Ethno- Nationalism is one of the major problems and core reason of instability in Pakistan,

which not only affects the smooth functioning of a democratic system but also the very social

life of Pakistani nation . As it is clear that after partition of Indian sub-continent , Pakistan

followed the British parliamentary system but unfortunately , the inherent weaknesses and

colonial traditions, effective democratic system did not flourish here .1

National integration always remained a challenge for Pakistan because of so many ethno

linguistic groups herein, but the regional political parties played a more critical role in making

general conditions of the people of Pakistan miserable. Regional political parties have their

vested interest and they do everything for the pursuit of their goals. The leadership of these

political parties is of low profile and parochial. 2According to regional level politicians, “future

belongs to provincial parties which championed the hopes and aspirations of the people of their

respective regions”.3 These political parties contest elections with a view to defend a special

community interest, though these parties win some seats but having no role in Governmental

machinery so become a pressure group in order to achieve their self-interest, keeping in mind

that the regional discrepancies and deprivations remain unsolved, which become the source of

conflict in Pakistan just as in Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa . It is also one of the fact

that prolonged and time and again Military rulings have also contributed well and complicated

the process of integration and development but the political parties which are said to be the

soul of democracy also failed in consolidating the feelings and aspiration of Oneness in

Pakistan.4 Moreover the regional political parties played unappreciable role and tried to make the

national integration a challenge for politico-economic stability and such other policies.
1
Michael Johnston, Political Parties and Democracy in Theoretical and Democratic Perspectives (Washington: The
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 2005), 3 .
2
“National Political Parties,” http://www.nios.ac.in/srsec317newE/317EL19.pdf, 3/02/12.
3
L. S. Gassah, Regional Political Parties in North East India (India: Omsons Publications, 1992),
4
Mohammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad: National Institute of Cultural and Historical
Research, 2007), 114-115.
 From 1947 onwards political instability became a serious challenge to both political system and

economic development. So the national level organized political parties must play their role for

social integration by providing legitimacy for a specific period in order to improve the miserable

conditions of the state.5 Otherwise the regional parties will prove to be pressure groups and will

exploit mainstream national parties through common people to draw back their support from

these national level parties both in the legislative and executive as well which will be a severe

blow for survival and stability of the government at national level.6

Ethno-National Politics in Pakistan

Ethno-national politics is a concept or a political ideology of the inhabitants of a specified area that are

identified with the features of unique language, culture and traditions and have the view that as they are

the sons of the concerned soil so have the right to avail all opportunities by them first and rest of the

people then. This type of aspirations is used for greater political gains. Ethno-nationality is taken both in

positive and negative senses. Positively it is people’s affection towards their specified territory, language

and culture for sustained separate identity and is therefore considered as a welcome thing as it creates and

develops unity and fraternity on the bases of common religion, language, culture and historical

background. Negatively it is perceived to be a threat for national integration. However the feeling of

provincialism or regionalism awakens in the minds when the people of a particular area are continuously

neglected by the ruling class and so they are politically educated as backward and discriminated people

by their local leaders. In this way, these leaders keep political hold over the specified area and its people. 7

2.1 Ethno-Nationality and its Concept

Primordialists considered ethnicity as a subjectively held feeling of shared identity that it is quiet natural

because it is a strong part of human psychology and their social relations .While the Utilitarianists have
5
“National Political Parties,” http://www.nios.ac.in/srsec317newE/317EL19.pdf, 3/02/12.
6
ibid
7
Dr. . Sharan, “Role of political parties in balancing federalism and regionalism”, Global journal of political science
research, India publications vol.1, No. 1, (2013),
preached the instrumentalist approach that ethnic aspirations are used as an equipment to have some

socio-political or economic objectives thus focusing on the goals of ethnicity rather than its origination.

Elements leading ethnicity to the warring situation are unequal-distribution of resources, centralization

of power and dominancy of one ethnic group in central spheres of authority and thus responsible for

making issues for the federal system and begetting an abyss among ethnic groups in the society. 8

Dictionary of Politics describes ethnicity as,

“Ethnicity raises the whole socio-political question of national identity that is why ethnic politics
is at its most virulent and important in third world countries whose geographical definition owes
often far more to European empire builders to tend them to any ethnic homogeneity”.

Ethnicity is basically class formation which is opposite to social organization as it provides for an idea of

specific identification where ethno-cultural features are used for internal integration and dissociation from

other social groups.

Paul Brass, a Sociologist says,

”ethnic groups within three definitional parameters, first, in terms of ‘objective attributes’ – some
distinguishing cultural, religious or linguistic feature that separates one group of people from
another, second, in terms of ‘subjective feelings’ where a subjective self-consciousness exists.
Third, in relation to behavior – that is, how ethnic groups behave or do not behave, especially in
relation to other groups, since cultural and other distinctions really come forth to one group’s
interaction with other groups”.

Shireen M. Mazari , points out that, in multilingual states, various ethnicities and groups do exist in the

state structures but these become problematic when transformed into nationalist movements as language

based movements try to exist within the state system but movements based on distinct nationality

endeavor to have their own state. While nationalism is the political ideology in which some people

represent a specific community in a political system, leaving others independent, and have the right to

stand on equal footings in the world order as others. Nationalism was actually the result of colonialism as

8
U. Javed & R.S, Hashmi, “Contending Ethnic Identities: An Issue to Pakistan’s Internal Security (The case of
Karachi),” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 19, Issue – (1,2012),
they emerged from the lap of colonial powers. After independence, ruling classes have altered this

weapon into ethnicity and used it for the benefits of their own under the philosophy of divide and rule. 9

The term ethno-nationality has various dimensions and thus a conceptual clarification of the term is

necessary as it is related to a certain region. The word “Region” is derived from the Latin word “Regio”

means

“An administrative area or broad geographical area distinguished by similar features”.

Traver describes that a region not only has a geographical but also has a political connotation. A

commonly accepted definition of region is hardly to find, however most of the political scientists describe

that a region is a

“Some geographical proximity and contiguity”.

. In the words of Russel,

“Region is a certain degree of cultural homogeneity.”

On the other hand, regionalism refers to process and structure of building up an area which has some

politico-economic cum socio-cultural proximities among societies and states that exist together in a

geographical entity.

2.2 Second World War and Ethno-National Movements

After the World War second, a sign of regional protests or nationalist movements appeared in Europe.

Similarly in America, regional sentiments ousted but weakened and even the mouldering racial feelings

seemed inactive. In Asia and Africa nationalist movements made their appearance but they were

grounded on the anti colonial feelings rather than regional sentiments.

9
M.I. Latif, M. A. Hamza, “Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: a case study of Baloch Nationalism during Musharraf
Regime” np, nd.
Today people are admiring that the globe is now plural and multicultural. The states based on nationality

are very seldom ethnically homogenous. They are comprised of more than two ethnic identities inhabiting

in a difficult harmony within the same state boundaries. All states whether big or not have sizeable

minority groups with their respective local matters. States with large minority groups are U.S, Mexico,

Canada, France, Switzerland, Spain, Czechoslovakia, U.S.S.R, Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Saudi

Arabia, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, India and Afghanistan. In Africa, Morocco, Algeria, Namibia, Angola,

Congo and Nigeria etc. are larger minorities. States with small minorities are Frisians in Holland, the

Tyrolese in Italy, the Capps in Sweden etc. while Portugal, Greece, Ireland, Malta, West Germany,

Norway and Japan may be considered as homogenous. Many poly-ethnic states folded into rapid national

integration in the recent past. The regionalist movement in France aimed to make France a suburb of

Paris. In the year 1960, regionalism found a statement in the “ Nancy Program” which stated that

communal matters be regulated by community, regional by region and that of national by whole nation.

They demanded for devolution of powers and parallel economic growth. They further asked for

revivalism of local dialectics, collecting folk songs and publishing of local newspapers and journals. The

U.S, fourth largest state of the world but due to its expansion in size and multiple identities endangered

regional cleavages on many occasions. The civic war between North and South states was an example in

which the Southern states comprised of old confederation were then defeated in civil war but left

remarkable inter-regional cleavages in the history of U.S.A. Same threats were being found from New

England in 1814 with the aim to break away from the union. Moreover the Middle Western states of

Europe have their own economic interests and they proved a strong opposition to the bankers and traders,

importers and industrialists of the North Eastern states. Gandhi has defined the term in such words

“Regionalism has oftenly expressed itself in terms which are opposed to national unity
and integrity and challenged the legitimacy of the state while the rulers see it as a threat
to development, progress and unity”.10

10
A. Gochhayat, “Regionalism and sub-regionalism”: A theoritical framework with special reference to india,
African journal of political science and international relations vol. 8 (1), nd, pp. 10-26.
Authors like Reddy and Sharma (1979) regarded it as “anti-system and anti-federal” while the positive

scholars like Mukherjee value it in the context of,

“ building the nation or national cohesion provided the political system is accommodative of
timely meeting the demands of regions.”

The purpose, types, reasons and circumstances of ethno-national ambitions in Pakistan are vast but the

basic aim is that to determine oneself whether territorial, lingual, sectarian base or all of them, keeping in

mind that self-determination is either due to deprivation or exploitation of a certain area in relation to

other parts of the same state and this type of regionalist ambitions are most important which is currently

reflected in almost all provinces of Pakistan.

Territorially, the unity and integrity of Pakistan made the central government’s approach to deal with the

demands of autonomy. Even in some cases, the movements for greater provincial autonomy had

confronted the central government’s might and were violent in nature. The threat of disintegration led

Pakistan to take initiatives against such actions with reflexive statist attitude i.e military aggression and

support across the borders for autonomist which turned them to secessionist, further complicated the

matter and compelled state’s defense to counter insurgency operations in certain areas of Pakistan. 11

The regional sentiments, (ethnicity, sectarianism, provincialism) are considered as serious threat for

national integration by some scholars and political leadership. Multi ethnic and multinational states

emerged with the end of World War Second. European democracies and socialist states were being

plagued by ethnic, regional, linguistic, religious and cultural minorities. Eastern Europe like Romania,

Bulgaria, Hungary and Yugoslavia met with such tensions. Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Estonia

and Spain, Ireland, Belgium, America and Canada as non-communist states faced various ethnic conflicts.

Sinhalese Tamil conflict in Sarilanka, Mezzo and Naga problem in India and separation of East Pakistan

in 1971 soon after independence are the experiences of some sort of ethno dissonance encompassing

various levels of intensity of politicized ethnicity in the world. Different parts in the world, demand a
11
Ibid.
separate province, state or region within the same country or greater provincial autonomy for their

existing or a separate and independent state. 12

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 and end of Cold War, ethnic movements around the

globe were observed more deeply by the analysts and very few of them were found to be ethnically

homogenous. Twenty five states were such which had a single ethnic group accounting for 90 percent of

total population while another twenty five countries had an ethnic majority of 75 percent. Thirty one

states accounted for 50 percent of single ethnic group to 75 percent of total population whereas in thirty

nine states, no any group exceeded to half of the total population. In a few European and Latin American

states, one ethnic identity counted for 75 percent of total population. 13

At the commencement of ‘New World Order” challenges like democracy, political freedom, human

rights, peace and development are some of the hopes that proved in the hearts of developing societies but

still the real issue was ethnicity and resolution of ethnic conflicts as they have become intensified which

diffused mutual patience and sharpens consciousness in diverse peoples.

Urdu, one of the defining bases for Muslim religious identity of Pakistan, which provided the justification

for partition of India and the creation of Pakistan but insistence on Urdu as the only language of Pakistani

nation became the first casus belli for the battle cry of different ethnic identities that made up the state of

Pakistan.14

As in other states of South Asian region, factors of language and geography contributed a lot in ethnic

identification in Pakistan as well. These factors had potentials to give birth to various conflicts among

different identities in different times and making the process of national integration vulnerable. Before

12
N. Safdar, “National Security threats to Pakistan”, Naval Postgraduate School,2004

13
“ibid”
14
Tariq Rehman,” Language and Politics in Pakistan”, Oxford, Pakistan, 1996, p. 23.
partition of Indian sub - continent, Muslims of India opted for a separate and independent state

based on ‘Two Nation Theory’ and became successful but it is a country with the lingual assemblage of

Sindhis, Punjabis, Siraikis, Balochis, Pakhtoons, Bengalis and Muhajirs from India. Usually culture and

language do not support only the development of a single ethno-nationalism in new republics. Therefore,

Clifford Geertz calls it as “old societies and new states”. As most of them have un-demarcated frontiers

overlapping tribes and groups or sub-groups within the larger one whose leadership struggles for an

independent nation state. The frictions in different multicultural states are both horizontal (ethnic,

religious, linguistic, tribal) and vertical (class, caste and sectarian). Such a heterogeneous society presents

its loyalty and sympathy immediately to their respective units as compared to nation state. So history may

not be called as a unifying factor because every province has its own culture, language and traditions. In

governmental terms it is called as ‘provincialism’ or ‘regionalism’- a serious threat facing by Pakistan

now days.15

Pakistan by mother language (1998)

Linguistic group Pakistan Punjab Sindh NWFP Baluchistan

Urdu 7.8 4.5 21.1 0.8 1.6

Punjabi 45.4 75.2 7.0 1.0 2.9

Pashto 13.0 1.2 4.2 73.9 23.0

Sindhi 14.6 0.1 59.7 0 6.8

Balochi 3.5 0.7 2.1 0 58.5

Siraiki 10.9 17.4 1.0 3.9 2.6

Others 4.8 0.9 4.9 20.4 5.1

Total 100 100 100 100 100

Population in Million 127.5 73.6 30.4 17.7 5.7

Source: Obtained by Coakley, J. p. 147

15
N. Safdar, “National Security threats to Pakistan”, Naval Postgraduate School,2004
2.3 Ethno-Nationality in Pakistan

The federation of Pakistan is based on different ethno-linguistic identities and these attributes of ethnicity

became dominated factors of the ethnic origin of this region. Bengalis were culturally, linguistically

different and victims of economic frustration. Pakhtun ethnicity was racial and historic. Tribalism,

territory and usurpation of natural resources by others became the dominant factor in Baloch ethnicity.

The Sindhis are also culturally and linguistically different affiliation. The Punjabis having all the symbols

of ethnic sentiments but being satisfied with the existent state structure and political system so remained

powerful in politico-economic system of the state. Muhajirs in urban areas of Sindh also projected as

distinct identification of the province.16

In Pakistani political system, ethno-nationality or regionalism is at present day widespread phenomenon

or issue and has affected the political climate of Pakistan through suppression of state policies to a great

extent by regional groups. Most regional parties like Baloch and Pakhtun regional parties such as the

Awami National Party (ANP), Balochistan National Party (BNP), Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) and

Pukhhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP) and Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), highlight ethnic

discrepancies and alienation arising from unequal distribution of power and authority between the center

and the provinces.17

Along with other different developmental programs, regional disparities and irregularities become more

marked, threatening a sense of cumulative deprivations in the people of some regions, together with

politicization in the community to sharpen focus to ethno-nationalism which will emerge more clearly as

a factor of significance in Pakistani polity. More internal self-determination also remained the dominant

form in which ethno-nationalism has expressed itself. Anyhow an attempt will be made on the theoretical

perspective of ethno-nationalism as to find out how far and up to what extent, it poses a challenge to
16
U. Javaid and R. S. Hashmi, “Contending Ethnic Identities: An Issue to Pakistan’s Internal Security” (The case of
Karachi), Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 19, Issue - 1,2012,
17
A. Gochhayat, “Regionalism and sub-Regionalism: A theoritical framework with special reference to india”,
African journal of political science and international relations vol. 8 (1), pp. 10-26, nd.
national politics in Pakistan aiming autonomy and self-determination and what are those basic factors

which affecting ethno-nationalism motives in Pakistani politics. 18

The term regionalism or ethno-nationalism got importance in the current century both as a political,

economic and social organization as well as a field of study. Attempts were made over this phenomenon

to clarify the need, mean and explanation of the term regionalism or ethno-nationalism. Regionalism is an

ideology and political movement which aims to advance the causes or problems of regions. 19

In the pre independence era, Pakistan was an ethno- nationalist state but after independence, it highly

neglected the social diversification and economic inequalities of the people. The ruling class in Pakistan

neglected the interests of ethnic and regional sub-groups which gave a severe strike to Pakistan’s united

existence and so a new state in the name of Bengladesh, produced on world map while the remaining state

is still under the seigh of political instability, ethnicism, sectarianism, religious terrorism and economic

disparity. The constituent minorities in Pakistan greatly exploited the dream of national integration,

though Pakistan was trying its best to fulfill minority’s demand for self-determination and politico-

economic equilibrium but concrete steps were not taken till yet. Keeping in mind, that ethnic politics in

Pakistan is perceived to be a great danger for its federation. The non-democratic elements cannot

understand the real situation of power of nationalism and regional independence.

However Pakistan’s political elite despite of losing an important part in the result of separatist movement

in 1971 and is yet most complex state, linguistically, challenged the writ of the government in different

times in its political history.20

18
Ijaz Latif, M. Amir Hamza, “Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: a case study of Baloch Nationalism during
Musharraf Regime” , np, nd.
19
M. Mushtaq, “Managing Ethnic Diversity and Federalism in Pakistan” European Journal of Scientific Research,
Euro Journals Publishing, Inc. Vol.33 No.2 (2009).

20
I. Latif, M. A.Hamza, “Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: a case study of Baloch Nationalism during Musharraf
Regime”, np, nd.
But the state of Pakistan did not comprehend the strained socio-political situations of its provinces,

although state’s constitution provided equal rights and opportunities to all nationalities in all spheres of

life. Besides this, efforts will also be made for promotion of language and culture of all communities and

will be adequately respected and tolerated. Exploitation in the name of Islam, national unity, strong center

or provincial autonomy is not only violation of basic human and democratic rights but the destruction of

unity of their own homeland. Unity among all peoples, linguistic or racial groups must be obtained and

can be found within diverse ethno-cultural environment of Pakistan. 21

Social scientist Hamza Alavi had said back in 1997:

“There is an extra-ordinary sense of insecurity in the minds of our rulers about Pakistan’s
nationhood…Their fear was particularly great when ethnic movements began to demand regional
autonomy. They hoped that an ideological offensive using religion would neat down ethnic
movements and put an end to demand of regional autonomy.”22

The intensification of crisis to federation, as Samuel stated, highly related to,

" the rate, volume as well as the content of the regional demands".

Whenever demands of the affecters are not taken seriously, they lead to extreme and change into

secessionist movements - (East Bengal crisis 1971), Siraikistan issue and Baloch movement in existing

Pakistan are reasons of this kind. Thus according to Lucain,

"Regionalism is always potential source of danger which may ultimately undermine the federal
system's maintenance capability" 23

In a country like Pakistan, where federalism has brought about political unity but the state by itself

witnessing struggles for the assertiveness and conflicting claims of identity groups. These struggles are

though on regional lines but because of uneven development and unequal access to political power.

Bhutto succeeded to some extent in countering inter-regional and intra-regional problems due to his party

21
H. Alvi, “The Territorial Dimension of Pakistani Nationhood in Pakistan”: Perspectives on State and Society,
Lahore, SAHE, 2004, pp.85-102.
22
A. P. Memon, K. S. Memon, S. Shekh, F. Memon, “Political Instability”: A case study of Pakistan, np, nd.
23
ibid
support in Punjab and Sindh and these provinces bargained with the central government for more

prosperity and developmental benefits. Bhutto for his political survival maintained a balance in regional

aspirations of Punjab and Sindh but however KP and Balochistan didn’t get any favor rather their regional

aspirations were suppressed because of demand of regional autonomy in accordance of new constitution

of Pakistan. These provinces in response recorded their protest against Bhutto authoritarianism and

Punjab and Sindh domination over national politics.

Like Balochistan, KP too for the long run had been neglected as the methods applied by the former

governments were also used by Bhutto’s regime and so the coalition of NAP-JUI was broken by the

authorities and militant tactics were used to counter regional aspirations in the provinces as posing threats

to Bhutto’s authority and that’s why prominent elements of regional parties were suppressed through

unconstitutional means. Militant organization “Zalme Pakhtoon” was banned under Defence of Pakistan

Rules. Military was deployed to change the province into ‘Iron Curtain’ and rumors of the murder of

Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai to create misunderstanding between Pakhtun s and Balochis. Bhutto

accused for foreign interference for disturbances in KP, identifying Afghanistan as directly responsible

for disharmony in the province. Throughout Bhutto’s tenure KP presented unprecedented evidences of

violence and terrorism, agrarian conflicts and general socio- political instability. On the other hand

Pukhtoon regionalists accused Bhutto regime of transferring parliamentary system into mockery and so

made their activities more vigorous through Khudai Khidmatgars for recognizing Pakhtun culture and

identity. NAP continued its efforts ‘for self-determination of Pakhtun people’ both residing in KP and

Afghanistan. Sectarian and regional fixations threatening proportions were the evidences of Pakistan’s

history since independence and Bangladesh is a bitter reminder of that realistic situation. Systemic the

realities of a poor federal structure were not taken seriously by the regime because of his overconfidence

in the potentiality of political, administrative cum diplomatic skills. But he did not fully reckon with the
imponderables of forces of “festering nationalism” and so failed in the end to give a national response to

sub-national challenges.24

According to Laghari, destabilization of the political system in multilingual societies of the developing

states like Pakistan is the outcome of,

"The issues of centralization of authority, national integration, social mobilization, economic

development, political participating and social welfare, which have arisen simultaneously in the
political order".25

Keeping in view that small provinces opted for majority constraining federalism through 1973

constitution in the form of bicameralism with equal representation in the upper chamber for all provinces

(19 each, 8 FATA) along with recognition of provincial languages. These were confidence building

measures in order to counter balance the Punjabi dominated lower house. But the upper house still had no

jurisdictions related to money bills and budget may directly be sent by the lower house for Presidential

assent without any interruption by the Upper Chamber. The 17 th Amendment inducted in 1973

constitution during Musharraf era through LFO increased the seats of Senate to (22 each) and 8 for

FATA. Moreover it became essential to present money bill to the Senate. 26

But as the regionalist parties were mainly concentrated in NWFP and Baluchistan and had very less or no

representation in the central legislature while secured seats for provincial assemblies. ANP was

established in 1986, got support in the rural Pakhtun areas of KPK. Securing 8-38 % seats in KP

assembly from 1988-97 and raised the issue of provincial autonomy and renaming the province of NWFP

but didn’t get the required objectives.

Interviews conducted in May 2005, in which views were expressed by the interviewees that regional

political parties are not the only issue of Pakistan rather Punjab’s domination in politico-economic and

24
Surendra nath kaushik,”Politics in pakistan( with special reference to rise and fall ofBhitto),Sani hussain panhwar,
member Sindh Council, 1984, pp 37-42
25
A. P. Memon, K. S. Memon, S. Shekh, F. Memon, “Political Instability”: A case study of Pakistan, np, nd.

26
M. Waseem, “Federalism in Pakistan”, np, August 2010
military aspects is the real issue which made the regional parties to demand regional autonomy in the

remaining federating units27.

The importance of issues in KP are similar to those in Baluchistan and Sindh, related to resource

allocation, autonomy and cultural identity but here violent religious politics is more than other provinces

which have also created a tension between center and the KP province. Pakhtuns are very much cautious

regarding their future than anybody else and they have not taken the issue of Pukhtoonistan in a

secessionist manner as in Balochistan or Sindh. 28

As the provincial units have been struggling for the allocation and distribution of resources (fiscal, water

and mineral) which ultimately cause sectarian and ethnic polarization in Pakistan influencing negatively

on Pakistan’s economy though large scaleprovincial agendas and acute differences in them have rolled

back these mega projects and so made Pakistan’s future prosperity suspicious. 29

Post 9/11 Era, U.S intervention and ‘War on Terror’ has changed the geo-political importance of the

region as “Talbanization” has resulted into terroristic activities but despite all, ANP has emerged as a

single largest party in the wounded constituencies of Pakhtun region in the elections of 2008.30

Moreover the deteriorating law and order situation in Pakistan generally and KP specifically has made the

foreign investors to fold back their capital elsewhere away from Pakistan. Terrorism and target killings

have harmed KP and Pakistan economically. A survey conducted by the Karachi Chamber of Commerce

and Industry, one day strike results in losses accounting for Rs1.18 billion in terms of GDP. So how can

be the social infrastructure improved. Thus internal and external security and economic development are

interdependent variables for both Pakistan and KP’s political stability. 31

27
K. Adeney, “Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan”, Palgrave Macmillan, jan. 2007,
pp. 139-142
28
ibid , p 162
29
Henning Job, “ Pakistan’s Future and U.S Policy Options, Regional issues- Energy and Water Crisis”, Center of
strategic and International Studies, September 24, 2002, p 5
30
M. Mushtaq, “Managing ethnic Diversity andFederalism in Pakistan”, European Journal of Scientific Research,
vol. 33 No. 2 (2009).
31
K. Khaleeq, “ Foreign Investment falls by 12 pc”, The Dawn, April 20, 2004
2.4 Factors Responsible for Enhancing Ethno-Nationality in Pakistan

Factors responsible for sharpening local or regional demands are:

One of the Reasons for regional grievances of aggrieved groups of concerned units of federation is the

domination by the ruling class of Punjab and therefore demands for complete independence, federation

with transferring residual powers to provincial list for the center, greater provincial autonomy within the

federal structure, establishing new provinces which are ethnically homogenous and the demand for

arranging local government elections and rendering more power to local representatives have been heard

in different times in Pakistani polity. Cultural symbols serve as instruments to produce group cohesion

and legitimize group demands. Ethnic struggles aimed at safeguard and development of local languages

and cultures as heritage of distinct identities against the Urdu dominancy in Pakistan. 32

1. The changed mode of electoral representation has led to hitherto politically dormant regions.

Political mobilization along class, caste, ethnic and language lines not only by regional political

parties which focused territorially and so very rarely cross the regional lines but the national

parties with regional characters also do adhere to region-specific electoral campaigns and

policies.

2. Regional disparities in terms of revenue and consumptions have awakened the perception of

ignorance and discrimination. Developed regions benefited themselves more as compared to the

regions situated at peripheries, disturbed law and order situation and with provided poor

economic and social infrastructure.

3. “The secession of the rich”- rich region attracts huge private investment and so register

impressive growth which in turn starts the continued dependency of relatively under developed

regions on the reverences transferred to them.

Other factors responsible for awakening regional aspirations in the minds of people are:

32
A. Feroz, “ Ethnicity, The state and national Integration in third world Societies” The case of Pakistan, np, nd.
 1. Ethno-nationalistic features evolved as a reaction when the central government endeavored to

adopt a specific ideology, language and cultural pattern on special people or communities and

that’s why Urdu was opposed by Bengalis as a national language in Pakistan.

2. Another important reason for struggle between provinces and between ethnic groups is the

negligence of a definite territory or region by the ruling national level parties and centralization of

administrative and political power in the hands of respective elites also give rise to demand for

devolution of powers and bifurcation of unilingual units like in KP “khpla khawra khpl ikhtiar”

or “Sons of soil theory” is used to promote the interests of specified group.

3. Desire of various units or groups to maintain their identity, desire of self-ruling, has also

provoked regionalism and demand for autonomy to a greater extent e.g KP, Balochistan and

Siraikistan.

4. The local elites, of regional parties (ANP, BNP, MQM and QWP) in desire of seeking power also

led to regional ambitions in Pakistan. These parties and their leadership fanned regional issues in

order to gain power at the local level or have a say in central government.

5. Forces of modernization and mass participation in it also provided the regionalist motive in

certain areas of Pakistan.

6. Pakistan after independence was not in a position to realize the aim of a newly born nation and

different communities also failed to relate their interests with the interests of state.

Awareness or Perception of the backward areas people for their discrimination against the others also
promotes feelings of regionalism in the country. The political leaders also try to inculcate in the minds of
common people that the regional imbalance is due to polarization of the central government and so some
areas are therefore being socially and economically neglected. 33

Demography of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

33
A. Gochhayat, “Regionalism and sub-Regionalism: A theoritical framework with special reference to india”,
African journal of political science and international relations vol. 8 (1), pp. 10-26, nd.
The former (NWFP) new KP is located to the North of Pakistan encircling territory of 74,521

km2 and the FATA 27,220 km2. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and tribal areas are situated along the

West bank of the Indus. Punjab to its eastern side, Afghanistan to its Western, huge mountains of

Hindu Kush (Hindu Killer) and China to its North linking through Karakurm and Balochistan

and Sulaiman hills to its southern part. The politics and culture of the province has ever been

remained significant due to its strategic location with a demarcating line (River Indus) between

the KP and the rest of subcontinent. In-between the surrounding hills of the province are valleys

made fertile by river Kabul and other rivers from Swat and Kurram from which various irrigation

channels are diverted in different directions with a view to meet the increased needs of

agriculture. The climate of the province is dry, continental with trembling cold winter and

scorching summer which lastly ends with pleasant monsoon rains.34

KP is comprised of seven divisions which are further sub-divided into twenty two districts

Peshawar,Charsadda,Nowshera,Mardan,Swabi,Kohat,Karak,Bannu,LakkiMarwat,Tank,Hangu,H

aripur,Abbottabad,Mansehra,Battagram, Kohistan and Dera Ismail Khan, and the Provincially

Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) of KP which has a population of 831,000 consists of

Malakand Agency and the districts of Upper Dir, Lower Dir, Chitral, Swat, Buner, Shangla and

the pocket of Kala Dhaka. In reference to the census of 1998, the total population of KP was

estimated as 17 million with an annual increase of 2.82 percent. Along with Pukhtoon tribes, KP

is also the residence of other identities and linguistic groups. Northern hilly areas spoke different

local languages, that are Khowar, Hindko, Kohistani, Shina, Torwali, Kashmiri, Kalasha and

Kaghani. A large group of inhabitants of Peshawar and Kohat speaks Hindko..The people of D.I

Khan speak Seraiki as their mother language. The immigrants of Afghanistan brought Tajik and

34
M.Banerjee, “The Pathan Unarmed” (Opposition and memory in the North West Frontier), Oxford University
Press Karachi, 2004, p21
Hazarvi languages with themselves. With the theological point of view, if KP is studied so

almost all the inhabitants of the province are Sunni Muslims while there is a minority of Shia

Muslims as well including Ismailis, along with small portion of Shamanists in Chitral. 35 Map of

KP

35
Post Crisis Needs Assessment, Khyber Pukhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Areas, Pakistan,
September 2010
The KP is ethnically diverse having 30% population of Chitralis and Hindko speakers in the

Hazara and Siraiki speakers in D.I.Khan however politics of the province is dominated by

Pukhto language. NWFP is called ‘Sooba Sarhad’ in Urdu means ‘the border region’ which is

irritating to most of Pukhtoons as they are proud of their distinct identity and these ethno-

national sentiments are represented by the Pakhtun representative party ANP- struggling for not

only provincial autonomy but for renaming the province as well.36

The politics of ANP can be divided into three categories;

● KhudaiKhidmatgar Movement: pre and post partition.

● National Awami Party: Secularistic nature, social reforms and provincial autonomy.

● Awami National Party: political Party of KP, leftist party, regional ambitions, alliances

and politics.

3.2 Pakhtun Society

Pakhtun social history is five thousand years old. ‘Rag Weed’, a holy book of Aryan (1400 B.C)

had discussed this nation with the name ‘Pakteekan’ means Pakhtun and ‘Pakteeka’ means

Pakhtunkhwa to this land. Different theories have been presented regarding origin, ancestry and

language of Pakhtun nation. One of the views is that Pakhtun people have been descended from

Aryan nation who came from Central Asia thousand years ago and settled in eastern and

southern Afghanistan. They spoke a language Pushto, derived from Saka- a Central Asian

language and belonged to East Iranian language family. Another view is that Pakhtuns are

ancestors of Qais. He was born in Southern Afghanistan (Zhob) in 575 A.D. The legend Qais
36
Dawn report 20, 2008; http//www. Dawn.com/local 28.htm
was known as Pehtan Qais. He died in 661 A.D. and is supposed to be buried in Kas-ghar or

Takht-e- Sulaiman. During his life, he travelled to Makkah, met with Prophet Muhammad

(S.A.W), embraced Islam and came to be known as Abdur-Rashid . It is also said that he got

married to daughter of Khalid bin Walid. It was Abdur Rashid who showed to Pakhtun a path

towards Islam and that is why he held esteem position in Pakhtun history but due to

unavailability of solid proof and miscommunication of information, this theory has made the

views of scholars doubtful. Among others, three of his sons from binte Khalid are told to be

ancestors of all Pukhtoon tribes. Their names are

Sarabin (ii) Battin (iii) Gorasht

Yousaf baba belonged to offsprings of Khrshboon (Khair-u-Din)- ancestor of Sarabin. The

generation of Sarabin spread up into two big tribes named (GhoriaKhel) and (Khashi). Later on

Khashi divided into four main tribes Gagyani, Yousafzai, Trklani and Muhammadzai.37

Another hypothesis regarding origin of Pakhtun is that they are sons of Israel because of their

facial resemblance, bibilical names, customs and superstitions. Some writers like Khwaja

Niamatullah, Hafiz Rehmat Khan, Afzal Khan khattak and Qazi Atttaullah Khan supported this

theory. Foreigners like H.W Bellew, Sir Willium Jones and Major Raverty on the basis of

Pakhtun phsiogonomy subscribed to this view. Although these presumptions do not possess

strong scientific criterion for ethnological resemblance of a certain race with another because

Kashmiris who resemble in certain features with Pakhtun but actually they are not Pakhtuns.

That is why Syed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kaka Khel and Sir Olaf Caroe in their well –known books

‘PUKHTANA’ and ‘The Pathans’ respectively are not agree to theory of Niamatullah on Semitic

37
Pukhtoon History in Islam (part-I) www. Pukhtoon.com, nd.
origin of Pakhtuns and holds that the historical study of the Pakhtuns possesses certain

ambiguities and to falsify this statement, Al-Utbi and Al-Beruni- reknown scholars of history

asserted that,

"four centuries later than the time of Qais the Province of Kabul had not been Islamized
and this was achieved under the Ghaznavides. The Hindu Shahiya Kingdom of Jaipal
extended almost to Kabul, Mahmud had to fight against infidel Afghans of the Sulaiman
Mountains".38
The difference in physical anthropology of Pakhtun also points to the fact that as different races

passed through the area to get access to Hindustan and conquer it, intermingled with Pakhtuns

leaving different features in them. Some prominent linguists argue that Pukhto is one of the

Iranian languages groups of the eastern side. Afghan historians like Mr. Ahmad Ali Kohzad too

supported the idea regarding Pakhtun origin from Aryan and held that today’s Pakhtun nation are

the Pakhat of the Rig Veda. The political history of Pakhtun region is also witness of the reality

that this area has been remained and affected by foreign invaders as compared to other areas of

this region in different times. Every invading actor like Turks, Iranians and Mongols had left

respective traits absorbed by Pakhtuns. Anyhow if customs and traditions are the determinants of

resemblance of two races then Pakhtuns are closer to Arabs especially in their tribal

organization, social usages, hospitality, bravery, revenge, courage as supreme virtues of not only

pre-Islamic Arabs but post- Islamic as well. These characteristics also make the foundation of

Pakhtun’s code of respect and honor like members of one hay establishes a tribe in Arab states so

Khel- Arabian noun means (an association) is the foundation step of Pakhtun tribal

organizational set up. Muruah (Arabic word) meaning courage, this attribute is shared both by

Arabs and Pakhtuns as both fought against non-Muslims in different times. Both are conscious

regarding racial superiority one boast of being Quraish and the other ‘I am Pukhtoon’.39
38
Caroe., The Pathans 550BC-1957, Karachi, Oxford University Press1958
39
History of Pathan, www. Pukhtoon.com
3.3 Basics of Pukhtoon Culture

The river Indus makes a decisive break in terms of cultural pattern of the province. To the West

of river Indus, the environment is of Mediterranean type, people share characteristics of

language, segmentary structure, acephalous organization, endogamous marriages and egalitarian

ideas of leadership and power which are similar to social formation of Middle East. Pukhtoon

social structure is mainly based on segmentary, lineage system. The whole population is divided

into so many tribes, clans, sub-clans, lineage sections and families. Every group defines itself

through a patriline common male ancestor. Use of suffix Zai or Khel after the ancestor name

denotes name of the clan or sub-clan to which the person belongs – thus Muhammad Zai,

(PayendaKhel, BaroKhel) are the descendants of Muhammad tribe and same is the case with

Yousaf. Intersecting the lineages are social groups called Qaum which differ in power and

prestige but are very similar to caste system in India. Although Pakhtuns are Muslims who

strictly believe in Sunni school of thought and therefore language and religious observance are

considered to be integral part of their lives. Honour and self-respect is one of the bases of

Pukhtoon culture encoded in Pukhtoonwali which is a distinctive feature of Pakhtun ethics and

behavior. According to Barth,” ‘doing Pukhto’ is of more profound significance for Pukhtoon

identity then merely’ speaking Pukhto’, and Pukhtoonwali is the native model which provides

Pukhtoon with their self –image”.

The most prominent Badal (revenge) which is basically a challenge in response to the violence

occurred in face of insult, injury or death. But on the other side Pakhtun is friendly and

sympathetic in a sense that he issues sanctuary even to his enemy’s request. This is called

Nanawati in Pakhtun culture. Similarly Milmastia another attribute of Pakhtun social standard
and Pardah for women is honorable organization of Pakhtun’s domestic life. Jirga (assembly of

elders) is arranged to manage and resolve mutual disputes peacefully.40

3.4 Islam and Pukhtoonwali

The basic elements of Pukhtoonwali are thought to date to eighth century- as old as Islam. Islam

and Pukhtoonwali are identities of Pakhtun’s social life. Mosque and Hujra are religious and

social symbols representing Pakhtun to be moral, ethical, peaceful and social. Four pillars of

Islam- Nimaz, Roza, Zakat and Haj are adequately and strictly observed by Pakhtun in his

society. Pakhtun embraces Islam without any question or suspicion and co-relate Pakhtun’s

custom with accepted Islamic laws. The non-violent politics (Islamic) and the practice of

Pukhtoonwali by Bacha Khan was simply because that Pakhtun brothers may accept his

endeavors. The values of patience and self-restraint are not only implicit by Quraan rather

equally valued by Pukhtoon traditions. The people passing through messages of Bacha Khan and

trainings of KK ultimately became good Pukhtoons, good Muslim and good non-violent

agitators. Although talk of non-violence was initially difficult to be understood as fighting back

was Pakhtunn’s custom but Bacha Khan told that without this we would not get independence.

People followed non-violence because it was Bacha Khan’s order. People gave up feuding over a

period of years but the message of KK lives to this date.41

3.5 Pakhtun Nationalism and Bacha Khan

The rise of Pakhtun nationalism was the outcome of a central oriented system of bureaucracy to

replace the decentralized agro-illiterate semi-tribal system of control. The British authorities

40
I. Alam, N. Muhammad and M. shah, “ Assessing Pukhtoon Tribal Volatility and Steps Towards Normacy” (A
Chronological Review), universal Journal of management and Social Sciences, vol 2, 2010.
41
M.Banerjee, “The Pathan Unarmed” (Opposition and memory in the North West Frontier), Oxford University
Press Karachi, 2004, p21
struggled to spread its writ through patronage and imposition of revenue. Thus nationalism was

the reaction of small scale khans against selective patronage and burden of revenue. So the newly

emerged discontent status group universalized and legitimized the nationalist sentiments of

Pukhtoon. External factors also contributed a lot to the rise of Pakhtun nationalism- political

alterations in the system of Afghanistan. Amanullah Khan (1919-1929) gave first constitution to

its state and introduced the country as a nation, equal rights of citizenship to all irrespective to

religion. Constitution was written in Pukhto and declared this language as national language.

History was written to prove that this country has been existing from time immemorial.

Amanullah’s policies created a sense of Pukhtoon nationalism in his people. The same

movement was launched by a small khan (Abdul Ghafar Khan) popularly called Bacha Khan

under the name of Khudai Khidmatgar which proclaimed for social justice. Sources of influence

for Bacha Khan were Amanullah’s policy of nationalism and Gandhi’s anti-colonial movement

based on non-violence. He was a person of high integrity and perseverance but not the

intellectual to a great extent. He hardly understood socio-political changes occurred in society as

he was not a cunning and calculating politician rather was a dreamer and had a belief on ideas.42

3.6 Social Efforts of Bacha Khan

Bacha Khan (khan of khans) was born in 1890 in a village Utmanzai (Charsadda) district

Peshawar as Abdul Ghafar Khan- a man, always be honoured by his followers. He received his

early education in a village school and then from Edwards College Peshawar where he read

subjects like mathematics, geography and history. This education enlightened his vision but put

him in minority in an illiterate Pakhtun majority. In a very young age, Bacha Khan joined elites

Guide Cavalry but when the British army was encountering native people in Qissa Khani bazar,

42
A. Khan, “ Pushtun Ethnic Nationalism; from Separation to Integration” np, nd..
realizing the fact that native will be killed by his own native people so turned his back to army.

So instead of passing a leisure life, Bacha khan endeavored to open village schools although

there were government schools with specified rules as to adopt Urdu as medium of instructions

which was disincentive to Pukhto speakers. So in 1910 he opened school in his own village and

started visiting other villages to make an environment for educated Pakhtuns. While touring

different places, he noticed poor social and economic livings of Pakhtun society, so brushed

them out against interference of colonial authorities in their indigenous initiatives. Along with

educational efforts, initiative was taken to form a branch of all India National Congress at

Peshawar in 1905 but soon banned in 1907 and workers were arrested under FCR. In the year

1912, a branch of Muslim League was opened at Peshawar but after this, Pakhtuns were called to

fight against non-Muslims in Balkan Wars and so the branch was banned by the authorities and

leaders were arrested on charge of extremism. However Bacha Khan continued his educational

activities with the cooperation of Haji Sahib of Turang Zai (a religious person). During this time

Bacha Khan found the authorities to arrest them for their activities. Bacha Khan advised Haji

Sahib to leave the place but instead he called for jihad against British. Bacha Khan refused from

Jihad because of disorganization of people of Buner and less weapons as with other tribes and so

their loss would be certain. Anyhow Bacha Khan’s stance was not taken into consideration and

counter attacks on colonial powers were made but soon fizzled. Haji Sahib fled away and Bacha

Khan was arrested. His schools were closed down, teachers were arrested and people were

discouraged from participating self-helped projects. The well stationed British and their strength

made impossible for Pukhtoon to oust them by violent rebellion, this movement could be

sustained only through excessive supply of ammunition and other materials to vulnerable

frontier. Jihad of a small scale resulted only in aggravation of British anxieties of the concerned
people. He increased his awareness of national politics by linking it with some other nationalist

seminaries and visited Doband from 1916-1990 in order to make strategies against British rule

and so undertook political activities on this behalf. Bach Khan also participated in nation-wide

Khilafat agitation and various committees were made including Frontier as well to plan protests

against British imperialism.

Hijrat to Afganistan

In 1920, the national leadership ordered Hijrat from Indian sub-continent and the best place for it

was either Frontier or Afghanistan. Afghan emperor offered great support to any Pakhtun who

managed to break tight security of British and reach Afghanistan. Approximately 60 thousand

had overwhelmed their Muslim brethren in Afghanistan. Although the Hijrat had raised the

profile of nationalists but Bacha Khan declared that this is not the only solution and any action

taken by Pakhtun would be from their own soil. Abdul Ghafar Khan had decided to start Khudai

Khidmatgar Movement for which people had to return from Afghanistan but Bacha Khan

declared that Mullahs will not be allowed in this movement as people had already deceived and

migrated by them to Afghanistan but all in vain.43

Bacha Khan’s decision of leaving Afghanistan for his village and adopting a way of non-

violence, opening madrassas for educating Pakhtun and their reformation from bad customs and

violence and to inspire love in them for their state made Bacha Khan along with some Pakhtun

wise persons and Khans to launch Anjuman-e-islahulAfghania in 1921 for social and educational

works in settled districts of the province.

43
Klauss.R, “Afghanistan”; the Great Game revisited, New York, Freedom House, 1987
Education

The association gave primary importance to education, beauty of Pukhto language and poetry,

struggle against feudalism and factionalism, avoidance of extravagance on hospitality or other

social events rather investing money in the community. The reform movement distributed zakat

and other collections among school children but not in mullas. The admission fee was just one

rupee and all other facilities including stationery were free of cost. Mullas were deprived of this

service because of their negative propaganda against reform movement of Bacha Khan and

implied it as love for money (sabq da madrasay wai, dapara da paise wai). Anyhow these

madrassas taught Pukhto, history, mathematics, Quraan, Hadees along with skills like carpentry,

weaving and tailoring. Although, they were allowed to educate their own children. Moreover

children were assembled every Thursday and were acquainted with independence movement,

world affairs and impacts of world war. The emphasis on education and social reforms

introduced by Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan enabled the common masses to tackle problems by their

own, if they are understandable to them.

Cleanliness

Beside these, an initiative was also taken that villages should be cleaned and swept and latrines

and drainage trenches be built by the volunteers to improve sanitation conditions and to uplift the

social standard of Pakhtun society. The educative and social consciousness among Pakhtuns and

its long term political impacts (sustained agitation against British rule) was realized by imperial

authorities and therefore Bacha Khan was arrested and jailed in Charsadda but later on shifted to

Dera Ghazi Khan Jail due to his poor health. At the release of Bacha Khan from jail after some

years and his arrival to home, found that very few out of seventy Azad schools had been closed
down due to lack of fund and teachers. However he revitalized his determination of Society for

reform of the Afghans and combined his social projects with political demonstration.

Trade

The society activated once again and in 1927 Bacha Khan opened GurrMandi (sugar depot)

although other khans opposed this measure of Bacha Khan and called him Hindu as this trade

was ever run by Hindus. Bacha Khan joined other peasants in this business as a cooperate

fashion with a view to make trade more valuable and respectable in the eyes of Pakhtuns and to

boost up their social standard.

Pukhto literature

In 1928 Pushtun journal was launched which contained literature, dramas, political essays,

religious writings and official and non-official news. But such socio- political activities were

turned into turmoil in 1929 by the British agents in Afghanistan with replacing reformist

Amanullah by Habibullah (Tajik warlord). The members of society hardly agitated against this

action and planned to design a movement which would undertake political agitations purely in

the interests of Frontier province and so under president ship of Bacha Khan Zalmo Jirga was

launched having young literate who started a peaceful struggle for independence of India and to

accommodate uneducated older nationalist Pukhtoons , KhudaiKhidmatgar movement was

launched by late Bacha Khan in November 1929.44

3.7 Khudai Khidmatgar Movement

44
Zama Zindagi o Jiddo Jihad, Kabul, Pushto Acedamy, 1983
Bacha Khan had come to the conclusion that the society for the reforms of Refugees secured
partial successes in mobilizing mass and in social and nationalist struggle. Upon his experience,
his views regarding solution to the current political problems and concrete steps taken by him for
enhancing education and living standard can be envisaged only through launching Khudai
Khidmatgar movement. The movement will embark more intensive program of social activism
and direct confrontational political protest. An innovation to the movement was the suggestion of
dying the clothes of volunteers with a color. As the movement was already popular with the
name of ‘Red Shirts’ so the dresses were colored red. By 1930, the KK volunteers’ strength
reached to about one thousand. During this time, All India National Congress in Lahore pledged
for complete independence and announced mass campaign of civil disobedience. Bacha Khan,
president of Frontier Congress committee endorsed this program and urged Pakhtuns not to pay
taxes or rent and asked collectors for their resignation. Foreign made goods and liquor (anti-
Islamic) were banned. The governmental authorities in Frontier decided to arrest Bacha Khan
and his followers on charge of sedition and assemblage of people for agitation under section 144
of FCR. Unrest among Pakhton intensified. Breaking out of fire, panic, troops’ fire on crowds
started, killing 200 demonstrators. According to Muhammadi Shah,

“The British had started violence here in the Frontier, they justified it by saying that this
province is a rebellious one”.
But in the event of Qisa Khani bazar, Pukhtoon showed complete non-violence in the face of

British. Patel report declared,

“The courage, patriotism and non-violent spirit of war-like Peshawaries became famous
and earned for the whole province a unique place in the history of the struggle”.45
Peshawar-day is celebrated all over the country to commemorate heroic deeds of that city. After

the massacre in QisaKhani bazaar, Bacha Khan organized ‘red coated volunteers’ who were

found in almost all villages of Charsadda numbering 7000-8000, 1500 Red Shirts men and 600

women. Bacha Khan motivated people for the movement with his speeches. Almost all his

speeches had the same points; basic social infrastructure, misuse of taxes by government paid by
45
M.Banerjee, “The Pathan Unarmed” (Opposition and memory in the North West Frontier), Oxford University
Press Karachi, 2004, p21
poor Pakhtuns, unjust ruling of British, decolonialization of territory, mullas and khans on the

pay of British, poor irrigation system, low prices of agricultural goods, boycott of foreign made

goods, unemployment and poverty in Pakhtun nation. People listened him and agreed to him.

Soon after the movement started, Bacha Khan was arrested. While in prison in 1931 he decided

to affiliate his association with a political party. At first Muslim League party was approached

but the party was a lukewarm on the national question and wanted benefits not independence so

an alliance was made with the Congress. The structure and nomenclature of both groups were

modified to functionalize the coalition in a better way. Though the name KK, red shirts and

waving red flag will be retained, however constitution, rules and program will be of Congress. In

this way leading the burden of Congress in the Frontier was taken by Bacha Khan on his

shoulders.

In the month of December 1931, crackdown was started by Frontier government against KK and

Bacha Khan and other leaders were arrested while Gandhi was in London having talks with the

Government. At his arrival, he tried to meet with viceroy regarding imprisonment but was

refused. So Gandhi said, last year we faced lathis but this time we will face bullets so Bombay

and Gujrat must also be ready for their part. Again nationwide civil disobedience was started in

April 1934. Bacha Khan and Dr. Khan Sahib were finally released in 1935 but were not

permitted to enter Frontier. Once again Bacha Khan was arrested in Punjab and sent to jail for

two years on accusation of delivering anti-government speeches. He returned to his home

province in November 1937. In an intelligence report submitted by British, the congress

committees in Frontier had reached to 386 in 1938 irrespective of 81 in 1932 and similarly the

KK membership was 50,000 almost acquired to saturation form. The workers were not known by

their names but just call themselves ‘Khudai khidmatgars’. Intra-movement marriages were
arranged by Bacha Khan to get a network of alliance and solidarity. Pakhtuns were perceived to

be brutal and uncontrollable race by British but their leader made them self-disciplined and

organized one by making a non-violent military structure in which obedience was total in army

like organization. The majority of participants in the movement were victims of poverty and

exploitation but Bacha Khan taught them a lesson of fraternity as when one is sent to jail, the

other will take care of his business or fields. Bacha Khan was also convinced of the scope and

involvement of women in the movement. Although this act was highly criticized by mullas and

others but Grana was the first lady who put off her veil and became KK. Grana didn’t feel her

experience in nationalist struggle any different from experience of male KKs. She led 3-4

thousand people in a procession. In summer 1942, ‘Quit India Resolution’ was passed and a

campaign of non-violent mass was arranged demanding independence. Civil disobedience was

resumed. In the NWFP Bacha Khan rejoined the party and declared that either we would finish

British or would finish ourselves. In March 1940, Muslim League passed ‘Lahore Resolution’

striving for separate Muslim state of Pakistan after seeking independence from British and

publicized this idea in Frontier as well. But here in Frontier, the political interests, material

improvement, regional autonomy, self-rule and cultural autonomy were the goals of Pakhtn

intelligentias. Moreover Pukhtoon as part of the Muslim world and their fellow Pakhtuns were in

Afghanistan and Central Asia and no any special affinity with the Muslims of India so there is no

any imperative to join the Muslim state as proposed by All India Muslim League. The regime

had also passed a Fitwa against Bacha Khan and other KKs declared them as Kafirs. Communal

riots broke out and slogan ‘Islam in Danger’ became more effective in Pukakhtuns due to which

Muslim League benefited and gained strength. Though Bacha khan was a believing Muslim and

his affiliation with the Congress in no way against Islam as he compared his purpose with that of
strategic alliances established by Prophet with the Jews to further interests of fledgling of Islamic

community. Anyhow these charges made Muslim League successful in 1943 to widen its

membership and to get popular support and some KKs were converted as well.46

In Spring 1947, the Muslim Unionist Party in Punjab after destabilizing campaign in Punjab

turned to NWFP and started sabotaging, bombing and arson Sikh and Hindu religious buildings

affecting general economy of Peshawar and Hindu dominated trade specifically. In a response to

these circumstances Bacha Khan moved 20,000 KKs around the city and bazars ensuring peace

and calm especially to minorities as the KK leaders remained stick to non-violence. But Bacha

Khan’s eldest son lost patience and irrespective to his Father’s policy set up a youth wing named

(ZilmePukhtoon) with a view to carry arms and could guard the non-violent activists. Some

youths joined this wing along with guns. In a reaction Muslim League also formed its militant

group. But Bacha Khan had his son from his movement due to his violent action. In March 1947,

Viceroy Mountbatten visited Frontier province where he presented the idea of holding fresh

elections to the weightage of opinion in the province on question of Pakistan as Indian National

Congress had accepted 3rd June plan for partition of Indian subcontinent. The KKs were greatly

shocked at the decision of partitioning and referendum in the NWFP.47

The argument of Bacha Khan that both electorate and Pakhtuns want united India, was rejected

by Congress due to its unfeasibility and geographical separation of Frontier and India. So Bacha

Khan insisted for the third option of ‘Independent Pukhtoonistan’ but was rejected also on the

plea that it will become a precedent for other provinces and complete break up of India will

occur. Actually Nehru’s mind had been changed after ill-fated visit to tribal areas of Frontier and

upon his return from visit he wrote his disbelief in his “Discovery of India” in 1944 that,
46
ibid. p 22
47
ibid.
 “When it is remembered that Pukhtoon loves his gun more than his brother, is easily
excited, and has long had a reputation for killing at the slightest provocation, this self-
discipline appears little short of miraculous”.48
Resultantly Bacha khan boycotted from meaningless effort of referendum, still adhered to non-
violence in thought, word and deed but received no support from congress leadership. According
to Bacha Khan Gandhi has thrown us to the wolves. As how could it be possible that 20 years of
camardarie were forgotten in few weeks? And why had the aim of KK for autonomous
Pukhtoonistan not been honored? On August 21, 1947, ministry of Dr. Khan Sahib was
dismissed by Governor on Order of Qaid-e-Azam. Bacha Khan took the formal oath of
allegiance to Pakistan but asked for significant level of autonomy for Pakhtun nation.49

48
ibid
49
Jansson. E, “India, Pakistan or Pukhtoonistan”, Uppsala, Acta universitatisUpsaliensis, 1998.