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International Students' Culture Learning and Cultural Adaptation in China

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DOI: 10.1080/01434632.2015.1009080

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ISSN: 0143-4632 (Print) 1747-7557 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmmm20

International students' culture learning and

cultural adaptation in China

Ran An & Shiao-Yun Chiang

To cite this article: Ran An & Shiao-Yun Chiang (2015) International students' culture learning
and cultural adaptation in China, Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 36:7,
661-676, DOI: 10.1080/01434632.2015.1009080

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 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 2015
Vol. 36, No. 7, 661–676, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434632.2015.1009080

International students’ culture learning and cultural adaptation

in China
Ran Ana and Shiao-Yun Chiangb*
a
School of International Education, South China University of Technology, Wushan, Tianhe
Downloaded by [South China University of Technology] at 18:08 16 November 2015

District, Guangzhou, Guangdong 510640, China; bDepartment of Communication, State University

of New York, PO BOX 1252, Oneonta, NY 13820, USA
(Received 11 November 2014; accepted 12 January 2015)

This article examines international students’ cultural adaptation at a major national

university in China. A survey was designed to measure international students’
adaptation to the Chinese sociocultural and educational environments in terms of five
dimensions: (1) cultural empathy, (2) open-mindedness, (3) emotional stability,
(4) social flexibility and (5) language proficiency. International students (n = 330)
from 57 countries participated in the survey. The findings here support the existing
proposition that the first year is the critical period for cultural adaptation as there are
significant changes in some adaptation indicators (especially emotional stability) over
the first year and thereafter changes in these indicators became less and less
significant. The present study discusses the adequacy of existing theories in explaining
these results and their implications for international students’ adaptation as a culture-
specific experience in China.
Keywords: international students; intercultural communication competence; inter-
cultural adaptation and transformation; U-curve model; critical period for adaptation

Introduction
A rapidly increasing number of countries/regions in Asia have started to internationalise
their institutions of higher education owing to the global mobilisation of economy,
technology and information. As a great example of globalisation, China also has been
making every effort to internationalise its national universities. According to the Chinese
Ministry of Education, 600 Chinese universities enrolled 265,090 international students
from 194 countries or regions in 2010. Most recently, the Chinese government has
launched an ambitious programme – ‘Study in China’ which aims to recruit 500,000
international students by the year 2020. China will then become the leading destination in
Asia for international students if the programme is successful. In fact, internationalisation
is measured at present as one of the most important achievements in Chinese universities
(Hao 2009).
The rapid growth of international students in China may create unprecedented
challenges to Chinese university administrators. One of these challenges is to help
international students learn about and adapt to the cultural environment in Chinese
universities. Cultural adaptation has been proved to be a significant factor that affects
international students’ temporary stay in the host culture (cf. Church 1982; Dyal and

*Corresponding author. Email: shiaoyunchiang@gmail.com

© 2015 Taylor & Francis

 662 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

Chan 1985). Different dimensions of international students’ adaptation have been

explored (cf. Ward and Kennedy 1993a; Zheng and Berry 1991; Zhou et al. 2008) and
various coping strategies have been provided for international students (e.g. Ward and
Kennedy 1994, 2001; Yang, Noels, and Saumure 2006). However, existing studies are
mostly conducted in countries other than China (e.g. Morrison et al. 2005). International
students’ adaptation to Chinese culture is little known to the international arena of
academia.
While international students may share some common experiences in the host
cultures, there are culture-specific practices in China (cf. An 2009; An and Zhang 2008;
Chiang 2014). China, compared to the USA or other immigration countries, is
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homogeneous as 92% of its population is Han Chinese. In spite of the past and current
influences from the West, the sociocultural structure of China generally stands in contrast
to that of the Western world and even its most neighbouring countries. Chinese educators
have become aware of the differences in their educational system and practices (Huang
2003), and they strive to assist international students in their adaptation to the Chinese
sociocultural and educational practice. The present study attempts to explore the patterns
of international students’ adaptation to the cultural and educational environment in China
and their implications for the Chinese higher education.

Intercultural adaptation
Intercultural adaptation occurs when individuals move from their home cultures to some
new, unfamiliar cultural environments, and they attempt to ‘establish (or reestablish) and
maintain relatively stable, reciprocal and functional relationships with those environ-
ments’ (Kim 2001, 31). Since the term ‘culture shock’ became popular in the 1960s
(Oberg 1960), a colossal bulk of studies have been conducted on intercultural adaptation
for the past 50 years. Related to the expression ‘intercultural adaptation’ is a list of terms
such as assimilation, adjustment, acculturation, integration, culture learning, and so forth
(e.g. Begley 2006; Berry 1997; Kim 1995; Ward and Rana-Deuba 1999). Although
empirical studies are conducted from different approaches in different disciplines, some
of the perennial issues revolve around the stage and dimension of intercultural adaptation.
The process of intercultural adaptation has been normally divided into four stages in
most existing studies since Lysgaand (1955) and Oberg (1960) made the first proposals.
As noted by Lysgaand (1955), the sequence of adaptation in a new culture falls into a
U-shaped curve that starts from a period of excitement at the entry point (Stage 1)
through a period of crisis at the contact point (Stage 2) and a period of coming to terms
with the new environments (Stage 3) up to a period of regained adjustment (Stage 4). The
four stages, while named and defined in different ways, have been used to describe the
process of intercultural adaptation (e.g. Adler 1975; Berry 1985; Furnham and Bochner
1982; Klein 1977; Kealey 1978). While the length of each stage may vary from one
person to another, the overall course of adjustment in a new culture is thought to last
about a year (Ruben and Kealey 1979).
The stages of intercultural adaptation are also considered as learning and develop-
mental processes in existing studies. The culture learning model sees adaptation as a
process of growth and transformation, in which sojourners or strangers are initially
uninformed of the social and cultural norms and rules of the new culture, and then
engaged in a learning experience leading to a new world view (cf. Taylor 1994), and even
a new identity with intercultural knowledge, attitude and behavioural capacities (cf. Kim
and Ruben 1988). Overlapping with these studies is the developmental model of
 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 663

intercultural sensitivity that describes adaptation as a step-by-step psychological journey

from ethnocentric orientation (denial, defence and minimization) to ethnorelative
orientation (acceptance, adaptation and integration; cf. Bennett 1986, 1993, 2004;
Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman 2003).
Intercultural adaptation happens not only in stages but also in specific dimensions
such as cognitive, affective and behavioural/operational (Gudykunst and Hammer 1988;
Kim 2005; Triandis 1977). In contrast to the early work on the stages of intercultural
adaptation, Searle and Ward (1990) turned their attention to the specific dimensions of
adaptation and proposed two forms of adaptation: psychological and sociocultural. The
first refers to psychological or emotional well-being whereas the second refers to social
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skills, or the ability to fit in the host culture. Psychological adaptation is related to stress
and coping processes while sociocultural adaptation results from culture learning
experiences. In line with this proposal is a large body of empirical research measuring
the specific states of each type of adaptation and testing their relationships (e.g. Ward and
Kennedy 1992, 1993a, 1994, 1996, 1999).
The emphasis on the states of intercultural adaptation indicates an empirical shift from
the early view of adaptation as a curvilinear sequence. Ward and Kennedy (1993b) argue
that the notion of ‘culture shock’ has impeded the more worthwhile studies on predictors
and factors related to cultural adaptation. In a longitudinal study on Japanese students’
adaptation in New Zealand, Ward et al. (1998) find that the U-curve simply does not exist
as the greatest adjustment problems occur at the entry point, and decrease over time, and
hence the so-called euphoria stage is not shown. This line of research has revealed a
number of factors related to adaptation, including: value discrepancies and cultural
identity (Ward and Searle 1991); locus of control and relational satisfaction (Ward and
Kennedy 1992); cultural distance and amount of contact with hosts (Ward and Kennedy
1993b) and cultural fit (Ward and Chang 1997).
Researchers mostly rely on the large body of international students as subjects for
studies on intercultural adaptation. While facing the most common problems such as
communication difficulties and loneliness like all the cross-cultural travellers, interna-
tional students must deal with academic challenges (cf. Furnham and Bochner 1986).
Some of the main challenges are student–supervisor relationships and academic margin-
alisation (cf. McClure 2007). Although language difficulties create trouble for all the
cross-cultural sojourners’ adaptation, they pose a greater challenge for international
students in their academic or professional performance (cf. Chiang 2009, Chiang and Mi
2011). Thus international students’ language confidence plays a pivotal role in the
process of cultural adaptation (cf. Yang, Noels, and Saumure 2006; Zheng and Berry
1991; Zhou and Todman 2009).

International students in China

China has most recently emerged from the largest sending country of international
students to one of the largest receiving countries in the world (Macready and Tucker
2011). Before the 1990s, the expression ‘international education’ in China meant a one-
way process of sending Chinese students to Western countries and importing educational
approaches/programmes from the West. The rapid influx of students from overseas into
Chinese universities is related partly to the educational reforms initiated by the Chinese
central government in the 1990s and partly to the vast impact of globalisation, especially
global knowledge economy. Table 1 shows the total number and geographic distributions
of foreign students in China in 2010. According to the China Scholarship Council, 22,390
 664 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

Table 1. The geographic distribution and total number of international students in China.

Region Degree student Non-degree student Total

Asia 83,721 92,084 175,805

Africa 10,613 5790 16,403
Europe 7896 33,985 41,881
America 4338 22,890 27,228
Oceania 804 2909 3773
Note: Statistics of International Students in China.
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international students were funded under the Chinese government scholarship programme
in 2010.
International education in China adopts a government-regulated approach, which
enacts a nationwide consistent system of policies and practices (Huang 2007).
Government regulation is also reflected in the management of international students in
Chinese universities. The two authors of this article received their doctoral education
respectively from the UK and the USA. One returned to China from the UK, and became
the Dean of the school of international education at a major national university in
southern China while the other stayed in the USA, and became a professor at a state
university. According to their observations and a number of media reports (e.g. Beijing
News 2011) in China, international students are treated differently in the following three
dimensions.
First, international students in China receive very specific orientations and services
upon arrival. These are not just some debriefings and a tour on campus or in town, but
consist of a large number of responsibilities and activities. For example, new students are
taken by some designated staff members to the local government offices for visa change
and resident permit; to the regional hospital for physical examination and to the local
banks for account opening. New students are informed of all the school regulations and
policies regarding their study and campus life during their temporary stay in China. New
students are assisted by their programme advisers in their course registration. New
students are even provided with a free meal card for the first couple of weeks. Generally
speaking, Chinese university administrators must ensure that the newcomers are well
accommodated and settled upon arrival.
Second, international students are normally required to live in a designated residence
hall on campus. This hall is encircled and separated from other buildings for Chinese
students, but it is much better furnished, equipped and maintained than those for domestic
students. While it is more expensive, students with the government awarded scholarships
may reside in it free of charge. This sort of segregation provides some privileges for
international students and can make them feel special about themselves. (International
students often refer to their residence hall as United Nations.) Besides accommodation
and living conditions, Chinese university administrators are also responsible for interna-
tional students’ overall well-being and emotional stability. Usually a number of staff
members are assigned to supervise the residence hall from making room changes to
resolving interpersonal conflicts.
Third, international students are often assigned a special curriculum, especially in the
first year. If the new students’ Chinese language is not proficient enough for their major,
they will be placed in the Chinese as a second language (CSL) class for a year. If the new
students can use the English language well, they are expected to take all the courses
 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 665

instructed in English. If the new students’ major is CSL, they will very likely stay
together as a special group for all the Chinese language classes throughout their sojourn
in China. In other words, international students spend a great deal of time by themselves
in classes that are specially designed for them, but most often separated from domestic
students. Chinese university administrators are committed to providing all the necessary
accommodations to international students’ learning capacities and academic goals.
In general, Chinese university administrators attend to an extensive range of activities
and matters for international students during their temporary stay in China. International
students, while expected to meet the school regulations and policies, are provided with a
large number of services and accommodations from residential life to academic
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performance. These special treatments make international students a privileged group in

Chinese universities, but they are deprived of many opportunities for interacting with
Chinese students on campus and learning to solve problems independently in a new
environment due to these residential and curricula arrangements. In other words, it may
become a serious concern whether these special services and accommodations make a
positive or negative difference for international students to learn about and adjust to the
Chinese educational practices and the Chinese culture overall.

Research question
Existing studies have shown that the success of international students’ sojourn in the host
culture largely involves intercultural adaptation. While findings about intercultural
adaptation may be applied in the different cultures, the Chinese practice of international
education can make an interesting case for existing studies, and may contribute to the
current knowledge on the relationship between intercultural adaptation and education.
The lack of knowledge about international students’ intercultural adaptation in China may
be due to the long-term status of China as a major sending country rather than a receiving
country of international students in the world. The recent emergence of China as a
receiving country deserves some attention of the international academic community. Thus
the present study attempts to provide answers to the following two questions:

RQ1: What are the patterns of international students’ intercultural adaptation in China?
RQ2: What are the main characteristics of international students’ adaptation to the
educational practices in China?

Data and method

Participants
Three hundred and thirty international students (male = 195; female = 131 and missing = 4)
participated in this survey at a national university in southern China. They were requested
to complete a questionnaire during class hours. Their residence in China ranged from the
newly arrived to three years or more (see Table 2). 28.2% of the participants were newly
arrived. 31.2% resided in China for one year, 14.8% for two years and 25.8% for three
years. They came from over 57 countries (see Table 3). 63.6% of the participants were
from Asia, 20.6% from Africa, 4.84% from Europe, 3.63% from North America and
7.3% unclaimed. In general, the sample reflects the makeup of recent international
students in China (see Table 1).
 666 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

Table 2. Length of residence.

Length of residence Total number Percentage

Newly arrived 93 28.2

Year 1 103 31.2
Year 2 49 14.8
Year 3 85 25.8

Table 3. Geographic distribution.

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Country Total number Percentage

Asia 210 63.6

Africa 68 20.6
Europe 16 4.84
America 12 3.63
Unclaimed 24 7.3

Measurements
The survey was adapted from the framework of multicultural personality questionnaire
(MPQ) designed by Van Oudenhoven and Van der Zee (2002; Van der Zee and Van
Oudenhoven 2000). MPQ aims to measure multicultural effectiveness in terms of (1)
cultural empathy, (2) open-mindedness, (3) emotional stability, (4) social initiative and (5)
flexibility. This study adopted the framework of MPQ, but combined (4) and (5) into
social flexibility as both are related to social interaction. The fifth dimension was replaced
by language proficiency due to the significance of language barriers in intercultural
communication. The five dimensions are consistent with the commonly assumed
components of intercultural adaptation. Cultural empathy is associated with intercultural
sensitivity; open-mindedness with cognitive adaptation; emotional stability with affective
adaptation; social flexibility and language proficiency with behavioural/operational
adaptation.
The measurements of the five dimensions were originally designed by the researchers
to fit into the sociocultural and educational practices in China. The first is to empathise
with the feelings, thoughts and behaviours of people from different cultural backgrounds.
The second is to foster an unbiased and non-judgmental attitude towards people with
different values, beliefs and norms. The third is to manage emotions in some stressful
situations. The fourth is to take initiatives, manage uncertainties and use alternative
perspectives where necessary in social interactions. The fifth is to communicate well with
natives in the target language (Chinese in this case). Each dimension was measured in
five items representing its main characteristics as shown below:
(1) Cultural empathy: (a) Chinese tradition; (b) government policy; (c) learning
style; (d) eating habits and (e) daily behaviours.
(2) Open-mindedness: (a) attitude towards Chinese food; (b) developing relation-
ships with Chinese; (c) opinions about Chinese students’ learning; (d)
interacting with Chinese families and (e) feeling about finding a job in China.
(3) Emotional stability: (a) regulating loneliness; (b) dealing with learning
difficulties; (c) facing conflicts; (d) adjusting to a new environment and (e)
managing communication barriers.
 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 667

(4) Social flexibility: (a) understanding indications; (b) following Chinese courtesy;
(c) adjusting to Chinese social behaviours; (d) solving learning problems and (e)
coping with Chinese interpersonal skills.
(5) Chinese proficiency1: (a) 做人如水 zuò rén rú shuǐ (‘to act like water’ meaning
‘to be flexible’); (b) 长得福气 zhǎng dé fú qì (‘to look lucky’ implying
sometimes ‘to look chubby or a bit over-weight’); (c) 容易上火 róng yì shàng
huǒ (‘to get burned up easily’ meaning ‘to cause excessive internal body heat’);
(d) 为人中庸 wéi rén zhōng yōng (‘to take or act in the middle way’ meaning
‘to be eclectic or well-rounded’) and (e) 天人合一 tiān rén hé yī (‘Heaven and
human are one’ meaning ‘the harmony between nature and human’).
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Each item provides a hypothetically designed intercultural context rather than a simple or
abstract statement so as to facilitate participants’ understanding of the dimension. Each
item was measured on a 5-point scale, where A = 1, B = 2, C = 3, D = 4 and E = 5. The
sequence of responses varied between items to avoid forming a pattern that may be easily
identified by respondents. A sample item for each dimension is shown below:
Cultural empathy
I got to know that some Chinese eat dog meat, my opinion is
(1) I don’t care
(2) It is uncivilised
(3) I think this is one of the eating customs of Chinese people
(4) I want to have a taste
(5) I already have eaten dog meat with my Chinese friends

Open-mindedness
If a Chinese student is willing to develop a relationship with me,
(1) I have no comment about this
(2) I won’t accept
(3) It is okay but I still prefer someone from my own country
(4) I am pleased to know that
(5) I would like to try

Emotional stability
When I feel lonely and home-sick,
(1) I won’t express my opinion
(2) call my parents and friends in my home country
(3) stay in my dorm alone
(4) talk to my Chinese friends
(5) I have my own way to adjust myself

Social flexibility
Chinese people like to stare at me when I am walking on campus.
(1) I have no opinion
(2) I feel uncomfortable
(3) I think they may not get to see foreigners very often
(4) I feel fine
(5) I think it’s interesting and I would smile back at them
 668 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

Language proficiency
If a Chinese person says, “你长得很福气”, it means that
(1) I do not understand at all.
(2) I look all right
(3) I am happy
(4) I am lucky
(5) I should lose some weight

Procedures
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A pilot study was conducted with a sample of 12 participants to assess all the items and
their consistency for each dimension. Questionnaires were distributed to 330 international
students in the classroom by research assistants under the authors’ supervision after the
pilot study was completed. Responses were processed in three steps by using the statistic
package SPSS. First, the internal reliability of the questionnaire and all the respondents’
demographic information were collected. Second, the measurements of the five
dimensions were calculated. Third, the correlations of the five dimensions with the
length of the participants’ residence in China and independent sample tests were obtained.

Results
All the 330 participants responded to the questionnaire and 100% of the responses were
valid. The internal consistency of the questionnaire was 0.679, showing that related items
assessed the same characteristics of the category. Statistic results include the relationships
between each dimension and the length of residence and independent sample tests.
Emotional stability was singled out for a close examination due to its significance.
Figure 1 shows how each of the five dimensions corresponds to the length of
residence. Table 4 reports the Pearson correlation. Cultural empathy increases from the
newly arrived to Year 1 and 2, and remains consistent until Year 3. Emotional stability

3.8

3.6

3.4

3.2
Cultural empathy
Emotional stability
3.0
Open-mindedness
2.8 Social flexibility
Mean

Chinese proficiency
2.6
year 0 1 2 3+
Length of residence and study in China

Figure 1. Correlations between five dimensions and length of residence in China.

 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 669

Table 4. Pearson correlation.

Dimension Pearson correlation Significant (2-tailed) N

Cultural empathy .135* .014 300

Emotional stability .017 .752 300
Openmindedness .003 .955 300
Social flexibility .023 .674 300
Chinese proficiency .198** .000 300
Length of residence 1
Note: *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
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Table 5. Independent sample test (year 0–1).

95% confidence
interval

Significant Mean
t (2-tailed) difference Lower Upper

Cultural Equal variances not −2.108 .036 −.1824 −.35303 −.01172

empathy assumed
Emotional Equal variances not 2.776 .006 .2839 .08214 .48556
stability assumed
Open- Equal variances not .045 .964 .0035 −.14873 .15565
mindedness assumed
Social Equal variances not .826 .410 .0762 −.10580 .25827
flexibility assumed
Chinese Equal variances not −2.719 .007 −.3386 −.58436 −.09293
proficiency assumed

Table 6. Independent sample test (year 1–2).

95% confidence
interval

Significant Mean
t (2-tailed) difference Lower Upper

Cultural Equal variances not −.700 .486 −.0750 −.28772 .13766

empathy assumed
Emotional Equal variances not −1.221 .225 −.1500 −.39379 .09381
stability assumed
Open- Equal variances not .556 .579 .0479 −.12282 .21866
mindedness assumed
Social Equal variances not −1.857 .066 −.2111 −.43658 .01437
flexibility assumed
Chinese Equal variances not .117 .907 .0170 −.27016 .30411
proficiency assumed
 670 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

Table 7. Independent sample test (year 2–3).

95% confidence
interval

Significant Mean
t (2-tailed) difference Lower Upper

Cultural Equal variances not .334 .739 .0358 −.17683 .24838

empathy assumed
Emotional Equal variances not .946 .347 −.1161 −.35981 .12764
stability assumed
−.0662 −.23978 .10745
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Open- Equal variances not .755 .452

mindedness assumed
Social Equal variances not 1.198 .234 .1436 −.09399 .38128
flexibility assumed
Chinese Equal variances not 1.208 .230 .1850 −.48841 .11850
proficiency assumed

drops from the newly arrived to Year 1, and increases in Year 2 and 3. Open-mindedness
remains unchanged from the newly arrived through Year 1 and 2 to Year 3. Social
flexibility shifts from the newly arrived to Year 3. Chinese language proficiency increases
drastically from the newly arrived to Year 1, and remains stable from Year 1 to Year 2,
but increases again until Year 3 (see Table 4).
The three independent sample tests (see Tables 5, 6 and 7) demonstrate significant
differences in three dimensions – cultural empathy, emotional stability and Chinese
proficiency from new arrivals to Year 3. However, open-mindedness and social flexibility
do not display any significant difference that corresponds to the length of residence in China.
A significant change was found in emotional stability. Figure 2 displays the
correlation between emotional stability and the length of residence in China. The statistic

3.7

3.6
Mean emotional stability

3.5

3.4

3.3
year 0 1 2 3+
Length of residence and study in China

Figure 2. Correlation between emotional stability and length of residence in China.

 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 671

Table 8. Emotional stability.

Length of residence Mean N Standard deviation

Newly arrived 3.6237 93 .70578

Year 1 3.3398 103 .72495
Year 2 3.4898 49 .69963
Year 3+ 3.6059 85 .65735
Total 3.5106 330 .70649
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Table 9. Significant changes in emotional stability.

Significant Mean
t (2-tailed) difference

Emotional stability Equal variances not 2.776 .006 .2839

(0–1 year) assumed
Emotional stability Equal variances not −1.221 .225 −.1500
(1–2 years) assumed
Emotional stability Equal variances not −.946 .347 −.1161
(2–3 years) assumed
Emotional stability Equal variances not −2.636 .009 −.2661
(1–3 years) assumed

significance of the changes in emotional stability during Year 0–1 and Year 1–3 is shown
in Tables 6 and 7. It is evident that emotional stability changes in a U-curvilinear
sequence that basically matches the U-curve model (see Tables 8 and 9).

Discussion
The measurements of all the five dimensions and their relationships to the length of
residence have revealed some patterns of international students’ cultural adaptation in
China. While the participants in this study had some common experiences like all the
cross-cultural sojourners, their cultural adaptation as represented by the five dimensions
showed some culture-specific practices in China. These findings may shed some light on
our understanding of intercultural adaptation and its influences on international education
in China.
Intercultural adaptation happens in different dimensions, but it does not necessarily
occur at the same pace or to the same extent in all the relevant dimensions. As shown in
Figure 1, language proficiency may be improved steadily in two or three years, which
should be particularly true for international students in China as they are placed in
different language programmes, and cultural empathy may also advance incrementally
over time as international students become more and more culturally sensitive.
However, cognitive and behavioural/operational adaptation as represented by open-
mindedness and social flexibility, respectively, may not occur as likely as the others for
international students in China within a predicted timeframe. As shown in Figure 1, the
two dimensions, especially open-mindedness, remain unchanged over time. One
explanation is that these kinds of changes involve frequent contacts or interactions with
natives, but international students in China are separated from domestic students due to
the residential and curricula arrangements.
 672 R. An and S.-Y. Chiang

The other explanation is that cognitive and behavioural adaptation is not entirely a
natural process but more a subjective and selective one (see also Chiang 2014; Tsai, Ying,
and Lee 2000). As discussed earlier, China is not a country of immigrants and the
Chinese social structure poses a contrast to most foreign societies. Thus, international
students are not expected (and neither do they expect) to be entirely assimilated into
Chinese society, and in this light, international students in China are sojourners in the
strictest sense.
Immigrants and international students have different expectations on the host culture,
and they may define and project themselves in relation to their different goals in the host
culture, for example, the American culture. While assimilation and acculturation may take
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a long time and proceed through different routes for immigrants (cf. Kim 2008), it is a
reciprocal expectation that immigrants will integrate sooner or later with the host culture
in one way or the other (cf. Massey 1986; Chiang and Leung 2011).
In contrast, international students and China may not exactly wish to project such a
reciprocal expectation on each other. International students are treated as a privileged
group in China. Unlike immigrants and international students in the USA and UK,
international students in China are provided with many services and accommodations that
are not available to domestic students. This might have fostered a sentiment among
international students that it is their foreignness that creates this type of special treatment
and thus international students would rather keep the cultural distance than integrate with
the host culture.
Of the five factors, emotional stability showed a basically U-shaped sequence, and
hence supported Lysgaand’s (1955) initial proposal. Ward and colleagues (1993b,
1998) challenged the universality of the U-curve in explaining a wide range of changes
pertained to adaptation. They proposed that the greatest psychological (or emotional)
distress, while associated with a number of factors, should be encountered upon entry,
and then decrease over time. Thus, the U-curve did not exist for Ward and her
associates.
The present study posed a moderate contrast to the work by Ward and her colleagues.
The mean for the newly arrived students’ emotional stability was significantly higher than
for the students who had stayed in China for one year. In other words, international
students did not seem to encounter much emotional distress in the initial period of entry,
but they experienced a hard time around Year 1–2, and then learned to manage stressful
situations between Years 2–3. While this pattern cannot be claimed as universal, the
Chinese educational practice may offer a plausible reason.
As noted earlier, Chinese university administrators provide all the necessary services
and accommodations to international students upon arrival, but they fail to train the newly
arrived to find their own way. When the initial period of orientation (which may be just as
good as a honeymoon) is over, international students will likely get lost in handling issues
on their own. As shown in the curve, this feeling of being lost will get worse and worse
and last for a certain period due to the lack of close support and absence of family
members.
The statistic results and discussions above may evidence that there is a critical period
for international students’ adaptation to the cultural environments in Chinese universities.
There were significant differences in several factors between the newly arrived students
and Year 1 students. Although data did not show significant differences for students
between Year 1 and Year 2, and between Year 2 and Year 3, there were significant
differences between Year 1 and Year 3. It should be self-evident that the most significant
 Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 673

phase of intercultural adaptation for international students is the first year of residence in
China.

Conclusion
The present study has revealed some patterns of international students’ cultural adaptation
in China. They are: (1) international students in China experienced the most significant
changes through a U-curve sequence in affective/psychological adaptation; (2) inter-
cultural sensitivity and Chinese language proficiency were significantly enhanced over
time while cognitive and behavioural adaptation might be halted and (3) the most critical
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period should be the first year of residence. While these patterns might be attributed to
international students’ personal and academic goals in China, they could also indicate the
influences of the Chinese educational and administrational practices on international
students’ temporary experiences.
As stated in the introduction, the purpose of this study is to find out the overall
patterns of international students’ intercultural adaptation in China. The findings here
might be limited to the extent that international students in this research are treated as an
aggregate group. Future studies shall involve some differentiation of international
students as there may be variations of intercultural adaptation in relation to cultural,
racial or even gender groups. In spite of this limitation, the present study should be
informative for the Chinese educational administrators to improve on their residential and
(extra)curricula arrangements for international students. In particular, the findings here
should offer some input on the development of coping strategies for international students
in the critical first year.

Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to the partial support of Guangdong Provincial Research Foundation for
Public Diplomacy and Intercultural Communication.

Note
1. Language proficiency is measured by four idiomatic expressions as a full Chinese proficiency
test is clearly unrealistic for this study. These four idiomatic expressions are most commonly
used in the social interaction and they should reflect some knowledge of the Chinese language
and the Chinese ways of life.

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