Should Caste Be Included in
among them. W h i l e they wholeheartedly
the Census?
Ambrose Pinto
In a caste society recognition of caste alone can transform caste and
leading to the emergence of a casteless society. Denial of caste can
only further brutalise our caste-ridden
influence of the already privileged.
element of the forthcoming census.
IS casteism the bane of Indian society?
The general impression is that there is too
much of casteism in India. Whether it is
a question of politics, education, urban or
rural development allocation of resources
for various sectors, caste comes to play
a major role. That is why several social
scientists and politicians have suggested
that the only way of getting rid of caste
in Indian society is by rejecting caste
outright. Many others hold that instead of
making caste the criterion, we should adapt
the class or economic factor. Therefore
caste should not be included in the census
o f 2001 A D .
In fact the Constitution speaks of
backward classes and not backward
castes. The word caste is not used in the
Constitution as indicative of any section
of people or community except in relation
to 'scheduled castes'.. This is defined in
A r t i c l e 366(24). The w o r d 'caste' in
Articles 15 (2), 16 (2) and 29 (2) does not
include scheduled caste, It refers to a
caste w i t h i n the ordinary meaning of
caste according to constitutional experts.
It has been further debated that the very
fact that the framers of the Constitution
in their wisdom thought of using a wider
expression Classes' in Articles 15(4),
340(1) and 16(4) indicates that they did
not have the intention of equating classes
with the castes.
Academicians, politicians and bureau-
crats who are opposing the inclusion of
caste in the enumeration of 2001 hold
that the inclusion of caste w o u l d per-
petuate the evils of caste system in our
caste-ridden society and accentuate caste
consciousness. The secular polity would
be highly communalised. The very purpose
o f enumeration on caste basis w i l l defeat
the purpose of building a welfare and
secular state. If the purpose is to find out
caste for the purpose of jobs as recom-
mended by Mandal Commission, the end
result w i l l be sub-standard people getting
into government jobs. The reins of power
w i l l pass from meritocracy to mediocrity
and efficiency of administration w i l l come
2058
society and enhance the
Caste should be an essential
to a grinding halt. The consequence w i l l
be demoralisation and discontent among
rank and file employees and the caste
system w i l l be revitalised. The nation w i l l
be divided into two - forwards and back-
wards. New vistas forinternecine conflict
and fissiparous forces w i l l open up
making backwardness a vested interest.
Legally, they argue the equal protection
clause prohibits the state from discrimi-
nating unreasonably in providing prefer-
ences and facilities for any section of its
people. They quote the Mysore government
orders passed on July 26,1963 identifying
backward classes without reference to caste
in Balajis's case which barred caste as a
test altogether. The order had observed
that any person whose parents' income
from all sources does not exceed Rs 1,200
and whose father or guardian is engaged
as an (a) actual cultivator, or (b) artisan,
or (c) petty businessman, or (d) in inferior
service, o r ( e ) in any occupation i n v o l v -
i n g manual labour shall be treated as
belonging to the backward classes under
A r t i c l e 15(4), L o w economic c o n d i t i o n
and l o w occupation were the conditions
adopted to identify backward classes.
Therefore those who oppose inclusion
of caste argue that the economic criterion
is sufficient and caste need not be
included in the forthcoming census. The
example of Mandal agitation is provided
as a further argument. The violent agitation
when the government decided to imple-
ment the report vitiated the entire social
atmosphere and destroyed communal
harmony causing loss to lives and property.
What is important at this point of our
national history is therefore, to unite
society and p o l i t y rather than d i v i d e . To
a fragmented society d i v i d e d by caste,
the only way of uniting them is to reject
the age o l d caste basis of society. It is
not true that this group is totally against
special concessions and benefits to the
marginalised groups. H o w e v e r , they
argue, such preferences and privileges
should be conferred on the basis of
poverty and not caste.
Economic and Political Weekly
N o t that there are no contradictions
oppose any reservation or concession in
jobs and admissions to schools and colleges
on the basis of caste, at least a section
among them is not averse to certain
privileges and benefits conferred on the
poor on the basis of poverty. Of course
they do not then highlight the argument
of mediocrity vs meritocracy since such
reservations are likely to benefit at least
a major section among them.
Exclusion of caste is an elite argument.
Those w e l l o f f do not desire to share
privileges with the ill-off. The present
status quo should be continued according
to them without any change in the social
stratification. It is not at all intriguing that
at least a major section in the anti-caste
group are w i l l i n g to share their privileges
w i t h the less-off on the economic basis.
The state normally favours those castes
and classes who manage the affairs of the
state. At present since the dominant groups
are in possession of the state, w i t h the
economic criterion, they are sure to further
the cause of their o w n communities. Those
who have power normally favour their
o w n kith and kin.
Those who favour the inclusion of caste
have their o w n reasons and arguments.
India is a country of inequalities. Caste
is the basis on which our whole society
is founded. At one end of the spectrum
we have the outcastes named as SCs and
STs and at the other end we have the upper
crust consisting of the priest, the landlord
and the merchant castes. In between there
are hundreds of other social groups
arranged hierarchically by the caste social
order. Several among these groups are
condemned to backwardness, social,
economic and educational because of the
humble occupation the caste system has
ascribed to them. T h e i r poverty and
backwardness is the consequence of caste,
a historical injustice done to them through
an exploitative caste system. They are
now claiming their legitimate place in
state and society, not as charity, favours
or concessions but as parity, right and
justice.
H o w do they respond to the 'merit'
argument of the anti-casteists? In their
understanding merit is the surplus product
of the labour of the m i l l i o n s of the
unmerited. It is the accumulated surplus
of the t o i l of generations of the unmerited
who contributed to the creation of the
intellectual class. The toil of millions of
people who were for centuries considered
as impure, untouchable and backward and
kept out from all knowledge because of
their origin have largely contributed to the
August 1, 1998
 intellectual wealth of the few. It is worth
quoting one of the judges in the Vasant
Kumari case: "What is the merit? There
is no merit in a system w h i c h brings
about such consequences. Is not a c h i l d
of the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes
or other backward classes w h o has been
brought up in an atmosphere of penury,
illiteracy and anti-culture, who is looked
d o w n upon by t r a d i t i o n and society,
w h o has no books and magazines to
read at home, no radio to listen, no TV
to w a t c h , no one to help him w i t h his
home w o r k , who goes to the nearest
local board school and college, whose
parents are either i I literate or so ignorant
and ill-informed that he cannot even hope
to seek their advice on any matter of
importance, a child who must perforce
trudge to the nearest public reading room
to read a newspaper to know what is
happening in the w o r l d , has not this
c h i l d got merit if he, w i t h all his dis-
advantages is able to secure the qualifying
40 per cent or 50 per cent of the marks
at a competitive examination where the
children of the upper classes who have all
the advantages, who go to St Paul's H i g h
School and St Stephen's College, and
w h o have perhaps been s p e c i a l l y
coached for the examination may secure
7 0 , 8 0 or even 90 per cent of the marks?
Surely, a c h i l d w h o has been able to
j u m p so many hurdles may be expected
to do better and better as he progresses
in life- If spring-flower he cannot be,
atumn-flower he may be. W h y then,
should be stopped at the threshold on
an alleged meritarion p r i n c i p l e ? "
M e r i t emerges out of an academic
environment and social opportunities. A l l
humans have the capacity to excel if they
are provided w i t h a proper environment
and opportunities. Chinnappa Reddy
Commission Report (the T h i r d Backward
Classes Commission Report, Karnataka
1990) cites the case of a study of the
performance of students against reserved
seats in a medical college in Karnataka,
In the first year examination the marks
obtained by the students (the backward
class students) ranged between 54 and 68
per cent, It is. however, noticed that
t h e r e was a n i m p r o v e m e n t i n the
performance of students in the second
year and third year examinations. W h i l e
the marks obtained by the students in
the second year examination ranged
between 56 and 71 per cent, the marks of
the third year ranged between 56 and 82
per cent. What does it mean in reality?
When people are provided w i t h the same
opportunities and resources, regardless
of their current socio-economic position,
Economic and Political Weekly August 1, 1998
they do become equal. Equality of results
require unequal treatment for the initially
disadvantaged.
What about efficiency then? The argu-
ment is that those appointed to the non-
reserved posts. because of their merit- per-
form better than those who have been
appointed to the reserved posts. Efficiency
is sacrificed as soon as the non-merit
candidates enter the merit posts without
merit. This is a conscious prejudice. When-
ever the inferior castes and classes start
claiming their legitimate share the argu-
ment of efficiency is brought forth. In
reality the efficiency factor works just the
opposite. The states of Karnataka and T a m i l
Nadu that have functioned w i t h reservation
for several years even before the Mandal
Commission Report, the administration
has been far more efficient than Bihar and
Uttar Pradesh, where the officers have
been recruited on merit till very recently.
Securing high marks at an examination
does not necessarily m a k e a g o o d
administrator and add to efficiency. After
all, those of us who have been in education
are fully aware of the ways and means of
acquiring grades or marks. Besides the
ability to memorise, the evaluation system,
and other factors like leakage of question
papers, mass copying and evaluation by
certain teachers who cannot be relied upon
do affect the marks obtained. Besides
the country needs more effective than
efficient administrators. A n effective
administrator is not a hard core law abiding
bureaucrat. Effectiveness is the quality of
the heart. An administrator is effective
w h e n one possesses q u a l i t i e s o f
understanding and empathy to handle
problems concerning a large segment of
p o p u l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t i n g the weaker
s e c t i o n s . I n spite o f 5 0 years o f
independence that the status of SCs, STs
and BCs has not significantly improved
is a clear testimony that merit officers have
not been able to bring about efficiency.
Perhaps if the country had a larger number
of officers f r o m the SCs/STs and B C s
w i t h experiences o f impoverishment,
deprivation and casteism, the country
w o u l d have been far better o f f than what
it is now - more effective than efficient.
The argument of efficiency therefore
seems to be used as a camouflage to let
the upper castes continue their age o l d
exploitation.
Should we then have caste element
included in the Census of 2001 A D ? A
section of the SCs/STs and BCs have been
able to cross the margin of poverty today
as a result of the conscious efforts made
by successive governments. Because caste
was acknowledged as a fact of social life,
it was possible for several state govern-
ments and central governments to initiate
programmes for the development of
deprived sections.
In fact the courts have always held that
multiple lists are absolutely necessary as
per the provisions in Article 15(4) and
16(4). Caste alone or income alone cannot
be the sole test. In the Laila Chacko vs
State of Kerala the judge had said that a
means-cum/caste/community test had to
be adopted for the classification to
determine the backward classes ( A I R 1967,
Kerala 124), The Kaka Kalekar Report
observed, "We tried to avoid caste but we
find it difficult to ignore caste in the present
prevailing conditions. We wish it were
easy to dissociate caste f r o m social
backwardness at the present juncture. In
modern times anybody can take to any
profession.The brahmin taking to tailoring,
does not become a tailor by caste, nor is
his status lowered as a brahmin. A brahmin
may be a seller of boots or shoes, and yet
his social status is not lowered thereby;
social backwardness, therefore, is not
today due to the particular profession
of a person; but we cannot escape caste
in considering the social backwardness in
India" (Chapter V: 10).
Castes therefore are the b u i l d i n g
blocks of the Indian social structure and
a relevant factor in d e t e r m i n i n g social
backwardness. Social backwardness is
the result of poverty and caste. As a result
o f m o d e r n i s a t i o n , mass e d u c a t i o n ,
urbanisation and industrialisation it may
at times appear that caste restrictions
have loosened considerably, In reality
what has happened is a mere shift in
emphasis without any material alteration
in its basic structure. In fact in recent years
the role of caste has increased due to
casteism in politics. Because there is a
basis of caste in society, the mobilisation
of vote banks has been on caste lines.
Politics has not only helped the upper
castes but has provided an opportunity to
lower castes which they could not get
through social instrumentalities.
The emergence of Mayawati, Kanshi
R a m a n d R a m V i l a s Paswan a s
representatives of SCs or Laloo Prasad
Yadav and M u l a y a m Singh Yadav and
Sharad Pawar as leaders of middle castes
w o u l d not have been possible apart from
p o l i t i c s . In fact caste has p l a y e d a
significant role by providing channels for
mobilisation and articulation for lower
castes and classes. These leaders could
become leaders because of the powerful
support they have been able to receive
from their castes. Elections are an indicator
that caste is very much alive.
2059
 W H Y CASTE IN THE CENSUS?
Census are important for the country.
However in India caste identity of an
individual is important Class identity is
associated w i t h caste. Backwardness in
India is four-dimensional: caste, class,
status and power. The SCs/STs, the lowest
in the caste hierarchy are still the poorest.
Caste, wealth, status and learning have
been the monopoly of the superior castes.
Caste has even travelled beyond the social
system to religious communities. Even the
converts are known more by their caste
than religion. Caste, social and economic
inequality are so interwoven in Indian
society that the only way to transform it
is by recognising it. By ignoring the reality
o f caste, we w i l l perpetuate it permitting
millions of people to live in inhuman
conditions. Only when the state is able to
identify the socially and educationally
backward classes on the basis of caste,
such castes can be provided w i t h their
legitimate rights. Since the basis of the
past oppression has been caste, the basis
of liberation too has to be by recognising
the root of oppression.
There is too much of hypocrisy in the
system. The very same caste lobby that
has exploited the lower castes and classes
in the name of caste for centuries is putting
forth several reasons why caste should not
be included in the census of 2001 A D . A n d
yet when atrocities take place in the name
of caste and biases and prejudices operate
on the very same basis on all sectors of
life, these casteist lobbies do not dare to
take a stand. There is no denying the fact
that the root cause of impoverishment and
deprivation to millions of people in this
country has been caste, On the other hand
because a small section was able to exploit
caste for their o w n benefit they have
climbed the ladder of success. It is only
now when groups of people are asserting
their legitimate rights on the basis of caste,
the upper caste groups have risen in
opposition. If society has to be transformed,
the old order must die and a new one must
emerge. But a new order cannot emerge
without proper analysis of the historical
injustice meted out to large sections of
people.
If caste was used as an 'opium of the
masses' where a small priestly class by a
subtle process conditioned the thinking of
the vast majority and hypnotise for ages,
the recognition of it alone can help the
country to march towards the goal of
'equality, fraternity and justice' envisaged
by the framers of the Constitution. Denial
of caste can further brutalise our caste-
ridden society and enhance the privileges
2060
of the already privileged. In a caste
society recognition of caste alone can
transform caste and a castelcss society
M Athar Ali: Scholar and Teacher
Irfan Habib
As a scholar M Athar Ali devoted himself to refuting, by the
acquisition of larger evidence, communal
India. He was also a careful and conscientious teacher,
who put research first in life. Indian historiography is distinctly
poorer with his death last month.
W I T H M Athar A l i ' s death (July 7,1998)
the thinning ranks of Indian historians
working on medieval India have lost an
eminent member
Some years older than me (he was born
in 1925), Athar A l i joined me in the first
post-independence intermediate class at
the A l i g a r h M u s l i m University. Both of
us specialised in medieval Indian History
for our MA degree and joined Aligarh's
Department of History practically
simultaneously in 1953. We equally felt
the excitement of exploring a large field
the bulk of whose source material seemed
to still lie untouched. I felt sure this could
help one put medieval India into the
classical M a r x i s t m o u l d and took to
agrarian history. Athar A l i decided, w i t h
a s i m i l a r vehemence that c o m m u n a l
interpretations, which bedevilled not only
much of the current historiography but
also the current condition of the nation,
could be refuted by the acquisition of
larger evidence. It was natural for him,
then, to take for his subject the nature and
composition of the Mughal ruling class
under Aurangzeb, whose measures and
policies had been the subject of so much
debate. Athar A l i was indefatigable in his
labours, digging up an enormous amount
of quantitative and qualitative evidence
on which was built his major work, The
Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb
(Bombay 1966). (This was originally his
PhD thesis which Satish Chandra had
supervised.) It is a sign of the soundness
of Athar A l i ' s work that the basic data he
produced have never been brought into
question, though over 30 years have passed,
and the work has gone through a paper'
back reissue (1970) and a second edition
(1997). It was also a sign of Athar A l i ' s
independence o f j u d g m e n t ' that h e
courteously, but f i r m l y , criticised in this
book, as well as in his later work, my
favourite thesis that the Mughal empire
dug its o w n grave by the oppression it
subjected the peasantry to. On the contrary,
Economic and Political Weekly
can emerge. Therefore caste should be
included as an essential element of the
census o f 2001 A D .
interpretations of medieval
unlike many
he argued in a subsequent paper, the
Mughal empire declined because of a
cultural failure to keep up w i t h science and
technology, and o w i n g to an almost
invisible shift in the economic power-
balance in favour of western Europe
through its w o r l d w i d e m a r i t i m e
supremacy.
Athar A i r s ambition now was to build
up the data for the earlier period of the
Mughal empire, similar to what he had
provided for the reign of Aurangzeb.
Nearly a decade and a half of long hours
of daily t o i l u n t i l late hours, immersed in
Persian texts, microfilms, cards, large
seemingly unmanageable tables,
culminated in his Apparatus of Empire;
Awards of Ranks, Offices and Titles to the
Mughal Nobility. 1574-1658, published
by the Oxford University Press, Delhi in
1985. The tables, preceded by a careful
analysis of their evidence in the intro-
duction, laid out the anatomy of the Mughal
ruling class, the book being an indis-
pensable tool of reference as w e l l as
offering an authoritative perception of that
empire. In the later years of his life Athar
A l i worked equally hard to complete his
life-work by bringing his Apparatus down
to 1707, presenting far more compre-
hensive data for Aurangzeb's reign than
he had provided in his Mughal Nobility.
The work was nearing completion (much
of it computer-processed) when death took
h i m away.
The official obituary issued by the Centre
of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh,
describes Athar A l i as one to w h o m "the
w o r d l i b e r a l ' could be most appropriately
applied". This w o u l d be true if we also
agree that a liberal can take very strong
positions. Athar A l i , though to the last a
firm friend of the communist movement,
was not a Marxist. But w h i l e he regarded
M a r x i s m as an important trend in historio-
graphy, he had little patience w i t h what
he regarded as trends based not on sources,
but o n i l l - f o u n d e d speculations. H e
August 1, 1998