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The Story of /X/ and /Ç/ 1500-1700
The Story of /X/ and /Ç/ 1500-1700
In general, the kinds of evidence we find in such sources suggest that by the late
sixteenth century there existed many sets of alternants showing a contrast between the
presence or absence of a post-stressed vowel [X] / [C] voiceless fricative. Consider the
remarks by Edmund Coote in his English Schoole-maister of (1596) (Coote 1596: p.
24), an ‘Introductory manual for the teaching of English’, where he observes of the
digraph <gh> that they
(except in Ghost) are of most men but little sounded, as might, fight: pronounced as mite,
fite: but in the end of a word, some countries sound them fully, others plow, bou, slou:
Thereupon some with burrough, some borrow: but the truest is both to write and
pronounce them.
Again, in his dialogue in Chapter 6 (p. 33) where ‘is set downe an order, how the
teacher shall direct his schollars to oppose one another’ occurs the exchange:
Here the suggestion seems to be that the ortographic <gh> representation is for some
speakers phonetically redundant, while for others it has the status of whatever is meant
by ‘a little sound’.
William Shakespeare, Love’s Labour’s Lost (c. 1594) Act V, Scene I. [The Arden
Edition, 4th ed., 1956; more detailed notes will be found there.]
Enter HOLOFERNES, Sir NATHANIEL, and DULL.