbar-
ton Oaks”, DOP 20 (1966), 239–40.
3
Par exemple, J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux du xie siècle trouvés en Palestine”, SBS 13
(2019), 45–65.
4
En revanche, les sceaux d’autochtones reprenant des modèles byzantins sont abon-
dants : cf. V. Prigent, “L’usage du sceau de plomb dans les régions italiennes de tradition
byzantine au haut Moyen Âge”, in J.-M. Martin – A. Peters-Custot – V. Prigent (éd.) L’héri-
tage byzantin en Italie (viiie-xiie siècle), I. La fabrique documentaire (Rome, 2012), 207–40.
5
I. Iashvili († ) – W. Seibt, “Byzantinische Siegel aus Petra in Westgeorgien”, SBS
9 (2006), 1–9. Parmi les dix sceaux édités, se trouve celui d’un notaire impérial du géni-
kon, Christophore, hypatos (ixe siècle).

LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON HORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE
La Bulgarie représente le cas le plus intéressant, car nous disposons

d’un matériel considérable grâce aux multiples fouilles officielles, no-
tamment à Preslav, et aux découvertes dans de nombreuses forteresses et
parfois de simples villages. De manière exceptionnelle, nous connaissons
le lieu de provenance de ces bulles. Ces informations, enregistrées dans
les nombreuses publications d’Ivan Jordanov, ont été finalement reprises
dans un Corpus substantiel de plus de 3000 sceaux. Cet ensemble donne
une plus grande valeur statistique à l’interprétation du nombre de bulles
conservées issues des différents services de l’administration impériale.
Nous avons également des dates précises concernant les grandes phases
des relations entre l’Empire et la Bulgarie, soumise une première fois
après 972 jusqu’en 986, puis définitivement, d’abord dans sa partie orien-
tale, puis à partir de 1018 dans sa totalité. Certaines villes côtières comme
Débeltos ont une histoire plus complexe et sont restées byzantines pen-
dant la majeure partie du temps, ce pourquoi nous ne les prenons pas en
compte.
Or, il se trouve que la datation des sceaux des ixe et xe siècles est re-
lativement précise en raison, entre autres, de l’évolution du motif icono-
graphique dominant, la croix. De plus, certains personnages mentionnés
par des bulles sont aussi attestés par d’autres sources et donc chronolo-
giquement bien situés.
La prépondérance du génikon
Quelles sont les statistiques concernant le service du drome dans le Cor-
pus des sceaux d’Ivan Jordanov ? Dix-huit sceaux de logothètes appar-
tiennent à huit fonctionnaires distincts 6. Il faut décompter de cette liste
les trois plombs du logothète Thomas, découverts dans le bâtiment des
douanes de Débeltos, alors sous administration byzantine.
Comparons cet ensemble avec celui des services financiers, notam-
ment celui du génikon 7 ? On compte soixante-six bulles de ce bureau 8,
soit un nombre bien supérieur. Il faut y ajouter les sept plombs appar-
tenant à des logothètes et les trois autres à des chartulaires décrits dans
Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 839–57.

6
I. Jordanov, “The Seals of Fiscal Institutions discovered in Bulgaria (815/816–

7
971)”, SBS 9 (2006), 97–143.

8
Id., Corpus III, nos 765–831.

Jean-Claude Cheynet
les suppléments publiés par Ivan Jordanov, contre seulement deux bulles
supplémentaires de logothète du drome 9.
La répartition des sceaux du génikon en Bulgarie est explicitée par
I. Jordanov. Le plus grand nombre a été découvert à Débeltos, soit
plus de trente spécimens, contre quarante environ dans les capitales
bulgares, Pliska et Preslav. La collection de sceaux trouvés à Preslav est
toutefois composée en majeure partie des bulles d’un seul logothète,
Paul Monomaque, avec douze exemplaires dans le Corpus et cinq ajou-
tés dans le corpus supplémentaire. Sa titulature de patrice nous assure
qu’il exerçait sa charge avant 954, date à laquelle il est attesté comme
magistre 10.
I. Jordanov avance l’hypothèse que cette abondance de sceaux du
génikon à Débeltos serait liée aux douanes de la ville, principal port
d’échange vers la Bulgarie depuis la mer Noire 11. Cette proposition se-
rait renforcée par l’exemple de Cherson, point d’entrée vers la Russie où
ont été découverts de très nombreux sceaux de commerciaires locaux,
mais aussi beaucoup de bulles du génikon, le service central de l’Empire à
nouveau le mieux représenté.
Cependant il est difficile d’expliquer pourquoi le sékréton du génikon,
présent sur place grâce à ses commerciaires, aurait eu besoin d’envoyer
constamment des missives du logothète, puisque les commerciaires
avaient une fonction précise et répétitive qui ne nécessitait pas d’ins-
tructions complémentaires. Malheureusement, ce même rapport ne peut
être vérifié entre logothètes du génikon et commerciaires pour les ports
9
I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, volumes 1–3, (Sofia,
2002, 2006, 2009). Addenda et Corrigenda (2), Bulgaria in European Culture, Science,
Education, Religion (en bulgare), Part 1” (Shumen, 2015), nos 42 à 48 inclus pour les lo-
gothètes, et nos 49 à 51 inclus pour les chartulaires.
10
Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis historiarum, rec. I. Thurn [CFHB, Series Bero-
linensis 5] (Berlin – New York, 1973), 241. Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt appelle à la
prudence sur le nom de l’ambassadeur traditionellement appelé Monomaque (“By-
zantium and Beyond. Siegel aus Skandinavien”, in this volume. Le nom pourrait se
lire aussi Monomachatos ou même simplement Monachos. Cependant les meilleurs
manuscrits du texte de Skylitzès donnent la lecture Monomachos, choisie par l’éditeur
J. Van Dieten. Le monogramme de ses bulles peut être lu des trois façons proposées.
L’intégration de l’article dans le monogramme est unique, mais le monogramme d’un
nom transmissible au xe siècle est aussi exceptionnel. Ajoutons que les ambassades
sont conduites par des diplomates de très haut rang. Les Monomachoi appartenaient à
la plus haute aristocratie des xe et xie siècles, ce qui n’est pas le cas des Monomachatoi.
11
Jordanov, Corpus III, 282.

situés à l’intérieur de l’Empire, comme Thessalonique 12, Abydos 13 ou

Attaleia, car nous n’avons pas une masse de bulles trouvées sur place ou
dans la province. Lorsque nous disposons d’un abondant matériel local,
comme à Chypre, c’est la très faible présence de sceaux de logothètes qui
frappe. Sur plus de mille sceaux, D. Metcalf et ses co-auteurs publient
deux sceaux de logothètes du drome, ceux de Léon et de Serge, datables
du ixe siècle, c’est-à-dire de l’époque où l’île est neutralisée 14, mais aucun
plomb de logothète du génikon 15.
En conclusion, il est clair que les logothètes du génikon adressaient
de nombreux courriers aux ports frontaliers comme Cherson, Soug-
daia 16, Débeltos, restés le plus souvent sous l’autorité byzantine, car leur
administration est la mieux représentée parmi les trouvailles de sceaux.
L’exemple de Matracha dans la péninsule de Taman, dont plus de 80
plombs ont été publiés par V. Chkhaidze, confirme ce constat. Cette ville
n’a pas été longtemps administrée par des fonctionnaires impériaux, sauf
entre l’époque postérieure à la chute du khaganat khazar sous Tzimiskès,
et la fin de la révolte de Georges Tzoulas, vers 1016, mais ensuite elle est
restée en proche relation avec Cherson 17. Or la très grande majorité des
sceaux de fonctionnaires civils trouvés à Matracha, soit seize sur dix-neuf,
appartiennent à des logothètes du génikon du ixe au xie siècle, ce qui, à la
différence des ports précédemment cités, ne se justifie pas par la présence
de commerciaires byzantins. La plupart des logothètes découverts à Ma-
tracha sont aussi bien représentés dans le bullaire de Cherson, puisque
ce port était lié à cette dernière ville, et à Sougdaia, mais certains d’entre
eux sont également attestés dans la Bulgarie indépendante 18. À Matra-
12
I. Koltsida-Makre, “Ἡ βυζαντινή Θεσσαλονίκη μέσα από τη σιγιλλογραφική
μαρτυρία (8ος-10ος αι.)”, Ὀβολός 4 (2000), 243–67.
13
Sur les sceaux liés à Abydos, cf. les références données dans G. Leveniotès, Η
Άβυδος του Ελλησπόντου και η περιοχή της (Thessalonique, 2014), 422–52. Mais à la dif-
férence des bulles de Débeltos, Cherson ou Sougdaia, nous n’avons pas de plombs issus
de fouilles provenant de ce port si crucial pour le contrôle du trafic vers Constantinople.
14
Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus I et II, nos 832 et 996.
15
Anastase, le seul génikos, est plus tardif car il a exercé sous la domination byzan-
tine (Ibid, no 988).
16
V. Šandrovskaja, “Die Funde der byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Sudak”, SBS
3 (1993), 85–98 ; E. Stepanova, “New Seals from Sudak”, SBS 6 (1999), 47–58 ; ead.,
“New Finds from Sudak”, SBS 8 (2003), 123–30.
17
C. Zuckerman, “The End of Byzantine Rule in North-Eastern Pontus”, MAIET
22 (2017), 314–18.
18
Serge (ixe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 21 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 812 ;
Jean (ixe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 26 (trois exemplaires) et Jordanov, Corpus
III, no 783–85 ;

Jean-Claude Cheynet
cha, un seul sceau de logothète du génikon est postérieur au règne de

Tzimiskès et aucun n’est datable après le règne de Basile II.
Parmi les sceaux trouvés loin des frontières de l’Empire, celui de
Polyeucte, vestès, juge du Velum et logothète du génikon, aurait été dé-
couvert en Afghanistan 19. Une autre bulle d’un logothète du génikon
jusqu’ici non attesté, le proèdre Constantin Splèniarios, provient de
Palestine 20. Quant à Polyeucte, il était sans doute en rapport avec les
Seldjoukides au temps de l’empereur Monomaque ou de ses successeurs
immédiats. Les relations de l’Empire avec le sultan Toghrul Beg sont
confirmées puisque l’empereur envoya Georges Drosos auprès de lui en
vue du rachat du Géorgien Liparitès, capturé lors de la bataille de Kapé-
trou en septembre 1048 21. Le sceau de Polyeucte est à peu près contem-
porain, mais il est impossible de déterminer s’il agissait de concert
avec Drosos ou avec un ambassadeur postérieur. De même, le sceau de
Splèniarios, fonctionnaire issu d’une famille bien en cour à cette époque,
peut être lié aux négociations qui se déroulaient avec les Fatimides, no-
tamment pour faire face aux mêmes Seldjoukides.
Les oblitérations volontaires

Le groupe le plus significatif est constitué par les bulles découvertes à
Londres 22. Elles sont peu nombreuses, seulement dix, mais forment un
ensemble homogène. J’en rappelle les principales caractéristiques.
1. Léon, anthypatos, patrice et logothète du génikon vers 1000 (oblitéré sur les
deux côtés)
2. Étienne, juge et antiprosôpôn du génikon logothésion vers 1030–1040 (oblitéré
sur les deux côtés)
3. Théodore (?), protospathaire, hypatos, épi tou koitônos et protonotaire du gé-
nikon logothésion (cassé dans la partie oblitérée)
Léon (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 27 (trois exemplaires) et Jordanov, Corpus

III, no 786–88 ;
Léon (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 28 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 790–98 ;
Elissaios (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 35 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 769.
19
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “De Tziliapert à Sébastè”, SBS 9 (2006), 215–18.
20
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux de Palestine”, SBS 13 (2019), 67.
21
Skylitzès, Synopsis Historiarum, 452.
22
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux byzantins de Londres”, SBS 8 (2003), 85–100 repris
et augmenté dans Id., Société byzantine, “The London Byzantine Seals”, 145–59.

4. N. (Xèros ?), anthypatos, patrice et juge… (oblitéré sur un côté)

5. N. (Xèros), anthypatos and antiprosôpon (?) (oblitéré sur les deux côtés)
6. Etienne (Xèros), vestarque, juge du Velum and logothète du génikon (oblitéré
sur les deux côtés, avec au revers une trace faible du grand B)
7. N. (Xèros ?), proèdre et logothète du génikon (oblitéré sur les deux côtés avec
un grand B)
8. + 9. N. (oblitéré avec un grand B) et N. (pas de photo)
10. N. oblitéré, s. Marc et s. Jean (ce n’est pas un parallèle d’une des bulles pré-
cédentes)
Sceau de Étienne Xèros, vestarque, juge du Velum et logothète du génikon (no 6

de la liste)
Sceau de N., proèdre et logothète du génikon (no 7)
Cinq bulles relèvent explicitement du génikon et il n’est pas exclu

qu’il en soit de même pour les autres, car les légendes sont incomplètes.
Cinq portent l’effigie fort rare de saint Marc qui est très fortement as-
sociée à la famille des Xèroi. Chronologiquement, elles sont regrou-
pées, sauf une, plus précoce, et sont datables du moment où la famille
des Xèroi semble dominer l’administration du génikon, dans la seconde
moitié du xie siècle.

Jean-Claude Cheynet
Trois des sceaux trouvés à Londres portent une marque visible, un

grand B, gravé sur la partie écrasée des bulles. Cette opération peut
avoir lieu soit au départ du document scellé à Constantinople, soit à
son arrivée, mais cette dernière hypothèse me paraît très peu vraisem-
blable, car qui aurait à Londres un tel marqueur pour cette contre-
marque ? Ce groupe de sceaux m’avait permis de forger un scenario
que je rappelle : les lettres du service du génikon étaient accompagnées,
soit de numéraire pour encourager l’embauche des mercenaires par le
versement d’une prime, soit d’objets précieux à offrir aux officiers re-
cruteurs locaux ; puis ces missives passaient par un autre service chargé
d’apposer le B sur la bulle du fonctionnaire du génikon, qui scellait un
petit sac contenant de la monnaie ou des objets de prix, comme cela
est attesté pour les apokombia. Les autorités se souciaient, en effet, du
danger de vol que suscitaient ces produits précieux, ce qui justifiait le
scellement des emballages. Par hypothèse, on peut supposer que les sacs
étaient fermés et scellés dans le bureau recevant l’ordre impérial, puis
contremarqué par le bureau qui exécutait l’ordre. Cette opération se dé-
roulait donc dans la capitale, selon une procédure identique à celle des
chrysobulles de donation de terre où figuraient au verso les signatures
des différents bureaux concernés par l’opération. Comme le montre le
contrôle subi à Constantinople par Liudprand de Crémone avant son
retour en Italie, seuls les tissus sur lesquels un sceau de plomb avait été
apposé étaient autorisés à quitter le territoire impérial avec l’ambassa-
deur 23.
L’interprétation de la rare contremarque B

Nous connaissons des plombs comportant sur tout le champ un B ; A ; C
et sur l’autre face un B ; A ; C à l’intérieur d’un grand C 24. Sur ces bulles,
le B ; A ; est sûrement une abréviation de basilikos 25 et le C de l’autre
face renvoie très probablement à la sacelle. La datation de ces pièces est
délicate, car il ne s’agit pas à proprement parler de monogrammes, mais
23
Liudprand de Crémone, Œuvres. Présentation, traduction et commentaire par
Fr. Bougard (Paris, 2015), 408.
24
Dans l’ancienne collection de George Zacos, on en comptait un grand nombre,
au moins neuf : cinq exemplaires édités (Zacos – Veglery, nos 483 a-e) et mention de
quatre autres supplémentaires.
25
Sur certains exemplaires, la boucle inférieure du B enferme un A (Zacos – Vegle-
ry, nos 483 c et d).

d’abréviations. Cependant la bordure en fine arête de poisson est en

principe antérieure au ixe siècle. Ce même B se retrouve sur deux autres
types de sceaux institutionnels, ceux de l’eidikon 26 et du vestiarion 27.
Sceau du vestiarion impérial (Zacos – Veglery, no 569a, auj. BZS

1951.31.5.904)
Chacun de ces trois services financiers pouvait être légitimement as-

socié au génikon. La sacelle renfermait le trésor de l’Etat, l’eidikon, un
autre trésor où se trouvaient du numéraire pour payer les rogai, des objets
précieux et des étoffes de grand prix, enfin le vestiarion abritait le maté-
riel pour armer une flotte, mais aussi des objets précieux 28. Au ixe siècle,
Théodose, patrice et chartulaire du vestiarion, c’est-à-dire le chef du bu-
reau, fut chargé d’une mission diplomatique par son parent, l’empereur
Théophile. Ses bulles ont été retrouvées à Ribe et Tissø au Danemark, et
à Hedeby, en Allemagne. Théodose séjourna à Venise en 840 pour aider
à lutter contre les Arabes, puis repartit négocier un mariage impérial avec
l’empereur franc Lothaire en 842 29. Ces missions seraient en liaison avec
sa charge de chartulaire du vestiarion.
Le B contremarqué sur les sceaux se réfère donc très probablement
au vestiarion public. Dans ce cas, les bulles n’accompagnaient pas une
roga, versée seulement lorsque les soldats enrôlés étaient arrivés sur le
lieu de leur service dans l’Empire, car le versement des rogai ne relevait ni
26
Zacos – Veglery, no 320 : l’eidikon impérial, trois exemplaires datables du tour-
nant des viiie et ixe siècles.
27
Zacos – Veglery, no 569 : le vestiarion impérial, deux exemplaires datables du
tournant des viiie et ixe siècles.
28
Oikonomidès, Listes, 314–17.
29
J. Shepard, “Theodosios’voyages” dans S. N. Sindbaeck – A. Trakadas (éd.), The
World in the Vikings Age (Roskilde, 2014), 68–72.

Jean-Claude Cheynet
du génikon, ni du vestiarion, mais de l’eidikon 30. La bulle accompagnait

un don, sans doute sous forme monétaire, à titre d’incitation à recevoir
davantage d’or en se mettant au service de l’Empire.
Sceau de Théodose patrice et chartulaire du vestiarion 31
Les sceaux parvenus jusqu’à nous ont subi plus ou moins de dom-
mages et leur surface est souvent partiellement écrasée. Toutefois, nous
avons vu que les sceaux de Londres étaient intentionnellement pressés
à l’époque même de leur usage. Ces marques se reconnaissent en ce
qu’elles sont aplaties sur les deux bords des deux faces, en épargnant du
mieux possible une partie des informations, notamment le nom du bu-
reau concerné. Dans ce cas le sceau n’est plus une marque d’authentici-
té, car si les destinataires des sceaux de Londres savaient probablement
ce qu’était le génikon, ils connaissaient sans doute peu les Xèroi, encore
qu’ils eussent pu se familiariser avec leur nom, puisqu’il fut le seul à ap-
paraître sur ces bulles pendant quelques années.
L’exemple londonien est malheureusement unique par le nombre de
pièces contremarquées, alors que les autres sceaux contremarqués d’un B
sont très rares.
30
J. Shepard, “Theodosios’ Voyages”, 68–73, et pour les sceaux, J. Shepard et J.-
Cl. Cheynet, Ibid., “The Seals of Theodosios”, 88–89. L’identité de ce Théodose est
contestée. Depuis Vitalien Laurent, les sceaux de Haithabu sont attribués au cousin de
l’empereur, Théodose Baboutzikios. Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt rappelle qu’au moins un
autre Théodose contemporain, surnommé Môsélè, fut aussi patrice. Mais celui-ci semble
décédé bien après l’ambassadeur qui mourut durant sa mission.
31
Cette bulle est partiellement écrasée et l’on remarque qu’est gravé sur chacune
des faces un rectangle traversé par une diagonale. Cela pourrait suggérer une sorte de
marque comptable, qui ne peut avoir été faite à Constantinople. La difficulté vient de
ce qu’on ne peut déterminer si elle a été gravée au lieu d’arrivée du sceau par le destina-
taire, ou si cette marque est postérieure et a été apposée lors de circonstances qui nous
échappent.

En parcourant rapidement les clichés des très nombreux sceaux

conservés à Dumbarton Oaks, j’ai relevé un splendide B sur un sceau
appartenant à un Xèros, identique à celui des sceaux de Londres, celui de
Basile, grand chartulaire et juge des Bucellaires 32. Les grands chartulaires
relèvent du génikon, même si le nom du bureau n’est pas précisé. Cette
bulle de Basile, dont le lieu de trouvaille est inconnu, fut sans doute dé-
couverte à Istanbul, puisqu’elle appartenait à la première collection de
George Zacos, constituée en majeure partie des bulles trouvées sur le ri-
vage de la Propontide. Ce serait la preuve que la contremarque est bien
frappée dans la capitale.
Sceau de Basile Xèros, protospathaire, grand chartulaire et juge des Bucellaires
Parmi tous les sceaux du Corpus III de Bulgarie, le numéro 807 frap-
pé par le logothète du génikon Paul Monomaque est clairement obli-
téré sur le modèle défini plus haut. Mais d’autres bulles de ce même
logothète présentent aussi des écrasements symétriques 33. Cependant,
affirmer qu’il s’agit de contremarques serait imprudent, puisque ces
écrasements ne sont pas nets et que sur d’autres plombs du même per-
sonnage il n’y en a pas de semblables. Un élément fourni par le sup-
plément au Corpus vient toutefois conforter cette hypothèse. Sur le
numéro 3220 (pl. XLII, no 6) apparaît un B. Le numéro 3221 est sans
doute un parallèle, mais il n’en subsiste qu’une moitié en partie écrasée
et l’autre moitié, qui aurait pu être contremarquée, est perdue. Les deux
exemplaires proviennent de la région de Silistra. La légende elle-même,
mal sauvegardée, n’est pas complètement déchiffrée, mais il s’agit sans
doute d’un eidikos. Deux autres bulles, à la légende mal conservée [nos
32
BZS.1955.1.3404, éd. DOSeals 4, no 1.9a et J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les Xèroi, adminis-
trateurs de l’Empire”, SBS 11 (2012), 4–5.
33
Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 801, 802, 806, 809, 810.

JEAN-CLAUDE ChEyNET
3222 (pl. XLII, no 8) et 3224 (pl. XLII no 10)] portent les écrasements
suspects, mais sans le B 34.
Planche XLII : sceaux d’Etienne Planche XLII : nos 3222 et 3224

(?), protospathaire et eidikos (?) nos
3220 et 3221
Un plomb du musée archéologique d’Izmir porte également la

marque du B au revers 35. Au droit, est représenté un saint évêque, peut-
être Nicolas. Le revers du sceau est mal conservé en raison de l’oblitéra-
tion bilatérale, mais la légende ne comportait sans doute qu’un prénom
commençant par M ou si δ(ούλῳ) est très abrégé, [Ῥ]ωμ[αν(ῷ)] et un
nom dont l’initiale est également un M suivi d’un signe d’abréviation
(Mantoulès ?, Maroulès ? …), sans mention de fonction ou de dignité.
Nous savons cependant que des fonctionnaires pouvaient sceller des do-
cuments sans indiquer leurs titres sur leurs bulles.
34
Jordanov, Corpus I, II, III. Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 1”, 221–22 (pl. XLII).
35
Je remercie le Professeur Ergün Lafl℩ de m’avoir autorisé à publier la photogra-
phie de cette bulle qui sera reprise dans un travail sur les sceaux du musée d’Izmir (inv.
26630).

LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON hORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE
Enfin, un plomb portant le fameux B a été récemment proposé dans

une vente aux enchères. Il appartenait à un certain Nicolas, protospa-
thaire, épi tou chrysotriklinou et juge 36. Le saint au droit n’est plus identi-
fiable en raison des sigla écrasés, mais il s’agit sans doute de saint Nicolas.
Sceau de Nicolas, protospathaire épi tou Chrysotriklinou et juge
Malheureusement nous ignorons où ce sceau fut découvert et dans

quelles circonstances il fut surfrappé. Le juge Nicolas n’étant rattaché
à aucun bureau financier, n’a assurément pas été engagé dans le même
processus que les membres du génikon des sceaux londoniens. Toutefois,
des juges étaient parfois choisis pour mener des missions à l’étranger.
Tout récemment ont été publiés une partie des quinze sceaux d’un juge
de Thrace et Macédoine, Nicolas Zônaras, tous découverts en Russie.
Les auteurs de la publication mettent en relation ces nombreux sceaux
avec un partage territorial entre princes russes à Liubech en 1097. C’est
possible, mais c’est aussi le moment où les princes russes furent sollicités
pour combattre les Coumans qui menaçaient la frontière danubienne.
Le juge aurait été envoyé par l’empereur Alexis Comnène qui lui accor-
dait sa confiance puisqu’il en fit plus tard un drongaire de la Veille 37.
D’autres marques d’écrasement sont-elles significatives ?

Il faut rechercher les marques régulières d’écrasement, qui doivent
être nettement délimitées par une ligne droite et paraissent donc effec-
36
Vente Zeus Numismatics 1 (17–11–2019) n° 419.
37
W. Seibt – D. huletski – y. Tiguntsev, “Was Nikolaos Zounaras, the thematic
judge of Thrake and Makedonia, active in the Rus’ after the council of Liubech (1097) ?”
ByzSl 76 (2018), 274–79. Il reste à expliquer pourquoi Nicolas Zônaras a utilisé des flans
de trop petite taille qui ne permettaient pas l’identification du sigillant.

Jean-Claude Cheynet
tuées volontairement, notamment sur les sceaux issus du génikon. Le ré-

sultat est un peu décevant, peut-être parce n’ont été sauvegardées qu’un
nombre infime des bulles byzantines 38. Par exemple, le livre de Victoria
Bulgakova sur les sceaux découverts en Russie, ne fournit qu’un sceau du
génikon, celui du primicier Léon ; la pièce est bien partiellement écrasée,
mais plutôt en raison d’accident de conservation 39.
Toute la difficulté réside dans la difficulté de déterminer si les
marques d’écrasement sont intentionnelles et donc significatives de pra-
tiques administratives byzantines. Sans être exhaustive, ma recherche sur
les sceaux de Dumbarton Oaks présentant ces caractéristiques d’écrase-
ment m’a conduit à en vérifier certains. Que penser des quatre sceaux
de Méligalas, spatharocandidat, chartulaire du génikon et paraphylax
d’Abydos, qui présentent des écrasements très similaires, sans qu’aucune
contremarque ne soit visible 40 ? On hésite à y voir le seul effet du hasard.
BZS.1955.1.1067 BZS.1955.1.1069
38
On a conservé au moins 80 000 bulles et peut-être jusqu’à 100 000. Si l’on tient
compte du nombre de fonctionnaires, civils, militaires, ecclésiastiques, habilités à pos-
séder un boullôtèrion dans l’administration centrale ainsi que dans les provinces, et des
documents de toutes sortes comme les testaments exigeant jusqu’à sept sceaux, on peut
estimer que la production annuelle de 20 000 bulles constitue une évaluation imprécise,
mais conservatoire. Or les bulles furent employées durant un millénaire, et intensément
entre les viiie et les xiie siècles.
39
V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territo-
rium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), no 1.2.5.
40
Zacos – Veglery, nos 2178a et 2178c, aujourd’hui respectivement
BZS.1955.1.1067 et BZS.1955.1.1069. Deux autres exemplaires, celui publié par G. Za-
cos et A. Veglery (no 2178b, auj. BZS.1955.1.1071) et le BZS.1955.1.1072, sont aussi
marqués, mais moins nettement, alors que les autres sceaux de Méligalas ne révélant pas
de fonction exercée dans le bureau du génikon ne sont pas écrasés. Toutes les bulles de
Méligalas, chartulaire du génikon, conservées à Dumbarton Oaks, ont été publiées ou
republiées dans DOSeals 3, nos 40.29 et 40.30.

LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON hORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE
BZS.1955.1.1071 BZS.1955.1.1072
Sceaux de Méligalas, spatharocandidat, chartulaire du génikon et paraphylax
d’Abydos
Une question se pose en effet à propos d’une autre bulle de la collec-

tion de Dumbarton Oaks : la contremarque B n’était-elle pas, elle aussi,
parfois effacée par l’oblitération ? Sur la bulle de Nicétas, protospathaire et
juge des Thracésiens 41, apparaît dans la zone aplatie la trace d’un B à peine
perceptible, qui contraste avec la netteté du B visible sur certains sceaux
londoniens par exemple. Cette discrétion du B résulte-t-elle d’une faible
frappe ou d’un écrasement postérieur, voire d’une illusion d’optique ?
Sceau de Nicétas, protospathaire et juge des Thracésiens
Pour finir, quel scenario imaginer ?

Pour garantir une étude plus nourrie, s’il advenait que soit construite
une base globale des sceaux byzantins, il faudrait systématiquement si-
gnaler les sceaux découverts (ou conservés) hors des limites de l’Empire et
il conviendrait également d’obtenir la liste de sceaux avec la double obli-
tération similaire à ceux que nous avons examinés. Peut-être une marque
spécifique serait-elle alors détectable sur quelques-uns d’entre eux.
Au xie siècle et sans doute au siècle précédent, les diplomates byzantins
se rendaient à l’étranger en emportant souvent un document scellé dans le
41
BZS.1951.31.5.994, éd. DOSeals 3, no 2.21b.

JEAN-CLAUDE ChEyNET
service du génikon. La présence de ces sceaux en des territoires parfois éloi-

gnés peut se justifier par les négociations souvent fort longues pour conclure
des alliances, facilitées par des cadeaux diplomatiques. À cette date, le logo-
thète du génikon était devenu le personnage clé des finances de l’Empire.
Quelques-unes de ces bulles étaient contremarquées d’un B, sans doute
parce qu’elles étaient passées par le bureau du vestiarion impérial. Le corpus
bulgare est instructif. Aux viiie et ixe siècles, cinq sceaux de ce bureau, où
le B occupe tout l’avers, ont été découverts à Débeltos et à Pliska et deux
sceaux de chartulaire du vestiarion du ixe siècle ont été trouvés l’un à Débel-
tos et l’autre à proximité de la capitale de la Bulgarie à cette époque, Pliska 42.
Ce n’est sans doute pas une coïncidence si les nombreux sceaux du génikon
apparaissent à partir du xe siècle, comme si les liens économiques avec la Bul-
garie indépendante étaient passés de la responsabilité directe du vestiarion
à celui du génikon, le vestiarion imposant parfois une contremarque avec
ou sans B. Toutefois cette reconstitution reste du domaine de l’hypothèse.
Appendice
Depuis la rédaction de cette contribution, il a été proposé dans une
vente aux enchères un flan d’un type unique jusqu’ici, qui comporte
un B très net, préexistant à toute autre frappe. Ce type implique-t-il
un moule de fabrication spécifique, qu’on supposera réservé au bureau
du vestiarion à Constantinople ? Dans cette hypothèse, son emploi se
conçoit difficilement. Toute frappe sur le flan aboutit, en effet, à écraser
la lettre originelle et à la faire disparaître. D’autre part ce B ne semble pas
provenir d’un instrument de scellement, car il n’y a pas de trace d’écra-
sement autour de la lettre. Le B était-il déposé par un autre moyen sur le
flan vierge et sur les sceaux conservés où il est présent ?
Photo du flan :
42
Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 898–902 inclus (le bureau) et nos 903–04 (les chartulaires).

Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and
Oleg Oleynikov
A Collection of Byzantine Seals from

Velikij Novgorod
In 2017 the Novgorod archaeological expedition of the Institute of Ar-

chaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences investigated the plot of
land reserved for the construction of a dwelling house (Oborony street,
2). The territory is located in the Southern part of the Sophia side, be-
yond the wall and moat of the Okolnyj settlement, the area which in
the sixteenth–seventeenth centuries bore the name of Alexeevskaja slo-
boda or Alexeevskoe zapolje. It was named so after the wooden church
of Alexis the God’s Man built somewhere in the vicinity. The church
was first mentioned in the third chronicle of Novgorod in 1391. The
excavated area is 560 m2. The thickness of the cultural strata of the late
eleventh–nineteenth centuries is 1 m 1.
The oldest materials recovered by these excavations are ground buri-
als dating to the first half of the eleventh century. They are located in the
North-West part of the trench – six burial pits set in a row slightly curv-
ing, possibly running along some fence. It is possible to presume that
there was some structure to the West of the graves, a chapel or a church.
The burial pits were rectangular, 30–50 cm deep. It is the most ancient
cemetery of the first century of the city of Novgorod. The set of grave
goods and the construction of graves find direct parallels in the materials
from Kiev, Chernigov and Pskov. 2
1
A. A. Isaev – P. G. Gajdukov – O. M. Olejnikov, “Velikij Novgorod. Sofijska-
ja storona (ul. Oborony, d. 2)”, Goroda, selishcha, mogil’niki. Raskopki 2017. Materialy
spasatel’nyh arheologicheskih issledovanij 25 (Moskva, Institut arheologii RAN, 2018),
124–31.
2
P. G. Gajdukov – A. A. Isaev – O. M. Olejnikov, “Otkrytie nekropolja nachala
XI v. v Novgorode”, Arheologija i istorija Pskova i Pskovskoj zemli. Ezhegodnik seminara
imeni akademika V. V. Sedova 34 (Moskva, Pskov, 2019), 166–74.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132250
Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov
By the end of the eleventh century the cemetery was abandoned,

and estates fenced with palisades were founded in its place. In the late
eleventh–early twelfth centuries there was a small settlement set at some
distance from city quarters, possibly connected with trade or customs
activities. In the course of excavations jewelry was recovered, private re-
ligious implements and a considerable collection of 46 lead seals of the
late eleventh–early twelfth centuries.
These finds can be divided into three groups: Old Russian seals (3),
Old Russian sealings for trade goods (28) and Byzantine molybdobullae
(15 pieces).
Old Russian seals belong to Yaropolk (Ivan) Vladimirovich (1082–
1139), duke of Pereslavl and Kiev, son of Vladimir Vsevolodovich Mon-
omach and junior brother of Mstislav Vladimirovich (1096–1117),
duke of Novgorod. They were struck from two boulloteria (Fig. 1).
Fig. 1. Yaropolk (Ivan) Vladimirovich (1082–1139)

A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod
One side of the seals bears the bust of St John the Baptist, the ce-
lestial protector of the duke, the other side – Greek inscription in four
lines: “Lord, help your servant John”. It is the first find of this duke’s
seals in Novgorod. Most often they occur in South Russia. From the area
of Kiev and Chernigov come several finds of similar seals of the same
matrices. 3 One more seal of the same kind originates from Poltava, but
stamped from other matrices. 4
28 sealings for trade goods can be divided into four groups after the
images they bear. The first one displays saints on both sides, the second
one – a saint and a flourishing cross, the third – a saint and the duke’s
sign, the fourth – flourishing crosses on both sides. All these images are
common for sealings found in Novgorod (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2. Old Russian trade sealings
The sphragistic collection includes 15 Byzantine seals, all coming

from one estate. 5 Such a concentration of lead bullae from one small
trench, moreover beyond the city territory, occurs in Novgorod for the
first time. It should be mentioned that Byzantine molybdobullae are not
often found in North-West Russia. In all there are about 50 Byzantine
bullae registered in Novgorod in the course of many years of excavations.
The molybdobullae coming from the trench belong to the following
groups:
3
V. V. Nechitajlo, Katalog drevnerusskih pechatej X–XIII vv. T. 1: Drevnerusskije
pechati velikih knjazej Kievskih i mitropolitov Rusi (Kiev, 2012), 61, nos 234, 235.
4
V. L. Janin – P. G. Gajdukov, Aktovye pechati Drevnej Rusi. Vol. III: Pechati, za
registrirovannye v 1970–1996 gg. (Moskva, 1998), 117, no. 39a.
5
Gajdukov, Isaev, Olejnikov, “Otkrytie nekropolja nachala XI v., 173. Fig. 8б.

1. Five seals of John (?) Hikanatos (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 3)

All seals come from the same boulloterion.
Fig. 3. Seals of John (?) Hikanatos (11th/12th centuries)
Obv. Bust of a saint, blessing with right hand and holding a cross on a

long staff with left hand. No epigraphy.
Rev. Inscription of five lines:
+|OMωNV|MOVMOI|CΦPAГIC|TOVIKAN|ATOV
Ὁμωνύμου μοι σφραγὶς τοῦ Ἱκανάτου.
The inscription is metric. 6
A private seal. We know 14 earlier finds of similar seals. They come from
Novgorod (3 pieces), Beloozero, from Vladimir region, also from the
Ukraine (Kiev and Rovno region). 7
6
Wassiliou, Corpus II, no. 1645.
7
Among the published ones: V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteu
ropa (Wiesbaden, 2004), 111–13, no. 1.5.4; P. G. Gajdukov – O. M. Olejnikov, “Sfra-
gisticheskije nahodki Loukinskogo-2 raskopa v Novgorode”, Novgorod i Novgorodskaja
zemlja: Istorija i arheologija 27 (Velikij Novgorod, 2013),147–49, 151. Fig. 4; K. Smy-
chkov, “Neskol’ko molivdovulov s territorii Drevnej Rusi i Chersonesa (po materialam
chastnogo sobranija)”, ΧΕΡΣΩΝΟΣ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ: “imperija” i “polis” (Sevastopol’, 2013),
337–38, no. 3. Five specimens are kept in A. Sheremetiev collection (Kiev, the Ukraine).

The name of the saint on the obverse is not indicated. Judging by the
iconography he could be either St John the Prodromos or St Andrew
the Apostle. We prefer the first attribution, because in Byzantine sigil-
lography the images of this saint were widely used while the appearance
of St Andrew was connected, as a rule, with places of his special venera-
tion, first of all in Russia or in Patrae. 8 Since the owner of the seal bore
the name of the saint, his name was probably John.
The name of John Hikanatos does not occur in written sources. How-
ever, the family of Hikanatoi was well known in Byzantium especially un-
der Alexis I (1081–1118) and till the middle of the twelfth century. A. P.
Kazhdan attributed the family of Hikanatoi to the class of purely civilian
officials. 9 Numerous seals of the representatives of this family are known. 10
2. Three seals of Kyriakos, dishypatos (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 4)
Fig. 4. Seals of Kyriakos, dishypatos (11th/12th centuries.)
Obv. Inscription of three lines:
8
J. A. Cotsonis, The religious figural imagery of Byzantine lead seals II. Studies on
images of the saints and on personal piety. Variorum collected studies series (London-New
York, 2020), 80–82.
9
A. P. Každan, Sotsial’nyj sostav gospodstvujushchego klassa Vizantii XI–XII vv
(Moskva, 1974), 128–29, 178, 192.
10
Laurent, Corpus II, no. 1037; Likhachev, Molivdovuly, pl. LX, 7; LXV, 1; Seyrig,
no. 300–01; Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, 166–68, no. 94.

CΦPA|ΓICMA|EIMI
Rev. Inscription of three lines:

KVPIA|KΔICV|ΠATOV
Σφράγισμά εἰμι Κυριακοῦ δισυπάτου.
There are 11 earlier finds of similar seals from the territory of Old Russia.
Two come from Novgorod, several originate from Beloozero, Yaroslav
region, from the Ukraine (Chernigov, Rovno and Lvov districts). 11
The title of dishypatos appears at the beginning of the ninth century,
disappears in the tenth century in the course of the consulate reforms,
appears again in the second half of the eleventh and finally disappears by
the end of the eleventh or at the beginning of the twelfth century.
3. Three Latin seals representing St Andrew (11th–12th c.) (Fig. 5)
Fig. 5. Latin (?) seals with St Andrew (11th–12th centuries)
11
Among the published ones: Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa,
97–99, no. 1.4.3 (the author read the name of the owner of the seal as Cyril); O. Alf ’orov,
“Rus’ko-vizantijs’ki stosunki u vidobražennjah sfragistiki (za materialami sfragistich-
noj kolektsii Oleksija Sheremet’eva)”, Sofija Kiivs’ka: Vizantija. Rus’. Ukraina II (Kiev,
2012), 160–62; Smychkov, “Neskol’ko molivdovulov”, 334–36, no. 2. Two unpublished
seals are in the State Hermitage collection (both come from the Sheksna river).

Obv.
Bust of St Andrew. Greek inscription by the sides:
A|N|Δ||P|E|A|C = Ἀνδρέας.
Rev. Latin inscription possibly of three lines:
ROFA|DADENA|RIAL
It is the first find of similar seals in Novgorod. Two more seals com-
ing from the same boulloterion are known. One is in the collection of
the State Historical Museum in Moscow (acquisition of 1959, origin
unknown). 12 Another one (unpublished) in a private collection belong-
ing to K. D. Smychkov (Ukraine).
The name of the saint can be definitely reconstructed. V. Bulgakova
suggested that it was St Andrew Stratelates. However the seals from
Novgorod demonstrate that it could not be any saint warrior, for he
wears a himation and in his right hand he holds a richly decorated book.
One may suggest that he is Apostle Andrew – St Andrew the First-
Called, so popular in Old Russia. If so, the iconography of the saint on
this seal demonstrates one specific feature. St Andrew was usually de-
picted holding a scroll and a cross on a long staff, like on the seals of
duke Vsevolod Yaroslavich (second half of the eleventh century), 13 but
not with the Gospels.
If the inscription is in Latin, then the seals belong to the small group
of molybdobullae which affected both the Byzantine and the Western
traditions, like the Norman seals from Sicily. 14 Often the inscriptions of
such seals are hardly legible. The ones from Novgorod are no exception.
Though the inscription can be reconstructed, it still remains incompre-
hensible.
12
Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa, 169–70, no. 1.7.9.
13
V. L. Janin, Aktovye Pechati Drevnej Rusi X–XV vv. I (Moskva, 1970), 168–70,
nos 15–22.
14
A. Engel, Recherches sur la Numismatique et la Sigillographie des Normands de
Sicile et d’Italie (Paris, 1882); E. Stepanova, “Obrazy vostochnohristianskih svjatyh na
pechatjah Italii XI–XIII vv.”, Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul’turnaja rol’ palomnichestva (Sankt-
Peterburg, 2001), 60–69.

4. Two seals of kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 6)
Fig. 6. Seals of the kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ (11th/12th centuries)
Obv. Patriarchal cross on two steps with fleurons rising from base, its
top and each arm are decorated with roundels. The usual inscription sur-
rounding the cross is missing, but some letters are visible by the sides, of
which “C” is clearly seen. It could be the regular formula coming along
with the cross IC–XC (XC – possibly presented specularly).
Rev. Inscription of three lines:
+TωN|KOMMEP|KΙAPIωN|TωNPωC
Τῶν κομμερκιαρίων τῶν Ρῶς.
There are three more seals of the same matrices. One was found in 2004
in Rybinsk at the Old Russian settlement of Ust’-Sheksna in the strata of
the twelfth–fourteenth centuries. 15 The other one, discovered in 2019,
comes from Novgorod from the Troitskij trench (section XV), from the
layers of the first half of the twelfth century. 16 The third one is kept in the
15
I. I. Rykunova – A. N. Rykunov, “Srednevekovoje poselenije Ust’-Sheksna”,
Rossijskaja arheologija (Moskva, 2005), no. 4, pp. 145, 147; fig. 8, 12.
16
V. L. Janin – E. A. Rybina – L. V. Pokrovskaja – V. K. Singh – A. M. Stepanov
– E. A. Tjanina, “Raboty v Ljudinom kontse Velikogo Novgoroda v 2019 g. (Troitskije

Hermitage collection and was acquired from the antiquary Nuri-Bey of

Constantinople in 1914 (its provenance is unknown).
These seals are noteworthy due to several aspects. On the obverse
they bear the image of a flourishing cross on steps. The similar sphra-
gistic type is characteristic of the second half of the ninth–first half of
the eleventh century. 17 There are single cases when crosses appear on
Byzantine seals in the second half of the eleventh century. 18 The seals
published here, judging by their epigraphy and the archeological context
from which they come, should be dated to the end of the eleventh–early
twelfth century. Possibly it is one of the latest or even the latest one case
when a similar cross appears on seals of this sphragistic type. The style of
the image is rather crude, possibly borrowed not from sphragistics or at
least not from Byzantine seals.
The toponym “Ῥῶς” on Byzantine seals occurs here for the first time,
though in Byzantine texts it appears starting from the end of the ninth
century – the earliest one in “The Life of Georgios of Amastris”. The
meaning of this term is disputable. While in the tenth century it was
associated with Scandinavians (as in the treatise “De administrando im-
perio” by Constantine Porphyrogenitos), in later times it was used to
indicate Old Rus’. 19
No less interesting is the office indicated in the legend: kommerki-
arioi of the Ros’. The seals of kommerkiarioi, primarily collectors of cus-
toms duties are known till the eleventh century. The latest examples we
find among the seals of Develtos, Dristra, Presthlavitza, Cyprus and At-
talia, Abydos, Chaldia, Seleucia. 20 It is noteworthy that all these seals are
personal (names of the owners are indicated in the legends). The seals of
kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ do not follow this general rule because they
raskopy)”, Novgorod i Novgorodskaja zemlja: Istorija i arheologija 34 (Velikij Novgorod,

2021), 26, 27. Fig. 3, 2.
17
I. Koltsida-Makre, “The Representation of the Cross on Byzantine Lead Seals”,
SBS 4 (1995), 43.
18
DOSeals 5, no. 25.7.
19
M. V. Bibikov, BYZANTINOROSSICA. Svod vizantijskih svidetel’stv o Rusi I
(Moskva, 2004), 41–56, 636–52. For the linguistic analysis of the term Ρῶς see: S. P.
Tochtasiev, Jazyk traktata Konstantina Bagrjanorodnogo De administrando imperio i jego
inojazychnaja leksika (Sankt-Peterburg, 2018), 181–98. The metropolitans in Kiev pre-
ferred the term Ρουσία.
20
See, for example: V. S. Shandrovskaya, “Pechati kommerkiariev Debel’ta v sobra-
nii Ermitazha”, Antichnaja drevnost’ i srednije veka 32 (Ekaterinburg, 2001), 150; DOSe
als 1, nos 65.2, 76.1, 78.1–3; DOSeals 2, no. 64,3 = Stepanova, SBS 12 (2016), 89, no. 9;
DOSeals 3, nos 40.8,17; DOSeals 4, nos 32.15,26,27; DOSeals 5, no. 6.16.

belonged to a group of kommerkiarioi. Possibly the specific character of

these seals was determined by their provenance. These in many aspects
unique seals demand further investigation, including the location of the
customs offices of the Ros’ and their functions. 21
5. The seal of John Spanopoulos, proedros (last quarter of the 11th c.)

(Fig. 7)
Fig. 7. Seal of John Spanopoulos, proedros
Obv. Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis (orans with a medallion of Christ on

her chest). Part of the title visible on the left:  = Μ(ήτη)ρ [Θ(εο)ῦ].
Rev. Inscription of four lines:
...RΘ|..ÂEΔP|.TOCΠA|.OΠΛ/
[Θ(εοτό)κε] β(οή)θ(ει) [Ἰω(άννῃ)] (προ)έδρ[ῳ] τ(ῶ) Σπα[ν]οπούλ(ῳ).
The first seal of John found at the beginning of the twentieth century in
Kiev was badly preserved. N. P. Likhachev ascribed it to the number of
the bullae issued by the metropolitan of Kiev. The last lines of the leg-
end he read as προέδρῳ τῆς πάσης Ῥωσίας. 22 Later the same interpretation
was supported by A. V. Soloviev. 23 The correct reading was suggested by
21
W. Seibt informed us about seals with the metrical legend Σφράγισμα τῶν Ρῶς
τυγχάνω κομμερκίου from the second or third third of the twelfth century, all found on
the territory of Old Rus’.
22
N. P. Likhachev, Materialy dlja istorii vizantijskoj i russkoj sfragistiki, 2 (Lenin-
grad, 1930), 12, note 1.
23
A. V. Soloviev, “Metropolitensiegel des Kiever Russland”, BZ 55 (1962), 294,
no. 3; A. V. Soloviev, “Zu den Metropolitensiegeln des Kiever Russlands”, BZ 56 (1963),
317–19, pl. VII,1.

V. L. Janin after the find in 1967 in Novgorod of one more seal of the
same kind, much better preserved. 24
Before the excavations of 2017 five seals of John Spanopoulos were
known struck from two boulloteria. They originated from Novgorod (2
pieces), Kiev and Kiev region (2 pieces). 25 Besides these there are two
seals with slightly different legends, one in Vienna, in the Numismatic
cabinet of the Fine Arts Museum, and one in the Fogg Museum. 26
The Spanopouloi come to view around the middle of the eleventh
century. They were purely civilian nobles. Many representatives of the
Spanopouloi family are known, their names appear on seals and in written
sources. 27 The title of proedros which came into being under Nikephoros
II Phokas (963–969) was initially a high one and intended exclusively
for eunuchs. By the eleventh century it devaluated, became widespread
and from the middle of the eleventh century could be granted to bearded
ones. It was last mentioned in the middle of the twelfth century. 28
6. A seal with a quotation from Gregory the Theologian (12th c.) (Fig. 8)
Fig. 8. Seal with a quotation from Gregory the Theologian (12th century)
Obv. Parts of three lines are visible:
EI...|.KΓEN.|..OΔ..
24
Janin, Aktovye Pechati Drevnej Rusi, 51–53; see also Bulgakova, Byzantinische
Bleisiegel in Osteuropa, 91–95, no. 1.4.1.
25
Alf ’orov, “Rus’ko-vizantijs’ki stosunki u vidobražennjah sfragistiki (za materi-
alami sfragistichnoj kolektsii Oleksija Sheremet’eva)”, 160.
26
Seibt, Bleisiegel, 284–86, no. 150.
27
Každan, Sotsial’nyj sostav, 92, 128, 135; see comments on no. 150 (Seibt,
Bleisiegel 284–86) and no. 197 (Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques, 206–
07); DOSeals 2.40.16; 3.71.26; 4.55.3 = Pančenko, Katalog, no. 216; DOSeals 5.28.1.
28
Oikonomidès, Listes 299.

Rev. Parts of three lines are visible:
.....|..ΓAΠN|..MA
Εἷ[ς Θ(εὸ)ς ἐ]κ γεν[έτα]ο δ[ι’ Υἱέος ἐς μέ]γα Πν[εῦ]μα.
Some seals coming from the same boulloterion are known for a long time.
At present there are 12 of them. Besides the one found in Novgorod by
the Oborony street there are four found in Novgorod earlier, and several
from other places: Staraja Ladoga, Beloozero, the Ukraine (Kiev, Kiev
region, Rovno, Ivano-Frankovsk region and of no definite provenance). 29
None of them display a full legend, but W. Seibt managed to restore and
read it with the help of TLG. 30 It is a quotation from “Carmina moralia”
by Gregory of Nazianzus, the Theologian: “You are one God – from
Parent through the Son to the Great Spirit”. 31 The authors suggest that
the owner of the seal was doubtless an educated person and probably a
cleric. 32
To sum up:
I. Seals were found within an archaeological complex which allows
us to reconstruct the historical context of their appearance, along
with documents, in Novgorod.
II. Of the five types of legible seals only one presents official ones
– those belonging to the kommerkiarioi of the Ros’. Other seals
bear no indication of offices or locations. Seals of John Hikanatos
29
V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territo
rium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), 180–82, no. 1.7.18, 1.7.19; S. V. Beletskĳ – A. N.
Kirpichnikov, “Pamjatniki sfragistiki iz raskopok v Staroj Ladoge v 2011 g.” Nasledije
Nikolaja Petrovicha Likhacheva: Interpretatsija teksta i obraza. Proceedings of the confer
ence commemorating the 150th anniversary of the birth of Academician N. P. Likhachev
(1862–1936), Transactions of the State Hermitage museum LXXI (St Petersburg, 2014),
304, 307, no. 17.
30
Seibt – Alf ’orov, Rus’, Part II, III J 1 (dated c. 1130/1180). Already earlier men-
tioned by A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, “Inscriptions of church and state officials on Byzantine
lead seals”, M. D. Lauxtermann – I. Toth (eds) Inscribing texts in Byzantium. Continuities
and transformations, (London – New York, 2020), 193.
31
PG 37, col. 632, 7.
32
Recently another (erroneous) reading of the legend on this seal has been sug-
gested: COCE | MEГAN | EVMA || ΘIONE | ГENE | AOΔIV – Σῶσε | μέγαν |
Εὐμά||θιον ἐ(κ) | γένε(ως) | ἀο(ι)δίου (resp. ἀο(ι)δί(μ)ου) – “Save Great Eumathios of
illustrious origin”: A. Ju. Vinogradov, V. N. Chkhaidze, “‘Spasi velikogo Evmafija
iz roda dostoslavnogo’: K prochteniju legendy odnoj gruppy vizantijskih pechatej”,
ΧΕΡΣΩΝΟΣ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ: “imperija” i “polis”. Proceedings of the XII International Byzan
tine Seminar, (Simferopol’, 2020), 71–76.

are private, those of Kyriakos and John Spanopoulos indicate

only their titles, so they can not be treated as official ones.
III. The seals found at Oborony street belong to groups well known
due to previous finds from Old Russia. They come from places
significant from the point of view of local economic life – from
Novgorod to Kiev. Considering the places of their discovery one
may suggest that their owners were involved in trade, which al-
lows to trace trade connections of Old Russia.
IV. It is possible to suggest that the excavations in Novgorod, be-
yond the limits of the medieval city, revealed a factory, a trade
post – a settlement of merchants, most probably from Kiev along
with several representatives from the Byzantine Empire. The set-
tlement existed at the end of the eleventh–early twelfth century,
obviously in the reign of Yaropolk Vladimirovich, duke of Kiev
(1082–1139).

Volker Hilberg
Byzantium and Beyond

Siegel aus Skandinavien*
Folgender Beitrag erwuchs im Rahmen der Vorbereitungsarbeiten zur

Ausstellung „Byzanz und der Westen. 1000 vergessene Jahre“. Schalla
burg / Niederösterreich (17.03–11.11.2018) (primär finanziert vom
Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz) 1. Das ursprüngliche
Konzept beinhaltete eine Reihe von Siegelexponaten mit Bezug zum
„Westen“, wovon leider dann ein größerer Teil – aus finanziellen Grün-
den im Rahmen von Sparmaßnahmen – ausgeschlossen wurde. Dar-
unter befanden sich auch byzantinische Bleibullen, die in Skandinavien
gefunden wurden und unser besonderes Interesse erweckt hatten, sodass
wir sie zum Gegenstand eines Referats beim Internationalen Siegelsym-
posium in St. Petersburg machten (29. Mai 2019). Das Material war
zwar schon in der Vergangenheit veröffentlicht worden, jedoch wichen
die bisherigen Auswertungen und Interpretationen von unseren deut-
lich ab, sodass ich mich dazu entschied, die Problematik nochmals auf-
zurollen.
Es handelt sich um Siegel des 9. und 10. Jh., die in Haithabu/Hede-
by (im Norden von Schleswig-Holstein/Deutschland), Ribe und Tissø
(beides in Dänemark) entdeckt wurden, alles bedeutende Handels-
* Unser aufrichtiger Dank für Abbildungs- und Publikationserlaubnis gilt der Stif-
tung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, dem Sydvestjyske Mu-
seer in Ribe, sowie dem Nationalmuseet i København.
1
Für die Exposition ist der umfangreiche Katalog Byzanz & der Westen. 1000 ver-
gessene Jahre (Schallaburg, 2018) entstanden.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132251
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg
orte (emporia), Hauptumschlagsplätze und Elitenzentren der Dänen 2,

(Abb. 1, Übersichtskarte) 3.
Birka
Kaupang
DÄNEMARK
OSTSEE
AN
NORDSEE Ribe
GE
Haithabu
LSÄ
Groß Strömkendorf
CH
York Truso
Wolin
SIS
Hamburg Menzlin
CH
ES
EN
Ipswich
GLA
Dorestad
Elb e
ND
London Domburg
Cologne
Hamwic
Quentowic
Mainz
Rouen
Rhein
Reims
Lo
i re FRÄNKISCHES REICH
Salzburg
Tours
Chur
Abb. 1. Übersichtskarte
Das bedeutendste dieser Zentren war das spätestens im 1. Drittel des

9. Jh. vom dänischen König gegründete Haithabu, das sich durch seine
begünstigte Lage (an der schmalsten Stelle der Jütländischen Halbinsel
am Ende der Schlei in der Schleswigschen Landenge zwischen Nordsee
und Ostsee in der Nähe des sogenannten Ochsenwegs) zur Drehschei-
be internationalen Ranges im überregionalen Handelsnetzwerk vom 9.
2
V. Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen in Haithabu 2003–2015. Aussagemög-
lichkeiten und Erkenntnisgewinn für die Entstehung eines wikingerzeitlichen Handels-
zentrums“, in V. Hilberg – Th. Lemm (Hrsg), Viele Funde – große Bedeutung? Potenzial
und Aussagewert von Metalldetektorfunden für die siedlungsarchäologische Forschung der
Wikingerzeit (Kiel, 2018), 125–54. Zur günstigen geographischen Lage dieser Zentren
s. einschlägig M. McCormick, „Where do trading towns come from? Early medieval
Venice and the northern emporia“, in J. Henning (ed.), Post-Roman towns, trade and
settlement in Europe and Byzantium. Vol. 1. The heirs of the Roman West (Berlin, 2007),
41–68; M. McCormick, Origins of European Economy. Communications and Commerce
ad 300–900 (Cambridge, 2001); Idem, „Voyageurs, monnaies, et esclaves. Aux origines
de l’économie européenne“, Dossiers d’archéologie 256 (2000), 47.
3
Aus Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“ 126, Abb. 1.

bis ins 11. Jh. entwickelte und insbesondere in der 2. Hälfte des 10. Jh.
seine Blütezeit erreichte, bis es schließlich 1066 (Plünderung durch die
Westslawen) aufgegeben und in das ca. 2 km entfernte Schleswig verlegt
wurde. Zu den anderen beiden Machtzentren, Ribe und Tissø, dürfte
Haithabu enge Verbindungen unterhalten haben 4. Diese drei Knoten-
punkte sind zugleich Fundorte von Siegeln des byzantinischen Funk-
tionärs Theodosios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
βεστιαρίου (1. Hälfte 9. Jh.), die zwar einander sehr ähnlich, aber doch
nicht stempelidentisch sind. Alle drei Exemplare wurden zuletzt in der
gemeinsamen Publikation von J. Shepard und J.-Cl. Cheynet analysiert 5.
Aus praktischen Gründen ziemt es sich jedoch, sie nochmals zu edie-
ren. Beginnen wir mit dem Stück aus Haithabu (Abb. 2, Stiftung Schles-
wig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig, Inv.-Nr.
SH1966–3.4124 ([KS D 602.130]) 6.
Abb. 2. Theodosios β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου
4
Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 127 (mit einschlägiger Bibliographie).
5
J. Shepard – J.-Cl. Cheynet, „The seals of Theodosios“, in S. N. Sindbaeck –
A. Trakadas (eds), The World in the Vikings Age (Roskilde, 2014), 88–89. Das Siegel aus
Tissø ist schlecht erhalten, abgebildet wurde nur die Rv.-Seite. Vgl. jetzt auch E. Wa-
mers, in S. Holst – L. Jørgensen – E. Wamers (Hrsg.), Odin, Thor und Freyja. Skandi-
navische Kultplätze des 1. Jahrtausends n. Chr. und das Frankenreich. Eine Ausstellung
des Archäologischen Museums Frankfurt und des Dänischen Nationalmuseums Kopen-
hagen (Regensburg, 2017), 131, Kat.-Nr. 64. Die Exemplare aus Ribe und Haithabu
wurden auch in einer Exposition in Paderborn (1999) ausgestellt. Dazu s. den Katalog
Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit. Karl der Große und Papst Leon III. in Paderborn, I
(Mainz, 1999), 376, Nr. VI 78 (das Exemplar aus Haithabu) und Nr. VI 79 (das Exemp-
lar aus Ribe).
6
Das Stück edierte zuerst V. Laurent, „Ein byzantinisches Bleisiegel aus Haitha-
bu“, Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 12 (1978), 36–40; idem, Corpus II, 695.
Cf. zuletzt Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139–40, Abb. 10.2 (auf S. 140), mit A.
6.

Auf dem Av. führt es ein Anrufungsmonogramm vom Typus Laurent

V (Θεοτόκε βοήθει) an, dessen vier Zwickel das Tetragramm [τ]ῷ - σῷ |
δού-λῳ füllt. Es ist anzumerken, dass die beiden Teile des geschlossenen
Beta an der Basis einander nicht berühren (). Die Aufteilung der Rv.-
Legende lautet:
+ θεΟΔΟ|ςιΩπαΤΡικ,|..σπαθ,ϗχαρ.|βεσΤι.ρ,
Θεοδοσίῳ πατρικ(ίῳ) [β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)]σπαθ(αρίῳ) (καὶ)
χαρ(τουλαρίῳ) [τ(οῦ)] βεστι[α]ρ(ίου). Auf beiden Seiten des Siegels fin-
det sich ein Zeichen, das einer Rune ähnelt, und vom Empfänger des
Stückes angebracht wurde 7.
Die beiden Bullen aus Ribe (Sydvestjyske Museer) und Tissø (Na-
tionalmuseet i København/Abteilung für Dänische Urgeschichte) ge-
hen auf das gleiche Bulloterion zurück 8, weichen jedoch minimal in
der Anordnung der Lettern von jener aus Haithabu ab und werden in
vergleichender Perspektive ediert. Während der Erhaltungszustand des
ersteren recht gut ist, weist das zweite größere Ausbrüche und fortge-
schrittene Korrosion auf. Auf dem Av. ebenfalls ein Anrufungsmono-
gramm vom Typus Laurent V (auch hier berühren die beiden Teile des
Beta einander nicht), mit Tetragramm. Im Unterschied zum Stück aus
Haithabu ist hier das Beta an der Basis halbrund und der zentrale Buch-
stabe Theta scheint etwas schmäler geschnitten zu sein. Auf dem Rv. ver-
teilt sich die Inschrift wie folgt:
. θεΟΔΟ|..ΩπαΤΡικ,B,|..πα,ϗχαρ,T|βεσΤιA.
[+] Θεοδο[σί]ῳ πατρικ(ίῳ) β(ασιλικῷ) [(πρωτο)σ]πα(θαρίῳ) (καὶ)
χαρ(τουλαρίῳ) τ(οῦ) βεστια[ρ(ίου)]. Man beachte die etwas differen-
zierte Anordnung der Lettern, insbesondere den Verzicht auf das Θ bei
πρωτοσπαθαρίῳ.
Von einem weiteren Stempel wiederum stammt ein Stück aus Is-
tanbul 9, mit mehreren Feldverlusten. Auf dem Av. ebenfalls das gleiche
Anrufungsmonogramm, samt Tetragramm. Die Legende auf dem Rv.
lautet:
7
J.-Cl. Cheynet interpretierte dieses Zeichen als „an extra Y in protospatharios“
(Shepard – Cheynet, „The seals of Theodosios“, 89).
8
S. unsere A. 6.
9
Zuletzt Cheynet et al., Istanbul 2.21, wobei für eine Ähnlichkeit mit dem Stück
aus Haithabu plädiert wird (S. 97, A. 23).

+θεΟΔ.|CIΩπαΤΡ.. |B,A,Cπα,ϗχ..|......
Θεοδ[ο]σίῳ πατρ[ικ(ίῳ)] β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπα(θαρίῳ) (καὶ)
χ[αρ(τουλαρίῳ) τ(οῦ) βεστιαρ(ίου)].
Das Vorhandensein dreier verschiedener Siegeltypen mit der gleichen

Legende bezeugt, das der Siegler länger im Amt war und eine rege Sie-
geltätigkeit ausübte.
Auf Grund eines Missverständnisses wollte K. Bennett Hughes ein

etwa synchrones, leider schlecht erhaltenes Siegelfragment aus Nov-
gorod auch diesem Theodosios zuweisen, wobei er sich irrig auf F. An-
droshchuk berief 10. Dort ist allerdings von einem ganz anderen in Nov-
gorod gefundenen Siegel die Rede, das V. Bulgakova einst einem Leon
πρωτοσπαθάριος (oder σπαθάριος) und δομέστικος zugewiesen hatte 11,
und das sicher nichts mit obigem Theodosios zu tun hat.
Theodosios war verantwortlich für das Bestiarion, einem wichtigen
staatlichen Finanzressort, wo wertvolle Gegenstände, Metalle und Mün-
zen, sowie Materialien für die Flotte aufbewahrt wurden 12. Die Siegel
des Theodosios stammen aus der 1. Hälfte 9. Jh. und wurden bisher fast
ausschließlich mit Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος verbunden 13, eine
Suggestion, die auf Père Laurent zurückgeht und in der Forschung weit-
gehend übernommen wurde 14. Laurent bevorzugte eine Datierung auf
ca. 820–860 und erwog die Gleichsetzung mit Theodosios Babutzikos
πατρίκιος, weil er wohl keinen weiteren Theodosios πατρίκιος in den
narrativen Quellen für diese Zeit bezeugen konnte. Wir wissen, dass
Babutzikos ein enger Vertrauter des Kaisers Theophilos war und als des-
sen Gesandter im Ausland agierte: Gestützt auf die Monographie von
10
K. Bennett Hughes, Seals in Strange Places (Senior Thesis Univ. of Memphis,
2019), 6 (Abb. 4 auf S. 13), mit Berufung auf F. Androshchuk, Vikings in the East: Essays
on Contacts along the Road to Byzantium (800–1100) (Uppsala, 2013), 94.
11
V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territo-
rium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), 1.2.4 (S. 53–55).
12
Vgl. Oikonomidès, Listes, 316; R. Guilland, „Chartulaire et grand chartulaire“,
RESEE 9 (1971), 414–15 = Titres et fonctions de l’Empire byzantin (London, 1976),
XVIII 414–15. Es wäre sicherlich falsch, die Aufgaben des bestiarion (βεστιάριον) auf
ein Arsenal für die Flotte einzugrenzen.
13
PmbZ 7874 (auch dort wird diese Identifikation nicht ausgeschlossen).
14
Zuletzt Cheynet et al., Istanbul 2.21. Theodosios sei vermutlich als Gesandter
vom Kaiser Theophilos in den Westen geschickt worden, weil sein Siegel in Haithabu
gefunden wurde. Als er sich in Venedig aufhielt, entwickelte er Kontakte zu Ribe und
Haithabu, beides bedeutende Zentren in Nordeuropa.

T. C. Lounghis über byzantinische Gesandtschaften im Westen entneh-

men wir, dass Theodosios Babutzikos zunächst im Jahre 840, als Ober-
haupt einer byzantinischen Gesandtschaft zum Dogen von Venedig, die
Unterstützung des letzteren gegen die sizilianischen Araber gewinnen
konnte (diese hatten 839 Tarent eingenommen). Allerdings vertrieben
die Araber ziemlich schnell die venezianische Flotte vor Tarent 15. Als im
Jahr 841 die Araber weiter nördlich vorrückten, Ankona plünderten und
der venezianischen Flotte ein zweites Mal eine Niederlage zufügten, war
der kritische Moment gekommen, wo sich der byzantinische Kaiser ent-
schied, Theodosios Babutzikos mit einer Gesandtschaft (841/842) zum
Kaiser der Franken, Lothar I., nach Trier zu senden. In einem Schrei-
ben des Theophilos (sogenannter Brief von St. Dénis), das Babutzikos
mit sich trug, sollten die Franken zum gemeinsamen Vorgehen gegen
die Araber in Italien gewonnen werden. Die Byzantiner wurden wohl
vor 19. August 842 am Hof Lothars empfangen und dieser ging auf den
Vorschlag des Kaisers Theophilos ein; es wurde auch über eine eheliche
Verbindung zwischen einer Tochter des Theophilos und dem Sohn Lo-
thars, Ludwig II., dem König des fränkischen Italien, verhandelt. In der
Zwischenzeit war aber Theophilos in Konstantinopel verstorben (Ende
Jänner 842), und auch Babutzikos kam während dieser Gesandtschaft
ums Leben (wohl auf dem Rückweg) – das angestrebte Ziel wurde nicht
erreicht 16. Außerdem begann damals die Spaltung des großen Franken-
reiches in drei Teile.
Um eine Verbindung zwischen dem obigem Siegler Theodosios und
Theodosios Babutzikos herzustellen, suggerierte Père Laurent eine (nicht
dokumentierte) Reise des letzteren nach Skandinavien wegen Erz- und
Eisenkäufen, womit die Waffenarsenale nach der Niederlage der Byzan-
tiner durch die Araber in Amorion (838) gefüllt werden sollten. Sowohl
dem Identifizierungsvorschlag Laurents als auch dem Grund des Besu-
ches von Babutzikos in Skandinavien entgegnete mit Recht Viktor Tif-
tixoglu in der annotierten Bibliographie der BZ bereits 1979 17 – das
15
T. C. Lounghis, Les ambassades byzantines en Occident depuis la fondation des
états barbares jusqu’aux Croisades (407–1096) (Athen, 1980), 169.
16
Lounghis, Ambassades, 170–74.
17
BZ 72 (1979), 563. Zitat: „Da Erzeinfuhren aus Skandinavien nicht zuletzt auch
verkehrstechnisch schwer vorstellbar sind, wäre u. E., unbeschadet der Identifizierung
mit Babutzikos, zu überlegen, ob nicht dieses Siegel mit den Ros᾿ in Verbindung zu brin-
gen ist, die nach den Annales Bertiniani auf Fürsprache des Metropoliten Theodosios
von Chalkedon beim deutschen Kaiser, 839 von Konstantinopel kommend, durch den
Westen in ihre schwedische Heimat zurückzukehren versuchten“. Zur Gesandtschaft
selbst s. Lounghis, Ambassades 169. Zum detaillierten Datum der Reise der Ros᾿ nach

wurde allerdings bisher zu wenig zur Kenntnis genommen. Tiftixoglou

überlegte, ob die Siegel des Theodosios patrikios und Chartularios tu
Bestiariu in Zusammenhang mit der byzantinischen Delegation von 839
zu bringen wären, welche die Gesandtschaft vom Chagan der Rus᾿ beim
byzantinischen Kaiser auf deren Rückweg in ihre skandinavische Heimat
unterstützte. Die Gesandten aus der Rus᾿ kamen 838 nach Konstanti-
nopel, sie bereicherten die Byzantiner nicht zuletzt mit Informationen
über die Kampfesstärke der Wikinger/Waräger, aber mussten wegen der
inzwischen ausgebrochenen Konflikte der Chazaren mit den Ungarn
über das Frankenreich zurückkehren, was ihnen durch die Byzantiner
ermöglicht wurde, welche die Erlaubnis zum Durchmarsch erwirkten,
sodass sie im Mai bzw. Juni 839 von Kaiser Ludwig dem Frommen in
Ingelheim empfangen wurden 18. Es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, dass diese
byzantinische Delegation Kontakte mit den Dänen aufnehmen sollte,
auch im Hinblick auf Waffenhilfe gegen die Araber, und dafür mit wert-
vollen Geschenken aus dem Bestiarion ausgerüstet wurde. Selbst wenn
das zutreffen sollte, ist aber weder a priori Theodosios Babutzikos als
Teilnehmer der Gesandtschaft (diese wurde von Theodosios, Μetropolit
von Chalkedon, und Theophanes πρωτοσπαθάριος geleitet 19) anzuneh-
men, noch der Siegler Theodosios als damaliger Leiter des Bestiarion.
Jonathan Shepard, der sich auf die von Père Laurent vorgeschlage-
ne Gleichsetzung des Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος mit dem Siegel-
inhaber Theodosios πατρίκιος χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου stützte, fuhr
wiederum fort, dass dieser während seines jeweiligen Aufenthaltes im
Westen (840 und 842) Briefe, die er mit seinem Siegel versah, in den
Konstantinopel und zum Grund, der die Rückkehr in ihre Heimat auf normalem Weg
behinderte, s. jetzt C. Zuckerman „Les Hongrois au pays de Lebedia: Une nouvelle pu-
issance aux confins de Byzance et de la Khazarie ca 836–889“, in K. Tsiknakes (ed.), Το
εμπόλεμο Βυζάντιο (9ος–12ος αι.) (Athen, 1997), 51–74, insbesondere 53–54.
18
Zu dieser Gesandtschaft, die in den Annales Bertiani festgehalten ist, s. Loung-
his, Ambassades 167–68. Cf. W. Duczko, Viking Rus. Studies on the Presence of Scandi-
navians in Eastern Europe (The Northern World 12) (Leiden – Boston, 2004), 15–18;
J. Shepard, „The Rhos guests of Louis the Pious: whence and wherefore?“, Early Medieval
Europe 4 (1995/1), 41–60; zur Frage der Rhos/Rus᾿ auch A. V. Nazarenko, „Die Rus᾿
im 9. Jahrhundert: Ein Überblick über die Schriftquellen“, in N. A. Makarov (Hrsg.),
Die Rus᾿ im 9.-10. Jahrhundert. Ein archäologisches Panorama. Studien zur Siedlungs-
geschichte und Archäologie der Ostseegebiete 14 (Kiel, 2017), 20–43, bes. 37 mit Anm. 43.
19
PmbZ 7873 (Theodosios, Metropolit von Chalkedon) und 8132 (Theopha-
nes protospatharios). Cf. PmbZ 7874, S. 523; Lounghis, Ambassades, 167. Der Versuch,
Theodosios Metropolit von Chalkedon zu Theodosios patrikios zu „korrigieren“, ver-
dient keine weitere Beachtung; so W. Treadgold, The Byzantine Revival (780–842)
(Stanford, 1988), 309 und A. 425 (auf S. 446); Duczko, Viking Rus, 51–54; Bennett
Hughes, Seals, 8–12.

Norden geschickt habe 20, mit der Absicht, „an alliance between western
emperor and Danish king close enough for them to liaise with Byzanti-
ne personnel against the Muslims“ zu schmieden; „vessels being prepa-
red for them at Venice“ 21. Duczko geht noch einen Schritt weiter in der
Interpretation: Die Rus᾿ in der Funktion der Mittelsmänner („messen-
gers of the emperor Theophilos to the Danish kingdom“) zwischen den
Byzantinern und den Dänen wären mit Schreiben des Babutzikos aus-
gestattet gewesen, um im Namen des Kaisers bei Letzteren um Unter-
stützung im Kampf gegen die Araber zu werben 22.
U. E. ist die vorgeschlagene und bisher in der Forschung weitertra-
dierte Identifizierung des Theodosios πατρίκιος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
βεστιαρίου mit Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος mehr als fraglich, wenn
überhaupt plausibel, weil: 1) Theodosios Babutzikos in den narrativen
Quellen zwar mit dem damals hohen Titel πατρίκιος bezeugt, aber we-
der als χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου noch in einem anderen Amt greifbar
ist, und 2) Für die gleiche Zeit ungefähr auch Theodosios Mosele, ein
Bruder des Alexios Mosele (Schwiegersohn des Kaisers Theophilos) 23,
den Titel πατρίκιος besaß 24. Alexios Mosele gründete ein Kloster im
hauptstädtischen Stadtviertel τὰ Ἀνθεμίου, in welches beide Brüder nach
839 eintraten. Eine vorschnelle Gleichsetzung des Theodosios Mosele
mit Theodosios, dem Leiter des Bestiarion, wäre aber ebenso wenig gesi-
chert, zumal wir ebenfalls keinerlei Informationen über die Karriere des
letzteren aus den narrativen Quellen beziehen. Wahrscheinlich handelt
es sich um eine dritte Person, nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil Theodosios
kein allzu seltener Name war.
20
Shepard, „Theodosios’ voyages“, 68–73. Zitat: „Three seals of Theodosios Ba-
boutzikos have been found at Ribe and Tissø in Denmark and at Hedeby in Germany;
they were most probably issued by him while on assignment, sealing letters he sent. One
cannot exclude the possibility that all three seals and their documents were sent during
Theodosios’ embassy to the Frankish court, but he could equally well have issued them
from Venice in 840. Indeed, Theodosios could have sent messages to the Nordic world
on each visit to the west, seeing that his seals found at Ribe and Tissø came from a diffe-
rent boulloterion, or seal stamp, from the one that stamped the third seal“.
21
Ibidem. Cf. zuletzt im vorliegenden Band J.-Cl. Cheynet, „Les sceaux du bureau
du génikon hors des frontières de l’Empire“ 100.
22
Duczko, Viking Rus, 57–59.
23
PmbZ 195. Alexios wurde mit der jüngsten Tochter des Theophilos verheiratet
(eventuell zwischen 836 und 839) und war von diesem als Nachfolger erwünscht. Daher
avancierte er ziemlich schnell zum kaisar. Er wurde jedoch verleumdet, nach der Kaiser-
würde zu streben. Nach dem Tod seiner Gattin, der Prinzessin Maria, wurde er Mönch.
24
PmbZ 7875.

Da die drei aufgefundenen Siegel des Chefs des Bestiarion Theodo-

sios im damaligen Herrschaftsbereich der dänischen „Könige“ (de fac-
to regionale Häuptlinge, deren Einfluss auf ihre Gefolgschaft begrenzt
war) aufgefunden wurden, schließen wir, dass nach Haithabu und Ribe
(beides in Jütland), sowie nach Tissø (auf der Insel Seeland) wertvolle
Gegenstände bzw. Münzen aus diesem Finanzressort ausgeführt wurden,
wofür die Genehmigung des Vorsitzenden (χαρτουλάριος) erforderlich
war. Oder lag diesen Pretiosen ein Schreiben bei, das ihren Wert genauer
erörterte und worin der Chartular des Bestiarion bestätigte, dass sie aus
dem kaiserlichen Schatz stammten? Weniger hingegen wäre anzuneh-
men, dass letzterer persönlich nach Skandinavien reiste oder Briefe vom
Westen aus dorthin schickte. Ausgehend von der Stempelidentität der
Siegel aus Ribe und Tissø ist zu schließen, dass diese in einem anderen
Zeitrahmen als das in Haithabu aufgefundene Stück verwendet wurden.
Zudem sehen wir keinerlei sigillographische Indizien, die eine Da-
tierung der Siegel des Theodosios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ
χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου vor 840 ausschließen könnten. Byzantinische
Kontakte zum Frankenreich mit der definitiven Ambition der Erlangung
einer Hilfeleistung gegen feindliche Bedrohungen sind in den Quellen be-
reits für 812 (in erster Linie gegen Krum, den Chagan der Bulgaren, der
ab 811 eine existentielle Gefahr für Byzanz darstellte) greifbar 25. Wahr-
scheinlich gab es auch weitere, die nicht festgehalten wurden. Die Kon-
takte zwischen Byzanz und dem Frankenreich intensivierten sich infolge
der Ankunft der Araber im Mittelmeer: Byzantinische Gesandtschaften
zum König der Franken sind für 824, 833 und 839 bezeugt, ihr Anliegen
wird aber nicht in den Quellen genannt. Man nimmt jedoch an, dass um
militärische Hilfe ersucht wurde 26. Eine Hilfeleistung seitens der Franken
dürfte jedoch nicht tatkräftig umgesetzt worden sein, zumal weder lateini-
sche noch griechische Quellen davon berichten. Die beiden Reiche waren
vielmehr bestrebt, auf diplomatischer Ebene aufeinander zuzugehen und
fanden auch einen modus vivendi für ihre gegenseitige Toleranz in der da-
maligen Ökumene, vor allem angesichts der fortschreitenden arabischen
Expansion im Mittelmeerraum. Zu einem gemeinsamen militärischen
Unternehmen kam es jedoch nicht – abgesehen vom fehlgeschlagenen
25
Lounghis, Ambassades, 160–62, mit A. 3 auf S. 162: „contra Bulgares et ceteras
barbaras gentes“ (Annales Laurissences minores, in MGH SSRG I 122, anno 814).
26

Versuch, mit dem Dux von Venedig gegen die Araber Siziliens (anno 840)
vorzugehen 27.
Unter diesen Umständen wäre ein Ersuchen um Hilfeleistung im
Kampf gegen Bulgaren und Araber bei den Dänen Jütlands und See-
lands seitens der Byzantiner zumindest zu überlegen, selbst wenn Der-
artiges in keiner Quelle nachweisbar ist. Falls diese Hypothese zutrifft,
dann hat man aus dem Bestiarion Geld und Luxusgüter als Präsent bzw.
als „Anzahlung“ für eine angestrebte Hilfeleistunǥ / Koopertion dort-
hin transferieren lassen.
Archäologische Untersuchungen der Jahre 2003/2004 ließen noch
zwei weitere byzantinische Bleisiegel in Haithabu ans Tageslicht kom-
men. Für das erste (Fundnr. Hb 2004/10821) wurde bisher die Lesung
Hypatios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ μέγας χαρτουλάριος vorge-
schlagen und an eine Datierung auf 8., spätestens frühes 9. Jh. gedacht,
eben weil dessen Inhalt größtenteils in monogrammatischer Form ver-
schlüsselt ist 28. Das Siegel ist aber auf 1. Hälfte 10. Jh. zu datieren, es
bezeugt einen Paulos Monomachatos (weniger hingege Monomachos)
πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός (Abb. 3).
Abb. 3. Paulos Monomachatos πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός
Das Siegel ist auf beiden Seiten in einen inneren Kreis und einen
Kreisring aufgeteilt. Im Kreisring des Av. findet sich die übliche Anru-
fung (am Scheitel beginnend): .KErOHθEIΤΩσ......Den Κreis füllt ein
kreuzförmiges Monogramm bestehend aus den Elementen A, Λ, Π, V
und Ω, das mit Παύλῳ, (Nominativ Παῦλος) aufzulösen ist. In den vier
Zwickeln ΠΑ-ΤΡ,-ΚΙ-Ω

27
Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139, Abb. 10.1 auf S. 140. Zum genauen

28
Fundort s. Abb. 9, Hb 2004/10821 (auf S. 138).

[+] Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθει τῷ σ[ῷ δούλῳ] Παύλῳ πατρ(ι)κίῳ.
Die Legende findet ihre Fortsetzung im Kreisring des Rv. (am Scheitel
beginnend): R.......ΠΡΩΤΩCΠΑΘΑΡΙ., worauf im Kreisfeld ΚΑΙ – ΓΕ-
ΝΙ-ΚΩ in den vier Zwickeln eines Kreuzmonogramms folgt, das aus
den Elementen A, M, N, O, T, X und Ω, besteht, was die Auflösung (τῷ)
Μονομαχάτῳ (oder τῷ Μονομάχῳ) ergibt.
Die Legende lautet insgesamt: [+] Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθει τῷ σ[ῷ δούλῳ] Παύλῳ
πατρ(ι)κίῳ β[ασ(ι)λικῷ] πρωτ(ο)σπαθαρί[ῳ] καὶ γενικῷ τῷ Μονομαχάτῳ
(oder τῷ Μονομάχῳ). Da die Inschrift nach dem standardisierten Auf-
bauformular strukturiert ist, das den Artikel vor dem Familiennamen
verlangt, ist auch ersterer in der Auflösung des Monogramms auf dem
Rv. einzubeziehen. Von dieser Person sind mehrere Parallelstücke (oder
zumindest einander sehr ähnliche) in Bulgarien gefunden worden und
sind durch die Editionstätigkeit von I. Jordanov bekannt 29. Ein weiteres
Parallelstück (Fundort unbekannt) wurde in Auktionen 30 (ohne Lese-
vorschlag, datiert auf 8.–9. Jh.) angeboten.
Der Siegler war der Chef des Genikon (Logothesion), einem Finanz-
ressort, dem unter anderem die Kontrolle der Ausfuhr von bestimmten
Gütern oblag. Somit kann obiges Stück zweifellos als Beweis von Han-
delsbeziehungen bzw. -aktivitäten mit dem Ausland gewertet werden.
Ob diese Byzanz und die Dänen oder Byzanz und das Frankenreich be-
trafen, ist nicht genauer zu konkretisieren, weil Haithabu damals zum
„Zankapfel“ zwischen den Dänen und dem Ostfränkischen (Römisch-
Deutschen) Reich wurde 31.
29
S. zuletzt Jordanov, Corpus, III 801–811A, wobei für Monomachos anstelle von
Monomachatos als Familienname plädiert wird. Derselben Person wurde zudem ein jün-
gerer Siegeltypus zugewiesen, der ihn als ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ β.
σακελλάριος bezeugt. Dazu s. Jordanov, Corpus, II 481 (ohne Foto); idem, Preslav, 134
(ebenfalls ohne Foto). Der Editor erwog Monomachatos statt Monomachos, weil er eine
Identität mit dem bei Ioannes Skylitzes (ed. Thurn 241.30) erwähnten annahm. Jedoch
war dort der Familienname gekürzt, wie der textkritische Apparat erhellt (Μονομάχος:
μοναχὸς BMH). Cf. zuletzt Cheynet, „Les sceaux du génikon“ 94 (Monomachos).
30
Zuletzt Auktion Gorny & Mosch 191, 2010, Lot 2685, aus Auktion Gorny &
Mosch 108, 2001, Lot 2170.
31
In einer Schlacht im dänisch-ostfränkischen Grenzraum im Jahr 932 oder 934 be-
siegte der ostfränkisch-sächsische König Heinrich I. die Dänen unter König Knut/Knuba I.
Die genauen Auswirkungen auf das Handelszentrum Haithabu wie auch eine angenom-
mene „deutsche“ Oberhoheit über Dänemark sind durch Schriftquellen nicht belegt und
lassen auch die weiteren militärischen und politischen Ereignisse bis ins Jahr 983 in einem

Das dritte Stück (Fundnr. Hb 2003/4347) (Abb. 4) stammt aus dem

späteren 10. Jh., überliefert einen Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ ἐπὶ
τοῦ ἰδικοῦ λόγου und ist von schlechtem Erhaltungszustand, insbesondere
was die Av.-Seite betrifft 32, die eine Büste des hl. Prokopios ziert, umgeben
von der gewöhnlichen Anrufungsumschrift ......ΘΕΙ.Ω...... [+ Κ(ύρι)ε βοή]
θει [τ]ῷ [σῷ δούλῳ]. Zu dieser Erkenntnis kamen wir dank mehrerer sehr
ähnlicher Siegel aus Preslav 33, die wohl auf zwei Typen (mit minimalen
Unterschieden) zurückzuführen sind und von demselben Mann stammen.
Abb. 4. Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἰδικοῦ λόγου
Rv.-Seite in Vergrößerung
ungenauen Licht erscheinen. Cf. K. Ploetz, Auszug aus der Geschichte (Würzburg, 1962),
163; Lexikon des Mittelalters, Band 4 (München, 1989) 1865, s. v. Haithabu (Ch. Radtke);
hierzu kritisch J. Fried, „Wendezeiten. Ein Jahrhundert der Krisen und Haithabus Unter-
gang, zugleich eine Entmythologisierung“, in V. Hilberg (Hrsg.), Haithabu 983–1066. Der
Untergang eines dänischen Handelszentrums in der späten Wikingerzeit. Mit Beiträgen von
J. Fried – B. Gratuze – S. Merkel – I. Pactat. Ausgr. Haithabu 19 (in Druck für 2022).
32
Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139, Abb. 10.2, S. 140. Für den Av. wurde
eine Kreuzdarstellung suggeriert. Zur genauen Fundstelle s. Abb. 9, Hb 2003/4385, S. 138.
33
S. zuletzt Jordanov, Corpus, III 887–95 (dort wird allerdings von einem Bullote-
rion ausgegangen).

Das Stück aus Haithabu geht auf ein weiteres Bulloterion zurück, das
unbedeutend jünger ist, eine andere Aufteilung der Legende und teilwei-
se unterschiedliche Schreibweise aufweist (Abb. 4):
+NIK.|ΦΟΡΩR,.|CΠΑΘ,SΕ.|ΙΤ,ΗΔΙΚ|..Γ..
Νικ<η>φόρῳ β(ασιλικῷ) <(πρωτο)>σπαθ(αρίῳ) (καὶ) ἐ<π>ὶ τ(οῦ) (εἰ)

δικ(οῦ) [λό]γ[ου].
Nikephoros war Chef eines anderen Finanzressorts (ἰδικόν/εἰδικόν),

der kaiserlichen Schatzkammer, wo wertvolle Metalle, wie in etwa Gold,
Münzen und andere Luxusgegenstände, sowie Militärmaterialien auf-
bewahrt wurden. Das Ressort händigte darüber hinaus Gelder für den
Ankauf von Ausrüstungen für Flotte und Heer im Rahmen von Kriegs-
expeditionen aus, zudem sorgte es für den notwendigen Unterhalt der
Truppen während solcher Expeditionen.
Angesichts der Tatsache, dass mehrere Exemplare dieses Funktio-
närs in Preslav entdeckt wurden, können letztere präziser in die Zeit der
Etablierung der byzantinischen Herrschaft in Bulgarien unter Ioannes
Tsimiskes (971) eingegrenzt werden. Somit dürfte der konzentrierte
Fund von mehreren Exemplaren in Preslav als Indiz für den Einzug von
gehorteten bulgarischen Ressourcen bzw. wertvollen Gegenständen un-
mittelbar nach dem endgültigen Sieg des Tsimiskes über Svjatoslav, den
Fürsten der Rus’, zu interpretieren sein 34. Für die logistischen Vorberei-
tungen auf den danach wiederaufgenommenen Kampf gegen die Araber
an der Ostgrenze des Reiches (972) 35 haben diese Ressourcen optimale
Verwendung gefunden. Es wäre aber auch nicht ausgeschlossen, dass mit
Ressourcen dieses Finanzressorts um Unterstützung beim dänischen
König angesucht wurde. Somit erscheint Haithabu als Fundort eines
Siegels des damaligen Leiters des (ε)ἰδικόν nicht verwunderlich.
Fassen wir zusammen: Die Siegeltypen des Theodosios πατρίκιος

καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου (1. Hälfte 9. Jh.) sind nicht mit der
Person des Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος in Verbindung zu bringen.
Ihr Fundort spricht eher für die Ausfuhr von Geld bzw. Luxusgütern
aus dem Bestiarion, was dessen Vorsitzender bestätigen musste. Für die
34
Dazu s. ausführlich I. E. Karagiannopulos, Ἱστορία Βυζαντινοῦ Κράτους, ΙΙ.
Ἱστορία Μέσης Βυζαντινῆς Περιόδου (565-1081) (5Thessaloniki, 1993), 412–14, 416–20.
35
Ebenda 421–24.

beiden anderen Siegel, die in Haithabu gefunden wurden, konnten wir,

nicht zuletzt dank einiger Parallelstücke, Korrekturen der bisherigen Le-
sungen und Datierungen anbringen: Die Bleibulle des Paulos Monoma-
chatos (eher als Monomachos) πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός
(1. Hälfte 10. Jh.) ist ein Indiz für Handelsbeziehungen zwischen By-
zanz und den dänischen Wikingern bzw. dem Frankenreich. Das Siegel
des Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καì ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου wiederum
könnte als Hinweis auf die Sendung von Ressourcen des εἰδικόν an den
dänischen König interpretiert werden, in der Hoffnung auf seine Unter-
stützung im Kampf gegen die Araber.

PIETY
Gert Boersema
Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine

Jerusalem Pilgrimage
Jerusalem pilgrimage began almost immediately after the “discovery” of

the Holy Sepulchre in the 320s, during the reign of Constantine. 1 Several
travelers’ diaries are preserved, the earliest of which was written by a pilgrim
from Bordeaux visiting the Holy Land in 333–334. 2 By the sixth century a
vast network of sacred shrines (loca sancta) had evolved, with a supporting
structure of hostels and hospices (xenodocheiα/ξενοδοχεῖα) that accomo-
dated pilgrims who had traveled to the Holy Land from all over the an-
cient world. 3 Jerusalem pilgrimage also had a profound impact on Byzan-
tine material culture. 4 Most notable are the portable “blessings” (εὐλογία)
taken home by pilgrims, like the pewter ampullae associated with the Holy
Sepulchre, 5 and clay tokens, manufactured from earth gathered at the vari-
ous loca sancta, and bearing iconography related to the sites. 6 Two lead seal
1
E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire a.d. 312–460
(Oxford, 1982); P. Maraval, “The Earliest Phase of Christian Pilgrimage in the Near East
(before the 7th Century)”, DOP 56 (2002), 63–74.
2
J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (2Liverpool, 2002 [first edi-
tion 1977]).
3
M. Voltaggio, “‘Xenodochia’ and ‘Hospitia’ in Sixth-Century Jerusalem: Indica-
tors for the Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Places”, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-
Vereins 127, H.2 (2011), 197–210.
4
See G. Vikan, Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Art (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington,
DC, 1982, 22010) for an overview of pilgrimage art throughout the Byzantine empire,
including material outside the scope of this article.
5
A. Grabar, Les ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza-Bobbio) (Paris, 1958); M. C. Ross,
Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collec-
tion, Vol. 1: Metalwork, Ceramics, Glass, Glyptics, Painting (Dumbarton Oakas, Washing-
ton, DC, 1962), 71–72, no. 87; L. Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz – Europas östliches
Erbe (München, 2004), 200, nos 273–75; O. Wulff – W. F. Volbach, Die altchristlichen und
mittelalterlichen byzantinischen und italienischen Bildwerke (Berlin, 1923), 26, no. 6697.
6
R. Camber, “A Hoard of Terracotta Amulets from the Holy Land”, in Actes du
xve Congrès international d’études byzantines, Athènes, Septembre 1976. II. Art et ar-

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132252
Gert Boersema
types currently residing in a private collection are presented here to add

sigillographic evidence to the discussion of early Byzantine pilgrimage.
1. Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross. Paulos (late 6th–1st half

7th century)
From Auction Leu Numismatik 4 (24 June 2018), lot 1496 (part, unattributed),
ed. Boersema & Wassiliou-Seibt (2019), 7 no parallel examples known. Weight:
10.86 gr. Ø 21 mm (total), 17 (field).
Obv. Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross: a Greek cross sur-

mounted by a bust of Christ wearing a nimbus cruciger. Below the cross,
two pilgrims on either side, raising their hands in veneration. In the out-
er fields, the two crucified thieves, with their hands behind their backs.
Fig. 1. Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross. Paulos
Rev. Cruciform monogram A, Λ, O, Π and V for Παύλου.
An identical scene appears on a contemporaneous seal bearing a mono-

gram of the name Elpidios (Ἐλπιδίου) on its reverse 8. Another contem-
poraneous seal shows the Crucifixion without the pilgrims (fig. 2). The
reverse has a cruciform monogram identifying the seal’s owner Stepha-
chéologie (Athens, 1981), 99–106; L. Y. Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet
She’an”, Atiqot 22 (1993), 109–19. Vikan, Pilgrimage Art,31–40.
7
G. Boersema – A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, “Seltene Heilige und eine bibli
sche Szene auf byzantinischen Siegeln einer niederländischen Privatsammlung” in
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. A tribute to Prof. Ivan Jordanov’s 70th anniver-
sary (Shumen, 2019), 108–21, no. 8.
8
N. P. Lichačev, Istoričeskoe značenie italo-grečeskoj ikonopisi. Izobraženija Bogo-
materi v proizvedenijach italo-grečeskich ikonopiscev i ich vlijanie na kompozicii nĕkotorych
russkich ikon (St Petersburg, 1911), 141, fig. 325 (dated 5th–7th century); Boersema –
Wassiliou-Seibt, “Seltene Heilige”, 119.

Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage
nos (Στεφάνου). 9 The Crucifixion could be presented in several different

ways by early Byzantine image-makers, adding and leaving out narrative
elements. Elaborate Crucifixion scenes, including the figures of Lon
ginus and Stephaton and Mary and John are found in the illuminated
Rabula Gospels in Florence and on the painted panel of the Sancta
Sanctorum “blessings” box in the Vatican, both from the sixth century.
On smaller media, the scene appears in a basic design that is similar to
the seal of Stephanos, without the pilgrims, or it is reduced to a bust
of Christ on top of a cross. 10 Indeed, the addition of the two adoring
pilgrims is significant. It is indicative that the scene does not only show
the Crucifixion, but rather the Adoration of the Cross – specifically, the
Adoration of the relic of the True Cross, which was kept and venerated
in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre until it was captured by the Per-
sians in 614. 11
Fig. 2. Crucifixion without the pilgrims. Stephanos
9
Unpublished. Collection Stephen S. McIntosh, United States (25 mm,
12.00 gr).
10
Ring: C. Stiegemann (ed.), Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osten: Kult und Alltag
im Byzantinischen Reich vom 4. bis 15. Jahrhundert; Katalog der Ausstellung im Erzbi
schöflichen Diözesanmuseum Paderborn (Mainz, 2001), 332, no. IV.72; Armband: G. Vi-
kan, “Art, Medicine, and Magic in Early Byzantium”, DOP 38 (1984), 75; Gems: J. Spier,
Late Antique and Early Christian Gems (Wiesbaden, 2007), 116, nos 676–78 and 127,
no. 713; Ring and gems: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz, 330, nos 663, and 334, 694,
696.
11
Grabar, Les ampoules, 55–56; G. Vikan, “Pilgrims in magi’s clothing: the impact
of mimesis on early Byzantine pilgrimage art”, in G. Vikan (ed.), Sacred images and sa-
cred power in Byzantium (Routlege, 2003), 102–03. For the problematic claim that a me-
morial cross decorated with gems that was gifted by Theodosius II was placed at the rock
of Golgotha, seen by early pilgrims and represented in art, see C. Milner, “Lignum Vitae’
or ‘Crux Gemmata’? The Cross of Golgotha in the Early Byzantine Period”, BMGS 20
(1996), 77–99.

Gert Boersema
The scene of the Adoration of the Cross appears notably on the pew-
ter “Monza-Bobbio” ampullae, provenanced to sixth century Palestine.
These exquisitely manufactured ampullae were used by pilgrims to carry
home oil or holy water from the Holy Sepulchre. The ampullae show the
Adoration scene in a number of variations (see fig. 3).
Fig. 3. Adoration of the Cross and the Women at the Tomb on a “Monza-Bob-
bio” ampulla for holy oil: Ἔλαιον ξύλου ζωῆς τῶν Ἁγίων τοῦ Χριστοῦ Τόπων
One clay token, likely also connected to the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, shows a very similar scene as compared to the seal, the differ-
ence being that Christ is shown full-length and his arms are outstretched. 12
The same design appears on a sixth century amuletic copper-alloy pen-
dant. The inscription shows that the cross is central to the significance
of the scene: Σταυρὲ βοήθει Ἀβαμούν (“Cross, help Abamoun”). 13 On
this amulet, the Adoration of the Cross is paired with the scene of the
Women at the Tomb, a connection that is also frequently encountered
on the Monza-Bobbio ampullae, 14 evidently because Christ’s tomb and
12
G. Vikan, “Two unpublished pilgrim tokens in the Benaki Museum and the
group to which they belong”, in Vikan (ed.), Sacred images, 341–46. Variant versions of
the Adoration of the Cross appear on 5 clay tokens from 2 moulds. The first shows two
angels, with veiled hands, adoring a cross set upon a substantial base and surmounted by
a titulus (Camber, “A Hoard”, 104 nos 55–56). The other shows a bust of Christ at the
top of an indistinct cross set upon rocks (Camber, l. c., 104, no. 54).
13
Now in the Cabinet des médailles, Paris, from Egypt (?). G. Schlumberger,
“Quelques monuments byzantins inédits”, BZ 2 (1893), 187–88; Vikan, Pilgrimage Art, 65.
14
A group of lead medaillic pendant amulets, possibly also connected to the Holy
Sepulchre, show the same combination of scenes: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz,

the rock of Golgotha were the loca sancta of the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre.
2. Women at the Tomb and Cross. Uncertain (late 6th–1st half 7th
century)
From Auction Ares 4 (24 November 2019), lot 1627 (unattributed), unedited,

no parallel examples known. A generally well-preserved gray seal. Some break-
age at both channel mouths. Weight: 11.14 gr. Ø 23 mm (total), 18 mm (field).
Obv. The Women at the Tomb or the Myrrh Bearers: the empty tomb
of Christ surmounted by a cross. To the left, a nimbate angel is standing
facing right, raising his right hand, and holding a scepter in his left. To
the right, the two women, standing facing left. Likely both are nimbate,
but only for the woman on the left a nimbus can be seen.
Fig. 4. Women at the Tomb and Cross. Eucharistos eparchos/Aretarchos epar-

chos (?) (reverse detail in enlargement)
Rev. Large “palm” cross with two small diagonal lines at its base. The
cross is set on three large globular rocks. Below, to the left of the broken
out channel, two curved lines flowing towards the left. The reading of
the cruciform monograms on both sides of the “palm” cross is uncer-
tain because of their insufficient preservation. The monogram on the left
could be read as Εὐχαρίστου or Ἀρετάρχου if the letter in the center is a
rho including an omikron. Without the rho we could suppose ἐλαχίστου
as an expression of humility for a cleric. The monogram on the right
could be read as ἐπάρχου (prefect), if epsilon and chi are assumed on
200, nos 273–75. Some Monza-Bobbio ampullae also pair the Adoration of the Cross
with the Ascension: Grabar, Les ampoules, 26–27, 29–30 (Monza ampullae 10, 11, 14).
This pairing also occurs on a type of copper-alloy amulet: Wulff – Volbach, Bildwerke,
45, no. 6726. An unpublished parallel is in the British Museum, ac. no. 1923, 1103.22.

Gert Boersema
the right side. If there was only chi, ὑπάρχου (another form of ἐπάρχου)
would be a possibility. Another hypothesis would be πατριάρχου, if tau
would be read in the center. Concludingly, these possibilities can be sug-
gested: a) Εὐχαρίστου ἐπάρχου/ὑπάρχου or Ἀρετάρχου ἐπάρχου/ὑπάρχου,
and b) ἐλαχίστου πατριάρχου without mention of a personal name.
All four Gospels tell the story of the women preparing to anoint the
body of Christ, only to find his empty tomb. 15 The only sphragistic par-
allel for this narrative scene, alluding to the Resurrection of Christ, is a
seal in the Zacos collection. 16 Apart from seals, imagery of the Women
at the Tomb is encountered on multiple media in early Byzantine times. 17
Most notably, as mentioned above, the scene occurs on the Monza-Bob-
bio ampullae (see fig. 3). 18 As on the seal, the angel is raising his right
hand in a gesture of speech. His words appear in the usual legend: ἀνέστι
ὁ Κύριος (“the Lord has risen!”). By the sixth century, the representation
of Christ’s tomb in Byzantine art had come to be modelled on the actual
shrine (aedicula) built over the locus sanctus in the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre. 19 In many depictions, including this seal, the grillwork of the
metal doors allowing entrance to the tomb can be discerned.
The “palm” cross as it appears on the reverse of this seal (see detail in
fig. 4) is also found on several Monza-Bobbio ampullae, usually as part
of the Adoration scene. 20 In Christianity the palm symbolizes Paradise
15
Matthew 28:1–10; Mark 16:1–8; Luke 24:1–12; John 20:1–10.
16
Zacos – Veglery 2964, cited by J. Cotsonis, “Narrative Scenes on Byzantine Lead
Seals (Sixth–Twelfth Centuries): Frequency, Iconography, and Clientele”, Gesta 48/1
(2009), 59–60 and figure 1.
17
Rings: Stiegemann (ed.), Byzanz, 332, no. IV.73; Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von
Byzanz, 330, no. 664; Armbands: G. Vikan, “Two Byzantine Amuletic Armbands
and the Group to Which They Belong”, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 49/50
(1991/1992), 33–51; Gems: J. Spier, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems (Wies-
baden, 2007), 116, nos 679, 680; Lead amuletic pendants: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von
Byzanz, 200, nos 273–75.
18
Grabar, Les ampoules, 18–30 (Monza ampullae 2–3, 5–15) and 34–36, 39–40
(Bobbio ampullae 3–7, 15–18). The clay tokens only show the angel at the tomb (Cam-
ber, “A Hoard”, 104 nos 49–53).
19
C. R. Morey, “The Painted Panel from the Sancta Sanctorum”, in P. Clemen
et al. (eds), Festschrift zum sechzigsten Geburtstag von Paul Clemen, 31. Oktober 1926
(Bonn, 1926), 150–66; Grabar, Les ampoules, 58; Vikan, Pilgrimage Art, 19–20. The
most elaborate depictions of the tomb also include a representation of the Anastasis ro-
tunda that surrounded the tomb aedicula.
20
Grabar, Les ampoules, 24–27 (Monza ampullae 9–11) and 33–37 (Bobbio am-
pullae 1–8).

and the formation of palm leafs as a Cross expresses that Eternal Life is
found in Paradise. Monza ampulla 10 (see fig. 3) shows a “palm” cross
set upon the three-lobed rock of Golgotha and the four rivers of Para-
dise flowing beneath, to left and right. All of these elements appear on
the seal, although the two rivers flowing to the right are missing due
to breakage on the channel mouth. This particular cross design likely
alludes to the relic of the True Cross being the “Wood of Life” (ξύλον
ζωῆς), an epithet that occurs in the usual circular legend of these ampul-
lae. The streams of Paradise also identify the cross of Golgotha as such,
by alluding to the “Tree of Life” that was planted in the Garden of Eden. 21
The large central cross on this seal may thus be connected to the cross
on Golgotha and more specifically, to the relic of the True Cross. The
two cruciform monograms flanking the central cross may even be in-
terpreted as a visual allusion to the three crosses of the Crucifixion. The
“palm” cross imagery has no parallel on seals, but a seal in Dumbarton
Oaks shows a simple Latin cross on the three-lobed rock of Golgotha. Its
owner is identified on the reverse with a block monogram of the name
Paulos (Παύλου) (late sixth–early seventh century). The seal is published
by G. Zacos and A. Veglery, and reviewed and discussed by A. Wassiliou-
Seibt in her article devoted to the topic of the Cross, partially on coins
and especially on seals. 22 Finally, it should be noted that the pairing of
the Cross imagery with the scene of the Women at the Tomb on both
sides of this seal is once again indicative of its connection to Jerusalem
pilgrimage, specifically to the Holy Sepulchre.
It may be assumed that the choice to adorn these seals with these
particular images was a result of their owners’ personal experiences as
pilgrims to the loca sancta of late sixth–seventh century Palestine.
21
Genesis 2:10–14. C. Milner, “‘Lignum Vitae’”, 91; Vikan, “Pilgrims”, 102.
22
Zacos – Veglery 1363 (“cross on hill?”, proposed date: 550–650); A.-K. Wassi
liou-Seibt, “Σύμβολον ζωηφόρον. Παραστάσεις σταυρών σε βυζαντινά μολυβδόβουλλα”, in
Th. Korres et al. (eds), Φιλοτιμία. Τιμητικός τόμος για την ομότιμη καθηγήτρια Αλκμήνη
Σταυρίδου-Ζαφράκα (Thessaloniki, 2011), 674, with note 34, and figure 2. A German
summary with the main results of the article on the pages 684–85. – Cf. also the seal da-
tabase from Dumbarton Oaks https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/
BZS.1958.106.4469/view, without mention of the former publications. Proposed date:
6th/7th c.

TECHNOLOGY AND
MANAGEMENT
Maria Teresa Catalano
Nutzen und Grenzen der RTI-Fotografie

am Beispiel von zwei stark beschädigten
byzantinischen Bleisiegeln
Ein beträchtlicher Anteil von Bleisiegeln kann bislang aufgrund einer

stark beschädigten Oberfläche entweder nur unvollständig oder gar
nicht gelesen werden. In vielen Fällen handelt es sich um Korrosions-
schäden, die die Inschrift lediglich als eine reliefartige Struktur erschei-
nen lassen; in anderen Fällen sind die Buchstaben stark abgeflacht und
nur als einzelne, grobe Elemente erkennbar. Wenn es durch direkte Ins-
pektion des Objekts und Anwendung traditioneller fotografischer Me-
thoden nicht gelingt, eine beschädigte Inschrift zu lesen, kann der Ein-
satz weiterer Techniken hilfreich sein, wie z. B. der Bildgebungstechnik
Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI), 1 die gerade für die byzanti-
nische Sigillographie vielversprechend erscheint. 2
RTI ist schon seit längerem im archäologischen Bereich bekannt,
wo es auf unterschiedliche Materialien, inklusive Metall (z. B. bei alten
Münzen), angewendet worden ist. 3 Seit einigen Jahren wird diese Tech-
nik an der Abteilung für Byzantinistik und Neugriechische Philologie
1
T. Malzbender – D. Gelb – H. Wolters, „Polynomial Texture Maps“, in
L. Pocock (ed.), SIGGRAPH ’01: Proceedings of the 28th Annual Conference on Com-
puter Graphics and Interactive Techniques (New York, 2001), 519–28. Eine gute Ein-
führung in RTI befindet sich auf den Webseiten von Cultural Heritage Imaging:
http://culturalheritageimaging.org/Technologies/RTI/ [17.11.2021].
2
M. T. Catalano – M. Filosa – C. Sode, „Byzantine Seals from the Robert Feind
Collection in Cologne: Research and Publication in the Context of the Digital Huma-
nities“, REB 79 (2021), 297–322, hier 298–304; F. Fischer – S. Makowski, „Digitalisie-
rung von Siegeln mittels Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI)“, Paginae historiae.
Sborník Národního archivu 25/1 (2017), 137–41.
3
M. Mudge – J.-P. Voutaz – C. Schroer – M. Lum, „Reflection Transformation
Imaging and Virtual Representations of Coins from the Hospice of the Grand St. Ber-
nard“, The 6th International Symposium on Virtual Reality, Archaeology and Cultural
Heritage VAST (Pisa, 2005); H. Mytum – J. R. Peterson, „The Application of Reflectan-

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132253
der Universität zu Köln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Cologne Center

for eHumanities (CCeH) an byzantinischen Bleisiegeln erprobt und in-
zwischen erfolgreich eingesetzt. 4
Für die Produktion von RTI-Dateien werden die Siegel zuerst mit
Hilfe einer für diesen Zweck am CCeH gebauten kuppelartigen Konst-
ruktion, die Dome genannt wird, fotografiert. Dabei bleibt die Position
der Kamera unverändert, während das Objekt aus unterschiedlichen
Richtungen beleuchtet und seriell fotografiert wird. Die 60 Aufnahmen
werden dann zu einer einzelnen Datei verarbeitet und können schließ-
lich mit einem RTI-Viewer dynamisch betrachtet werden, indem Licht
aus unterschiedlichen Richtungen auf das Objekt projiziert wird. Ein
Vorteil des RTI-Viewers gegenüber konventionellen Bildgebungsver-
fahren liegt darin, dass er eine detailliertere und stärker reliefierte Dar-
stellung der Oberfläche des Siegels liefert. Während der Analyse können
auch einzelne, schlecht lesbare Zeichen durch eine dynamische Variie-
rung des Lichteinfalls fokussiert werden. Somit können zusätzliche In-
formationen über die Ikonographie und vor allem den Text entschlüsselt
werden.
Wie ein erstes, stark beschädigtes Exemplar aus der Sammlung Ro-
bert Feind (Köln) durch den Einsatz von RTI gelesen werden konnte,
wurde während des 12. Internationalen Symposiums für byzantinische
Sigillographie 2019 in Sankt Petersburg vorgestellt. 5
Gegenstand dieses Beitrags sind zwei weitere Siegel aus der Samm-
lung Feind, die mit der RTI-Technik fotografiert und analysiert wur-
den. Es werden Nutzen und Grenzen des Verfahrens beschrieben und
dadurch die Bedeutung der RTI-Fotografie für die Erforschung byzanti-
nischer Bleisiegel aufgezeigt.
Für die Studie wurden zwei stark beschädigte Stücke ausgewählt,
deren Inschriften nicht oder nur teilweise lesbar waren. Das Siegel der
Anna zeigt eine stark abgeflachte, fast komplett abgenutzte Oberfläche;
das Siegel des Georgios ist stark korrodiert. Bei beiden ist aber die relief-
artige Struktur der Inschrift noch vorhanden, weshalb sie für die Unter-
suchung mit RTI geeignet sind.
ce Transformation Imaging (RTI) in Historical Archaeology“, Historical Archaeology 52

(2018), 489–503.
4
Catalano – Filosa – Sode, „Byzantine Seals“, 301–04.
5
M. T. Catalano, „RTI: A User-Friendly Imaging Technology Applied in Byzan-
tine Sigillography“, 12th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (St Peters-
burg 28.-30. Mai, 2019); teilweise publiziert in Catalano – Filosa – Sode, „Byzantine
Seals“, 298–304.

NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL
Anna, Tochter des Isaakios, Bruder des Kaisers Ioannes II. Komnenos
Inv.-Nr.: Sammlung Robert Feind, S-81.

Maße: Durchmesser 22 mm, Gewicht 6,4 gr.
Beschreibung: Nach oben dezentriert. Ein Teil des Stücks Av. rechts, Rv. links
fehlt. Abgeflachte, fast komplett abgenutzte Oberfläche auf beiden Seiten.
Grünbeige Patina.
Unpubliziert.
//: (1) Regional Historical Museum, Shumen, Nr. 15074; (2) unbekannte
Privatsammlung (ursprünglich aus Bulgarien); 6 (3) Archäologisches Muse-
um, Nessebar, Nr. 2150.
Ed. der //: (1) Jordanov – Zhekova, Nr. 390; (2) Münz Zentrum, Auktion
97 (6.-8. Januar 1999), Los. 790 (= SBS 8 [2003], 241, Los. 790); I. Jordanov,
„Pečati na imperatorskata familija Komnini-Angeli (1081–1203) ot teritorija-
ta ne dnešna Bŭlgarija“ Pliska-Preslav 9 (2003), 25-59, Nr. 12; idem, Corpus II,
Nr. 319; Münz Zentrum, Auktion 152 (2.-3. September 2009), Los 931 (= SBS
12 [2006], 180, Nr. 931); (1) (2) (3) Jordanov, Corpus III, Nr. 422–24; Wassili-
ou, Corpus I, Nr. 118; R. Feind, Verse auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln. Teil I: A-Π
(Regenstauf, 2012), Nr. 92.
Datierung: 1138 bis um die Mitte des 12. Jh.
Feind S-81 fotografiert mit Spiegelreflexkamera Canon EOS 300D und Mak-
ro-Objektiv. Fotos: Robert Feind
6
Das Stück wurde erstmals von A. Peikov und Pl. Pavlov in einem Abstract für
das 6. Internationale Symposium für byzantinische Sigillographie (Veliki Preslav, 16.-
18. September, 1998) beschrieben und stammt aus der Region von Nova und Stara Za-
gora. I. Jordanov erkannte das Siegel wieder, als es ein Jahr später im Auktionskatalog
Münz Zentrum, Los 790, angeboten wurde, s. Jordanov, Corpus II, 213–14, Nr. 319.

Feind S-81, Aufnahmen erzeugt mit dem RTI-Viewer und dem Filter „Diffuse
Gain“.
Bei diesem Stück sind die einzelnen Buchstaben gut abgrenzbar,

wegen der stark abgeflachten Oberfläche konnten bei der direkten In-
spektion und anhand der Standardaufnahmen aber nur wenige Zei-
chen entziffert werden. Lediglich die letzte Zeile des Reverses konnte
als .ωανν. (Ioannes) gedeutet werden. Da die Profile der Buchstaben
aber zu erkennen sind, erschien eine weitere Analyse des Siegels mit dem
RTI-Verfahren sinnvoll.
Mit den RTI-Aufnahmen war es möglich, einen Großteil der Zei-
chen bzw. Zeilen beider Seiten sowie einen fast vollständigen neuen Na-
men in der letzten Zeile des Averses zu lesen: σαακιο., Isaakios. Die
Buchstaben φργι (σφραγίς) auf dem Avers deuten auf eine Datierung
ab dem 11. Jh. und vielleicht auf ein metrisches Siegel hin. Trotz der
guten Lesbarkeit der RTI-Aufnahmen konnte (mit diesen allein) die In-
schrift nicht vollständig rekonstruiert werden.
Die ersten Versuche, den Siegelinhaber mit der Hilfe einer Siegel-
Datenbank 7 als Isaakios oder Ioannes zu identifizieren, waren erfolglos.
Erst eine allgemeine Suche nach dem Vorkommen beider Namen auf
Siegellegenden führte zu den Parallelstücken. Dadurch wurden die feh-
lenden Teile der Inschrift ergänzt, und es stellte sich heraus, dass die erste
Zeile des Averses auf dem untersuchten Stück vollständig fehlt.
Nun konnte der Avers mit einer Legende in vier Zeilen rekonstru-
iert werden. Als Zierelemente befinden sich unterhalb der Inschrift zwei
Striche; die ursprünglich oberhalb der Inschrift vorhandene Verzierung
ist nicht erhalten. Der Perlrand ist teilweise erkennbar.
7
Es handelt sich um die private Siegel-Datenbank von Robert Feind, die er
freundlicherweise zur Verfügung gestellt hat.

.....|.υ̣γa
̣ τρ̣ ..|.φργι..|σαακιου̣|
[Ἄννης θ]υγατρ[ὸς σ]φραγὶ[ς Ἰ]σαακίου
Der Revers zeigt auf den RTI-Aufnahmen eine Legende in vier Zei-
len und darunter Striche als Zierelemente. Der Perlrand ist kaum mehr
sichtbar.
.δελ|.α̣νακτο.|ε ̣υ̣σεrου.|ιωανν| 
[ἀ]δελ[φ]άνακτο[ς] εὐσεβοῦ[ς] Ἰωάννου
Die Inschrift ist metrisch und besteht aus zwei Zwölfsilbern. 8 Die
Siegelnde ist Anna Komnene 9, Tochter des sebastokrator Isaakios Kom-
nenos 10 und somit Nichte des Kaisers Ioannes II. Die Besonderheit der
Legende besteht darin, dass Isaakios und Ioannes in Annas Familiendar-
stellung zusammen erwähnt werden, obwohl sie im Datierungszeitraum
unseres Siegels verfeindet waren.
I. Jordanov datiert den Siegeltyp in die Zeit zwischen 1130, dem
Jahr der Hochzeit der 14-jährigen Anna mit Ioannes Arbantenos 11 und
1143, dem Todesjahr des Kaisers Ioannes II. 12 Das Jahr 1130 ist ein
Wendepunkt in der Beziehung zwischen Ioannes II. und Isaakios, denn
nach Annas Hochzeit wurde eine Verschwörung gegen den Kaiser auf-
gedeckt, und Isaakios musste als einer der Hauptdrahtzieher ins Ausland
fliehen. Er verbrachte die folgenden Jahre im Exil am Hof verschiedener
Herrscher, von Nordanatolien bis Armenien, wo er Verbündete such-
te und seine Umsturzpläne weiter verfolgte. 13 Im Jahr 1138 versöhnten
sich Isaakios und Ioannes II., als dieser sich auf dem Rückweg von sei-
nem Syrien-Feldzug befand, und beide zogen Anfang 1139 zusammen
8
Die Lesung ἀδελφάνακτος ermöglicht die Einordnung der Inschrift des Rever-
ses als Zwölfsilber, s. W. Seibt, „I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine seals from Bulgaria II,
bespr. von W. Seibt“, BZ 101 (2008), 819–26, hier 821.
9
PBW, Anna 20121; Κ. Barzos, Ἡ γενεαλογία τῶν Κομνηνῶν I (Thessaloniki,
1984), 488–92, Anna Komnene 86.
10
PBW, Isaakios 102; Barzos I 238–54, Isaakios Komnenos 36.
11
PBW, Ioannes 450; s. auch Ioannes 20286.
12
Jordanov, Corpus II, 214, Nr. 319.
13
Zum Kontext der Verschwörung und den ersten Jahren danach: P. Magdalino,
„The triumph of 1133“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds.), John II Komnenos,
Emperor of Byzantium: In the Shadow of Father and Son (London, 2016), 53–70, hier
62–66; zu Isaakiosʾ Ambition und Programm s. K. Linardou, „Imperial impersonations:
Disguised portraits of a Komnenian prince“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds.),
John II Komnenos, 154–82, hier 155–59.

in Konstantinopel ein. 14 Aus dieser Zeit stammen drei Gedichte des

Theodoros Prodromos sowie ein Enkomium in Prosa zu Ehren des Isaa-
kios, die die neu gewonnene Nähe bezeugen. 15 Diese hielt aber nicht
lange: bald kam es wieder zum Zerwürfnis und der sebastokrator begab
sich erneut ins Exil nach Heraclea Pontica, aus dem er erst nach Manuels
Thronbesteigung im Jahr 1143 zurückkehrte. 16
Die Inschrift auf Annas Siegel betont in erster Linie die Verbindung
der Siegelnden zur Familie der Komnenen und zum Kaiser. Es fällt auf,
dass sie sich dabei nicht als sebaste vorstellt und somit auf den Titel ihres
Mannes verzichtet. 17 Die Erwähnung der beiden rivalisierenden Brüder
könnte ein Hinweis darauf sein, dass das Siegel aus der kurzen Phase der
Versöhnung nach 1138 stammt. Alternativ könnte es auch nach dem Tod
des Ioannes II. im Jahr 1143 entstanden sein. Eine frühere Datierung um
das Jahr 1130, vor Annas Ehe und bevor die Verschwörung des Isaakios
aufgedeckt wurde, ist aus paläografischen Gründen 18 unwahrscheinlich. 19
Die wenigen verfügbaren Informationen über Anna und ihren Mann
Ioannes Arbantenos deuten an, dass das Paar treu zum Kaiser stand. Io-
annes Arbantenos können zwei Siegeltypen zugeschrieben werden, de-
ren Avers eine Darstellung des hl. Theodoros zeigt. Auf einem Exemplar
14
Nicetas Choniates 32.31–33.59 [I. van Dieten (ed.), Nicetae Choniatae Historia
(CFHB 11) (Berlin, 1975)]. Der Kaiser blieb kurz in der Hauptstadt und begab sich
schon in den ersten Monaten des Jahres 1139 auf einen Feldzug in das Sangariosgebiet, s.
Niketas Choniates 33.61–63 und Kommentar dazu in R. Maisano (ed.), Niceta Coniata.
Grandezza e catastrofe di Bisanzio I (Mailand, 1994), 539, Anm. 176. Zur Versöhnung s.
M. Ch. G. Lau, The Reign of Emperor John II Komnenos, 1087–1143: The Transformation
of the Old Order (Diss. University of Oxford, 2015), 258; Barzos I, 243–44. P. Magdali-
no datiert die Rückkehr des Isaakios nach Konstantinopel in das Jahr, 1136, s. P. Magda-
lino, The empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180 (Cambridge, 1993), 193.
15
Prodromos 107–08; 109; 110–11 und 112–17 [E. Kurtz (ed.), „Unedierte Tex-
te aus der Zeit des Kaisers Johannes Komnenos“, BZ 16 (1907), 69–119]; Prodromos,
Nr. XL–XLII [W. Hörandner (ed.), Theodoros Prodromos. Historische Gedichte (Wien,
1974)].
16
Kinnamos 32.8–22 [A. Meineke (ed.), Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab Ioan-
ne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum (Bonn, 1836)]. Das Exil des Isaakios nach Heraclea fand
laut Kinnamos in der Kaiserzeit des Ioannes II. statt – vermutlich nicht lange nach 1139,
s. Barzos I, 244–45; Linardou, „Imperial impersonations“, 158–59. P. Magdalino sieht
in der Verbannung eine Vorsichtsmaßnahme in Verbindung mit dem Tod des Ioannes im
Jahr 1143, s. Magdalino, Manuel, 193.
17
Dazu s. Jordanov, Corpus II, 214, Nr. 319.
18
Das Zeichen  wird frühestens ab den 30er Jahren des 12. Jh. wieder verwendet,
s. Dated Seals, 163.
19
Ich danke dem Gutachter für den Vorschlag der Datierung des Siegels nach dem
Tod des Kaisers sowie für den Hinweis, dass Paläographie und Gesamtgestaltung des
Stückes für eine Zeit nach 1140 bzw. Mitte des 12. Jh. sprechen.

präsentiert er sich mit dem Titel sebastos, den er vermutlich nach der
Eheschließung mit Anna erhalten hatte. 20 Im Typikon des Pantokrator-
Klosters in Konstantinopel 21 aus dem Jahr 1136 wird er vom Kaiser als
ὁ ἐπ’ ἀνεψιᾷ γαμβρὸς τῆς βασιλείας μου, ὁ πανσέβαστος σεβαστὸς κῦρις
Ἰωάννης ὁ Ἀρβαντηνός bezeichnet und es wird erwähnt, dass er dem
Kloster unter anderem Landgüter gestiftet hat und dort auch sein Grab
sein wird. 22 Das Pantokrator-Kloster wurde als Familienmausoleum ge-
gründet. Dass Arbantenos dort begraben werden durfte ist ein Hinweis
auf die gute Beziehung zwischen ihm und Ioannes II.
Anlässlich der Stiftung von encheiria für die Ikone der Theotokos
Hodegetria durch Anna bzw. Ioannes Arbantenos verfasste der Dichter
Nikolaos Kallikles zwei Epigramme, in denen sich die beiden Stifter je-
weils in der ersten Person an die Muttergottes wenden. 23
In dem einen Gedicht bittet Arbantenos sie um das Wohlwollen des
Kaisers sowie um Nachkommen. Außerdem dankt er ihr, weil sie ihm zu
Ruhm verholfen und ihn durch seine Ehe in Verbindung mit der Kaiser-
familie gebracht hat.
20
Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 44 (Kommentar zu Nr. 24). Weitere Siegeltypen mit die-
sem Namen s. in Šandrovskaja – Seibt, Nr. 23; 24; 28. Wie aus den Kommentaren zu
Nr. 24 und 28 hervorgeht, ist es nicht immer möglich, diese Siegel dem sebastos Arbante-
nos zuzuschreiben, dazu s. auch Jordanov, Corpus, II, Nr. 59; Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, Nr. 24;
Laurent, Bulles métriques, Nr. 179.
21
P. Magdalino, „The Foundation of the Pantokrator Monastery in Its Urban Set-
ting“, in S. Kotzabassi (ed.), The Pantokrator Monastery in Constantinople (Boston-Ber-
lin, 2013), 33–55; R. Ousterhout, „Architecture, Art and Komnenian Ideology at the
Pantokrator Monastery“, in N. Necipoğlu (ed.), Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments,
Topography and Everyday Life (Leiden – Boston – Köln, 2001), 133–53; idem, „Archi-
tecture and patronage in the age of John II“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds),
John II Komnenos, 135–54.
22
P. Gautier, „L’obituaire du typikon du Pantocrator“, REB 27 (1969), 235–62, hier
241.85–97; idem, „Le typikon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator“, REB 32 (1974), 1–145,
hier 45.270–47.288; D. Stathakopoulos, „John II Komnenos: a historiographical essay“,
in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds), John II Komnenos, 1–10, hier 6–7. P. Gau-
tier identifiziert Ioannes Arbantenos mit einem Ravendinos, der aus einer lateinischen
Quelle als Abgesandter des Kaisers Ioannes II. im Fürstentum von Antiochia in den Jah-
ren 1119–1123 bekannt ist; auch K. Barzos erzählt in Annas Biographie die abenteuer-
liche Mission des Abgesandten. V. Šandrovkaja und W. Seibt halten es für unsicher oder
gar unwahrscheinlich, dass es sich um denselben Mann handelt, s. Gautier, „Obituaire“,
260–62; Barzos I, 489–91; Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 44 (Kommentar zu Nr. 24).
23
Kallikles, Nr. 1. und Nr. 26 [R. Romano (ed.), Nicola Callicle. Carmi (Napoli,
1980)]. Dazu s. I. Drpić, Epigram, Art, and Devotion in Later Byzantium (Cambridge,
2016), 85–87; 103–05; V. Nunn, „The Encheirion as adjunct to the Icon in the Middle
Byzantine Period“, BMGS 10 (1986), 73–102, hier 99–100; M. Grünbart, Inszenierung
und Repräsentation der byzantinischen Aristokratie vom 10. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert (Pa-
derborn, 2015), 152.

Annas Gedicht ist politischer. Sie sucht die Gunst der Muttergottes,
weil sie schwanger ist und ihr Mann krank. Dabei bezeichnet sie sich
selbst stolz als „sebaste, Spross aus dem Stamm der Komnenen“, und
ihren Mann als „treuen Diener des Kaisers“. 24 Es handelt sich hierbei
nicht um rein rhetorische Wendungen, sondern – angesichts der Tatsa-
che, dass sich ihr Vater Isaakios in dieser Zeit auf der Flucht im Ausland
befand 25 – um eine Loyalitätsbekundung gegenüber Ioannes II.
Im Online-Katalog der byzantinischen Bleisiegel von Dumbarton
Oaks befinden sich zwei Siegeltypen einer Anna Komnene sebaste 26. Der
Avers zeigt in beiden Fällen eine Muttergottes in Orans-Haltung mit
Christusmedaillon. Eine Identifizierung mit unserer Anna ist möglich,
kann aber nicht gesichert werden.
Siegel des Georgios
Inv.-Nr.: Sammlung Robert Feind, SB-448.

Maße: Durchmesser 28 mm, Gewicht 22,1 gr.
Beschreibung: leicht nach unten dezentriert; Randverlust. Der Avers ist im lin-
ken Bereich stark eingedrückt und zum Großteil zerstört. Starke Korrosions-
schäden. Schwarzbeige Patina.
Unpubliziert.
//: -
Datierung: 11.-12. Jh.
Feind SB-448, fotografiert mit einer Spiegelreflexkamera Canon EOS 300D

und Makro-Objektiv. Fotos: Robert Feind
24
Ἄννῃ σεβαστῇ, Κομνηνῶν ῥίζης κλάδῳ und τῷ βασιλεῖ φύλαττε πιστὸν οἰκέτην, s.
Kallikles, Nr. 26.14 und 26.23.
25
Beide Epigramme sind vermutlich nicht lange nach der Hochzeit, also auf An-
fang der 1130er Jahre zu datieren, da das Paar noch kinderlos ist.
26
DO BZS.1958.106.4049 und DO BZS.1958.106.1795.

Feind SB-448, Aufnahmen erzeugt mit dem RTI-Viewer und den Filtern
„Diffuse Gain“ (oben) und „Specular Enhancement“ (unten).
Auch bei diesem zweiten Stück ist die Oberfläche beidseitig sehr
mitgenommen, teils abgerieben und gebrochen, teils aufgeraut. Bei der
direkten Inspektion und anhand der Standardaufnahmen ließ sich die
stehende Figur auf dem Avers als der hl. Georgios identifizieren, da die
Beischrift rechts im Feld noch vorhanden ist: γ̣ε-ωρ-γι-οσ, [ὁ ἅ(γιος)]
Γεώργιος.
Der Revers weist eine Legende in fünf Zeilen mit wenigen noch les-
baren Zeichen auf: T, C, MA jeweils am Anfang der zweiten, dritten und
vierten Zeile; E in der Mitte der fünften.
Da die Reliefabdrücke der meisten Zeichen aber zu erkennen sind,
erschien eine weitere Analyse des Siegels mit dem RTI-Verfahren auch
hier sinnvoll. Mithilfe der produzierten RTI-Aufnahmen ließ sich ein
Großteil der Inschrift rekonstruieren, und es ergab sich folgende Lesung:
..|Του..|συν.νιμ|Μαρτυσ|σκεπιc ̣
... συνώνιμον μάρτυς σκέπις

Die Anwendung verschiedener im RTI-Viewer verfügbarer Filter

war für die Lesbarkeit entscheidend, und insbesondere der Filter „Spe-
cular Enhancement“ erwies sich als hilfreich, um die einzelnen Zeichen
korrekt voneinander abzugrenzen und ihr Profil zu erkennen.
Die Lesung der ersten zwei Zeilen bleibt problematisch. Vor allem
im oberen rechten Feld ist das Buchstabenrelief so stark aufgeraut bzw.
abgetragen, dass Informationen verlorenen gegangen sind. Auch die
RTI-Bilder konnten dort keine gesicherten Daten liefern, sondern er-
laubten höchstens Spekulationen über einzelne Zeichen. So könnte ein
αI, δI oder ΛI am Anfang der ersten Zeile stehen und vielleicht ein M am
Ende der zweiten.
Für die Ergänzung der Legende erfolgte eine Suche nach einem
passenden Familiennamen in der Datenbank, die allerdings zu keinem
Ergebnis führte. Denkbar wäre in diesem Fall eine Lesung mit einem
Partizip, wie z. B. αἰτοῦντα με συνώνιμον μάρτυς σκέπις, die hypothetisch
bleibt. Die Rekonstruktion der Legende ist somit zwar auch mit RTI
nicht vollständig möglich, kann aber in der Zukunft gegebenenfalls
durch ein Parallelstück ermöglicht werden.
Zusammenfassung
Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zweier stark beschädigter Siegel
mit der RTI-Technik zeigen den Nutzen, aber auch die Grenzen dieses
Verfahrens für den Einsatz in der byzantinischen Sigillographie.
Im Vergleich zu gängigen Bildgebungsverfahren können RTI-Auf-
nahmen die reliefartige Struktur der Siegeloberfläche detaillierter dar-
stellen und die Analyse und Lesbarkeit der Inschrift bzw. der ikono-
grafischen Details verbessern. Vor allem kaum lesbare Siegel, die starke
Beschädigungen und Abnutzungsspuren aufweisen, kommen für das
Verfahren in Frage, wenn die Umrisse der Legende auf der Oberfläche
noch erkennbar sind und der Materialverlust nicht zu erheblich ist. Auf
den RTI-Aufnahmen werden die einzelnen Zeichen hervorgehoben,
wodurch zumindest Teile der Inschrift erschlossen werden können.
Selbst wenn die Legende nicht vollständig gedeutet werden kann, ist auf
Basis der neu gewonnen Informationen die Suche nach Parallelstücken
möglich. Dem Siegel von Anna konnte so ein zweites Exemplar zuge-
ordnet werden. Beim Siegel des Georgios war das bislang nicht möglich.

An Grenzen stößt die RTI-Technik, wo die reliefartige Struktur der

Prägung zu stark abgetragen bzw. verloren gegangen ist, denn an diesen
Stellen fehlt die Voraussetzung zur Informationsgewinnung.
Die Untersuchung hat gezeigt, dass sich der Einsatz des RTI-Verfah-
rens gerade bei sehr stark beschädigten Siegeln lohnt. In dieser Hinsicht
eröffnet die RTI-Technik der Sigillographie vielversprechende Perspek-
tiven zur weiteren Erschließung von bislang unbeachteten, nicht umfas-
send erforschten Sammlungsstücken.

George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou
Integrated Management of Lead Seals

The Case of the Numismatic Museum, Athens-Greece*
The Sigillographic Collection of the Numismatic Museum at Athens

numbering more than 3,500 specimens and still expanding, constitutes
the fourth largest collection of its kind worldwide, after the larger collec-
tions at the Dumbarton Oaks Centre for Byzantine Studies, Washing-
ton, D.C. (c. 17,000 specimens), the State Hermitage Museum, St Pe-
tersburg (c. 13,000 specimens) and the two sigillographic collections in
Paris, at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Institut Français
d’Etudes Byzantines (both c. 10,000 specimens). 1
A large part of the collection was described systematically for the first
time by Konstantinos Konstantopoulos, a pioneer in the field of Byzan-
tine sigillography and Director of the National Numismatic Museum
between 1928 and 1943, in a series of articles that appeared in the Jour-
nal International d’Archéologie Numismatique (JIAN) between 1902 and
1907. 2 A decade later all these articles were collected in a single volume
entitled Βυζαντιακὰ Μολυβδόβουλλα τοῦ ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἐθνικοῦ Νομισματικoῦ
Μουσείου (Athens 1917). These articles presented acquisitions under the
directorship of Achilles Postolacas (1856–1888), as well as sigillographic
collections given to the Numismatic Museum (e.g. the collections of the
Archaeological Society and the University of Athens) or bought by the
Greek government (e.g. the private collection of Constantine Macrides,
* We would like to thank Christos Stavrakos and Olga Karagiorgou for their help
in preparing this text.
1
On the size of these collections see, Cheynet, Société 1, 3–7.
2
K. M. Konstantopoulos, “Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα”, JIAN 5 (1902), 149–64,
nos 1–52 and 189–228, nos 53–185; 6 (1903), 49–88, nos 186–340 and 333–64,
nos 341–479; 7 (1904), 161–76, nos 480–550 and 255–310, nos 551–774; 8 (1905),
53–102, nos 775–1057 and 195–222, nos 1058–1199; 9 (1906), 61–146, nos 1a–702d;
10 (1907), 47–112, nos 703a–1257 and indices.

©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132254
a Constantinopolitan physician). The wealth of material included in this

publication and presented in the most efficient way by contemporary
standards give to the Numismatic Museum world-wide prominence, as
a major collection of Byzantine lead seals, which continuous to grow
over the years. In the 1920s the Museum acquired the numismatic and
sigillographic collection of Anastasios Stamoulis and the collections of
Ioannis Orphanidis and Savvas Nikolaidis. 3
After 1930 the Museum’s Sigillographic Collection was further en-
riched with excavation finds, further donations and seals bought in auc-
tions. In 1998, on the occasion of the relocation of the Museum’s offices
and galleries from the building of the National Archaeological Museum
to the so-called Ιλίου Μέλαθρον (“Palace of Troy”), built between 1878–
1880 by the famous German architect Ernst Ziller as the mansion of the
archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann, all lead seals acquired since 1930,
mostly Byzantine and to a lesser degree Western medieval, were for the
first time placed as a separate group in their own storeroom. In addition,
lead seals still at that point kept together with some of the Museum’s
numismatic collections (e.g. the Mourouzis and Kantas collections)
were separated and added to the Museum’s main sigillographic collec-
tion. Worth noting among the most recent sigillographic acquisitions of
the Museum (from 1996 onwards) are a number of specimens from the
former collection of George Zacos (1911–1983), a Constantinopolitan
art dealer and great connoisseur of sigillography, which were auctioned
by Spink after the death of this great collector. 4 An indicative specimen
acquired during one of these auctions is the seal of an Anonymous logo
thetes, a member of the renowned family of Palaiologoi 5 (Fig. 1).
3
These collections have also been published by K. M. Konstantopoulos,
Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα. Ἡ συλλογὴ Ἀναστασίου Κ. Π. Σταμούλη, (Athens, 1930); Kolt-
sida-Makre, Mολυβδόβουλλα, reviewed by W. Seibt and A.-K. Wassiliou, BZ 91.1 (1998),
146–50 and J.-Cl. Cheynet, REB 56 (1998), 308–09.
4
On the three main auctions of this important collection see Spink Auction 127
(London, 7 October 1998): Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos (Part I:
nos 1–111); Spink Auction 132 (London, 25 May 1999): Byzantine Seals from the col-
lection of George Zacos (Part II: nos 112–227); Spink Auction 135 (London, 6 Octo-
ber 1999): Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos (Part III: nos 228–331).
On four of the specimens acquired by the Numismatic Museum during these auctions,
see I. Koltsida-Makre, “New acquisitions of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numis-
matic Museum Collections”, SBS 9 (2006), 11–22, esp. pp. 11–15 (nos 1–4).
5
The seal was presented at first in the Sale catalogue Spink Auction 127 (London,
7 October 1998), no. 53 (starting price of £500). Cf. also PBW (2006): http://db.pbw.
kcl.ac.uk/pbw2011/entity/boulloterion/ 3858; I. Koltsida-Makre, New acquisitions of
Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections, SBS 9 (2006)

INTEGrATED MANAGEMENT OF LEAD SEALS
Fig. 1. The seal of an Anonymus Palaiologos, logothetes (late 12th–early

13th c.), Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 725 /1998)
After Konstantopoulos’ death in 1943, the study and publication

of the lead seals at the Athens Numismatic Museum fell into abeyance.
During the last 20 years or so, however, keeping pace with a rising inter-
est in sigillography world-wide, several individual studies and doctoral
dissertations relevant to the sigillographic collection of the Museum
have been published. 6
Museum Practices concerning the recording and

Identification of Lead Seals from Private Collections,
Excavations and Confiscations throughout Greece
Due to the high degree of specialization of its scientific staff, the Nu-
mismatic Museum is the only Special regional Agency of the Ministry
of Culture and Sports, responsible for the identification of all sigillo-
graphic finds. As such, it steadily and unfailingly supports the work of
the Archaeological Service by recording and identifying every type of
seal, including a great number of lead seals. These lead seals (some of
no. 4. See also Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus, I, 1291 and eadem, Corpus, II, 1855 (with refer-
ences).
6
Leaving aside several articles referring to isolated sigillographic holdings of the
Numismatic Museum, we may mention here the publications of I. Koltsida-Makre (see
op. cit., fn. 3) and Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, reviewed by Cl. Sode, BZ 95 (2002), 168–70 and
J. Nesbitt, Speculum 77 (2002), 996–98.

GEOrGE KAKAvAS AND ELENI KONTOU
them in private collections) may enter the Museum as donations (Fig. 2) 7

or confiscations, as excavation finds or purchases, mainly from auctions.
This allows the Museum’s scientific staff to form an almost complete pic-
ture of the lead seals directly or indirectly connected to Greece.
Fig. 2. The seal of Pardos, paraphylax of Abydos (9th c.), Athens, Numismatic
Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2215/2015)
Museum Policy Concerning the Enrichment of Its

Sigillographic Collections
Despite the recent economic difficulties, the Sigillographic Collection
of the Numismatic Museum is constantly expanding as a living organ-
ism, filling the chronological and typological gaps diligently and with
zeal. This conscious and consistent effort may be seen in the accumula-
tion of unique and/or very rare pieces representing all strata of the Byz-
antine society.
Worth noting here, is the enrichment of the Museum’s Sigillographic
Collection through the system of long-term loans. In other words, lead
seals that were originally kept in Archaeological Ephorates or other pe-
ripheral museums in Greece were given over to the Numismatic Mu-
seum, not simply because of its national character, but also because these
finds accord far better with its objectives.
7
This exceptional object has recently enriched the collections of the Numismatic
Museum as a donation by Mr roberto Tzamtzis on October 7, 2015.

Fig. 3. The seal of Symeon Metaphrastes, magistros and logothetes of the dro-
mos (975–990). Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2250Α)
To give but a few examples, worth mentioning is the lead seal of Syme-
on Metaphrastes, who served as logothetes of the dromos under Basil II
(976–1025), 8 the only one of its kind ever to be discovered in Greece 9
(Fig. 3). This lead seal was found near Lamia (Central Greece) by a pri-
vate citizen who then handed it over to the authorities. In March 2016
it was delivered, along with other finds, to the Numismatic Museum, the
state agency responsible for its identification and evaluation.
Fig. 4. The lead seal of Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos (1254–1259 and

1261–1265). Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2086Α)
The lead seal of Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos, the only one, so far,
of its kind in existence, is also worth mentioning (Fig. 4). This lead seal
8
Y. Nikolaou, “Lead Seal of Symeon the Metaphrastes Magister and Logothetes
tou dromou, 975/990”, Noμισματικά Χρονικά 34, (Athens, 2016), 71–83.
9
Two more similar seals, both kept at Dumbarton Oaks, were published by
N. Oikonomides, “Two seals of Symeon Metaphrastes”, DOP 27 (1973), 323–27; Ivan
Jordanov, Corpus ΙΙΙ, nos. 851-54, Sofia, 2009 (with further bibliography).

was confiscated in the region of Thessaly and was brought to the Muse-
um along with the rest of the evidence pertaining to the case in question.
Fig. 5. The metrical lead seal of Ioannes Blachernites, metropolitan of Athens

(1068–1086)
The same procedure will be soon followed in the case of the metri-
cal lead seal with Mother of God in the type of Hodegetria belonging
to Ioannes Blachernites, metropolitan of Athens and protosynkellos,
whose death in November 1086 is reported in one of the Parthenon in-
scriptions. 10 This seal was unearthed by the Ephorate of Antiquities of
Athens during a rescue excavation in the city’s Ancient Theatre of Dio-
nysos (Fig. 5). On the reverse, above the 7-line legend, we see secondary
decorative motifs consisting of an X flanked by horizontal bars (only the
bar on the left is visible). The legend reads:
–.|cναθ.|ννcφ.|σηθεολο|γοσϗποις|παναγν.| προ
εδρ.|-ι-
– [-]| Σῶν Ἀθ[η]νῶν, ὡς φ(η)σ(ὶ) Θεολόγος,

σ(κέ)ποις Πάναγν[ε] πρόεδρ[ο(ν)] Ἰω(άννην) 11
10
A. K. Orlandos – E. Vranousis, Τὰ χαράγματα τοῦ Παρθενῶνος (Athens, 1973),
col. 6, no. 58: Ἐτελειώθη ἐν Κυρίῳ ὁ ἁγιώτατος μητροπολίτης Ἀθηνῶν καὶ πρωτοσύγκελλος
κῦρ Ἰωάννης ὁ Βλαχερνίτης (μηνὶ νοεμβρίῳ εἰς τὰς … ἰνδ., ἔτους ͵ϛφϞε´), see PBW (2016),
http://db.pbw.kcl.ac.uk/pbw2011/entity/person/162266. The most recent study on
the Parthenon graffiti is by M. Xenaki, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes de
l’Attique (vie/viie – xiie siècles), Ecole française d’Athènes (in print), no. 54.
11
Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt sees traces of more letters above the 7-line
legend and thus proposes the reading + Κ[λεὶ]ς ὦν Ἀθ[η]νῶν, ὡς φ(η)σ(ὶ) Θεολόγος, //
σ(κέ)ποις, Πάναγν[ε]πρόεδρ[ο(ν)] Ἰω(άννην).

The first verse is incomplete (11 syllables) but with a caesura after the
seventh syllable and paroxytony at the end. 12 The second verse is a regu-
lar dodecasyllable with a paroxytony at the end and a caesura after the
fifth syllable. We notice that the letter C in the fourth line, although
engraved once, serves both as the last letter of the word Θεολόγος, as well
as the first letter of the word σκέποις, while the κέ in the first syllable of
σκέποις is rendered with the symbol S (= καὶ).
The free rendering of the inscription could be: May you, All-holy
One, protect Ioannes, metropolitan of the city of Athens, which, as (Grego-
ry) the Theologian says, is your city. It is worth mentioning that Gregory
the Theologian, who stayed in Athens for some years during his studies,
mentions Athens in his writings as a city dedicated to the Virgin Mary. 13
Indeed, near the Tower of the Winds (the Horologion of Andronikos
Kyrrhestes) are the ruins of a Byzantine church dedicated to Panagia
Athiniotissa. This seal will also be added to the Numismatic Museum’s
acquisitions as soon as the excavation in the Theatre of Dionysos will be
fully published.
Conservation of the Lead Seals

The Conservation Laboratory of the Numismatic Museum has always
been at the forefront of efforts to conserve and preserve the fragile lead
seals both in the Museum’s collections, as well as in the collections of the
Ephorates of Antiquities and the archaeological museums throughout
Greece. 14
12
Incomplete dodecasyllables (with 11 syllables) are found in several metrical in-
scriptions on seals, cf. indicatively Wassiliou, Corpus I, nos 669, 717, 755, 818, 870, 992.
13
I owe this information to Dr Ioannis Vitaliotis, Senior Researcher at the Re-
search Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art of the Academy of Athens.
14
M. Lykiardopoulou-Petrou, “Storage and Display Conditions in the Numismat-
ic Museum of Athens”, in N. Holmes (ed.), Proceedings of the XIth International Numis-
matic Congress, IV (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1993), 435–37. M. Oeconomides and M. Lykiar-
dopoulou, “The Conservation of the Byzantine Lead Seals in the Numismatic Museum
of Athens”, SBS 2 (1990), 1–6.

Preventive Conservation
All the various elements in the coin cases (drawers, box-cases, labels) and
in the room (walls, floor, ceiling, bookcases and desks) were made of inert
materials. Proper materials have also been used for the showcases and for
the mounting of lead seals (Laser-cut stems of polyethylene terephthalate
- PET). 15
The example on Fig. 6 illustrates the reverse of the seal of Alexios I
of Trebizond (1204–1224), depicting St George (on the right) holding
with his right hand the arm of Alexios I, who stands next to him in mili-
tary attire with a pointed helmet and a sword in his right hand. 16
Fig. 6. Laser-cut stems with three tips made of polyethylene terephthalate

(PET) used to mount the lead seal of Alexios I of Trebizond (1204–1222),
Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 2030/1998)
In order to create the proper environment both in the galleries and in

the vault, we have paid special attention to every single parameter linked
to storing conditions: the relative humidity, the temperature, the light,
the ventilation, and the atmospheric pollutants. Given the capabilities of
the Museum’s systems, we have selected for the vault a relative humidity
(RH) of 35% and a temperature of around 15ο to 18οC. 17
15
Ε. Kontou, D. Kotzamani, “Η προληπτική συντήρηση στην προστασία των
νομισματικών συλλογών και μεταλλικών αντικειμένων από μη ανασκαφικό περιβάλλον”,
in Ch. Karydis – E. Kouloumpi – A. Sakellariou (eds), Η Επιστήμη της Προληπτικής
Συντήρησης, διατήρηση και διαχείριση συλλογών (Athens, 2015), 222–31.
16
This seal was also bought from the Spink Auction 127 (London, 7 Octo-
ber 1998), no. 93 (starting price: £1200–1500). See also, I. Koltsida-Makre, “New ac-
quisitions of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections”, SBS
9 (2006), 13, no. 3.
17
N. Stolow, Conservation and Exhibitions, Packing, transport, storage and environ-
mental considerations (London, 1987), 132–38.

Interventive Conservation: Active Corrosion and Consolidative Re-

duction
In tandem with preventive conservation, a project of interventive con-
servation started as early as the 1970s, to treat lead seals that showed
traces of lead carbonate in the form of a brittle white powder substance
produced by lead in the presence of humidity and vapours of organic ac-
ids. 18 This active corrosion of lead artifacts may lead to the loss of details
and possibly the partial destruction of the legends/images. The method
that was applied, and continues to be applied, was that of consolidative
reduction treatment, used for the reduction of silver. The first time this
method was applied to lead seals worldwide was in the laboratory of the
Numismatic Museum by Marina Lykiardopoulou-Petrou.
The Principle of the Consolidative Reduction Method

The object, wrapped in a lead strip, is attached to the cathode of the con-
solidative reduction device, while a pure lead foil is attached to the anode
facing the object. The two electrodes are immersed in a beaker contain-
ing a 10% solution of sulphuric acid as an electrolyte. The current density
is 80–100mA per dm2, a low density being necessary to prevent the ap-
pearance of hydrogen bubbles. The process may require from two weeks
to three months. In order to ascertain that the process has been com-
pleted, the object is removed from the electrolyte and visually inspected
under a microscope. The resulting layer is relatively porous and sensitive. 19
The two reduction methods applied to heavily corroded lead objects,
the consolidative one presented above and the electrolytic redaction us-
ing cathodic polarization at constant potential, 20 create in fact a thin
18
L. S. Selwyn, Metals and Corrosion. A Handbook for the Conservation Profession-
al (Ottawa, 2004), 118–22; R. Bertholon and C. Relier, “Les métaux archéologiques”, in
M. C. Berducou (ed.), La Conservation en Archéologie (Paris, Masson 1990), 184.
19
M. Petrou-Lykiardopoulou, “Coping with the problem of the decay of Byzan-
tine Lead Seals in the Numismatic Museum at Athens”, in J. Black (ed.), Proceeding of
the Recent Advances in the Conservation and Analysis of Artifacts, Jubilee Conservation
Conference, (Institute of Archaeology, London, 1987), 165–67; M. Lykiardopoulou-Pe-
trou, “Unfolding of heavily corroded lead curse – tablets”, in F. Esmael – Z. Hawass (eds)
Proceedings of the First International Conference on Ancient Egyptian Mining and Metal-
lurgy and Conservation of Metallic Artifacts (Cairo, 1995), 311–17; M. Lykiardopoulou-
Petrou, “Το Πρόγραμμα Συντήρησης στο Νομισματικό Μουσείο τα Χρόνια της Μάντως
Οικονομίδου”, in Πρακτικά Συνεδρίου της Z´ Επιστημονικής Συνάντησης αφιερωμένης στη
μνήμη της Μάντως Οικονομίδου (Athens, 20–21 April 2016), Οβολός 13 (Athens, 2018),
217–26.
20
C. Degrigny and R. Le Gall, “Conservation of Ancient Lead Artifacts Corroded
in Organic Acid Environments: Electrolytic Stabilization/Consolidation”, Studies in

new layer of lead on the surface, which, however, preserves the ridge de-
tails that would otherwise be lost. This is why, even before the method
of consolidative reduction was applied, it was customary to perform an
analysis of the alloy. In recent years, after the laboratory of the Numis-
matic Museum acquired an XRF device (X-ray fluorescence spectrome-
ter), the lead seals that are to undergo the aforementioned treatment are
analyzed in appropriate points.
Interventive Conservation: Passive Corrosion and Removal of Soil

Deposits
Active corrosion of basic lead carbonates is usually mentioned exten-
sively, since it is conducive to the loss of details and possibly the decay
of the artifact; however, the majority of lead seals are covered in solid
lead corrosion products that act as a buffer, also in soil deposits. 21 In
lead objects there is no “original” surface to be discerned among the cor-
rosion products, however the soil deposits have to be removed. Among
the methods, we use micro-hand tools under a microscope. Some of the
lead corrosion products are similar in color to soil deposits, so firstly they
should stand out from each other. The lead seal is immersed or soaked in
a mixture of solvents (alcohol and acetone), depending on its condition.
This causes soil deposits to become dark, while the corrosion products
with the inclusions retain their color and are thus clearly distinguished.
Exhibiting and Promoting the Sigillographic Collection

The scientific staff are unfailing in their commitment to preserve, con-
serve, catalogue, study, exhibit and promote the Sigillographic Collec-
tions of the Numismatic Museum, in accordance with the most recently
developed scientific guidelines with regard to museum collections. 22
This modern approach is embodied in the balance that needs to be
Conservation 44/3 (1999), 157–69.

21
J. M. Cronyn, The Elements of Archaeological Conservation (London1990), 202–
04.
22
C. Caple, Conservation Skills, Judgement, Method and Decision Making (Lon-
don-New York, 2000), 33–36.

struck between current and future users, museum’s employees, research-

ers and visitors, as Jonathan Ashley-Smith characteristically mentions. 23
The permanent exhibition of the Athens Numismatic Museum in-
cludes a few dozen of lead seals. More specifically, thirty-eight Byzantine
lead seals are displayed in two showcases in the Byzantine Gallery (2.5)
and the Middle Ages Gallery (2.6) on the second floor of the Museum.
Among them, worth noting is the unique and historically important seal
of the imperial tribunal restored by Michael VIII Doukas Angelos Kom-
nenos Palaiologos after the recapture of Constantinople from the Latins
on August 15, 1261, the feastday of the Dormition of the Virgin (Fig. 7).
On the obverse of this seal, the emperor is holding aloft the icon of the
Hodegetria, the patroness of the city. The legend on the reverse refers
to the restoration of the secreton, the imperial tribunal, that was abol-
ished by the Latins: Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου | ὃ νῦν κρατύνει
τῷ χρόνῳ βεβυσμένον | ὁ Μιχαήλ, τὸ θαῦμα τῶν βασιλέων, | ποινὴ Θεὸς
τὰ πρῶτα καὶ κρίσις κόσμου (?). 24 Last, but not least, the gold bulla of
Michael VI Stratiotikos (Fig. 8) is also exhibited in the Donors’ Gallery
on the first floor. Given the exceptional rarity of Byzantine gold bullae,
the Numismatic Museum is fortunate to have, among its acquisitions,
not only the unique gold bulla of Michael VI Stratiotikos (1056–1057),
donated in 1993 by the devoted friend of the Numismatic Museum and
well-known collector Petros Protonotarios, but also the gold bulla of
Nicephoros Botaneiates (1078–1081) 25 (Fig. 9).
23
J. Ashley-Smith, Challenges of Managing Collection Environments, Conservation
Perspectives, vol. 33.2 (The Getty Conservation Institute, 2018), 4–9.
24
Α 3D view of this seal can be seen on the website of the Numismatic Museum,
https://www.nummus.gr/μολυβδόβουλλο-μιχαήλ-η’-παλαιολόγου/. This specimen has
been part of important exhibitions, see Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek
Collections, eds. A. Drandaki, D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi, and A. Tourta, (Athens 2013),
297, fig. 122; Living a Mark on History, Treasures from Greek Museums, ed. G. Kaka-
vas, (Athens 2013), 199. The reconstruction of the last word of the legend on the re-
verse of this seal has caused an intense scholarly discussion. On the various opinions
that have been expressed so far, including the relevant references, see the articles of A.
Γκουτζιουκώστας, «Το μολυβδόβουλλο του Μιχαήλ Η΄ Παλαιολόγου «Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν
δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου...»», Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα 22 (2012), 1130 and more recently Alex-
andra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt, ««Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου…» Die Wieder-
herstellung des Kaisergerichts in Konstantinopel», in Ch. Dendrinos I. Giarenis (eds),
Bibliophilos: Books and Learning in the Byzantine world: Festschrift in Honour of Costas
N. Constantinides (Byzantinisches Archiv 39) (Berlin, 2021), 403-09, proposing to read
κόσμου at the end of this legend.
25
M. Oikonomidou, “Ένα ανέκδοτο Χρυσόβουλλο του Νομισματικού Μουσείου
Αθηνών”, Σύμμεικτα 9 [= Μνήμη Δ. Α. Ζακυθηνού] / II (1994), 177–81. See also,
Y. Nikolaou, “Τα δύο χρυσόβουλλα του Νομισματικού Μουσείου. Στοιχειακή και ποσοτική

GEOrGE KAKAvAS AND ELENI KONTOU
Fig. 7. The lead seal of the imperial tribunal restored by Michael vIII
Palaiologos. Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 2032/1998)
Fig. 8. The gold bulla of Michael vI Stratiotikos (1056–1057) displayed in the

Donors’ Gallery, on the first floor of the Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM
177/1993)
ανάλυση”, in E. G. Papaefthymiou – I. P. Touratsoglou (eds) Ολοκότινον, Studies in Byz-

antine Numismatics and Sigillography in Memory of Petros Protonotarios (Bibliotheca of
the Hellenic Numismatic Society), (Athens, 2013), 195–202.

Fig. 9. The gold bulla of Nicephoros Botaneiates (1078–1081), Numismatic

Museum (acc. no. NM 2027/1998)
Holdings of the sigillographic collection of the Numismatic Mu-

seum have been selected to form part of several temporary exhibitions,
usually those travelling abroad. Indicative examples include the exhi-
bition “Leaving a Mark on History. Treasures from Greek Museums”
in Bulgaria (Archaeological Museums at Plovdiv and Sofia, Bulgaria,
2013–2014), 26 or the exhibition “Heaven and Earth. Art of Byzantium
from Greek Collections”, held at the National Gallery (Washington,
DC), the Getty villa (Los Angeles, CA), and the Art Institute of Chi-
cago (Chicago, IL) between 2013 and 2014. 27
In recent years the Numismatic Museum has been promoting its acqui-
sitions through the museum’s website (UrL: http://www.nummus.gr).
Wishing to keep in pace with all major developments in the field of Byz-
antine Sigillography the Museum has engaged in recent years as an ac-
tive partner in international research Projects such as the TAKTIKON 28
26
On the holdings from the Athens Numismatic Museum, see the relevant entries
in the exhibition catalogue G. Kakavas (ed.), Leaving a Mark on History. Treasures from
Greek Museums (Athens, 2013), nos 184, 187, 189.
27
See above, fn. 24.
28
The TAKTIKON research Project, which is being realised at the Academy of
Athens, investigates the prosopography and administrative structure of the Byzantine
themata on the evidence of molybdoboulla and other sources, see O. Karagiorgou –
P. Charalampakis – Chr. Malatras, “State officials in the themes of Opsikion, the Anato-
likoi and the Kibyrraiotai: new and recently revisited sigillographic evidence”, Βυζαντινά
Σύμμεικτα 26 (2016), 247–308, esp. 249–52, and O. Karagiorgou, Yet another TAK-
TIKON?, in O. Karagiorgou – P. Charalampakis – Chr. Malatras (eds), TAKTIKON.
Studies on the Prosopography and Administration of the Byzantine themata, Athens:
Academy of Athens, research Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art, 2021, 63-
108.

and the SigiDoc. 29 Our next goal is the digitization of the entire body of
the approximately 3,500 lead seals kept in the Numismatic Museum into
a concise database linked to the Museum’s website, which will be made
available to researchers upon request. This online database should serve
as a reliable reference point for all students of Byzantium. Furthermore,
it will also form an important contribution in the ongoing effort to cre-
ate a universal database presenting online the Byzantine seals hoarded in
various museums and collections around the globe.
29
The SigiDoc (the XML-based and TEI compliant encoding standard optimised
for the digital edition of seals, coins, and other coin-like objects) is currently being devel-
oped by a research team based at the CNRS-UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée (Équipe
Monde Byzantin, Paris) and at the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
of the University of Cologne. On the genealogy of SigiDoc and its interaction with the
EpiDoc and EFES ecosystems see A. Sopracasa – M. Filosa – S. Stoyanova, “The Digital
Enhancement of a Discipline: Byzantine Sigillography and Digital Humanities”, Mag-
azén (1/1, 2020), 101–28, and A. Sopracasa – M. Filosa, “Encoding Byzantine Seals:
SigiDoc”, in C. Marras et al. (eds), Atti del IX Convegno Annuale AIUCD. La svolta in-
evitabile: sfide e prospettive per l’Informatica Umanistica (Bologna, 2020), 240–45.

Index of Proper Names and Terms
Abalantes 78 Κωνσταντῖνος, πατρίκιος,

Ἀβαμούν 140 βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος,
Abydos 95, 104, 105, 115, 162 οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ
aedicula 142 Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ
Afganistan 96 βεστιαρίου) 67
Agapetos, bishop of Akmo Λέων, πατρίκιος καὶ λογοθέτης
neia 47 τοῦ γενικοῦ 96
Ἀγαπητὸς Βασίλειος, πατρίκιος 46 Xeros (?) Ν., ἀντιπροσωπών 97
Aimilianos 75 Xeros (?) Ν., πατρίκιος καὶ
Akmoneia 47 κριτής 97
Alexios/Ἀλέξιος, Ἀντιόχεια 70, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79
see Mosele; Παλαιολόγος ἀντιπροσωπών,
Alousianos Georgios, protonobel Xeros (?) Ν., ἀνθύπατος 97
lisimos, doux of Karin and τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου,
Kars 79 Στέφανος, κριτής 96
ἀναγραφεύς, Aplłarib 71
τῶν Θρᾳκησίων, Apokapes Basileios 75
Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ πρόεδρος, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης 73
τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, πρωτονωβελλίσιμος, δοὺξ
κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἐδέσσης 77
Ἱπποδρόμου 12, 13 πρωτοπρόεδρος, δοὺξ
Anaia 4 Ἐδέσσης 77
Anakopia (thema) 74 σεβαστός, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης 79
Andronikos, apokombion 97
see Doukas Ἀρβαντηνὸς Ἰωάννης, πανσέβαστος
Ἄννα, daughter of Isaakios (broth σεβαστός 153
er of the emperor Ioannes Ἀρέταρχος 141
II Komnenos) 148, 149, ἄρκλα,
150, 151 Θρᾳκησίων,
ἀνθύπατος, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς
Χετάμης Θεόδωρος 53 τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος
Κωνσταντῖνος, πατρίκιος, τοῦ γενικοῦ 14, 15
βασιλικὸς ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἐφέσου,
πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος Θεόδωρος 9, 10, 10, 11, 12
τοῦ βασιλέως 67 Artsruni 71
Athens 164 βεστιάριον,
Attaleia 95, 115 χαρτουλάριος,
Ayasuluk 3, 4 Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος 99,
100
Baboutzikos, Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος,
see Θεοδόσιος βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα
Baγvaši 81, 83 θάριος 123, 124, 125,
Bagrat 80, 83 129
Balatianos 78 Ν. , ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος
Balkans 92 καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ
Βαραβατζὲ Τορνίκιος/Tornik 83 σεκρέτου 65, 67
Βαρασβατζὲ Γεώργιος 83 Blachernites,
Basileios/Βασίλειος, see Ἰωάννης
see Ἀγαπητός; Apokapes; Xeros Βουκελλάριοι,
βασιλικός 98 κριτής,
τοῦ Ὀψικίου, Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ
Paul, κριτής 13 τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου,
Βατσέας, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός,
see Λιπαρίτης κριτὴς τοῦ
Batu 88 Ἱπποδρόμου 62
Beloozero 110, 118 Brachamios Philaretos 70, 74,
βεστάρχης, 76, 77
Θεοφύλακτος, κριτής,
μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ Caucasus 92
γηροκόμος 66 Χαλδία 115
Xeros Stephanos, κριτὴς τοῦ κομμερκιάριος,
βήλου καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ Πόθος, βέστης (or
γενικοῦ 97 πρωτοσπαθάριος),
βέστης, ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς
Ἑξαμιλίτης, Σέργιος κριτὴς σακέλλης 64, 66
τοῦ βήλου καὶ τῶν χαρτουλάριος (μέγας),
Θρᾳκησίων 5, 6, 7 Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος,
Polyeuktos 96 κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου,
Πόθος, (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας
ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς Θρᾳκησίων 14, 15
τῆς σακέλλης καὶ Ἰωάννης 20, 21
κομμερκιάριος Xeros Basileios,
Χαλδίας 64, 66 πρωτοσπαθάριος,
Σκληρός, Θεόδωρος, κριτὴς τῶν
οἰκιστικός 66 Βουκελλαρίων 101

τοῦ βεστιαρίου, Δούκας Ἰωάννης, καῖσαρ 74

Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος 99, δούξ,
100 Basileios, sebastos 79
Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος, Konstantinos, protokouropa
βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα lates 77
θάριος 123, 124, 125, δοὺξ Ἀντιοχείας,
129 Μαύρηξ, Μιχαήλ,
τοῦ γενικοῦ, πρόεδρος 73
Μελιγαλᾶς, δοὺξ Μελιτηνῆς,
σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος Χετάμης, Θεόδωρος,
καὶ παραφύλαξ κουροπαλάτης 52, 53
Ἀβύδου 104, 105 Dristra 115
Chernigov 107, 109, 112 Δρόμος 163
Cherson 92, 95 Drosos Georgios 96
Χετάμης Θεόδωρος,
κουροπαλάτης καὶ δοὺξ Edessa 70, 71, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79
Μελιτηνῆς 52, 53 katepano, Paulos 69
Xul Xač῾ik 71 εἰδικόν 100, 133
Coumans 103 εἰδικός 101
Cyprus 77, 92, 95 Stephanos,
πρωτοσπαθάριος 102
Danemark 99, 121 Εἰρηνικὸς Θεόδωρος 32, 33
Dawatanos Leon 75 ἐλάχιστος 141
Dawit῾, 83 Ἔλεος 55
Δαυίδ (;) 16 Ἐλπίδιος 138
Debeltos/Develtos 95, 115 emperors / empresses
διάκων, Alexios I (of Trebizond) 166
τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας Constantine X (Doukas) 27
καὶ κουβουκλήσιος, Ioannes II (Komnenos) 148,
Ἰωάννης 17 149, 150, 151
Δικαιοσύνη 56 John VIII (Palaiologos) 35, 36
Dionysos theater (Athens) 164, Michael VI 170
165 Michael VII (Doukas) 70
δισύπατος, Michael VIII (Doukas,
Κυριακός 111, 112 Angelos, Komnenos,
δομέστικος, Palaiologos) 169, 170
Λέων, πρωτοσπαθάριος 125 Nikephoros III (Botanei
Δούκας Ἀνδρόνικος, πρόεδρος 69 ates) 171
Δούκας Ἀνδρόνικος, Romanos IV (Diogenes) 69,
πρωτοπρόεδρος 70 70

emporion/-a 122 Ῥωσίας, Ἰωσήφ 87, 88

ἐξάκτωρ, Ἐφέσου,
Πόθος, βέστης (or ἀρχιεπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος 9,
πρωτοσπαθάριος), 10, 11, 12
οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης οἰκονόμος, Εὐσέβιος 8, 9
καὶ κομμερκιάριος Ἐρήμη (Monastery Ἰωάννου τοῦ
Χαλδίας 64, 66 Προδρόμου) 30
ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου, Eugene IV (pope) 43
see ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου Εὐμάθιος 118
ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, Εὐσέβιος, οἰκονόμος Ἐφέσου 8, 9
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς
πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος
πρωτοσπαθάριος, τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας
οἰκιστικός 67 Θρᾳκησίων 14, 15
Νικόλαος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, Εὐφήμιος 22
κριτής 102, 103 Εὐχάριστος 141
Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος,
κριτὴς καὶ Fatimids 96
ἀναγραφεύς 12, 13
Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος, Γαβαλàς Γεώργιος, σεβαστός 25
οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Gagik 71
Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν γαμβρός 153
Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66 Ganjak 72
ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου, γενικόν 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 100,
Νικηφόρος, βασιλικὸς 101, 104, 106
πρωτοσπαθάριος 132, λογοθέτης,
133 Λέων, ἀνθύπατος,
ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος, πατρίκιος 96
Θεόδωρος (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, χαρτουλάριος,
ὕπατος καὶ πρωτονοτάριος Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς
τοῦ γενικοῦ τοῦ βήλου, ἄρκλας
λογοθεσίου 96 Θρᾳκησίων 14, 15
Ν., 17, 18 Μελιγαλᾶς,
ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος
Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς καὶ παραφύλαξ
πρωτοσπαθάριος, Ἀβύδου 104, 105
ξενοδόχος Νικαίας 67 γενικός (λογοθέτης),
ἐπίσκοπος, Μονομαχάτος, Παῦλος, πατρίκιος,
Κολωνείας, Γρηγόριος 30 βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα
Μαγνησίας, Λεόντιος 23 θάριος 130, 131

Georgios / Γεώργιος 148, 154, Ikonion 70, 76

155 Ἰωάννης 25, 108, 109
see Alousianos; Βαρασβατζέ; see Ἀρβαντηνός; Blach
Drosos; Γαβαλάς; ernites; Doukas;
Μελισσηνός; Καρδάμης; Σπανόπουλος;
Τανοτέρης; Tzoulas Τουρκόπουλος
γηροκόμος, χαρτουλάριος 21, 22
Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτής, διάκων τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας
μέγας οἰκιστικός 66 καὶ κουβουκλήσιος 17
Golgotha 143 μητροπολίτης Ἀθηνῶν 164
Gregorios, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος,
see Pakourianos στρατηγὸς τῶν
Γρηγόριος, Κιβυρραιωτῶν 29
ἐπίσκοπος Κολωνείας 30 Ἰωσήφ, ἐπίσκοπος, Ῥωσίας 87,
88
Hareb 78 Isaakios, brother of the emperor
Hasan 71 Ioannes II Komnenos 148,
ἑβδομάριος, 149, 150, 151
Ν. , ὀστιάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς Ivane 82
τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ
βεστιαρίου 65, 67 Kadıkalesi/Anaia 4
Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος 5, 6, 7 kaisar,
Ἱκανᾶτος 110 Doukas Ioannes,74
Horologion (of Kyrrhestos) 165 Kappadokia 71
ὕπατος, Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, σπαθάριος καὶ
Πάρδος, παραφύλαξ οἰκιστικός (?) 67
Ἀβύδου 162 Kaŕkaŕ 79
Θεόδωρος (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, Kars 74, 79
ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ Katakalon,
πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ see Tarchaneiotes
λογοθεσίου 96 κατεπάνω Ἐδέσσης,
Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Παῦλος 69
Χρυσοτρικλίνου, οἰκιστικός, κελλαρίτης 50
κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ Khatchatour 70
τῶν Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66 Κιβυρραιῶται,
ὑπέρτιμος, Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς
Maximos, μητροπολίτης πρωτοσπαθάριος,
Ῥωσίας 89 στρατηγός 29
Nikephoros, μητροπολίτης Kiev 88, 107, 108, 109, 110,
Ῥωσίας 89 117

κληρικός, Xeros (?), Ν., ἀνθύπατος,

τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας, πατρίκιος 97
Κωνσταντῖνος, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου,
κουβουκλήσιος καὶ Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς
ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος
σεκρέτου 62,63 τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας
Κολώνεια, Θρᾳκησίων 14, 15
ἐπίσκοπος, Γρηγόριος 30 Λίβερος/Λιβέρης 27, 28
Kommagene 79 Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ
κομμερκιάριος/κομμερκιάριοι/ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου
κομμέρκιον, καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν
Χαλδίας, Θρᾳκησίων 12, 13
Πόθος, βέστης (or Ν. , πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ
πρωτοσπαθάριος), Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος,
ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τῶν
σακέλλης 64, 66 Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66
τῶν Ῥῶς 114 κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου,
Kopitaŕ 74 Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος,
Kotyaion 70 χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ
κουβουκλήσιος, ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων 14,
Ἰωάννης, διάκων τῆς Μεγάλης 15
Ἐκκλησίας 17 Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης,
Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς τῆς λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 97
Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας, κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν,
καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης,
σεκρέτου 62,63 οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων
κουροπαλάτης ὀρθώσεων 61, 66
Χετάμης Θεόδωρος, δοὺξ κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων,
Μελιτηνῆς 52, 53 Xeros Basileios, πρωτοσπαθάριος,
κριτής, μέγας χαρτουλάριος 101
Νικόλαος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ Ν. , πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ
τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου 102, Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος,
103 οἰκιστικός 62
Paul, βασιλικὸς τοῦ κριτὴς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων
Ὀψικίου 13 Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος, βέστης,
Stephanos, ἀντιπροσωπὼν τοῦ κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου 5, 6, 7
γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου 96 Νικήτας, πρωτοσπαθάριος 105
Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, Ν., οἰκιστικός 66
μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ Kyriakos, ἀρχιεπίσκοπος
γηροκόμος 66 Ἐφέσου 10

Κυριακός, δισύπατος 111, 112 Λιπαρίτης Βατσέας 81, 82

Kyrillos II (metropolitan of Liutprand (of Cremona) 98
Kiev) 88, 89 λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν,
κῦρις 153 Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος 63
Κωνσταντῖνος 79 λογοθέσιον τοῦ γενικοῦ,
see Νικαεύς; Senachereim; ἀντιπροσωπών,
Splenarios Stephanos, κριτής 96
ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτονοτάριος,
πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος Theodoros (?),
τοῦ βασιλέως 67 πρωτοσπαθάριος,
ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ
πρωτοσπαθάριος, κοιτῶνος 96
οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ λογοθέτης,
Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ Παλαιολόγος 160, 161
τοῦ βεστιαρίου) 67 λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ,
κληρικὸς τῆς Μεγάλης Leon, ἀνθύπατος,
Ἐκκλησίας, κουβουκλήσιος πατρίκιος 96
καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης,
σεκρέτου 62,63 κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου 97
protokouropalates and Xeros (?) Ν., πρόεδρος 97
doux 77 λογοθέτης τοῦ δρόμου,
Συμεών (Μεταφραστής),
Laïnon 47 μάγιστρος 163
Lamia (Central Greece) 163 Lothar I 126
Lampron 72 Lvov 112
Λίβερος/ Λιβέρης, κριτής 27, Λυχνίτης 53
28
Lembiotissa (monastery) 23 μάγιστρος,
Lemessos 31 Συμεών (Μεταφραστής),
Λέων/Leon 95 λογοθέτης τοῦ
see Dawatanos δρόμου 163
ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος Μαγνησία,
καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ Λεόντιος, ἐπίσκοπος 23, 24
γενικοῦ 96 Manbiğ 70
πριμικήριος 104 Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς
πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ τῶν
δομέστικος 125 οἰκειακῶν καὶ ξενοδόχος
Λεόντιος, ἐπίσκοπος Νικαίας 67
Μαγνησίας 23, 24 Mantoules (?) 102
Liparites / Li᾿parit᾿, 81, 82, 96 Mantzikert 70

Maroules (?) 102 Monastery,

Matracha 95 Ἰωάννου Προδρόμου τῆς
Maximos, μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας Ἐρήμης 30
καὶ ὑπέρτιμος 89 Παντεπόπτου 50, 51
Μαύρηξ Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ δοὺξ Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, πατρίκιος,
Ἀντιοχείας 73 βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος
Μέγα Πνεῦμα 118 καὶ γενικός 94, 130, 131,
Μεγάλη Ἐκκλησία, 134
Ἰωάννης, διάκων καὶ Μονομάχος,
κουβουκλήσιος 17 see Μονομαχάτος
Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς, Mopsuestia 72
κουβουκλήσιος καὶ Mosele Alexios 128
ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ
σεκρέτου 62,63 Nathanael, metropolitan of Rho
Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος, des 42
χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ καὶ Νικαεύς,
παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου 104, see Κωνσταντῖνος
105 Νίκαια,
Μελισσηνός, ξενοδόχος,
Γεώργιος 22, 23 Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς
Γεώργιος, τζαούσιος 23 πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ
Μελιτηνή 76, 83 τῶν οἰκειακῶν 67
δούξ, Nikephoritzes 74
Χετάμης Θεόδωρος, Νικηφόρος,
κουροπαλάτης 52, see Palaiologos
53, 77 bishop of Koloneia 30
Menteşe 3 μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας,
Mesopotamia 75 ὑπέρτιμος 89
Μεταφραστής, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος
see Συμεὼν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ
Μetropolitan, λόγου 132, 133
Ῥωσίας, Νικήτας, πρωτοσπαθἀριος
Maximos, ὑπέρτιμος 89 καὶ κριτὴς τῶν
Nikephoros, ὑπέρτιμος 89 Θρᾳκησίων 105
Μιχαήλ, Nikolaos,
see Μαύρηξ see Zonaras
πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ
οἰκιστικῶν 63 Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ
μικροὶ δικασταὶ 15 κριτής 102, 103
Mokissos 30 Nikopolis (Armenia) 30

Nikopolis (Bulgaria) 41 Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, τῶν

nomisma / nomismata 92 νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς
Novgorod 107, 108, 109, 110, τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν 61, 66
113, 114 Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης,
Ν., κριτὴς καὶ γηροκόμος 66
see Xeros (?) Ν., κριτὴς Θρᾳκησίων 66
ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοφυλάκτου Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ
κοιτῶνος 17, 18 Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος,
ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ
οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τῶν Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66
τοῦ βεστιαρίου 65, 67 οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων,
πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, κριτὴς
Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν 61
οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ
Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν βεστιαρίου,
Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66 N., ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος 65,
πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ 67
εἰδικός 102 οἰκονόμος Ἐφέσου,
τῶν Θρᾳκησίων 13, 14 Εὐσέβιος 8, 9
Okolnyj 107
οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως, ὀστιάριος,
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος Ν. , ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς
πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ
πρωτοσπαθάριος 67 βεστιαρίου 65, 67
οἰκιστικόν 60, 63 Ὀψίκιον,
οἰκιστικός 62 βασιλικός,
Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, Paul, κριτής 13
σπαθάριος 67
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος Pahlavouni Vasak 76
πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς Pakourianos Gregorios 73
πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Παλαιολόγος 160, 161
Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ Παλαιολόγος Ἀλέξιος,
τοῦ βεστιαρίου) 67 σεβαστός 7, 8
Νικόλαος 67 Παλαιολόγος Νικηφόρος, δοὺξ
Πόθος, βέστης (or Μεσοποταμίας 78
πρωτοσπαθάριος), Palestina 92, 96
ἐξάκτωρ, τῆς σακέλλης παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου,
καὶ κομμερκιάριος Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος,
Χαλδίας 64, 66 χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
Σκληρὸς Θεόδωρος, βέστης 66 γενικοῦ 104, 105

Πάρδος, ὕπατος 162 Xeros (?), Ν., ἀνθύπατος καὶ

Parthenon 164 κριτής 97
patriarchs 142 Παῦλος 138, 143
Arsenios (Autoreianos) 163, see Μονομαχάτος
164 katepano of Edessa 69
Germanos II 88 κριτὴς καὶ βασιλικὸς τοῦ
Germanos III 89 Ὀψικίου 13
Gregorios II 89 πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ
Methodios II 89 Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς
πατρίκιος ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου
Ἀγαπητὸς Βασίλειος 46 καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν
(Baboutzikos) Θρᾳκησίων 12, 13
Θεοδόσιος 125, 126, Pereslavl 108
127, 128, 133 Petra 92
Εὐστάθιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, Philaretos,
χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ see Brachamios
ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων 14, φῶς 55
15 Pliska 94
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος ποιμενάρχης 89
πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς Ῥωσίας, Ἰωσήφ 87, 88
πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος Poltava 109
τοῦ βασιλέως 67 Polyeuktos, βέστης 96
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, Πόθος, βέστης (or
βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ,
πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ
οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας 64,
Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ 66
τοῦ βεστιαρίου) 67 Preslav 93, 94
Λέων, ἀνθύπατος, λογοθέτης τοῦ πριμικήριος, Λέων 104
γενικοῦ 96 πρόεδρος,
Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, Doukas Andronikos 69
βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος Μαύρηξ Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ
καὶ γενικός 130, 131 δοὺξ Ἀντιοχείας 73
Θεοδόσιος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ Μιχαήλ, λογαριαστὴς τῶν
βεστιαρίου 99, 100 οἰκιστικῶν 63
Θεοδόσιος, βασιλικὸς Σπανόπουλος Ἰωάννης 116
πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ Xeros (?) Ν., λογοθέτης τοῦ
χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ 97
βεστιαρίου 123, 124, Propontis 101
125, 129 πρωτοβέστης,

Στέφανος, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων Θεόδωρος (?), ὕπατος,

ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ
Ἀρμενιακῶν 61, 66 πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ
protokouropalates, λογοθεσίου 96
Konstantinos, doux 77 Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος,
πρωτονοτάριος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου, βεστιαρίου 123, 124,
Θεόδωρος (?), 125, 129
πρωτοσπαθάριος, Xeros Basileios, μέγας
ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ χαρτουλάριος καὶ κριτὴς
κοιτῶνος 96 τῶν Βουκελλαρίων 101
πρωτοπρόεδρος, Ν., εἰδικός 102
Doukas Andronikos 70 Ν., ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου,
Νικαεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος 47 ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς
πρωτοσπαθάριος, τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν
Ἰωάννης, στρατηγὸς Βουκελλαρίων 62, 66
Κιβυρραιωτῶν 29 Pskov 107
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος
πατρίκιος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ Rhodes 25, 35, 36, 41
βασιλέως 67 Ribe 99, 121, 123, 129
Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος roga 99
πατρίκιος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ Ῥωμανός (?) 102
ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου Ῥωσία,
(or ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐπίσκοπος, Ἰωσήφ 87, 88
βεστιαρίου) 67 μητροπολίτης,
Λέων, δομέστικος 125 Maximos, ὑπέρτιμος 89
Μανουήλ, ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν καὶ Nikephoros, ὑπέρτιμος 89
ξενοδόχος Νικαίας 67 Roussel 74
Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, πατρίκιος Rovno 110, 112, 118
καὶ γενικός 130, 131 Ruben 74
Νικηφόρος, ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ Rubenids 74
λόγου 132, 133
Νικήτας, κριτὴς τῶν σακέλλη,
Θρᾳκησίων 105 οἰκιστικός,
Νικόλαος, ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου Πόθος, βέστης (or
καὶ κριτής 102, 103 πρωτοσπαθάριος),
Παῦλος, ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ἐξάκτωρ, κομμερκιάριος
κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου Χαλδίας 64, 66
καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν Samosata 77
Θρᾳκησίων 12, 13 Sasun 72

seal, Splenarios Konstantinos,

blank 19, 20, 106 πρόεδρος 96
damaged 18 stamp seal (bronze) 20
σεβαστή 153 Staraja Lagoda 118
Sebasteia 71 Stephanos Tanouteres 50
sebastokrator 151 Στέφανος 138, 139
σεβαστός, see Xeros
Basileios, doux 79 πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς
Παλαιολόγος Ἀλέξιος 7, 8 τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων
σέκρετον, καὶ κριτὴς τῶν
πατριαρχικόν, Ἀρμενιακῶν 61, 66
Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς στρατηγὸς τῶν Κιβυρραιωτῶν,
τῆς Μεγάλης Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς
Ἐκκλησίας 62,63 πρωτοσπαθάριος 29
τοῦ βεστιαρίου, Συμεών (Μεταφραστής),
Ν. , ὀστιαριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ μάγιστρος καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ
οἰκιστικός 65, 67 δρόμου 163
Seldjukids 96
Seleukeia 115 Taman 95
Senachereim Konstantinos 71 Tanos 50
Σέργιος, Τανουτέρης Γεώργιος 49
see Ἑξαμιλίτης τανουτέρης/tanouter 50
Šaddadids 72 Ταπείνωσις 55
Sicily 113, 130 Tarchaneiotes Katakalon 73
Side 74 Tarsos 71
Σκληρὸς Θεόδωρος, βέστης καὶ Θεόδωρος,
οἰκιστικός 66 see Χετάμης; Εἰρηνικός;
Smbat (magistros and katepano of Σκληρός
Mopsuestia) 72 ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἐφέσου 9, 10,
Soteropolis 74 11, 12
Sougdaia 95 πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος,
Σπανόπουλος Ἰωάννης, πρόεδρος ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ
116, 117 πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ
σπαθάριος, λογοθεσίου 96
Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, οἰκιστικός Θεοδόσιος,
(?) 67 Baboutzikos πατρίκιος 125,
σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος, 126, 127, 128, 133
Μελιγαλᾶς, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ πατρίκιος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ
γενικοῦ καὶ παραφύλαξ βεστιαρίου 99, 100
Ἀβύδου 104, 105

πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς Tutuš 78

πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ τζαούσιος, Μελισσηνὸς
χαρτουλάριος τοῦ Γεώργιος 23
βεστιαρίου 123, 124, Tzoulas Georgios 95
125
Theodosioupolis (Karin) 69, 79 Vač῾a / Vač῾an / Vač῾e 82
Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, Vadza 82
κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ Vanand 74
γηροκόμος 66 Vasak Pahlavouni 76
Thessaloniki 95 Vaspourakan 71, 78
Thessaly 48, 164 Venice 98
Θρᾳκήσιοι/Θρᾳκησίων,
κριτής, ξενοδοχεῖον 137
Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος, κριτὴς ξενοδόχος Νικαίας,
τοῦ βήλου 5, 6, 7 Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς
Νικήτας, κριτής, πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ
πρωτοσπαθάριος 105 τῶν οἰκειακῶν 67
Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ Xerokampi 37
τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, Xeros (?) 97
κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Xeros Basileios, πρωτοσπαθάριος,
Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ μέγας χαρτουλάριος
ἀναγραφεύς 12, 13 καὶ κριτὴς τῶν
Tissø 99, 121, 123, 129 Βουκελλαρίων 101
Toghrul Beg 96 Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης,
Tornik(ios), see Βαραβατζέ 83 κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου καὶ
Tornikios, commander of λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 97
Sasun 72
Τουρκόπουλος Ἰωάννης 28, 29 Zonaras Nikolaos, judge of
Trebizond 166 Thrake and Makedo
Trier 126 nia 103

Index of Iconography
Adoration 138, 139, 140 John Chrysostomos

Aletheia (Ἀλήθεια), see Truth (bust) 17
Alexios I (of Trebizond) 166 John Prodromos,
Archangel (standing) 161 bust 30, 31, 64, 108, 111
Cross 109, 139, 141 (?)
(with fleurons) 114 standing 28
radiant 26 John Theologos,
Crucifixion 138, 139 bust 15
Jesus Christ, standing 9, 10, 11
bust 27, 171 Nicholas (bust) 26
enthroned 170 Prokopios (bust) 32, 132
standing 35, 36 Theodoros (standing) 33
Michael VIII (standing, holding Theodoros Tiron 52
a medallion of the Virgin, unidentified (bust) 109, 110
Episkepsis type) 169, 170, Theotokos,
171 Enthroned, with Child 87
Monogram 8, 21, 22, 23, 124, Episkepsis type (bust) 26, 32,
130, 138 46, 116, 164
Saints, (standing) 24
Andrew (bust) 111 Hodegetria type (bust) 16
(?) 112, 113 Tomb (of Jesus Christ) 141
Daniel (standing in the lion’s Truth (standing) 54
den) 27 Women (at the tomb of Jesus
Demetrios (standing) 7 Christ) 141
George (standing) 22, 154,
155, 166
Index of Metrical Inscriptions
(1)
(Αἰτοῦντα με) συνώνυμον, μάρτυς, σκέπ(οι)ς 155, 156
(2)
Ἄννης θυγατρὸς σφραγὶς Ἰσαακίου
ἀδελφάνακτος εὐσεβοῦς Ἰωάννου 151
(3)
Ἰωάννου σφράγισμα τοῦ Τουρκοπούλου 29
(4)
Καλῶν μελισσῶν, τοῦ Χριστοῦ μάρτυς, κύρου
τοῦ Μελισσηνοῦ τὰς γραφὰς Γεωργίου 23
(5)
Κλεὶς ὦν Ἀθηνῶν, ὡς φησὶ Θεολόγος,
σκέποις Πάναγνε πρόεδρον Ἰωάννην 164
(6)
Κριτὴς Δανιὴλ καὶ γραφῶν νῦν προστάτης
τελεῖ σεβαστοῦ Λιβέρου πράξεις κρίνων 28
(7)
Κ[ύ]ρου (;) σφράγισμα γραφῶν ΑΓ…, 34
(8)
Λογοθέτου σφράγισμα Παλαιολόγου 160-161
(9)
Ὁμώνυμόν σον δούκα, κουροπαλάτην,
μάρτυς, Χετάμην τὸν Μελιτηνῆς σκέποις 53
(10)
Ὁμωνύμου μοι σφραγὶς τοῦ Ἱκανάτου 110
Index of Metrical Inscriptions
(11)
Σφράγισμά εἰμι Κυριακοῦ δισυπάτου 112
(12)
Σφραγὶς σεβαστοῦ Γαβαλᾶ Γεωργίου 25
(13)
Σῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ὡς φησὶ Θεολόγος,
σκέποις Πάναγνε πρόεδρον Ἰωάννην 164
(14)
Τίνος σφραγὶς πέφυκεν ἡ γραφὴ λέγει 26
(15)
Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου
ὅ νῦν κρατύνει τῷ χρόνῳ βεβυσμένον
ὁ Μιχαὴλ, τὸ θαῦμα τῶν βασιλέων,
ποινὴ Θεὸς τὰ πρῶτα καὶ κρίσις κόσμου (?) 169-170
(16)
Τὸν ποιμενάρχην Ἰωσὴφ τῆς Ῥωσίας,
ἐπισκοπῆς σῆς, ᾦ κόρη, καταξίου 87-88
(17)
Φῶς χρηματίζω καὶ λύχνος τῷ Λυχνίτῃ 54
(18)
Ὦ Παντεπόπτα, σῷζε τοὺς σοὺς οἰκέτας 51
(19)
…. γραφὰς κυρῶ καὶ τοὺς λόγους
…. τῶν Θρᾳκησίων 14


Studies in Byzantine Sigillography

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Studies in Byzantine Sigillography

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STUDIES IN BYZANTINE

© 2022 Brepols Publishers n. v., Turnhout, Belgium.

Printed on acid-free paper.

COLLECTIONS AND FINDS

Vera Bulgurlu, Seals from the Basilica of St John the

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou,

Nikolaos Mastrochristos, Lead Seal of John VIII

Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras, A Selection of

HISTORY, PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ADMINISTRATION

Andreas Gkoutzioukostas, The Office of oikistikos: A Re-

Werner Seibt, The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s 69

Werner Seibt, Auch der georgische Aristokrat Vač‛e Lip’arit’

BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND

Michael N. Boutyrski, The Bulla of Joseph, metropolitan of

Jean-Claude Cheynet, Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors

Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg

Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and

Gert Boersema, Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine

TECHNOLOGY AND MANAGEMENT

Maria Teresa Catalano, Nutzen und Grenzen der

George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou, Integrated

Index of Proper Names and Terms 173

This volume, reviewed by anonymous readers, was produced at a time

ADSV: Antičnaja Drevnost᾿ i Srednie Veka

De adm. imp.: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed.

JÖB: Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik (formerly Jahrbuch der Öster-

Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη: I. G. Leontiades, Μολυβδόβουλλα του Μουσείου

edition by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1989); IV, by V. Laurent (Paris, 1971);

Wassiliou, Corpus I: Al.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel

Seals from the Basilica of St John the

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt

Other important metal Byzantine tenth–eleventh century finds

The material is grouped in the categories: I. Family names, II. Geograph-

Ed. J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, RN 154 (1999),

Obv. Inscription of five lines. Border of dots.

Rev. Inscription of five lines. Decoration of single pellet between two

As already pointed out by A.-K. Wassiliou, the family name Hexami-

2. Alexios Palaiologos, sebastos (c. 1100-c. 1160)

Obv. A young, beardless St Demetrios standing facing. He is in military

|ΔΗ|- Τ|ΡΙ|ΟC Ὁ ἅγιος Δημήτριος

Rev. Inscription of five lines preceded by a cross between two pellets.

Two dodecasyllables, with a caesura after the seventh syllable respective-

II. Geographical Names

Ed. Cheynet, “Selçuk”, 340, no. 35 (dated full 9th c.)

Rev. The inscription, in four lines, is today poorly preserved. Border

Eusebios was the second known oikonomos of the metropolis of Ephesus,

4a. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (late 10th–early 11th c.)

Obv. St John Theologos, standing facing. Nimbus with border of

Rev. Inscription on four lines starting with a cross. Border of dots.

this Theodoros as an archbishop who should be added to the Ephesos

4b. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (c. 1000–1020)

Exc. Inv. STJ GD Area 53S

Obv. Bust of St John the Theologian, bearded, slightly turned towards

The circular inscription (lost on our seal) may be reconstructed accord-

The inscription in two columns reads:

 – IΩ|Ο|Θ|Ε|Ο|Λ, Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Θεολόγος.

Rev. Inscription of five lines preceded and followed by an ornament of

4c. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (first quarter 11th c.)

Rev. Inscription of four lines starting perhaps with an epiclesis to the

5a, b. Paulos, protospatharios epi tou Chrysotriklinou, krites epi tou

5b: EM Inv.: 6–5–15

Obv. Inscription of five lines, probably starting with a cross.

Rev. Inscription of five lines.

Werner Seibt, The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s 69

Index of Proper Names and Terms 173