WORKING

LAND

-draft brief-
Vlad Bodogan
 ABSTRACT

The aim of the project is to generate affordable workspace

strategies for small scale economies in neighbourhoods
undertaking development. The ambition is rooted in the
belief that local businesses and organisations help establish
and respond and maintain the individual character of an area.
Moreover, a strong local economy can address inequality by
generating employment and entrepreneurial opportunities.

The research is focused on Abbey Wood, an area which since

the announcement of Crossrail has been subject to residential
and commercial intensification. At the moment it is a largely
monofunctional estate with a small number of shops spread
between its two district centres. On the edges of the estate,
where housing intersects the infrastructure (rail tracks and
flyovers) there are large areas of unused land. Unsuitable for
residential development yet well positioned, those are the
identified sites that the project works with.

There are three scales of research: the situation on the ground,

the support systems already in place and the policy which could
enable the project. Through engagement and conversation,
the project starts with an enquiry and subsequent mapping
of the spatial needs of entrepreneurs, existing businesses
and organisations. Having a set framework of needs and
possible sites, the proposal will speculate on the architectural
interventions, spatial programming and policy which could
support the development of small scale economies on the
unused land in the estate.
 SITE
/
SITUATION
 ABBEY WOOD
&
THAMESMEAD

Abbey Wood

Abbey Wood is a south east district, located at the border of Royal Borough of
Greenwich and London Borough of Bexley. As an area, it has been built in two major
phases, both times lead by a socially oriented ambitions. Between 1900 and 1930,
Royal Arsenal Co-operative Society built Bostall Estate. Also knows as the Co-Op
Estate, it provided homes for the working class, some shops and a school but as many
social housing estates at the time, no public houses. Not much later, between 1955
and 1959, the London County Council built the Abbey Estate, north of the rail tracks
on former Royal Arsenal marshland. The estate is predominantly low rise, with vast
amounts of green space and natural corridors. A 10 storey tower, known locally as
‘The Co-op Tower’ represents the highest point on the estate and marks its civic
centre: a shopping parade, a clinic (previously The Pegasus Pub), a library and a church.

Thamesmead

Thamesmead is situated North-West of Abbey wood and was built by the Grater
London Council at the end of the 1960’s. At a time of social optimism, the design
of the new estate was futuristic and tried to address the social issues present in the
area through architecture. Elevated highways were to create spaces for interaction,
the proximity to water was to reduce vandalism. Whilst ambitious, the new town has
fallen in disrepair after the abolishment of the GLC.
 ABBEY WOOD & THAMESMEAD
OPPORTUNITY AREA

In 2008 the Crossrail Act was published, together with its official route: from
Maidenhead and Heathrow in the west to Shenfield and Abbey Wood in the east.
The Elisabeth Line will allow people to travel to and from the West End in 25
minutes and just over 10 to and from Canary Wharf. Further, The London Plan has
designated the Abbey Wood and South Thamesmead Housing Zone. This is expected
to bring 1216 new homes (591 affordable) and create 2628 jobs.

The house prices raised by 30% between 2010 and 2015 and new developments have
been built or planned for the area. The most significant move has been the merger
of the housing association (Gallions), land owner (Tilfen Land) and community
investment (Trust Thamesmead) into Peabody. This led to Peabody owning most of
the land and housing stock in the area. Moreover, they are now in a double position,
that of a housing association and developer.

Besides the £700m of investment from Peabody, funding will be provided for 13
sites across the two boroughs. In Greenwich sites have been allocated up to £23.8m
from the GLA towards 1,459 homes, 681 (47%) of which will be available below
market rates. The sites include derelict plots and some require the demolition and
redesignation of industrial land. In Bexley, sites will receive up to £47.7m to help
deliver 1,216 homes, with 591 (48%) below market rates. Some of the sites require
demolition of 1960s housing.
Defintions

LOCAL ECONOMY

All the shops, services, light industries and consumers are part of an area’s local
economy. The project sees these as playing a vital role in the establishment and
maintenance of a local character. The main element which differentiates a local
economy from a regional, national or a global one are the feedback systems
between consumers and providers. In that way, local economy is responsive to the
needs of those it serves and finds itself in a dynamic process tadaptation in regards
to changing circumstances. Moreover, there are also elements of social value which
come out of a thriving local economy. On a personal level, it can encourage trust
and community cohesion. On a neighbourhood scale, a strong local economy
harnesses local talent from individuals, groups or organisations and addresses
inequality by generating employment and opportunity.

EVERYDAY ECONOMY

The everyday economy is the combination of private, public and social sectors
in every region of the country whose services, production and social goods
sustain daily lives.These sectors, and others like them – including social care,
community support, food and drink and light manufacturing – may be described
as the ‘everyday economy’: they produce the unexceptional goods and services
that households, groups, organisations and businesses use all. In the upcoming of
regeneration many of such spaces in Thamesmead have closed, from local shops
and hair salons to pubs and social clubs. In the context of rent increases and limited
availability, the everyday economy needs to compete in a market led workspace
provision. Thus, as lower incomers, their position within the immediate scale of the
neighbourhood is threatened and so are the services they provide.

SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE

The social infrastructure is a series of services and structures and spaces that
support the quality of life of a neighbourhood. This includes any infrastructure that
goes beyond basic economic functions to make a community an appealing place to
live. When social infrastructure is robust, it fosters all kinds of social interactions,
helps build relationships, and turns community from a vague, fuzzy concept into
a lived experience. At times, these spaces of social merit intersect with the area’s
local economy such as in the case of cafes, pubs and shops which are embedded
within the communities they serve. Other times, they stand alone as community
WHAT ARE THE EFFECTS OF
DEVELOPMENT ON THE SOCIAL AND
ECONOMIC INFRASTRUCTURE OF ABBEY
WOOD AND THAMESMEAD?

1
2

5 4

1. THE DASHWOOD SOCIAL CLUB

COMMERCIAL AND RETAIL 2. THE BARGE POLE PUB

INDUSTRIAL 3. TAVY BRIDGE SHOPPING PARADE

4. FELIXTONE DRIVE SHOPPING PARADE

DEVELOPMENT AREAS
5. WEST THAMESMEAD INDUSTRIAL ESTATE
The Dashwood Social Club has closed in early 2018 after its lease run out
and has not been renewed. There are no plans for relocation . It was a
community hub, accommodating a broad range of events from birthdays to
social events and parties. It was an affordable location for food and drinks,
cooking regular meals for the elderly and organising events attended by a
range of people, anywhere from 5 to 90 years old.
The Barge Pole has closed at the end of 2017 in the upcoming of demolition
and marked the closure of yet another drinking establishment in the
area. The closure of pubs is a wider London phenomenon and only in
the Abbey Wood and Thamesmead area, 3 out of the 5 initial pubs have
closed or been repurposed in the last 10 years. Moreover, an analysis of
the use classes for the planned commercial units shows that no space will
be provided for drinking establishments such as pubs or bars.
In 2013 Tavy Bridge was demolished and so has the adjacent shopping
parade. These were part of Lake Side Quarter. Moreover, the area
accommodated around 200 homes and a library. The demolition has been
presented as the first step of a wider redevelopment in the area. Tavy
Bridge Regeneration - Residents Action Group has been a vocal opposer
of the demolition, raising 500 signature against the plan. The demolition
went ahead with no relocation of the the shops or pharmacy. The library
has been relocated in a temporary building north of the site.
 “People who can’t go very far rely on those shops.”

“If they take them all down there’s going to be nothing. No one will
want to live here.”
quotes from
“Gallions Housing Association is in its third phase of regenerating Tavy Bridge in Thamesmead” by Kelly Smale
In 2014 construction commences at Abbey Wood station and the 1987
building is replaced by an interim one whilst the new Crossrail terminal is
built. The works around the building and the decreased footfall caused a
series of businesses on Felixtone Road to close. A hair salon, a cake maker
and an African take away have remained closed and the supermarket has
reopened since. Moreover, since the completion of the new station, unit
prices have grown to a similar value to those in Dalston Kingsland.
“Ashton Reeves would like to offer this commercial unit for rent in the ever
popular and expending area of Abbeywood. Located outside Abbeywood
Train Station with the arrival of the Cross Rail, due to its location the unit
will attract a good deal of passing trade. The shop was previous trading
with an A1 Licence which will suit a number of uses, such as an estate
agents, accountants, clothes outlet, coffee shop. etc. “

440sq ft
£21.000/year
In 2017 West Thamesmead Business Park, an industrial estate serving a
large number of businesses has been demolished. The Strategic Industrial
Site protection has been released and a planning application has been put
in for a mixed use development incorporating 1700 new homes as well as
commercial and industrial space. The units will be rented at market value
and thus, are not falling under the affordable workspace regulations of
The London Plan.
The initial obligations which came out of the industrial land release were
those of building 400.000sq ft of industrial space. Through negotiation
on behalf of the developer, the planning authorities decreased the
requirement to 200.000sq ft. These will be split between two workspace
typologies: a large co-working space for innovators and makers and
another flexible space for a broader range of users. The buildings are the
last to be built and are expected on site in 2031.
METHODOLOGY
ARE THE SPATIAL TYPOLOGIES
OFFERED BY NEW DEVELOPMENTS
MATCHING UP WITH THE NEEDS
OF LOCAL BUSINESSES AND
ORGANISATIONS?

In Global Cities, Local Streets Zukin argues that shopping streets act “as the
public face of communities.”. These are normal, local marketplaces, surrounded by
residential areas, where people supply themselves with the everyday necessities of
life. Treating this as an initial interrogation, the project wishes to shine a light on
whether the new developments are addressing the particularities of the place, of its
demographics as well as existing economic and social infrastructure.

With 6000 new homes being built, the project assumes it is necessary to create a
strategy for maintaining and enhancing work and social opportunities for the diverse
communities of Abbey Wood and Thamesmead. As part of the research, I looked at
the new developments and whilst they have not been built and inhabited yet, the
approach towards workspace provision seems rooted in wider London trends rather
than have a place based approach.

The now demolished “West Thamesmead Industrial Estate” will accommodate

a mixed-use development. The requirements for industrial space provision have
been met by the developers who proposed a co-working space for creatives and
innovators. While there is a real need for such spaces, the adjacent industrial estates
reveals a different typology of businesses which are not catered for in development
plans. Another example is the Lakeside Bar, situated on the north side of Southmere
Lake. It used to be a bar and social club at the heart of the cummunity but is now
closed. It will soon become a cowering space with artist studios. Yet again, the
workspace typology seems detached from the reality on the ground.

By rejecting the statement of Sir Mark John Boleat, I argue that while there
are economic shifts which lead to different working trends, these do not occur
homogeneously over a vast territory. In that sense, marginalised communities might
to be
have a different relationship to the workspace than affluent ones. Atrephrased
this point, the
project looks at engagement methodologies which can help to critically understand
what is it that supports the present local economy and social infrastructure.
 METHODOLOGIES
FOR UNPICKING THE
GROUND AND MAPPING
LOCAL NEEDS

The methodologies used in researching and trying to understand the local particularities
are very much a product of my placements with Verity JaneKeefe and Just Space.
Whilst the first allowed me to understand ways of embedding yourself in a place
and understand the relations and interactions within space, the second revealed
methodologies of mapping the needs and possible support systems for different groups
and organisations.

During my short time with Just Map, I focused on mapping the short, medium and long
term needs of different community groups. Further, the ambition was to match those
with institutions or organisations which can offer support varying from gardening
volunteers to specialists who could support the writing of a planning consultation or
local plan. Similarly, I have set up an iterative map which follows the same principles
but is focused on businesses and organisations operating in Abbey Wood and
Thamesmead.

Verity is an artist working predominantly within the public realm, doing work for and
about places in outter London contexts and beyond. Her methodology and mode of
practice puts the lived experience, the relationships and interactions within it at the
forefront of process. This lead me to explore and research oral histories of places
in Abbey Wood and Thamesmead. This has been particularly relevant in trying to
understand the social value of local economies. Moreover, she uses public programs
not only to exhibit the final pieces but as a feedback exercise within the process.
Following that mode of working, I have set up a market stall at the local car boot sale
and presented my work to those interested. Having found it a useful and productive
exercise, I wish to continue doing that as the project evolves.

TESTING ASSUMPTIONS

TESTING OBSERVATIONS

TESTING PROPOSAL
 Through conversation and
engagement I tried to understand the
physical as well as the invisible factors
which support the local economy and
social infrastructure of Abbey Wood
and Thamesmead. The research
focuses on three main categories

a. SME’s
b. Businesses with social value
c. Social Infrastructure

Despite the differences between all of

the above, a common denominator
was the importance of affordability in
setting up, maintaining a social hub or
work space.
 APPENDIX*

LOCAL ECONOMY

AND

SOCIAL
INFRASTRUCTURE
-observations-
PROPOSAL
CAN AFFORDABLE WORKSPACE
POLICY REDUCE THE NEGATIVE
IMPACT OF LARGE SCALE
DEVELOPMENTS ON ABBEY WOOD
AND THAMESMEAD’S SOCIAL AND
ECONOMIC INFRASTRUCTURE?

Affordable workspace is a community asset. Economically, it allows the

establishment of everyday services and economies which do not have a high income
but are essential on a neighbourhood scale. In a way, they can foster a more
inclusive local economy which responds to the different needs of communities and
groups in the area. Socially, affordable space allows different ethnicities, religions and
social classes to establish specific spaces for meeting, learning or praying, while not
being forced to compete on the commercial market.

The new London Plan has added new policy regarding affordable workspace. Despite
its many ‘if-s’ and ‘might-s’, the new legislation acknowledges the need for such
spaces for sectors that have social value, for disadvantaged groups starting up in any
sector, and in areas under redevelopment where former affordable workspace is put
in jeopardy. Yet, this requirement is not automatically put on any developers and it
is up to the boroughs to set up their own frameworks if evidence shows need for it.
Neither Greenwich or Bexley have done it so far.

The proposal consists of two actions. The first is to prepare a study which could be
hanged to the local authorities as well as Peabody. It’s scope is to make the case
that there is a loss in affordable workspace and thus, a planning obligation for new
developments is necessary. This links to the new E3 policy in the new London Plan.
Besides an evidence based document, the investigation will also include case studies
of other boroughs which already have implemented these planning obligations, such
as Islington. The second part of the proposal will constitute a speculative proposal
for the establishment of a network of affordable workspaces through Abbey Wood
and Thamesmead
Policy E3 Affordable workspace

A In defined circumstances, planning obligations may be used to secure

affordable workspace at rents maintained below the market rate for that
space for a specific social, cultural or economic development purpose.
Such circumstances include workspace that is:
1) dedicated for specific sectors that have social value such as charities
or social enterprises
2) dedicated for specific sectors that have cultural value such as artists’
studios and designer-maker spaces
3) dedicated for disadvantaged groups starting up in any sector
4) providing educational outcomes through connections to schools,
colleges or higher education
5) supporting start-up businesses or regeneration.
B Particular consideration should be given to the need for affordable
workspace for the purposes in part A above:
1) where there is existing affordable workspace on-site
2) in areas where cost pressures could lead to the loss of affordable
workspace for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (such as in
the City Fringe around the CAZ and in Creative Enterprise Zones)
3) in locations where the provision of affordable workspace would be
necessary or desirable to sustain a mix of business or cultural uses
which contribute to the character of an area.
C Boroughs, in their Development Plans, are encouraged to consider more
detailed affordable workspace policies in light of local evidence of need
and viability. These may include policies on site-specific locations, or
defining areas of need for certain kinds of affordable workspace.
D Affordable workspace policies defined in Development Plans and Section
106 agreements should include ways of monitoring that the objectives in
part A above are being met, including evidence that they will be managed
by a workspace provider with a long-term commitment to maintaining
the agreed or intended social, cultural or economic impact. Applicants
are encouraged to engage with workspace providers at an early stage to
ensure that the space is configured and managed efficiently.
CAN UNDERUSED SITES BE
ENHANCED, ADAPTED AND ADDED
TO IN ORDER TO ACCOMMODATE
A NETWORK OF AFFORDABLE
WORKSPACES?

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