Urban Street Vendors in India: March 2022

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URBAN STREET VENDORS IN INDIA
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Foreword
I
t gives me immense pleasure and the sense of satisfaction to
share my views by writing foreword for this book. This study is
useful to the policy makers, researchers, students, administrators
and social workers who want to study the living conditions of urban
street vendors in the context of India’s planned objective of achieving
inclusive growth.
Urbanisation of poverty is a recent phenomenon in most of the
developing nations, which is caused by migration of poor from rural
areas and natural growth of poor population. The growing landlessness
and underemployment forces distress migration of economically
and socially backward sections of the society towards urban areas.
The incidence of poverty in urban areas is more among the informal
labour i.e., street vendors, street service workers, domestic workers,
rickshaw pullers, construction workers and rag pickers, etc. Street
vendors are the informal self-employed with no social security and
their earnings are very uncertain. While earning their livelihood they
make commodities available at affordable price to the urban poor and
middle class, but their services are not recognised as legitimate work;
hence they are being targeted by urban authorities in the pretext of
nuisance and encroachment of public space.
In the era of globalisation, employment in the informal sector has
risen rapidly in all regions in the world, and India is no exception. The
availability of cheap capital, which causes increase in capital intensity,
has lead to reduction in labour cost of production especially in the
formal sector of the economy. Hence in urban areas, informal sector
is a major source of employment for migrants from the rural areas.
It is not easy for unskilled rural migrants to readily find well-paid
and secure jobs in the city. They however can find jobs on the streets.
Hence, the street economy is the source of livelihood for street goods
vendors and service workers.
U r b a n S t r e e t V e n d or s i n Indi a • S e epa na Pr ak a s a m
26 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Dr Seepana Prakasam has to used in detail about the vulnerabilities

of urban stationary, mobile goods vendors and service workers during
the pre-migration and post-migration scenarios. The study is not only
relevant in Chandigarh but throughout urban India, because it gives
true picture of the majority of urban street vendors in India.
New Delhi —Sukhadeo Thorat

Chairman
ICSSR
Acknowledgements
I
t is my pleasant duty to express my sincere thanks and indebtedness
to many individuals who have extended their help at the various
stages of completion of this book.
At the outset, I am thankful to ICSSR administration for extending
financial support for execution of the project as well as publication of
this book.
I am extremely grateful to Prof Sukhadeo Thorat, Chairman,
ICSSR, New Delhi/President, Indian Economic Association, for writing
the foreword to this book.
I deem it a great privilege to express my profound respect, sincere
thanks and deep sense of gratitude to my beloved research director
Prof Gurmail Singh, who inspired me throughout the period of this
work.
My special thanks are due to Chairperson, Prof Indu Bala Singh
and the esteemed faculty members of the Department of Economics,
Panjab University, Chandigarh, for their kind cooperation and
encouragement.
I will be failing in my duty if I do not acknowledge my profound
gratitude to Prof Anita Kaushal, Principal of the College; Mrs Vinita
Dogra, Dean of the College; Vice Principal Mrs Rama Arora; Mrs
Kusum Lata Garg, Head of the Department; my learned colleagues
in the department and Mrs Shashi Joshi, Convener, UGC cell of the
College, for the inspiration and valuable suggestions, stimulating
discussions, and analysis and critical evaluation of the work under
reference .
I am grateful to Prof Bikram K. Pattanaik, Professor and Director,
School of Extension and Development Studies, Indira Gandhi National
Open University, New Delhi; and Prof Sharit Bhowmik, TISS Mumbai,
for their encouragement and valuable suggestions at every stage of
completion of this task.
16 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I am thankful to my research staff and library staff of ILO, New

Delhi; V.V. Giri National Labour Institute Noida; GCG-11 and Panjab
University, Chandigarh.
As I have drawn upon and assimilated a great amount of materials
from the standards works of the well-known authorities, I acknowledge
with gratitude my indebtedness to the authors and publishers whose
works I have referred to with mention or without mention in the
course of writing this book.
I am also thankful to the editorial team of Academic Foundation
for doing an excellent job of publishing this book within a stipulated
period of time.
—Seepana Prakasam
Preface
T
he idea of this book originated while I was associated with
project on urban informal poor workers. A good number of
studies have been conducted on the incidence of rural poverty,
which are obviously important; however, not many studies exist on
urban poverty, although an increasing need is being felt for such
studies in view of widespread urban poverty in India. This study
examines the incidence of poverty among the migrated street vendors
and caste-based occupational groups, which has not been examined in
detail in any earlier studies.
Rapid urbanisation and urbanisation of poverty, is a recent
phenomenon in most of the developing nations, is caused by
migration of the poor from rural areas and the natural growth of poor
population. In India the employment elasticity of agricultural GDP
(Gross Domestic Product) growth is minimal and not able to absorb
the growing labour force, coupled with decline in public investment
in agriculture has caused systemic crisis in rural areas. The rural poor
seek migration as a livelihood strategy to escape poverty. Urbanisation
contributes to sustained economic growth and provides opportunities
for work; many people have benefited from migration but people with
low skills, especially new migrants, are left behind. The incidence of
poverty in urban areas is more among the informal labour like street
vendors, street service workers, domestic workers, rickshaw pullers,
construction workers, rag pickers etc.
The capital intensity and labour saving methods of agriculture
has led to displacement of larger number of agricultural workers.
The new industrial revolution caused dismantling of the Jajmani
system, and destruction of cottage industries, contributed loss
of traditional jobs in rural areas. The size of land holdings has also
been continuously decreasing due to population pressure and lack
of alternative employment opportunities. The growing landlessness
18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
and underemployment forced distress migration of economically

and socially backward sections to urban areas. Migrants usually end
up working as self-employed own-account workers selling goods
and rendering services on the road sides at cheaper rates to the
urban middle class and poor. In addition to facing indecent working
conditions, they also undergo multidimensional intensive deprivations
and vulnerabilities.
Employment in informal sector has risen rapidly in all regions
of the world, India being no exception. It is usually difficult for an
unskilled rural migrant to readily find a well-paid job in the city, hence,
urban informal sector remains as the major source of employment for
the migrants. According to various World Bank studies, a highly visible
feature in less developed economies is the absorption of migrant
labour (rural to urban) in low productivity services and manufacturing
activities, this has led to the ‘rural under employment’ being exported
to the urban informal sector. In urban areas, migrants without skills
and capital can find jobs on the streets, hence, the street economy
becomes a source of livelihood for the street goods vendors and service
workers (cobblers, auto drivers, rickshaw pullers, etc.).
This volume tries to highlight the differences in employment and
living conditions of migrant mobile vendors and stationary vendors.
For the first time, the employment and living conditions of caste-
based occupational groups has been studied in detail. It focuses on
the contributions of street goods vendors and street service workers
to the urban economy especially middle class and lower income
groups, as well as the problems that the working poor encounter
while operating their business in the urban space. Although migration
gives them income enhancement to a certain extent, the problem of
multidimensional deprivations midst growing urban prosperity, is a
threat to inclusive growth.
Acronyms
ADB Asian Development Bank

APL Above Poverty Line
BMS Basic Minimum Services
BPL Below Poverty Line
BSUP Basic Services to the Urban Poor
BS Budgetary Support
CCR Chandigarh Capital Region
CDS Current Daily Status
CLA Central Loan Assistance
CMIE Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy
CMP Common Minimum Programme
C P I Capability Poverty Index
CPR Chronic Poverty Report
CPIIW Consumer Price Index of Industrial Workers
CSO Central Statistical Organisation
DDV Door to Door Vendors
DWCRA Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas
DWCUA Development of Women and Children in Urban Areas
EAS Employment Assurance Scheme
EGS Employment Guarantee Scheme
EPS Employees’ Pension Scheme
EUS Employment-Unemployment Survey
EWS Economically Weaker Sections
FDW Female Domestic Workers
FWP Food for Work Programme
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GoI Government of India
HCR Head Count Ratio
HDR Human Development Report
HDM Human Deprivation Measure
HDI Human Development Index
HPI Human Poverty Index
IAY Indira Awaas Yojana
IBRD Inter national B ank for Reconstr uction and
Development
IFPRI International Food Policy Research Institute
IGNOPS Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme
IIMPS Invest India Micro Pension Services
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMR Infant Mortality Rate
IUPR India Urban Poverty Report
JNNURM Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission
KGBV Kasturiba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya
KSY Kishori Shakti Yojana
LFPR Labor Force Participation Rate
LIG Low Income Groups
MBO Membership-based Organisations
MDG Millennium Development Goals
MDMP Mid-Day Meal Programme
MMR Maternal Mortality Rate
MNP Minimum Needs Programme
MGNREGA Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act
MPCE Monthly Per capita Consumption Expenditure
MSV Mobile Street Vendors
NASVI National Association of Street Vendors of India
NCL National Commission on Labour
NCEUS National Commission for Enter prises in the
Unorganised Sector
NFSM National Food Security Mission
NHB National Housing Bank
NPSV National Policy for Street Vendors
NPAG Nutrition Programme for Adolescent Girls
NREGA National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
NRHM National Rural Health Mission
NREP National Rural Employment Programme
NREGP National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme
NSAP National Social Assistance Programme
NSDP National Slum Development Programme
NSSO National Sample Survey Organisation
NUIF National Urban Infrastructure Fund.
OAPS Old Age Pension Scheme
OBC Other Backward Classes
PDS Public Distribution System
PHC Primary Health Centre
PMRY Prime Minister Rojgar Yojana
POPI Poverty of Opportunity Index
PPP Public Private Partnership
PPP Purchasing Power Parity
PQLI Physical Quality of Life Index
RFL Regular Farm Labourers
RPDS Revamped Public Distribution Scheme
SC Scheduled Castes
SDI Social Development Index
SEWA Self Employed Women Association
SEPUP Self Employment Programme for Urban Poor
SFDA Small Farmers Development Agency
SGRY Sampoorna Gram Swarojgar Yojana
SGSY Swarna Jayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana
SHGs Self Help Groups
SJSRY Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rojgari Yojana
SW Service Workers
SSV Stationary Street Vendors
SSW Street Service Workers
SUME Scheme for Urban Micro Enterprises
SV Stationary Vendors
TRYSEM Training for Rural Youth for Self Employment
TSC Total Sanitation Campaign
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNDHR United Nations Declaration on Human Rights
UNO United Nations Organization
UPS Usual Principal Status
UPSS Usual Principal and Subsidiary Status
USEP Urban Self Employment Programme
US Usual Status
UWP Urban Working Poor
UWEP Urban Wage Employment Programme
WB World Bank
WCSDG World Commission on Social Dimensions of
Globalization
WDR World Development Report
WEIGO Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and
Organizing
WFS World Food Summit
WFP World Food Programme
WHO World Health Organization
WMV Weekly Market Vendors
Urban Street Vendors in India
Urban Street Vendors in India
Editor
Seepana Prakasam
www.academicfoundation.org
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First published in 2016
by
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Urban Street vendors in India

Editor: Seepana Prakasam
ISBN
Typeset by Italics India, New Delhi.
Printed and bound by The Book Mint, New Delhi.

www.thebookmint.in
Contents

List of Tables and Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1
Rural-Urban Migration
Urban Informal Employment
Informal Retail Trading
The Conceptualisation of Street Vending
Street Vending : A Global Scenario
History of Street Vending in India
Importance of Street Vending in India
Magnitude of Street Vending In India
Women in Street Vending
Studies on Street Vending
Social Dialogue in Favor of Street Vending
The Draconian Laws in India against Street Vending
Judicial Interventions in Favour of Street Vendors
UNO Declaration on Right to Work
Constitutional Provisions to Safeguard Street Vending
National Policy on Urban Street Vendors (2004)
The Objectives of the Policy
6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
National Policy on Urban Street Vendors (Revised 2009)

Objectives of the Policy
The Street Vendors (Protection and Promotion of Livelihood)
Act, 2013 (in brief)
By-Laws for Regulation of Hawkers in Chandigarh Capital
Administration
Theoretical Base
Conceptual Framework
The Target Group
Scope of the Study
Summary
2. Social Status of Street Goods Vendors . . . . . . . . . . 7 3

Introduction
Typology of Street Vendors
Geographical Coverage
Gender Composition of Street Vendors
Vending in Administrative Divisions (Sample Areas) by Gender
Distribution of Street Vendors by Administrative Divisions,
Categories and Gender
Streams of Migration and Status of Migration
Seasonal Migrant Vendors (Muslims) from Jammu and Kashmir
Composition of Goods Sold
Age Structure of the Vendors
Marital Status
Number of Dependant Family Members
Children Studied or Studying in Type of Educational Institutions
Religious Affiliation
Social Groups
Literacy and Level of Education
Vendors Nationality/State of origin
C on t e n t s
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
3. Economic Status of Street Goods Vendors . . . . . . . . 9 7

Introduction
Pre-Migration Economic Status
Vendors’ Economic Activity at Native Place/Last
Place of Residence
Number of Working Days per Annum
Daily Earnings of Vendors
Annual Income
Ownership of Land Holdings
Annual Income from Lands
Accompanying Persons/Motivators for Migration
Post-Migration Economic Status
Occupational Shift in the City
Years of Vending Experience in the City
Number of Vending Days per Annum
Daily Earnings
Daily Earnings of Vendors by Gender
Annual Income from Street Vending
Monthly Savings
Incidence of Poverty among Street Vendors
Incidence of Poverty among Street Vendors in Chandigarh
(NSSO [68th round]), based on Tendulkar Methodology
Working Capital
Daily Turnover
Number of Working Hours
Work Participation of Life Partners of Vendors
Pre and Post Migration Economic Status of Street Vendors:
A Comparison
Summary
4. Living and Working Conditions of

Street Goods Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 5
Introduction
Living Arrangements in the City
8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Amenities
Ownership Status of Dwelling Units
Conditions of Dwelling Units
Number of Dwelling Rooms
Household assets
Benefits Available From Govt through Welfare Schemes
Access to Bank Account, Life Insurance and Voter Card
Source of Energy for Cooking
Expectations from the Government
Vulnerable Working Conditions
Summary
5. Marketing Problems of Street Goods Vendors

and Customers’ Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 7
Introduction
Access to License/Permit
Status of Confiscation of Merchandise
Monthly Number of Times Merchandise Confiscated
Amount of Penalty Paid Per Confiscation
Number of Days Lost per Confiscation
Post-Confiscation Continuation/Non Continuation of Vending
Vendors Association
Distances from Place of Residence
Mode of Conveyance used
Help at the Place of Vending
Source of Capital
Availability of Goods on Cash/Credit
Time Taken To Make Payments
Time Spent To Procure Goods
Source of Buying Goods
Perceptions of The Customers
Pattern of Income and Consumption Expenditure
Monthly Consumption Expenditure
C on t e n t s
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Reasons for Buying Goods from Street Vendors

Views on Granting/ Not Granting License to Vendors
Summary
6. Socio-Economic Status of Street Service Vendors . . . . 1 5 9

Introduction
Theoretical Base
The Target Group
Methodology
Social Status
Occupational Categories and Geographical Distribution
Gender Composition
Social Groups (Castes)
Age Profile
Marital Status
Educational Status
State of Origin
Status of Migration
Number of Dependants Other Than Self
Ownership of land holdings
Pre-Migration Economic Activities
Number of Days Worked Per Annum
Daily Earnings
Annual Income
Post-Migration-Economic Status
Number of Years of Vending Experience in the City
Initial Occupation in the City
Daily Gross Earnings
Variable Cost for handling the occupation in the City
Daily Net Earnings
Net Annual Income
10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Incidence of Poverty among Service Vendors

Incidence of Poverty among street Vendors in Chandigarh
(NSSO (68th round), based on Tendulkar Methodology
Monthly Savings
Number of Hours of Work
Distance between Residences to Place of Work in the City (one way)
Membership in occupational Associations
Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street
Service Vendors A Comparison
7. The Living and Working Conditions of

Street Service Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 3
Introduction
Female Work Participation Rate
House Entitlement
Quality of Housing
Access to Amenities
Number of Rooms in the House
Ration Card
Bank Account
Life Insurance
Voter Card/Identity Card
Household Assets
Indebtedness and Source of Borrowing
Source of Cooking Fuel
Old Age Pension
Health Shocks
Working Conditions
Expectations of Workers from the Government
Summary
C on t e n t s
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
8. Street Goods Vendors versus Street Service Vendors . . 2 1 9

Introduction
Socio-demographic Profiles
Pre–migration Economic Status
Post–migration Economic Status
Living Conditions
Pre- and Post-migration Economic Status: A comparison
Summary and Conclusion
9. Policy Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 3 5
Introduction
Legislative Measures
Welfare Measures
Administrative Measures
Other Measures
Conclusion

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 4 3
12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
List of Tables and Figures
T ables
1.1 Proportion of Informal Trade Sector in Total Trade

Employment and GDP in 200 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
1.2 Street Vendors in 10 Developing Nations:
Estimated Number, Share of Non-Agricultural
Employment (2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
1.3 Share of Organised and Unorganised Sectors in
Retail Trade in Some Asian Countries (%) in 2004 . . . . . 37
1.4 Employment Conditions and Employment Risks
Among Street Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
1.5 Urban Employed (Male and Female) by Industry Group
and Employment Type in India (Percentage Distribution),
2009-2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
1.6 Distribution of Street Vendors Based on Location of
Work Place for Retail Trade (NIC-52) by Sex and
Residence (in lakhs) in 1999-2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 6
2.1 Distribution of Goods Street Vendors by Categories . . . . . 74

2.2 Distribution of Sample Respondents by Administrative
Divisions in the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 5
2.3 Distribution of Street Vendors by Gender . . . . . . . . . . . 77
2.4 Distribution of Vendors by Gender in Administrative
Divisions in the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2.5 Distribution of Street Vendors across the Administrative
Divisions, Categories and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
2.6 Distribution of Street Vendors by Streams of Migration . . 81
2.7 Distribution of Street Vendors by Status of Migration . . . . 82
14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.8 Distribution of Street Vendors by Composition of

Goods Sold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
2.9 Distribution of Street Vendors by Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
2.10 Distribution of Vendors by Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . 87
2.11 Distribution of Street Vendors by Number of Dependant
Family Members (excluding self) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
2.12 Distribution of Vendors by Children Studied or
Studying in Type of Educational Institutions . . . . . . . . . 90
2.13 Distribution of Vendors by Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2.14 Distribution of Vendors by Social Groups (Castes) . . . . . . 92
2.15 Distribution of Vendors by Literacy and
Level of Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
2.16 Distribution of Street Vendors by Nationality/State
of origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
3.1 Distribution of Vendors by Economic Activity at

Native Place/Last Place of Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
3.2 Distribution of Vendors by Number of Days
Worked per Annum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
3.3 Distribution of Vendors by Daily earnings (`). . . . . . . 1 0 0
3.4 Distribution of Vendors by Annual Earnings (`). . . . . . 1 0 1
3.5 Distribution of Vendors by ownership of Land Holdings. . 1 0 2
3.6 Distribution of Vendors by Annual income
from Lands (`). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 3
3.7 Distribution of Vendors by Accompanying Persons for
Migration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 4
3.8 Distribution of Vendors by Economic Activity Prior to
Vending and Reasons for Leaving Economic
Activity to Start Street Vending. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 5
3.9 Distribution of Vendors by years of Vending
Experience in the city. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 6
3.10 Distribution of Vendors by Number of Vending Days per
Annum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 8
3.11 Distribution of Vendors by Daily Earnings (`). . . . . . . 1 0 9
l i s t of ta b l e s a n d fig u r e s
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.12 Distribution of Vendors by Daily Earnings by

Gender (`). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 0
3.13 Distribution of Vendors by Annual Income
from Street Vending (`). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1
3.14 Distribution of Street Vendors by Monthly Savings (`). . . 1 1 2
3.15 Income Poverty Line & Percentage of Population
Living Below Poverty Line in India, Chandigarh
and Street Vendors’ Status in Chandigarh:
A Comparison (Urban Areas in 2011-12). . . . . . . . . . 1 1 4
3.16 Distribution of Vendors by operating the Amount
of Working Capital (`). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 6
3.17 Distribution of Vendors by Handling Daily
Turnover (`). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 7
3.18 Distribution of Vendors by Daily Number of
Hours of Work. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 9
3.19 Distribution of Vendors by Work Participation of Life
Partners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 2
4.1 Distribution of Vendors by Living Arrangements

in the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
4.2 Distribution of Vendors by Provision of
Access to Amenities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
4.3 Distribution of Vendors by Ownership Status of
Dwelling Units . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 8
4.4 Distribution of Vendors by Condition of
Dwelling Units . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 9
4.5 Distribution of Vendors by the Number of
Dwelling Rooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 0
4.6 Distribution of Vendors by Access to Household
Assets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 1
4.7 Distribution of Vendors by Availability of Benefits
from Welfare Schemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 2
4.8 Distribution of Vendors by Access to Bank Account,
Life Insurance and Voter Card . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 3
4.9 Distribution of Vendors by Source of Energy
for Cooking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 4
16 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.10 Distribution of Vendors by Source of Energy

for Cooking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 5
5.1 Distribution of Vendors by Access to License/Permit

for Vending . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 3 9
5.2 Distribution of Vendors by the Status of
Confiscation of Merchandise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 1
5.3 Distribution of Vendors by the Number of Times the
Merchandise Confiscated Monthly . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 2
5.4 Amount of Penalty Paid Per Confiscation . . . . . . . . . 1 4 3
5.5 Distribution of Vendors by the Number of Days
Lost per Confiscation of Merchandise . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 4
5.6 Distribution of Vendors by Post Confiscation
Continuation/Discontinuation of Vending . . . . . . . . 1 4 5
5.7 Distribution of Vendors by Awareness about Vendors’
Association and Membership Status . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 6
5.8 Distribution of Vendors by one-way Distance
from Place of Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 7
5.9 Distribution of Vendors by Mode of
Conveyance used for Transport of Goods . . . . . . . . . 1 4 8
5.10 Distribution of Vendors by Getting Help at
the Place of Vending . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 4 9
5.11 Distribution of Vendors by Source of Capital
to do Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 0
5.12 Distribution of Vendors by Availability of
Goods on Cash/Credit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 1
5.13 Distribution of Vendors by Time Taken
To Make Payments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 2
5.14 Time Spent by Vendors to Procure Goods
from the Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 2
5.15 Distribution of Vendors by Source of Buying Goods . . . 1 5 3
5.16 Status of Monthly Income and Consumption
Expenditure of Customers (Households) With
Respect To Buying Goods from Street Vendors . . . . . . 1 5 5
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
5.17 Distribution of Customers (Households) by

Monthly Consumption Expenditure on Buying
Goods from Street Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 6
5.18 Reasons for Buying Goods from Street Vendors . . . . . 1 5 6
6.1 Distribution of Street Service Vendors

(occupational categories) among administrative
Divisions of Chandigarh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 6 5
6.2 Gender composition of Migrant Street Service
Vendors by Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 6 7
6.3 Distribution of Street Service Vendors by
Religious Affiliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 6 8
6.4 Distribution of Vendors by Social Groups (Castes) . . . . 1 6 9
6.5 Distribution of Sample Migrant Street Service
Vendors by Age. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 1
6.6 Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors
by Marital status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 3
by Educational Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 4
by State of Origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 5
by Stream of Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 6
6.10 Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by
Number of Dependants other than Self . . . . . . . . . 1 7 7
Ownership of Land Holdings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 8
Pre-migration Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 7 9
Pre-migration Number of Days Worked Per Annum . . . . 1 8 0
Pre-migration Daily Earnings (`) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 8 1
Pre- migration Annual Income (`) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 8 3
18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Number of Years of Vending Experience in the City . . . . 1 8 4
Post-migration initial Occupation in the City . . . . . . . 1 8 6
Post Migration Daily Gross earnings (`) . . . . . . . . . . 1 8 8
Post-migration Number of Days Worked Per Annum (`) . . 1 8 8
Variable cost for Handling the Occupation in the City . . . 1 8 9
Daily Net Earnings (`) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 0
Annual Net Income (`) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 3
Monthly Savings (`) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 5
Daily Number of Working Hours . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 7
using Mode Conveyance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 7
One-way Distance from Place of Residence to
Place of Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 8
Membership in Occupational Associations . . . . . . . . 2 0 0
6.28 Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of
Street Service Vendors. A Comparison . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 1
7.1 Distribution of Service workers based on Living

Arrangements in the City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 4
7.2 Distribution of Service Providers based on
House Entitlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 5
7.3 Distribution of Service Providers based on Quality
of Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 6
7.4 Distribution of Service Providers by Access
to Amenities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 8
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
7.5 Distribution of Service Providers by Number of

Rooms in the House . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 0 8
7.6 Distribution of Service Providers by Possession of Ration
Card, Bank Account, Life Insurance and Identity Card . . . 2 1 0
7.7 Distribution of Service Providers by Possession
of Hold Assets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 2
7.8 Distribution of Service Providers by Indebtedness
and Source of Borrowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 3
7.9 Distribution of Migrant Street Service Workers by
Source of Cooking Fuel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 5
7.10 Revealed Preferences of the Workers for Further
Improvement/Solve Their Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 8
8.1 Distribution of Sample Street Vendors by Categories . . . 220

8.2 Street Goods Vendors and Street Service Vendors :
A Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2 8
8.3 Pre- and Post-migration Economic Status of Street Goods
Vendors and Service Vendors : A Comparison . . . . . . . . 233
figures
2.1 Categories of Street Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

2.2 Distribution of Respondents by
Administrative Divisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
2.3 Distribution of Street Vendors by Gender . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2.4 Distribution of Vendors by Administrative
Divisions and Gender (Sample Ares) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
2.5 Streams of Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
2.6 Status of Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
2.7 Composition of Goods Sold By the Sample Respondents . . 85
2.8 Distribution of Vendors by Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . 88
2.9 Distribution of Vendors by Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2.10 Distribution of Vendors by Social Groups (Castes) . . . . . . 92
2.11 Vendors Literacy and Level of Education . . . . . . . . . . . 94
2.12 Number of Street Vendors by the County/Statge
of origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
20 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Number of In-migrants Entering Vending Occupation . . . 107

3.2 Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street
Vendors-A Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
6.1 Distribution of Sample Respondents (street service

workers) by Occupational Categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
6.2 Gender Composition of service street workers . . . . . . . 167
6.3 Religious Affiliation of street service workers . . . . . . . . 168
6.4 Distribution of Workers by Social Groups . . . . . . . . . . 170
6.5 Distribution of workers by Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
6.6 Marital Status of Street Service Workers . . . . . . . . . . 172
6.7 Educational Status of Street Service Workers . . . . . . . . 174
6.8 Migrant Street Service Workers by State of origin . . . . . 175
6.9 Status of Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
6.10 Pre-migration Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
6.11 Number of in In-migrants entering into
Vending Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
6.12 Post-migration Initial Occupation in the City . . . . . . . . 179
6.13 Post migration Annual Net Income of Workers (`) . . . . . 180
6.14 Monthly Savings of Street Service Workers . . . . . . . . . 181
6.15 Mode of Conveyance to Attend Workplace . . . . . . . . . 183
6.16 Pre- and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street
Service Workers : A Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
7.1 House Entitlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
7.2 Quality of Dwellings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

7.3 Number of Rooms in Dwellings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
7.4 Possession of Ration card, Bank Account, Life
Insurance and Identity/Voter cards . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
7.5 Source of Borrowing Money . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
7.6 Source of Cooking Fuel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
8.1 Street Goods Vendors and Street Service Workers :

A Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
1 Introduction
U
rbanisation of poverty is a recent phenomenon in most of the
developing nations, which is caused by in-migration of poor
from rural areas and natural growth of poor population. Global
urban population will grow almost 5 billion by the year 2030. In 1950,
less than 20 per cent of the population of poor countries lived in cities
and towns, but by 2030 this will have rise to 60 per cent (World Bank,
2008). Urbanisation contributes to sustained economic growth and
provides opportunities for work. Many people benefited via migration,
but people with low skills left behind. Globally one-third of the urban
residents are poor ($2/day), which represents one-fourth of the
world’s total poor. The incidence of urban poverty or the share of poor
as a proportion of the urban population is highest in south Asia and
sub-Saharan Africa (Baker, 2008).
The incidence of poverty is more in small cities and towns when
compared to big cities. The pace of urban poverty reduction has been
slower than the reduction in rural poverty, which is also one among
the reasons for urbanisation of poverty. In cities across the globe,
hundreds of millions of people exist in desperate poverty without
access to adequate shelter, clean water and basic sanitation. Most slum
dwellers depend upon precarious employment in the informal sector,
characterised by low pay and poor working conditions (U.S. Agency for
International Development, 2007).
Urbanisation has generated much economic growth and
opportunities for many, but growth has not generated much demand
for unskilled labour, particularly affecting the poor—some of whom
are new rural to urban migrants. Urban poor tends to spend a higher
proportion of total consumption expenditure on housing than the
rural poor, due to higher land values in cities. Overcrowding (3 or more
20 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
persons per room) and dwellings made up of non-durable materials

and these dwellings located in insecure lands. Baker (2008) stated that
the urban poor tend to face a number of common problems viz., (1)
limited access to income and employment, (2) inadequate and insecure
living conditions, (3) poor infrastructure and services, (4) vulnerable
to risks such as natural disasters, environmental hazards and health
risks particularly associated with living in slums ,(5) spatial issues
which inhibit mobility and transport, and (6) inequality closely linked
to problems of exclusion.
Rural-Urban Migration
In the major parts of the world, unequal distribution of population,
resources, and opportunities leads to extensive migrations from
depressed areas to those with growing opportunities. The persons
with special qualifications and abilities move to the cites where their
talents are needed, thereby increasing individual prosperity as well as
that of the nation as a whole.
Migration is a socioeconomic phenomenon though non-economic
factors also have some influence. “A large part of urban growth in the
less developed countries has historically been linked to stagnation and
volatility of agriculture and the lack of sectoral diversification within
the agrarian economy, India is no exception to this phenomenon”
(Government of India, 2009). Increasing transport, communication,
industrialisation, urbanisation, availability of business, employment
and educational opportunities in urban areas are the reasons for
rural out-migration. Migration is a major force which shapes the
urbanisation pattern in developing nations. Migrants are influenced
by the description of urban life in media or by success of relatives and
known who have previously migrated to urban centers. Moreover,
quality of life is good in cities and so is the possibility of economies of
scale in provisioning of various civic amenities and services by urban
governments.
Rural-urban migration is the fastest growing type of migration
in India. Migrants prefer to work relatively at higher wages in non-
farm occupations in urban areas. Migrant labour makes enormous
contributions to the urban economy by working in major sectors
In t rod u c t ion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
such as construction, textiles, small industries, brick-making, stone

quarries, street vending, domestic work, mines, fish and prawn
processing and hospitality services (Deshingkar and Akter, 2009).
Failure of agriculture to generate productive employment caused
migration of labour to the secondary and tertiary sectors. When an
agriculture labourer migrates to urban areas in search of work and
finds employment, even of it may be casual work in unorganised
services or industry, he does so because urban wage rates even in the
unorganised sectors are better than those prevailing in agriculture.
Labour migration is a complex socioeconomic process. Among
various streams of migration, poverty induced labour migration from
rural to urban areas especially metropolitan cities has increased in the
recent past. Streams of poor people, landless agricultural labourers,
recently (during economic reforms) land lost small and marginal
farmers migrate towards big cities, by passing local small towns and
cities, as they somehow know that the employment opportunities
are more available in the cities of larger size, but these destinations
fail to provide minimum level of employment and standards of living
because of capital intensive industrialisation and skills-oriented
service sector on one hand and overcrowded informal sector on the
other.
Migration helps to avoid starvation but fails to improve standard
of living, so it can be said that it is simply shifting of poverty from rural
to urban. Migrant workers are the most vulnerable section and they
are more likely to be found working at very low wages in hazardous
physical conditions. Instances of various kinds of exploitation by
employers and contractors are also widespread in the absence of any
effective monitoring by the government agencies.
The enormous increase in growth of urban populations in
developing countries during the last several decades is due to natural
increase and in-migration of population from rural areas. In most
of the developing countries, the available number of jobs are lesser
than the rapidly growing labour force. In the rural areas, both farm
and nonfarm sectors fail to absorb the growing labour force which
caused to increase unemployment and under-employment .The capital
intensity and labour saving methods of agriculture displaced larger
22 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
number of workers from their jobs. The new industrial revolution

which caused dismantling of the small scale and cottage industries,
led to disappearance of traditional jobs. The size of land holdings has
been decreasing due to population pressure and lack of alternative
employment opportunities. Rural indebtedness, landlessness and
unemployment caused poverty and migration.
Urban Informal Employment

The grim situation in rural areas led to distress migration of
poor within outside the country for better earning opportunities.
Eventually during liberalisation, the availability of cheap capital caused
increase in capital intensity, leading to reduction in labour cost of
production, especially in the formal sector of the economy, hence, the
urban informal sector became the major employment market for the
migrants from the countryside. It is usually difficult for an unskilled
rural migrant to readily find a well-paid job in the city. The World Bank
papers observed that the high rate of rural-urban migration, however,
has made the absorption of labour in low productivity services and
manufacturing activities a highly visible feature in most cities of
less developed countries and led to the concern that rural under-
employment is being exported to the urban informal sector. In urban
areas, migrants without skills and capital can find jobs on the streets,
hence the street economy is the source of livelihood to street vendors,
cobblers, auto drivers, rickshaw pullers, etc.
Advances in technology and rapid increase in the labour force
would tend to enlarge the size of the urban informal sector in future.
“...advances in technology are progressively reducing the proportion
of labour in the manufacturing process. Machineries are more efficient
than they were and power is more readily available. When this is the
situation, the tremendous growth of labour force and the increasing
pressure on land will lead to swelling of the urban informal sector’’
(United Nations, 2007).
Informal Retail Trading

About 98 per cent of retailing in India takes place in the
unorganised sector. Organised trade employs roughly 5 lakh people
In t rod u c t ion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
whereas the unorganised retail trade employs nearly 3.95 crore

(Central Statistical Organisation [CSO], 2004). Traditional food and
grocery retailing in India (which accounts for 70% of retailing) can
be best described as dominated by small, privately-owned shops and
hawkers, and largely community based. This sector where almost all
of the retail trade occurs is referred to as the unorganised sector. It
employs 40 million people and contributes 10 per cent of the GDP
(Kalhan, 2007). Retailing in India is emerging as one of the largest
industries, with a total market size of $320 billion and growing at
a compound annual growth rate of 5 per cent. Over time, India has
acquired about 1 retail outlet per 100 people—perhaps the highest
retail density in the world (Kearney, 2006).
Among the total number of jobs generated in trade sector, the
informal trade sector plays a dominant role in most of the developing
nations. Table 1.1 indicates that in Chad, 99.2 per cent of trade
employment is being provided by informal trade sector. In India, 96.4
per cent of trade employment which is being provided by informal
trade sector.
Table1.1
Proportion of Informal Trade Sector in Total Trade Employment
and GDP in 2000
Regiont Informal Trade Sector as a Share of Informal Trade in GDP

Percentage of Total Trade
Employment
Africa NA NA
Chad 99.2 66.7
Benin 99.1 69.8
Mali 98.1 56.7
India 96.4 90.0
Burkina Faso 94.7 45.7
Indonesia 93.0 77.2
Tunisia 87.6 55.6
Kenya 84.9 61.5
Philippines 73.1 52.3
Asia NA NA
Note: NA –Not Available
Source: Cohen et al., 2000.
24 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 1.2 reveals that among the 10 developing nations, a large

number of street vendors are in India. In Costarica, lesser number of
workers settled in street vending. The percentage of non-agricultural
labour force is concerned, in India the larger percentage of non-
agricultural labour has settled in street vending when compared to
other nations.
Many urban migrants find employment in factories, offices and
homes, but many do not. They need to create their own employment to
join the urban economy through entry-level occupations that require
little capital and few skills.
Table 1.2
Street Vendors in 10 Developing Nations: Estimated Number, Share of
Non-Agricultural Employment (2002)
Countries Number of Street Vendors Percentage of Non-Agricultural

Labour Force
Tunisia 125,619 6
Benin 45,691 5
Kenya 416,294 8
India 3,881,700 3
Turkey 255,000 2
Brazil 1,445,806 3
Costarica 13,085 1
Guatemala 259,203 9
Mexico 1,286,287 4
Venezuela 318,598 4
Source: Charmes (2002).
During liberalisation, Indian economy with impressive growth

rate has been undergoing a fast change in almost all sectors including
retail. The retail sector represents a significant part of the tertiary
sector of the economy, which is the fastest growing sector. Total trade
(wholesale plus retail) forms roughly 27 per cent of total services
sector in India, and its share in GDP is also increasing. Retail trade
is dominated by the unorganised sector, where most are small and
relatively low-productivity players. In retail trade, unorganised sector
In t rod u c t ion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
is playing a dominant role in India when compared to other Asian

countries (see Table 1.3).
Street vendors constitute a subset of those engaged in retail
trade, and even a subset of those who are self-employed in retail trade
(Ghosh et al., 2008). Vending is an informal enterprise or petty trade.
The petty trade is a small scale sole trading business run by single
individual with or without any assistance of paid workers or family
members. The profits or losses borne by the trader himself and is in no
way responsible to any higher authorities in conducting the business.
It can be called retail trading because all business activities associated
with the selling of goods and services to an ultimate consumer or
final user for personal consumption. The element of flexibility is an
unmatched boon to the retail trader.
Table 1.3
Share of Organised and Unorganised Sectors in Retail Trade in Some
Asian Countries (%) in 2004
Countries Organised Unorganised

India 2 98
China 20 80
South Korea 15 85
Indonesia 25 75
Philippines 35 65
Thailand 40 60
Malaysia 50 50
Source: Sasi (2009). Original Figures from CRISIL
The Conceptualisation of Street Vending

There is a growth in the number of people working in the informal
economy, either as self-employed in unregistered enterprises or as
wage workers in unprotected jobs. In developing countries, urban poor
survive mostly by working in the informal sector. Street commerce
represents one of the most visible and dynamic segments of the
informal economy (Roever, 2006). Street vendors are an integral
component of urban economies around the world. As sellers of
affordable goods and services, these workers provide consumers with
26 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
convenient and accessible retail options and form a vital part of the
social and economic life of cities. Street vending as an occupation has
existed for hundreds of years and is considered a cornerstone of many
cities’ historical and cultural heritage (Bromley, 2000).
Street vendors who involve in street commerce are the one
category of self-employed working poor in the urban informal sector.
They are mainly unskilled, unsuccessful or unable to get regular jobs
in the formal sector. Most of them have migrated from rural areas
due to poverty and unemployment; some of them have migrated from
small towns to big cities to increase their income levels. Street vending
has been recognised as an avenue for direct employment for lakhs of
people suffering from without work. In the absence of safety net of
any other kind, this provides the urban poor with a source of income
for basic subsistence.
The word street denotes a limited surface—part of an urban
texture, characterised by an extended area lined with buildings on
either side. There are two social functions of streets: the instrumental
function which enables movement of goods, people, etc., and the
expressive function which includes their use for casual communication,
recreation, conversation, entertainment, as a site for processions,
ritual observations, etc. (Rykwert, 1991).
Street vending represents an important share of informal trade
in most of the cities in India. Street vendors are one of the largest
and most visible occupational groups in the informal economy. Urban
vending is not only a source of employment, but provides affordable
services to the majority of urban population in general and the poor
in particular. A street vendor is broadly defined as a person who offers
goods or services for sale to the public without having a permanent
built up structure on a street. Street vendor may refer to vendors
with fixed stalls, such as kiosks; operate from semi-fixed stalls, like
folding tables, crates, collapsible stands, or wheeled pushcarts that are
removed from the streets and stored overnight; vendors who sell from
fixed locations without a stall structure, displaying merchandise on
cloth or plastic sheets; or mobile vendors who walk or bicycle through
the streets as they sell (International Labour Office, [ILO], 2002). As
per the National Policy for Urban Street Vendors—“a street vendor is
In t rod u c t ion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
one who offers goods or services for sale to the public without having
a permanent built up structure but with a temporary static structure
or mobile stall or head load” (GoI, 2004).
The Street Vendors (Protection And Promotion of Livelihood) Act,
2013, defined street vendor as “a person engaged in retail trade or
making available goods, wares, food items or merchandise or offering
services to the general public in a street, lane, side walk, footpath,
pavement, public park or other public places and/or private areas
from a particular spot by spreading his/her goods on the ground, or by
operating from a mobile non-motorised redhi, lorry, cart, rickshaw or
by moving from place to place and includes hawker, peddler, squatter
and all other local/region specific terms such as pheriwalla, rehri-
patriwalla, footpath dukandar, toplavala, patharnavala, street trader
and side-walk vendor and includes both mobile vendors and stationery
vendors”.
Street vendors may be stationary by occupying space on the
pavements or other public/private areas, or may be mobile in the sense
that they move from place to place carrying their wares on push carts
or on cycles or baskets on their heads or tie two baskets on either
side of a bamboo pole which they would carry on their shoulders and
some of them sell their wares in moving bus, train, etc. (Bhowmik,
2010). There are three basic categories of street vendors. First, those
street vendors who carry out vending on a regular basis with a specific
location, they can be evicted by the local authorities at any time.
Second, those street vendors who carry out vending not on a regular
basis and without a specific location; for example, Vendors who sell
goods in weekly bazaars/haats, during holidays and festivals and so
on. Third, the mobile street vendors as they move from place to place
in search of customers; these ones are more customer friendly because
they approach the targeted customers themselves.
Vendors hawk a wide range of commodities i.e. fruits, vegetables,
flowers, fish, clothes, vessels, toys, footwear, food, utensils, stationery
and numerous other daily use necessary items which are used mainly
by the middle class and poor people of urban centres. The hawkers buy
commodities in small quantities from small producers at a low price
and generally sell the same to a buyer who has a limited purchasing
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power. Street vendors use public spaces like pavements, parks,

beaches, vacant spaces, religious places, and platforms as a place of
work to earn their livelihood. Vendors have no legal entitlement over
the space which is opted to do business. A number of authorities claim
sole control over the space and impose regulations over the use; hence
vendors are answerable to all these conflicting claimers. Studies from
Asian and African countries show ways in which vendors are forcefully
evicted from public spaces through raids. Sometimes vendors end up
paying bribes from their hard earnings to the authorities for survival
in the business.
Table 1.4
Employment Conditions and Employment Risks Among Street Vendors
Employment conditions Employment Risk

Employment Status Income Risk
Independent Loss of market
Self employed Seasonal variation
Semi dependant workers Competitive pressures
Dependant employees Loss of time to devote to work
Location of work place Asset Risk
Designated market Legal Confiscation of merchandise
Undesignated natural Status Loss of merchandise
Registration,
Market area Permit and license,
Variable/Mobile Access to social
protection, access
Product Category to business Physical Risk
Perishable goods Health hazards
Non-perishable goods Services Safety hazards
Type of Premise Normative Ris
Fixed structure (stall, stand, shed, kiosk) Legal sanctions
Mobile structure (wheeled stall, bicycle Social sanctions
No structure (cloth, mat, on person)
Source: www.weigo.org
Street Vending : A Global Scenario

The share of street vendors in total non-agricultural employment
is between 2 and 9 per cent (ILO, 2002: 52). This share is significantly
higher in African cities; street vendors account for 15.3 per cent
In t rod u c t ion
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of total employment in Cotonou Benin; 16.4 per cent in Bamako,

Mali; and 20 per cent in Lome, Togo. As a share of total informal
employment, street traders generally account for 15-25 per cent in
African cities, 10-15 per cent in Asian cities, and 5-10 per cent in
Latin American cities (Bhowmik, 2010).
History of Street Vending in India

Street vending resembles poverty in urban informal economy in
India. Street vending as a profession has been in existence in India
since time immemorial (ancient times). Occurrence of street vending
is not a recent concept in India. Open markets, street corner markets
and weekly haats are a part of Indian tradition and can be dated to
generations back (Jhabvala, 2000). In all civilisations, ancient and
medieval, one needs accounts of travelling merchants who sold their
wares in towns by going from house to house. There were also markets
that were held at certain intervals weekly, monthly, etc. Vendors
would set up their stalls in these markets. They carried out their trade
like any other merchants or shop-keepers. The main difference was
that while shopkeepers and other merchants had fixed places to carry
out their business, street vendors as their name suggests, had no
permanent places for their trade (Bhowmik, 2010).
The number of street vendors has increased manifold in recent
years, which is a matter of great concern for academicians and policy
makers. Number of industries became sick midst competition from
domestic and international firms in addition to shortage of material,
power, availability of finance, lack of market, etc. Entrepreneurs
adopted labour saving devices for their survival. On the other hand,
keeping in mind fiscal discipline, role of state has both inadequate in
providing jobs. A study conducted in Ahmedabad by Self Employed
Women’s Association (SEWA) which is currently the largest trade
union in Gujarat, that half the laid-off textile workers have adopted
street vending.
The new breed of street vendors came into existence in the recent
period. Some of the street vendors are hired by others; they sell books,
household items, expensive electrical equipment and leather products,
etc. These vendors are agents of formal firms and sell on commission.
30 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Charmes (1998) argues that street vendors might not be as independent

as they appear. They may purchase or hire the goods they sell from the
same supplier; also, they may be given goods by the supplier who pays
more or less the equivalent of a salary. However, all street vendors are
informal workers and are exposed to similar problems.
The urban local residents complains about how these vendors are
making urban life a living hell, as they block payments, create traffic
problems and also engage in anti-social activities. The richer city
dwellers and city managers view them as nuisances, as obstructions to
traffic and having no place in the ideal world class city. Street vendors
are the most vulnerable, neglected, exploited and hated section of the
urban unorganised workforce. Street vendors are seen as pestilence
—crowding pavements, spilling onto busy streets, creating transport
bottlenecks—not just adding to confusion and chaos, but a source of
filth, disease and crime (Jhabvala, 2000).
Importance of Street Vending in India

Ela Bhatt, the founder of SEWA, felt that though street vendors are
viewed as a problem for urban governance, they are in fact the solution
to some of the problems of the urban poor. By providing cheaper
commodities, street vendors are in fact providing subsidy to the urban
poor, something that the government should have done. Vending in
urban informal sector is characterised by ease of entry, business of
small scale operation carried out in a temporary structure, in the open
air or in structures without a roof and in a variable location without
a fixed place or store. They use no electricity or very less electricity,
less resources and less investment and business is labour intensive
in nature, where family members participate in vending and related
activities. Although the income in this profession is low, people do
not require special skills or training, hence for these people, men and
women, street vending is the easiest form of earning their livelihood.
Street vendors are easy to access because they conduct their business
in convenient places in the city used by a large number of commuters.
The prices offered by street vendors are lower than those of regular
shops. The purchaser does not have to make an extra trip to the formal
shops; this saves time, energy and money (Bhowmik, 2010).
In t rod u c t ion
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NASVI survey indicates that consumers of all categories spend on

hawkers; but among those surveyed, the lower the level of monthly
income source, greater is the proportion of their consumption of
goods provided by hawkers. While better-off consumers tended to
prefer hawkers because they provide goods and services at convenient
places, consumers from the lower income groups were found to be
more regular in visiting food hawkers because the food is cheaper and
thus more affordable.
Street vending is not only a source of self-employment to the
poor in cities and towns but also a means to provide affordable as
well as convenient services to a majority of the urban population.
They provide valuable services to the urban masses while eking out a
living through their own enterprises. The goods sold by street vendors
which are usually consumed by those in the informal sector are cheap.
Moreover, a significant amount of goods produced by small industrial
units in the informal sector is marketed through them. In fact, we
have a situation where one section of the urban poor (street vendors)
helps other sections by providing low priced goods. This section of the
urban population does not demand that government creates jobs for
them, nor do they engage in begging, stealing or extortion, they want
to live with dignity and self-respect through hard work.
In spite of this crucial role, street vendors are facing number of
problems. In most states and most cities of India, hawking is regarded
as an illegal–or extra-legal–activity. Hawkers are typically treated as
encroachers of public space, and are forced to bear the additional
burden of insecurity, harassment and bribes to various different
agents. Due to non-availability of institutional credit, hawkers are
forced to borrow credit from non-institutional sources which causes
increase in cost of capital, leading ultimately to lesser profits.
Magnitude of Street Vending In India

Fixing the magnitude of street vendors in total informal sector is
very difficult, due to the variance in number of hours that they work.
Some sellers conduct their activity only in the weekends and some
change the activity based on the seasons. There is substantial increase
in the number of street vendors in major cities around the world,
32 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
especially in the developing countries of Asia, Latin America and

Africa. In Asia, the Asian Tigers faced a financial crisis in 1997; as a
result of this crisis street vending increased rapidly. According to 55th
Round of National Sample Survey, workers who describe themselves
as street vendors in urban areas working in all locations is around 17
lakh, while workers engaged in retail trade without a fixed place or
working in urban streets is around 25 lakh. In India, the population
of street vendors in urban areas is found to have increased by 1.75 per
cent in the last decade (Jhabvala, 2000).
As per the NPSV, nearly 2.5 per cent of the urban population
is involved in street vending and hawking. This means it provides
a livelihood to nearly 1 crore people in India—this number has
increased after 1991 economic reforms. On an average, there are four
dependents per vendor (apart from himself or herself), therefore the
survival of 5 crore people is dependent on street trading. With an
average daily turnover of ` 1,100 per day per vendor, the total turnover
of 1 crore street vendors in India will be as much as ` 1,100 crore per
day. According to unofficial estimates, street traders represent about
3 per cent of total non-agricultural employment i.e., more than 0.31
crore street traders in India (Unni, 2011).
Estimates of the average earning of street vendors in the year 2000
by studies, referred to in the Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion
of Livelihoods in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS, 2007), suggest that the
vendors’ earnings are very low although they vary from trade to trade
and from location to location. The males average daily income is around
`70 in most cities, except Patna where it is slightly lower. Women earn
considerably less amount i.e., only `40 per day.
In India, most of the workers depend on the informal sector. About
79 per cent of males and 81 per cent of females depend on the informal
sector in urban areas in India; whereas formal sector plays minor role
in generating jobs in urban areas. Concerning the number of jobs
available (wage employed and self-employed), street vending plays a
crucial role. As per Table 1.5, in 2009-10, about 63 per cent of females
and 51 per cent of males depend on street vending in urban areas.
In t rod u c t ion
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Table 1.5
Urban Employed (Male and Female) by Industry Group and Employment Type in
India (Percentage Distribution), 2009-2010
Industry Group Males Females
Formal Informal Formal Informal
Agriculture 0.1 6 0.0 14
Manufacturing 5 17 2 NA
Home-Based 9 23 2 10
Construction 0.6 11 0.2 5
Trade 1 23 0.4 10
Street Vending 0.0 51 0.0 63
Non-Trade Services 14 22 16 28
Transport 16 38 5 2
Domestic Workers 0.00 13 0.00 31
Waste pickers 0.00 0.6 0.00 0.5
Total Urban Employed 21 79 19 81
Note: NA-Not Available
Source: Chen (2012).
According to the 55th Round of National Sample Survey (NSS)

conducted during 1999-2000, workers engaged in retail trade
according to their location of work, there are 43.64 lakh workers
engaged in retail trade either in rural or urban streets or without any
fixed place of work (Table 1.6).
Women in Street Vending

Street vending is one of the most significant categories of informal
work employing women. The low cost of entry and flexible hours make
street vending an attractive option for many poor women; for many
it is the only option they have. In many countries, women represent
the majority of street vendors, this is especially the case in Africa:
women constitute more than two-third of the street vendors in the
main cities of Benin, Cote D’Ivoire, Ghana, Mali and Togo. More than
half in Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and South Africa (DIAL, 2011;
Budlender, 2011; ILO, 2002). Women also form a majority of the
street traders in some cities in Asia and Latin America, including
Hanoi (79%), Ho Chi Minh City (67%) and Lima (65%). In only a few
34 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
countries where cultural norms restrict women’s economic activities

the women account for 10 per cent or less of street vendors.
Table 1.6
Distribution of Street Vendors Based on Location of Work Place for Retail Trade
(NIC-52) by Sex and Residence (in lakhs) in 1999-2000
Location Rural Urban Combined
Males Females Total Male Females Total Male Females Total
Without fixed place 10.39 1.79 12.18 9.64 3.43 13.07 20.03 5.22 25.25
Rural: Street with 4.88 0.91 5.79 1.34 0.34 1.69 6.22 1.26 7.48
fixed location
Urban: Street with 0.67 0.04 0.71 8.59 1.62 10.21 9.26 1.66 10.92
fixed location
Total 15.93 2.74 18.68 19.58 5.39 24.97 35.51 8.13 43.64
Note: Workers covered belong to both Usual Principal and Subsidiary status.
Source: Computed from NSSO 55th Round, 1999-2000.
Women street vendors typically earn less than men, and in many
countries less than half as much as men. In India, for example, in
2000, women vendors earned between US $0.48-1.92 per day, while
men earned between US $0.80-3.28 per day (Chen and Snodgrass,
2001). In South Africa in 2007, women’s hourly earnings on average
were US $0.74, while men’s hourly earnings averaged at US $0.93
(Wills, 2010). The pattern holds in Lima, Peru, where in 2006 women
vendors earned, on average, about 45 per cent of what men vendors
earned (www.wiego.org). Most women sell on the pavement spreading
their goods on a cloth alongside a city street, or walking through
different neighbourhoods with baskets on their heads. Those who sell
from a cloth on the pavement or a basket on their head need few tools
or equipment, a set of weights, a knife and a basket (SEWA, 1988).
Studies on Street Vending

Barth (1983), Owen and Hussain (1984), stated that food selling
is a major source of income for 45 per cent of the street vendors in
Philippines. A small segment of the informal sector , however , seems
to be linked to the modern/organised industries as its growth can be
explained in terms of performance indicators. The segment , thus ,
may be said to respond to market stimuli.
In t rod u c t ion
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In 1998 the Brihan Mumbai Municipal Corporation commissioned,

Tata Institute of Social Sciences and Youth for Voluntary Action
(1998) and SNDT Women’s University (2001) in collaboration with
ILO conducted a study on street vendors. These studies find common
features among street vendors. Their earnings vary between `40 and
` 60 per day. They work under grueling conditions for long hours
and are frequently harassed by the municipal authorities and police.
Vendors are found suffering from hyper tension, high blood pressure,
migraine etc. A high proportion of vendors once worked in the formal
sector and lost those jobs.
Jhabvala (2000) has highlighted the exploitation issue, while
Bhowmik has attempted to compare the plight of vendors in different
Asian nations and identified their major problems.
Raman (2012) studied the problems being faced by women fruits
and vegetables vendors in North India. Saha (2011) has addressed
the decent work and socioeconomic conditions of street vendors.
The Environment Support Group (2010) conducted a survey on
the sociodemographic profile of street vendors in Bangalore and
highlighted the exploitative practices adopted by municipal and police
authorities. Abhigna (2008) has made an attempt on exploring the
issue of licensing of street vendors.
Bhowmik (2001), prepared a draft for NASVI based on the
study conducted in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Kolkata, Imphal, Patna,
Bhubaneswar and Bangalore. Imphal was chosen because it is in North-
East India where street vendors, who are all women, have gained some
legal rights to carry out their trade. The laws relating to street vending
in these cities varied. With the exception of Kolkata, all the above
municipalities have provisions for providing licenses for street vending.
This study reveals that there are some common features of street
vendors in all the seven cities covered. There are similarities in income
levels in all the cities. Their incomes range from `50 to `100 for males
and `35 to `40 for females. In all the cities, vendors are persecuted
by the municipal authorities and the police. Vendors adopted the
behaviour of bribing municipal and police officials for their very
survival in the business. The working conditions of the hawkers are
very poor and most of the hawkers lead a very hard life. They work for
36 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
more than 10 hours a day to earn a meagre income. Corruption, in the

form of bribery and extortion, eats into the earnings of these people
and reduces their income further. The main reason for corruption lies
in the fact that street vending is illegal in almost all cities. This gives a
lever to the municipal authorities and the police to extort money from
the vendors. The number of street vendors has increased due to large-
scale layoffs and retrenchment in the formal sector.
Chen and Snodgrass (2001), stated that income and earnings risks
are also common to many street vendors. Harassment on the part of
local authorities—including evictions, confiscation of merchandise
and demand for bribes—is a common source of income risk for street
vendors. Vendors of perishable goods are more vulnerable to losses
than those of non-perishables Vendors.
The findings of NASVI survey on consumers show that most of the
upper income groups in all the cities complained that vendors block
the pavements in busy places, thus making it difficult for pedestrians
to walk on them. They then spill over to the roads causing problems
for motorists. Whereas the lower income groups spend a higher
proportion of their income in making purchases from hawkers mainly
because their goods are cheap and thus affordable. In fact, consumers
from lower and middle income groups felt that hawkers near homes
and near the railway stations are most convenient for them as they can
buy their necessities while returning home from work. Had there been
no street vendors in the cities, the plight of the urban poor would be
worse than what it is at present, because poor people cannot buy their
goods at higher taxes and prices in the formal market. In this way,
one section of the urban poor, namely street vendors, helps another
section to survive.
Sarma (2005), aptly felt that unorganised retail traders selling
fruits and vegetables on a cart or a more stationary wayside shopkeeper
selling grocery articles or food items represents the majority of retail
traders in India. Each of these vendors usually occupies not more
than 30-40 square feet of space at best, less than the parking lot
appropriated by a customer’s automobile in the sprawling frontage of a
modern departmental store. Had all the rules and regulations relating
to land use, worker,s rights, quality standards, taxation, etc, been
In t rod u c t ion
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strictly enforced, these small traders would never have survived. Being
unorganised, they have no access to bank loans and are constantly
under threat of eviction from petty bureaucracy of the government.
Chen (2006), opined that, people enter into street vending
because it offers a more flexible or otherwise attractive employment
option than wage or salaried work and/or because they see it as a way
to avoid the costs of operating a formal storefront business. For many
women, street vending is a more viable option even when wage work is
available, because the flexibility of working hours allows them to fulfill
their family need for dependent care.
Sekhar (2008), conducted a survey on 518 street vendors in
Noida. Majority of the vendors are illiterates, about 70 per cent of
vendors are in the monthly income range of `5,000 to `7,000. About
73 per cent are lived in rented houses. About 97 per cent vendors are
migrants—migrated due to poverty and unemployment. Most of the
vendors spent more than 8 hours on vending. Majority of the vendors
faced problems from police and Noida authorities.
Ghosh (2010), studied insecurities and vulnerabilities of 600
street vendors in Delhi, which reveals that women vendor’s earnings
are lesser than male vendors. Majority of vendors’ daily earnings are
between `200 to `400. Majority of vendors have no license as there is a
limit on the number of licenses that can be issued by the government.
About 92 per cent vendors pay bribe to the authorities. They part with
10-20 per cent of their earnings as bribes to the local authorities.
Vendors cannot access institutional credit, majority of vendors have
no facility to preserve unsold goods.
Kumar and Bhowmik (2010), stated that there are significant
proportion of urban informal workers settled as street vendors.
According to the national policy on street vendors, 2 per cent of Delhi
population (2,60,000) are into street vending (GoI, 2001). Most of the
municipal laws which were made by the then British colonial rulers to
regulate street vendors are still in practice. Moreover, these laws are
identical to those passed in Britain and similar to Bombay Provincial
Municipal Corporation Act of 1949 (Shah and Mandava, 2005: 89).
Police officials, municipal officials and elected representatives have
powers in descending order to regulate street vendors. The police and
38 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
the municipal officials collect around `500 crore as bribe every month
from the licensed and unlicensed street vendors, and the same is
supported by Central Vigilance Commission. Delhi government issued
no licenses to the new entrants in this occupation after 1982, which
has caused huge revenue loss in the form of taxes but it definitely
enhanced the profits of rent seekers.
Anjaria (2010), stated that in Mumbai, there are more than
300,000 street vendors, putting employment directly to hundreds and
thousands. Street vendors have a long historical presence by facing
struggles for survival in Bombay’s retail sector map. Unfortunately
most of the street vendors are migrants, treated as illegal workers as
well as encroachers and are blamed for causing nuisance and other
problems in the city. Even though in the eyes of authorities, vendors
are nuisance, they play crucial roles in the neighbourhoods in which
they work (Duneier, 1999). The present regulations in practice on
vending are in accordance with Supreme Court judgement in 1985.
These regulations include a ban on cooking food from an open flame;
on selling items from a table, a stall or handcart; on street vending
within 150 meters of railway stations, municipal markets, colleges,
schools and hospitals, in residential areas or on major thoroughfares;
and on working in hawking zones no later than 10 pm. But the above
vending prohibited places are most convenient to public to buy variety
of goods and as actual work sites for street vendors.
On an average, each vendor monthly pays `1,200-1,400 which is
collected by police and BMC officials/intermediaries as fines either in
cash or kind (haftas). The non-hawking zones are more cropping fields
for rent seekers than hawking zones, by keeping hawkers continuously
in an uncertain and insecure condition i.e., threat of demolition
temporary structures or confiscation or destruction of goods (Anjaria,
2010).
Dalwadi (2010), stated that Vadodara city is classified into
hawking and non-hawking zones from 1987, in pursuance of
directions from Supreme Court of India. Vending is not allowed on
and up to a distance of 25m on both sides of the demarcated streets
(Desai, 2003). Integration of street vending in city planning is highly
essential, keeping in view the dual interests of low income group
In t rod u c t ion
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consumers and the poor street vendors. If space is officially allocated

on the basis of typology of vendors either on lease or quasi–legal basis,
the accountability of users increases and there is ease in management
of space. The government should provide all essential infrastructures
at place of work for smoothly conducting business. The NGO’s can
work as the link between vendors and the government to safe guard
the interests of general public and the street vendors.
In Cambodia, informal sector provides work for 85 per cent of the
work force and contributes 62 per cent of the GDP. Street vending is an
important occupation for rural to urban migrants (Kusakable, 2010).
Vending is not considered as a decent occupation because of meagre
earnings; hence vendors do not get the recognition that they deserve
(Huseby Darvas; Brenner, 1998). Women work force participation
is more in street vending because public space for vending is an
extension to their household space. Retail trade got momentum 1980
onwards and it became an important earning opportunity for the
wives of low paid government servants as well as widows/divorced/
separated. In 2004, about 31.3 per cent of women and 14.2 per cent
of men were involved in wholesale and retail trade in urban areas of
Cambodia (National Institute of Statistics, 2004).
Until 1985, people occupied public spaces wherever they want,
but then onwards the government reorganised the market place and
reallocated spaces for vending in Phnom Phen. Due to non-availability
of other employment opportunities, both refugees and migrants opted
vending as survival occupation in normal periods as well as economic
crises. Street vendors’ contribution to household income is very high.
Vendors have long working hours i.e., 8-13 hours per day, without weekly
holiday and most of them live nearer to the market (Kuskabe, 2010).
Most of the vendors are in this occupation for 7-10 years, implying
that vending is not temporary occupation. The average net income of a
street vendor is US$ 1.5 per day—they are the poorest among the urban
poor—and most of them opted for this occupation due to lack of capital
to do any other business (Agnello and Muller, 2004).
Nirathron (2010), has elucidated on the street food vendors in
Bangkok. Bangkok is known for sale of nutritious food at relatively
cheaper rates. Poor people buy smaller quantities from them, because
40 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
they have no time to prepare food of their choice. The government has
demarcated and officially allotted some of the areas for street vending,
but it can be seen in unofficial areas also. Street vending is the main
occupation for slum dwellers in Bangkok. Street vending is the main
source of employment for those people who lost their employment
in the formal sector during monetary crisis. Food vendors are
about 30 per cent of total street vendors in 1993 (Pizzali, 2001).
The unauthorised street vendors are being harassed by different
authorities because no strong unionisation of street vendors.
Saheb (2011), studied living conditions of 360 women street
vendors who sell vegetables and fish in Visakhapatnam. The average
monthly income of the sample women vendor households is `4,685.
Per capita income is `1,007 only. All the vendors were living below
poverty line. About 57 per cent of vendors were rural to urban
migrants who migrated based on suggestions from relatives. Majority
of the women vendors were illiterates and there were wide variations
in profits in accordance with seasons. The average daily profits were
` 106 only. These profits were more for literates than illiterates as
because working capital of the former is more.
Social Dialogue in Favor of Street Vending
(a) Bellagio International Declaration

In 1995, the leaders of street vendors associations, activists,
lawyers and researchers working on street vendors from 11 cities
around the world met in Bellagio, Italy, to form an international
alliance (now called as Street Net). This network drafted a declaration
it is called Bellagio International Declaration on Street Vendors.
The Bellagio declaration identifies the following common
problems of street vendors around the world : (1) Street vending is
not recognised as legitimate occupation; (2) Lack of space or poor and
unsecure work environment; (3) Denial of license or Restrictions on
licensing, cost of regulation; (4) Harassment, bribes , confiscation and
evictions; (5) Lack of basic facilities and infrastructure; and (6) Lack
of representation or voice.
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The declaration demands governments to recognise it as legitimate

profession and incorporate street vending in town planning at micro
level and at national level they should be allowed to get finance.
Promote institutional mechanisms of street vendors associations
to recognise their voice and also democratic grievance redressal
mechanisms. The declaration urged the governments of all countries
to modify laws in order to support street vending and give licenses and
provide social security to vendors (Street Net International, 2003).
(b) National Association of Street Vendors of India (NASVI)
NASVI is the national federation of street vendor organisations
which was registered in 2003 under the Societies registration Act
of 1860 to co-ordinate the street vendor organisations and create
supportive environment, to carry out legitimate vending by the fast
growing number of street vendors in India. All the initiatives of NASVI
are focused to secure the livelihood of street vendors through policy
interventions, on changes in political-legal environment, dialogues
with policy makers, administrators and planners, on organising state-
level, national and international conferences, organising struggles/
processions/demonstrations/dharnas, supporting in crisis, providing
legal aids, capacity building of street vendor organisations, financial
services, collecting and disseminating information about issues
concerning street vendors, sensitising society about the issues of
street vendors and so on. NASVI has 3 lakhs members from 373
organisations in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat,
Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala, Manipur, Maharashtra, Odisha,
Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Uttaranchal,
Madhya Pradesh West Bengal, Punjab, and Meghalaya. It observes 20
January as National Street Vendors’ Day. NASVI held conventions,
demonstrations, sit a in hunger strike and human chains in different
cities and towns of the country and even worked for enacting central
law for street vendors in consultation with all stakeholders. A website
has been registered, which is the repository of rich information on
street vending and street vendors (ww.nasvinet.org).
Street vendors being part of the unorganised sector have little or
no access to social protection. In the era of rising insecurity, social
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protection issues have become critical. Equally important is the lack of

credit from the financial institutions, particularly for their economic
activities without which they have to depend on private moneylenders
borrowing at higher interest rates. Street vendors are vulnerable to
loss of goods due to natural as well as manmade disturbances that
adversely hamper their economic situation. There should be special
insurance schemes to cover their products. NASVI is linking the street
vendors with the formal financial institutions and also promoting
cooperatives, SHGs (self-help groups) of street vendors’ organisations
for better access to credit. It is also implementing the “Micro pension”
programme in collaboration with UTI Mutual Fund & Invest India
Micro Pension Services (IIMPS) in order to provide social security
services for the street vendors.
(c) Street Net
Street Net is an international alliance of street vendors which was
launched in Durban, South Africa, in November 2002. Membership-
based organisations (unions, cooperatives or associations) directly
organising street vendors, market vendors and/or hawkers among
their members, are entitled to affiliate to Street Net International.
NASVI and SEWA is the member of Street Net from India. The aim
of Street Net is to promote the exchange of information and ideas
on critical issues facing street vendors, market vendors and hawkers
(i.e., mobile vendors) and on practical organising and advocacy
strategies. Through Street Net, member organisations should gain an
understanding of the common problems of street vendors; develop
new ideas for strengthening their organising and advocacy efforts, and
join in international campaigns to promote policies and actions that
can contribute to improving the lives of millions of street vendors and
hawkers around the world (http://www.google.co.in).
(D) Women in Informal Employment Globalising and Organising (WEIGO)
WEIGO is a global action–research–policy network established
in 1997 to improve the status of the working poor in the informal
economy, especially empowerment of women informal workers. The
WEIGO network consists of individuals and institutions from three
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broad constituencies—membership based organisations (MBOs)

of informal workers such as cooperatives, unions and associations;
researchers and statisticians who carry out research, data collection,
or data analysis on the informal economy; professionals from
development agencies (inter-governmental, governmental and non-
governmental) who provide services to or shape policies towards
the informal workforce. As of March 2012, the WEIGO network had
172 members, 32 institutional and 140 individual members from 42
nations. WEIGO have developed ways to strengthen vendors in policy
making, increase street vendors’ visibility in statistics, and promote
the validity of street vending via legal recognition of vendors and their
organisations.
(e) Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA)
SEWA is a trade union registered in 1972, established by the
Ramon Magsaysay awardee Ela Bhatt in Ahmedabad. It is an
organisation of poor, self-employed women workers where there is
absence of employer and employee relations. The union is open for
membership to self-employed women workers all over India.
This union has members of various categories of workers viz,
hawkers, vendors and small business women like vegetable, fruit, fish,
egg and other vendors of food items, household goods and clothes
vendors. Home-based workers like weavers, potters, bidi and agarbatti
workers, papad rollers, ready-made garment workers, women who
process agricultural products and artisans, and manual labourers and
service providers like agricultural labourers, construction workers,
contract labourers, handcart pullers, head–loaders, domestic workers
and laundry workers. In addition to these three categories there has
been emergence of another category of women workers-producers
and service providers who invest their labour and capital to carry out
their businesses. This category includes agriculture, cattle reapers, salt
workers, gum collectors, cooking and vending, etc.
SEWA’s aim since the beginning has been secure a space for
women street vendors where they can vend their goods with dignity.
Since the time of its inception, SEWA has played a significant role in
influencing policy level decisions. It works to protect the livelihood of
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the vendors by protecting their markets and not let them get removed
in the name of development, and to maintain law and order. They also
work to develop leaders among the vendors and empower them so
that they can advocate for the rights of their fellow workers; to get
licenses for street vendors through the municipal authorities in order
to get them; to protect vendors from exploitation and harassment and
exploitationa and to create adequate and well-planned hawkers zones
for vendors where they can vend legally with dignity.
The Draconian Laws in India against Street Vending

Certain sections of the Indian Police Act and Indian Penal Code are
important deterrents to the profession of vending, they are as follows:
Police Act—Section 34: Punishment for certain offences on road,
etc. It clearly states that any person who, on any road or in any open
place or street or thoroughfare within the limits of any town (this
section shall be specially extended by the state government) commits
any of the following offences to the obstruction, inconvenience,
annoyance, risk, danger or damage of the residence or passenger
shall on conviction be liable to a fine not exceeding fifty rupees, or to
imprisonment (with or without hard labour) not exceeding eight days.
It shall be lawful for any police officer to take into custody, without a
warrant, any person who within his view commits any of such offences
namely, exposing goods for sale.
Indian Penal Code—Section 283: Danger or obstruction in public
way or line of navigation. Whoever by doing any act or by omitting
to take order with any property in his profession or under his charge,
causes danger, obstruction or injury to any person in any public way
or public line of navigation shall be punished with fine—which may
extend to `200. No person shall cause obstruction in any street or
public place by: allowing animals or vehicle; leaving any vehicle
standing or fastening any cattle in the street or in the public place;
using any part of a street or public place as a halting place for vehicles
or cattle; leaving any box, bale package or other things whatsoever
upon a street for an unreasonable length of time or contrary to any
regulation; exposing or setting out anything for sale in or upon
any stall, booth, board, cask and basket or in any other way. These
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provisions create a contradiction between a legal licensed vendor and

illegal obstruction or one that causes nuisance resulting in physical
eviction of even licensed vendors.
Indian Penal Code Section 431: Mischief by injury to public road,
bridge, river or channel. “Whoever commits mischief by doing any
act which render or which he knows to be likely to render or which he
knows to be likely to render any public road, bridge, navigable channel,
natural or artificial, impassable or less safe for travelling or conveying
property, shall be punishable with imprisonment of either description
for a term which may extend to five years or with fine or with both.”
The Criminal Procedure Code 1908 and the Bombay Police Act
1951, both contain provisions for removal of any obstruction on a
street, or committing nuisance or obstruction in general. There
are penalties provided like a simple fine or even arrest and also
imprisonment for non-appearance before the court.
Judicial Interventions in Favour of Street Vendors

Several judgements of the Supreme Court since the late 1960s have
recognised that street vending or hawking are legitimate activities. For
example, in 1989 the Supreme Court ruled that, “if properly regulated
according to the exigency of the circumstances, the small traders on
the sidewalks can considerably add to the comfort and convenience of
the general public, by making available ordinary articles of everyday
use for a comparatively lesser price. An ordinary person, not very
affluent, while hurrying towards his home after a day’s work can pick
up these articles without going out of his way to find a regular market.
The right to carry on trade or business mentioned in Article 19(1) g
of the Constitution, on street pavements, if properly regulated cannot
be denied on the ground that the streets are meant exclusively for
passing or re-passing and no other use” [Sodan Singh & Others versus
New Delhi Municipal Council, 1989].
This decision of the Supreme Court has emphasised several
important aspects of street vending and use of public space and notes
the positive role of street vendors in providing essential commodities
to common people at affordable prices and at convenient places. It
also notes that street vending cannot be denied merely on the ground
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that pavements are meant exclusively for pedestrians and that street
vendors are exercising their constitutional right to carry out trade or
business—hence it should be regulated properly and not abolished.
In a recent decision of ‘Sudhir Madan & others versus MCD &
others’ in 2006 the Supreme Court has ruled that: “We have also to
keep in mind the principle that the right to use the pathway, footpath
etc, is that of the citizens. No hawker can claim a right to defeat the
rights of other citizens. The hawkers are large in number, but the
population of citizens are many times more than that of hawkers
and, therefore, the fundamental rights of the citizens cannot be
put in jeopardy by permitting hawkers and squatters to block roads,
footpaths, public parks etc. The Authority which frames a scheme
has to keep this paramount consideration in mind. Consistent
with the rights of citizens, if it is possible to provide any space to
hawkers, squatters etc., that may be done consistent with the policy
to be framed by the concerned Authority. The Authority will have to
consider on what principles hawking and no hawking zone have to be
carved out. It will also have to consider in which zones no hawking
activity can be permitted. It will also have to consider what nature
of goods can be sold by hawkers, squatters, etc, so that cleanliness is
maintained and at the same time free flow of traffic and movement of
pedestrians is not obstructed. This decision gives further emphasis on,
location of the street vendors in a planned manner so that the street
vendors carry on their business without obstructing the free flow of
traffic or movement of pedestrians.
In the same case the supreme court has also agreed in principle to
the idea of accommodating natural markets.” It was further submitted
before us that the authorities must have due regard to the concept
of natural market. We agree in implementing such schemes, the
authorities cannot ignore the concept of natural market, but many
interests have to be balanced so as to cause least inconvenience to the
public at large.”
UNO Declaration on Right to Work

Human rights are concerned with equality and fairness. They
recognise our freedom to make choices about our life and develop our
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potential as human beings. They are about living a life free from fear,
harassment or discrimination. The United Nations Declaration on
Human Rights (UNDHR) sets out the fundamental rights of all people,
including the right to life; freedom from slavery, torture and arbitrary
arrest; freedom of thought, opinion and religion; the right to a fair
trial and equality before the law; the right to work and education; and
the right to participate in the social, political and cultural life of one’s
country.
The UNO’s general assembly on 10 December 1948 in its resolution
217(III) adopted the universal declaration of human rights. Article 23
of this declaration deals with right to work, equal pay for equal work,
and just and favourable remuneration. Under part I of the European
Social Charter, states should recognise that everyone shall have the
opportunity to earn their living in an occupation freely entered upon,
that all workers shall have the right to just conditions of work, that
they shall have the right to safe and healthy working conditions and
rights to their remuneration sufficient for a decent standard of living
for themselves and their families.
Right to work is normally understood in regard to employment in
the service of and paid by others, as distinct from self-employment.
In passing, it should be noted that nowhere in the human rights
system is there an express reference to a right to self-employment.
It must be generally understood to exist, however, as a consequence
of the freedom from forced labour. The right to work has at least two
significant social functions: it is a source of livelihood and income, and
that of dignity and self-realisation. Article 6 of International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recognise the right to work,
which includes the right for every one to the opportunity to gain his/
her living by work which he/she freely chooses and accepts.
The American Convention on Human Rights, protocol 1, article
6, uses language which includes the opportunity to secure the means
for leading a dignified and decent existence by performing a freely
elected or accepted lawful activity. Article 15 of the African Charter on
Human and Peoples’ Rights is much more succinct, stating that every
individual shall has the right to work under equitable and satisfactory
conditions.
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The steps that states have to take to achieve full realisation of

the right to work shall include technical and vocational guidance
and training programmes, policies and techniques to achieve steady
economic, social and cultural development as well as full and
productive employment under conditions safeguarding fundamental
political and economic freedoms to the individual (Article 6 [2]).
Constitutional Provisions to Safeguard Street Vending

Fundamental rights and directives principles of the state policy of
Indian constitution support street vendors’ the right to practice their
occupation. These provisions are as follows:
Article 19 (g)
Article 19 (g) states that every citizen of India has the right to
practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or
business.
Article 21
Supreme Court of India has included the right to work within the
scope of the right to life Article 21, i.e., (AIR 1991, SC 101).
Article 38 (2)
“The State shall, in particular, strive to minimise the inequalities
in income, and endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities
and opportunities, not only amongst individuals but also amongst
groups of people residing in different areas or engaged in different
vocations.”
Article 39
This article states that the citizens, men and women equally, have
the right to an adequate means of livelihood; that the ownership and
control of material resources of the community are so distributed as
best to sub-serve the common good; that the operation of the economic
system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of
production to the common detriment; that there is equal pay for equal
work for both men and women; that the health and strength of workers,
men and women, and the tender age of children are not abused and
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that citizens are not forced by economic necessity to enter occupations

unsuited to their age of strength; that children are given opportunities
and facilities to develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of
freedom and dignity; and that childhood and youth are protected
against exploitation as well as moral and material abandonment.
Article 39 (a)
Free Legal Aid: “The State shall secure that the operation of the
legal system promotes justice, on a basis of equal opportunity and
shall, in particular, provide free legal aid, by suitable legislation or
schemes or in any other way, to ensure that opportunities for securing
justice are not denied to any citizen by reason of economic or other
disabilities.”
Article 41
The state shall, within the limits of its economic capacity and
development, make effective provision for securing the right to work,
to education and to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old
age, sickness and disablement, and in other cases of undeserved want.
Article 42
“The State shall make provision for securing just and human
conditions of work and for maternity relief.”
Article 43
“The State shall endeavour to secure, by suitable legislation or
economic organisation or in any other way, to all workers agricultural,
industrial or otherwise, work, a living wage, conditions of work
ensuring a decent standard of life and full enjoyment of leisure
and social and cultural opportunities and, in particular, the State
shall endeavour to promote cottage industries on an individual or
cooperative basis in rural areas.”
Article 46
“The State shall promote with special care the educational and
economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in
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particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall
protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.”
National Policy on Urban Street Vendors (2004)

Street vendor is broadly defined as a person who offers goods
or services for sale to the public without having a permanent built
up structure in a street. This policy recognises three basic categories
of street vendors. First, those street vendors who carry out vending
on a regular basis with a specific location. Second, those street
vendors who carry out vending not on a regular basis and without
a specific location—for example, vendors who sell goods in weekly
bazaars during holidays and festivals and so on; Third, the mobile
street vendors. This Policy is to ‘‘Provide and promote a supportive
environment for earning livelihoods to the vast mass of urban
Street Vendors while ensuring that such activity does not lead to
overcrowding and unsanitary conditions in public spaces and streets.’’
Some of the key features of the policy are as follows:
1) Lays down rules for regulation instead of prohibition of
street vending, and licensing to be replaced by a simple
registration process.
2) Recommends adoption of a system of registration for
hawkers and non-discretionary regulation of access to public
space.
3) Requires setting up of ward, zonal, and town vending
committee with representation of street vendors
organisations and stake holders.
4) Advocates that the number of licenses issued is proportional
to the poulation size of the city.
5) Mandates that street vendors can not be evicted in the name
of beautification or cleaning drives. They can be evicted
only if the land is needed for an explicit public purpose.
It also states that if vendors are evicted, they should be
simultaneously rehabilitated to restore their livilihood at
previous level.
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6) Stresses the need for easy access to credit, insurance , water

and sanitation facilities.
7) Emphasises the participation of vendors in the planning of
hawkers’ zones (India Urban Poverty Report, 2009).
The Objectives of the Policy

(1) Legal: To give vendors legal status by amending, enacting,
repealing and implementing appropriate laws and providing
legitimate hawking zones in urban development/zoning
plans.
2) Facilities: To provide facilities for appropriate use of
identified space including the creation of hawking zones in
the urban development/zoning plans.
3) Regulation: To eschew imposing numerical limits on access to
public spaces by discretionary licences and instead moving to
nominal fee-based regulation of access, where market forces
like price, quality and demand will determine the number of
vendors that can be sustained—of course, such a demand
cannot be unlimited.
4) Role in distribution: To make street vendors a special
component of the urban development/zoning plans by
treating them as an integral and legitimate part of the urban
distribution system.
5) Self-compliance: To promote self-compliance amongst street
vendors.
6) Organisation: To promote, if necessary, organisations of
street vendors, e.g. unions/cooperatives/associations and
other such forms to facilitate their empowerment.
7) Participation: To set up participatory mechanisms with
representation by urban vendors’ organisations (unions/
cooperatives/associations), voluntary organisations, local
authorities, the police, Residents Welfare Association (RWAs)
and others, for orderly conduct of urban vending activities.
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8) Rehabilitation of Child Vendors: To take measures for

promoting a better future for child vendors by making
appropriate interventions for their rehabilitation and
schooling.
9) Social Security and Financial Services: To facilitate/promote
social security (such as pension and insurance) and access
to credit for street vendors through promotion of SHGs/
cooperatives/federations/Micro Finance Institutions (MFIs).
10) The Town Vending Committees TVCs shall be responsible
for redressal of grievances and resolution of any dispute
arising amongst the street vendors or between the street
vendors and third parties; including municipal officials and
policemen; in the implementation of this Policy.
National Policy on Urban Street Vendors (Revised 2009)

The National Policy on Urban Street Vendors 2009, approved by the
GoI, has termed the street hawkers as micro-enterprises and recognise
s street vendors as an integral and legitimate part of the urban retail
trade and distribution system. It is estimated that in several cities,
street vendors count for about 2 per cent of the population. Women
constitute a large segment of these street vendors in almost every
city. Street vending is not only a source of self-employment to the
poor in cities and towns, but also a means to provide affordable as
well as convenient services to a majority of the urban population. It
also recognises the need for regulation of street vending by way of
designated ‘Restriction-free Vending’, ‘Restricted Vending’ and ‘No
Vending’ zones based on certain objective principles.
Objectives of the Policy

Legal Status: To give street vendors a legal status by formulating
an appropriate law, thereby providing for legitimate vending/hawking
zones in city/town master or development plans, including zonal, local
and layout plans, and ensuring their enforcement.
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Civic Facilities: To provide civic facilities for appropriate use of

identified spaces as vending/hawking zones, vendors’ markets or
vending areas in accordance with city/town master plans, including
zonal, local and layout plans.
Transparent Regulation: To eschew imposing numerical limits on
access to public spaces by discretionary licenses and instead moving
to nominal fee-based regulation of access, where previous occupancy
of space by the street vendors determines the allocation of space;
or creating new informal sector markets where space access is on
a temporary turn-by-turn basis. All allotments of space, whether
permanent or temporary, should be based on payment of a prescribed
fee fixed by the local authority which is to be constituted under this
policy on recommendations of the TVC.
Organisation of Vendors: To promote, where necessary,
organisations of street vendors (e.g., unions/cooperatives/associations
and other types of organisations) in order to facilitate their collective
empowerment.
Participative Processes: To set up participatory processes that
involve firstly, local authority, planning authority and police; secondly,
associations of street vendors; thirdly, RWAs; and fourthly, other civil
society organisations such as NGOs, representatives of professional
groups (such as lawyers, doctors, town planners, architects, etc.),
representatives of trade and commerce, representatives of scheduled
banks and eminent citizens.
Self-Regulation: To promote norms of civic discipline by
institutionalising mechanisms of self-management and self-regulation
in matters relating to hygiene, including waste disposal, etc., amongst
street vendors, both in individually allotted areas as well as vending
zones/clusters—with collective responsibility for the entire vending
zone/cluster
Promotional Measures: To promote access of street vendors to
services such as credit, skill development, housing, social security
and capacity building. For such a promotion, the services of SHGs/
cooperatives/federations/MFIs, training institutes, etc., should be
encouraged (National Policy on Urban Street Vendors, 2009).
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The Street Vendors (Protection and Promotion

of Livelihood) Act, 2013 (in brief)
Urban street vendors are one section of the informal sector, who
live on self-employment and add to the comfort of the general public
by making available ordinary articles of everyday use at affordable
prices and at convenient locations. Street vendors in India live in
constant insecurity of losing their livelihood due to the absence of
recognition and promotion of their livelihoods by the authorities. This
law aims to protect citizens rights before law to practice street vending
business with reasonable restrictions so as to have adequate means of
livelihood, which is enshrined in Article 14, 19 (1) (g), 38 (2), 39 (a),
39 (b) and 41 of the Constitution. Further it aimed to protect rights of
street vendors to carry out their trade or business while harmonising
citizen’s right to pass and repass on streets. This law is applicable to
the whole of India except the state of Jammu and Kashmir. License
for registered vendors, shall be provided, as per the scheme, for
permanent allocation of space; provided that the vending committee
is satisfied that the applicant is a bona-fide vendor at the time of
application. One-third licenses shall be reserved for the disadvantage
categories like women, disabled, and senior citizens.
This law suggests a system for local governments to follow so
that street vending can be regularised. Municipalities are expected
to setup TVCs that will include members of hawkers’ unions and civil
society organisations. Rather than leaving it to bureaucrats and local
politicians to decide, the law tasks this committee to work out areas
that can be designated as vending and non-vending zones, criteria
for issuing licences and suspending them, licence fee and fines and a
grievance redressal mechanism. Although this law grants powers to
local governments to relocate vendors and to confiscate the goods of
unlicensed vendors, it also recognises the right of a licensed vendor to
an alternative location. Thus, of the local authorities decide to change
the designation of an area, it is incumbent on them to relocate all the
licensed vendors elsewhere.
In t rod u c t ion
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By-Laws for Regulation of Hawkers in

Chandigarh Capital Administration
No. C-1477-61/III/5334 (20 February 1961)—The following bye-
laws framed by the Chief Administrator, Capital Project, Chandigarh,
in exercise of the powers conferred by sections 173-188 (9u) and
199 of the Punjab Municipal Act, 1911, read with sub section (2) of
Section 7-A of the capital of Punjab development and regulation act,
1952, having been confirmed by the governor of Punjab as required
by Section 201 of the Punjab Municipal Act, 1911 are published for
general information and shall come into force with effect from the 1st
April, 1961.
1. In these bye-Laws,
a) ‘Deposit’ means to place any articles on or above the
surface of a public street for the purpose of sale; and
b) ‘Hawker’ means a person who deposits goods for sale on a
public street and includes Behangiwala, Khonchewala and
Pheriwala.
2. No hawker shall deposit or cause to be deposited goods for
sale or other articles in any public street within Chandigarh,
except under the written permission granted by the Estate
officer, in this behalf in the form of license in Form an
annexed to these bye-laws subject to the conditions contained
in the said written permission.
3. The following fees shall be levied for the grant of license
referred to in bye-law 2, which shall not be refundable:
i) Hawker of cloth: ` 6 half yearly, ending 30th September
and /or 31st March.
ii) Hawkers of other articles: ` 4 half-yearly, ending 30th
September, and /or 31st March.
4. Such permission shall, unless specified otherwise in the
license, be valid for all public streets in Chandigarh, subject
to such conditions as may be imposed.
56 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. The Estate Officer may limit the time during which hawkers
may be permitted to operate either generally, particularly
in respect of any class of articles or in any particular public
street.
6. The license granted under these bye-laws shall expire on the
next 30th of September, or 31st of March following the date
upon which the permission is granted.
7. The license shall not be transferable, except to a member of
the family previously nominated and otherwise qualified,
with the permission of the Estate Officer.
8. The license shall not be granted to :
a) A person suffering from any loath-some, infections or
contagious disease;
b) A person under the age of 12 years;
c) A person convicted for unlawful sale or possession under
the excise, opium on Dangerous Drugs Act within three
years of the date of conviction; or
d) A person who has been found to have habitually committed
a breach of these bye-laws or of the terms of the license.
9. Subject to bye-law 8, license to any person who applied in
writing to the Estate Officer and tenders the prescribed
fee shall be granted by the some—unless, for reasons to be
recorded in writing by him, he considers the applicant not a
fit person for the grant of such a license.
10. If the Estate Officer is satisfied, after giving an opportunity
to the person to whom the license has been granted to
explain any circumstances appearing against him, that a
breach of these bye-laws or any of the conditions of the
license has been committed, he may, not withstanding any
other penalty to which the person to whom the license has
been granted may be liable under these bye-laws on any
other law, cancel the license.
11. Any person who commits a breach of these bye-laws shall,
on conviction by a magistrate, be punishable with fine which
In t rod u c t ion
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may extend to ` 50 and when the breach is a continuing

breach, with a further fine which may extend to ` 5 for every
day after the first, during which the breach continues.
Conditions
1. The licensee shall keep his license with him and shall
produce it on demand by any official of the Chandigarh
Administration or police officials.
2. The licensee shall not deposit his goods for sale in a public
street for longer hours than is necessary to effect the sale
and in particular shall not deposit his goods for display when
not actually attending to a customer.
3. The licensee shall not hawk any other articles not excluded in
the license.
4. The licensee shall carry with him a receptacle for waste
matter and shall deposit or cause to be deposit by his
customers all waste matter from his goods therein.
5. The licensee shall not halt or deposit his goods for sale on
any manhole, sewer, gutter or grating.
6. The licensee shall protect with fly proof covering the articles
liable to attract flicks.
7. The licensee shall, on demand, permit any Sanitary Inspector
to inspect or take any sample of any article of food or drink
and such officer shall have the power to destroy, irrespective
of the permission, any article of food or drink which he
deems to be unwholesome.
8. The licensee and the person or persons in his employ and
attending to the customers shall be cleanly clad and shall be
free from any loathsome, infectious or contagious diseases.
9. The licensee shall obey all such instructions as may be given
by officials of the health department for protection and
cleanliness of articles of food or drink.
10. Soliciting alms by the licensee or any person accompanying
him shall render the license liable to cancellation.
58 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11. The licensee shall not carry any bell or use any mechanical or
other contrivances to attract customers.
12. Any breach of terms of the license or of the bye-laws shall
render the license liable to cancellation, without prejudice to
any other penalty to which the person to whom the license
has been granted may have render himself liable.
II. Methodology
Theoretical Base
“Kuznets process” of urbanisation is the theoretical base of this
study i.e., urbanisation as an integral part of economic growth and
distributional change (including poverty reduction) in poor countries.
In this process, it will open new economic opportunities in urban areas
and attract rural workers. Urbanisation entails gains to the poor, both
directly as migrants and indirectly via remittances, but the gains are
not large enough for all poor to escape poverty (Kuznets, 1955).
Conceptual Framework
Movement of people from one village to/town, and one town
to another town by change of residence is known as migration and
the person who migrates is termed as a migrant. Street vendor is
broadly defined as a person who offers goods for sale to the public
without having a permanent built-up structure from which to sell.
There are two basic categories of street vendors. First, those who
carry out vending on a regular basis with a specific location are the
stationary vendors; second, those who carry out vending at different
places on different days or vend at different places on the same day
are the mobile street vendors. Mobile street vendors are two types: (1)
weekly market vendors, and (2) door to door vendors. Weekly market
vendors are those who vend their goods at one location on one day
at another location on the next—these locations are pre-fixed by the
government. Door to door vendors roam around the residential areas
of different sectors of the city every day either by using or without
using any conveyance.
In t rod u c t ion
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The Target Group

This study is targeted on migrants from rural and urban areas
from India and abroad, having experiences of vending at least one
year in the city; whereas in case of seasonal migrants, they should
be the second time migrants to the city for work as on the date of
survey. Only goods vendors are taken into consideration in this study.
Approximately there are 10,000 street vendors in Chandigarh. The
quota of size had been fixed based upon the volume of trade and
number of vendors in each area. Purposively 500 sample respondents
(5 per cent of the vendor’s population) were drawn for the study.
Scope of the Study

This study is focused on rural to urban and urban to urban
migrants. Vendors are demographically stratified into males, females
(adults), old and children. The intention of including males, females
(adults), old and child vendors is mainly to capture the differences and
the nature of problems they are facing in marketing their goods (access
to raw materials, access to locations, attracting customers, access
to credit, living conditions, social security and degree of insecure
working conditions. In this study, street vendors are classified into
five sub-categories on the basis of nature of goods sold viz., Vegetables
vendors, Fruits vendors, Processed food vendors, Domestic items
vendors and manware items vendors.
Keeping in view the problem, this study was undertaken with the
following objectives:
1) To understand the working and living conditions and
marketing problems of street vendors.
2) To suggest policy measures for the improvement of their lot.
Usual principal activity status is taken into consideration while
selecting the respondents. Reference period for usual status approach
is the last one year from the date of survey. This study has broadly
covered all three administrative divisions of the city of Chandigarh
by randomly selecting the number of vendors from each division.
Geographical location of vendors are randomly identified by mapping
vendors working at fixed locations in different sectors/areas. The
60 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
selection of sample respondents from each division is based on the

clustered purposive systematic random sampling method. Field survey
is conducted with the help of specific questionnaire by personal visit
at the place of work of street vendors, during 2012-2013.
Summary
Poverty is a multidimensional and complex phenomenon, which
exists amidst the plenty. In India, 21.6 per cent of population is still
living below the poverty line (Planning Commission, 2013). Poverty
in urban areas is not declining at faster rate due to migration of
rural people. The incidence of poverty in urban areas is more among
the informal labour like street vendors, domestic workers, rickshaw
pullers and rag pickers. Street vendors are the informal self-employed
retail traders with no social security. The profits or losses borne by the
trader himself and in no way responsible to any higher authorities in
conducting the business. While earning their livelihood, street vendors
provide cheaper commodities to the urban poor. Street vending is not
recognised as a legitimate work; hence vendors harassed by the police
and municipality authorities.
2 Social Status of Street
Goods Vendors
Introduction
In urban India, economically weaker or vulnerable sections of
the population are compelled to participate in the labour market due
to poverty—not out of choice. Street vendors are a category among
the self-employed, own account, informal poor workers in the urban
labour market. They are the informal small retail business class who
have been an integral part of the urban scenario for a long time. They
have become a part of the city, Chandigarh. The increasing proportion
of the urban informal sector has added to the number of hawkers.
Street vendors are the low skilled in-migrants seeking employment in
the city struggling to make ends meet. Hawking is a means of earning
their livelihood with low investment and lower level of skills. On the
demand side, goods sold are cheap when compared to those available
at higher prices in formal shops. In this way, the supply and demand
factors are responsible for absorption of a section of the urban poor
into this activity and continuation of the same.
Socioeconomic features of any given population are a part of the
mechanism by which the total national income is created, distributed
and consumed at a particular time frame. Street vendors are socially
vulnerable in terms of education, lower social status, origin from
backward areas, higher number of dependant family members, etc.
Typology of Street Vendors

In terms of mobility, there are two major types of street vendors:
(a) Stationary Street Vendors (SSVs) and (b) Mobile Street Vendors
(MSVs). It can be observed from Table 2.1 that the total number of
surveyed street vendors (sample respondents) are 500, among them
40 per cent are stationary street vendors and the remaining 60 per
68 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
cent) mobile street vendors, i.e. 30 per cent weekly market vendors
and 30 per cent door to door vendors. The reason behind selecting
large number of mobile vendors than stationary ones is that the
numbers of mobile vendors in Chandigarh are more than that of
stationary vendors.
Table 2.1
Distribution of Goods Street Vendors by Categories
Type of Street Vendors Frequency Percentage Total

(A) Stationary Street Vendors (SSV) 200 40.00
(B) Mobile Street Vendors (MSV)
(i) Weekly Market Vendors (WMV) 150 30.00
(ii) Door to Door Vendors (DDV) 150 30.00
Total 500 100.00
Source: Field Survey.
Figure 2.1
Categories of Street Vendors
Stationary
Street
Vendors
200 (40%)
Mobile Street
Vendors
300 (60%)
Geographical Coverage
Chandigarh (study area) is the joint capital of Punjab and
Haryana, which is located near the foothills of the Shivalik range of
the Himalayas in Northwest India. Although Chandigarh occupies the
s o c i a l s tatu s of s t r e e t g o od s v e n d or s
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second rank in per capita income among the different cities in India,
it is not free from slum areas and poverty. Demographic features of
Chandigarh are concerned, as per 2011 Census, there are 1,054,686
persons—of which males and females are 580,282 and 474,404
respectively. The population of Chandigarh forms 0.09 per cent of
India’s population. Literacy rate in Chandigarh has seen an upward
trend is 86.43 per cent—of that, male literacy stands at 90.54 per
cent while female literacy is at 81.38 per cent. Density of Chandigarh
is 9,252 per sq km, which is higher than the national average of 382
per sq km. Sex ratio of Chandigarh is 818 females i.e., for each 1000
males, which is below national average of 940 as per Census 2011.
Table 2.2
Distribution of Sample Respondents by Administrative Divisions in the City
Areas/ Sectors and Localities Street Vendors Street Vendors Total

Administrative (Stationary) (Mobile)
Divisions of the
City
East 7, 18, 19, 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 80 (40) 67 (22.33) 147(29.4)
29, 30, 31, 47, Colony No 4,
Grain Market, Bapudham
Colony, Transport Area,
Railway Colony, Hal-
lomajra, Industrial Area,
Manimajra,Baimajra, Kar-
san, Behlana, Gagamajra,
Jhumu
Central 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 94 (47) 87 (29) 18 (36.2)
11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17,
22, 23, 24, 25, Village
Kaimbwala, Khudalohra,
Khudajassu, Sarangpur,
Dhanas, Khuda Alisher
South 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 26 (13) 146 (48.67) 17 (34.4)
39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45,
46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51,
Burial, Dadumajra, Khejri,
Maloya, Zizanpur, Attwa,
Palsora Colony No 5
Grand Total (n) - 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of the respective totals.
2. From each division, some of the sectors/localities only are considered for study, based
on the concentration of street vendors.
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Approximately, there are 10,000 street vendors in the city of

Chandigarh. There are three clusters (administrative divisions)
in the city i.e., east, central and south. Purposively 500 sample
respondents (5 per cent of the vendor’s population) were drawn from
the aforementioned three areas. The quota of size had been fixed
in each cluster (area) based on the volume of trade and number of
vendors. Table 2.2 reveals that out of 500 sample respondents, the
maximum number of sample respondents (36.2%) were selected from
central sectors of the city, while about 34.4 per cent respondents were
selected from southern sectors and the lowest number of respondents
(29.4%) belonged to eastern sectors of the city. As per as the selection
of categories of vendors are concerned, the maximum proportion of
55 (42%) stationary street vendors are selected from central sectors,
while the minimum number of respondents (13%) selected from the
southern sectors. Concerning the selection of mobile vendors, the
maximum proportion of (48.57%) respondents selected from southern
sectors and the minimum proportion (22.33%) are selected from the
eastern sectors.
Figure 2.2 demonstrates that the maximum proportion 181
(36.2%) of the street vendors belongs to the central administrative
division, while 172 (34.4%) belongs to south division and the
remaining 147 (29.4%) hails from the eastern division.
Gender Composition of Street Vendors

Participation of women in remunerative economic activity is the
index of empowerment. Social norms in backward regions restricted
women from participating in economic activities outside the home.
Among the couples migrated, very less number of females are working
in general and as street vendors in particular in the city. The reasons
behind lesser number of female participation in street vending is
lack of awareness, lesser availability of capital to do business and
problems related to confiscation and family responsibilities. There is
preponderance of men in the migration streams, which is also reflected
in street vending. Like in most of the other cities in India, the sex
composition street vendors are weighed heavily in favour of males. In
our study, the maximum proportion of vendors are men, constituting
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Figure 2.2
Distribution of Respondents by Administrative Divisions
181 (36.2%)
147 (29.4%) 172 (34.4%)

of Vendors
Number
East Central South

Administrative Divisions
82.6 per cent while the remaining 17.4 per cent are females. In sheer
numbers, males outnumber the females by 326 in total vendors. The
reasons behind the lesser number of females in migration streams
are old parents at native place, non-availability of admissions for
children in urban areas, need to look after land holdings and livestock,
distance, high cost of living in the cities, etc. As far as categories of
vendor are concerned, though the number of females are less than
males, the maximum proportion of females (28.5%) are working as
SSVs compared to mobile vendors (13.33%). The reasons behind the
lower number of females working as mobile vendors are, they face
difficulty to move from one place to another with heavy weights of
salable goods and weighing machines, etc. (Table 2.3).
Table 2.3
Distribution of Street Vendors by Gender
Gender Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
(Stationary)
Males 153 (76.5) 260 (86.67) 413 (82.6)
Females 47 (23.5) 40 (13.33) 87 (17.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Note: Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals.
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Figure 2.3 illustrates that the larger proportion (82.6%) of street

vendors are males, whereas the lesser proportion (17.4%) of vendors
are females.
Figure 2.3
Distribution of Street Vendors by Gender
Females
17.4 %
Males
82.6%
Vending in Administrative Divisions (Sample Areas)

by Gender
Table 2.4 presents that, out of the total number of 87 female
vendors, the maximum number of them (37.93%) are working in south
zone, and an equal number of females (31.03%) working in east as
well as central zone. Out of 413 male respondents, maximum of them
(37.29%) are working in central zone, 33.66 per cent are working in
south zone and the minimum number of them (29.05%) are working
in east zone.
Table 2.4
Distribution of Vendors by Gender in Administrative Divisions in the City
City Areas/Zones Males Females Total

East 120 (29.05) 27 (31.03) 147 (29.4)
Central 154 (37.29) 27 (31.03) 181 (36.2)
South 139 (33.66) 33 (37.93) 172 (34.4)
Grand Total (n) 413 (100) 87 (100) 500 (10.0)
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Figure 2.4 indicates that the maximum number (154) of males are
selected from central division, 139 are selected from south division
and the remaining 120 males are selected from east division. Whereas
the maximum number (33%) of females are selected from south
division and 27 females each are selected from central and eastern
divisions in the city based on their representation.
Figure 2.4
Distribution of Vendors by Administrative Divisions and Gender (Sample Ares)
200
154
Number of Males
139
150 120
and Females
100
50 27 27 33
0
East Central South
Males Females
Distribution of Street Vendors by Administrative

Divisions, Categories and Gender
Table 2.5 reveals that in almost all the administrative divisions
(sample areas), stationary and mobile male vendors are more than
female vendors. As far as SSVs are concerned that the number of
males (47.06%) and females (46.80%) are more in central zone than
that of the other two zones, while in the case of mobile vendors males
117 (45 per cent) and females constitute 45 per cent and 72.5 per cent
respectively.
Streams of Migration and Status of Migration

There are large number of persons who change their residence
from one village or town to another village or town for work, marriage
or other reasons. The movement which involves change of residence
from one village to another village/town is known as migration and
74 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
the persons who migrate are termed as migrants. In this survey, we

have classified migrants into two categories. The first consists of
people who migrate from the village/town for a period of less than or
equal to eight months—this category of migrants are called seasonal
or short-term migrants. The second category of workers who migrate
for longer than eight months in a year is known as long-term migrants.
During the last two decades or so, the migration stream has become
more diversified and migrants have moved to several regions in order
to work in a variety of occupations especially in urban destinations.
Thus, the rural-urban migration can be explained primarily by the
influence of economic factors, these include the standard “push” from
subsistence rural sector and “pull” of relatively high urban earnings.
Table 2.5
Distribution of Street Vendors across the Administrative Divisions,
Categories and Gender
Administrative Divisions Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
(Sample Areas)
Males Females Total Males Females Total
East 59 21 80 61 6 67 147
(38.56) (44.69) (40) (23.46) (15) (22.33) (29.4)
Central 72 22 94 82 5 87 181
(47.06) (46.80) (47) (31.54) (12.5) (29) (36.2)
South 22 4 26 117 29 146 172
(14.38) (8.51) (13) (45) (72.5) (48.67) (34.4)
Grand Total (n) 153 47 200 260 40 300 500
(100 (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
Unemployment, under employment, family disputes indebtedness

at native place, attraction of city life, commercial fairs, better
literacy prospects for children, entertainment opportunities and the
probability and expectations of higher earnings strongly contribute
towards growth in the number of migrants. Presence of friends and
relatives in towns to help in getting work and providing temporary
shelter may hasten migration. Permanent and protected jobs in the
formal sector are shrinking, hence even those having requisite skills
are unable to find proper employment. For these people to work in the
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informal sector is the only means for their survival, which has led to
a rapid growth of informal sector in most of the larger cities. For the
urban poor, street vending is one of the means of earning a livelihood,
as it requires little financial input and the skills involved are low.
Though the income in this profession is low, the investment too is
low and the people do not require special skills or training. Hence for
these migrant men and women, street vending is the easiest form of
occupation for earning their livelihood.
Table 2.6 presents that, out of 500 sample respondents, 94.4 per
cent are long term migrants, while the remaining (5.6%) are seasonal/
short-term migrants. As far as the categories of vendors are concerned,
out of 200 stationary vendors, (98.5%) are long-term migrants, while
only (1.5%) are seasonal migrants. Whereas in case of mobile vendors,
about 91.67 per cent are long-term migrants, while only 8.33 per
cent are seasonal migrants. Interestingly, the proportion of seasonal
migrants are more in case of mobile vendors, when compared to the
stationary vendors.
Table 2.6
Distribution of Street Vendors by Streams of Migration
Streams of Migration Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Long-term in migrants 197 (98.5) 275 (91.67) 472 (94.4)
Seasonal in Migrants 3 (1.5) 25 (8.33) 28 (5.6)
(short-term in mi-
grants)
Grand Total 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Figure 2.5 illustrates that the maximum proportion (94%) of

street vendors are long-term in migrants, while the lesser proportion
(6%) are short-term in migrants.
Table 2.7 reveals that the major proportion of street vendors
(94.8%) are rural to urban migrants, whereas of (5.2%) are urban
to urban migrants. Further, it reveals that rural- urban migration
is greater than urban-urban migration. Urban to urban migrants
proportion is more in case of mobile vendors than that of stationary
vendors. The pattern of migration suggests that people who have
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stayed in urban areas for a longer period are less migratory, on the
other hand, people from rural areas have migrated to the urban areas
even after staying there for 40 to 50 years.
Figure 2.5
Streams of Migration
Short-Term Migrants
6%
Long-Term Migrants
94%
Table 2.7
Distribution of Street Vendors by Status of Migration
Status of Migration Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Rural to Urban in 188 (94) 286 (95.33) 474 (94.8)
Migrants
Urban to Urban in 12 (6) 14 (4.67) 26 (5.2)
Migrants
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Figure 2.6 illustrates the status of migration. The maximum

proportion (94.8%) of street vendors are rural to urban migrants, while
the lesser proportion (5.2%) constitutes urban to urban migrants.
Seasonal Migrant Vendors (Muslims) from

Jammu and Kashmir
Among the seasonal migrants, the larger proportion of them
are Muslims who have migrated from both rural and urban areas of
Jammu and Kashmir (mostly belonging to Anant nag and Kupwara
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districts) and reside in the city every year from October-November to

April-May to sell woollen clothes, which are necessary for customers to
get protection from cold during the winter season. During the winter
season every year, these migrants migrate to this city by leaving their
families at their native places. These mobile vendors (door to door
vendors) generally stay in groups in rented houses in the city. They
carry woollen clothes on bicycles and roam in different residential
areas within the city radius of 10 kilometers from the place of their
residence and travel about 20 to 30 kilometers per day. These seasonal
migrant vendors have no work at their native places due to unbearable
cold and snowfall during the winter season. Some of them have long
experience of 30 to 40 years of visiting this city for selling warm
clothes during the winter season; moreover, they have good relations
with the customers in the city for the past many years.
Figure 2.6
Status of Migration
Urban to Urban Migrants

5.2%
Rural to Urban Migrants

94.8%
Generally customers buy costly clothes only from these known

vendors, hence the latter full guarantee of sale of clothes brought from
J&K. Some of the vendors sell clothes on credit and collect money
during next visit. It means there is mutual trust and confidence
between vendors and buyers. They are happy with the earnings
made during this period of stay in the city, but they are not free
from problems like high rent bills, buying utensils, stove/gas stove/
cycle every year and obstacles while visiting their home town during
78 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
emergencies due to road blockade/landslides/snowfall and strikes.

In our survey, we have studied 20 seasonal Kashmiri migrants. They
felt that this city is heaven, “Aman” for them because there is no
communal feeling among Hindus; moreover, customers are wealthy
enough to buy their costly warm clothes and some of the residents
treat these seasonal migrants as their guests.
Composition of Goods Sold

Different categories and qualities of goods are sold by both male
and female vendors in the city to suit multiple needs of buyers (males
and females) of different age and income groups of population. Table
2.8 shows that the maximum proportion of (29.4%) vendors, sell
fruits, followed by processed food and vegetables constituting (23.4%)
and (18.2) respectively. The minor proportions of vendors sell man
ware items of (14.6%) and domestic items (14.4%). Since the survey
was conducted during rainy and winter seasons, the larger numbers
355 (71%) of the vendors have involved in selling fruits, processed
food and vegetables in descending order. Moreover, there are no
organised fruits and vegetables market in Chandigarh, hence selling
these items are more profitable when compared to other items which
are available in the formal shops. Genderwise, a larger proportion of
the females are selling fruits (21.55%) followed by man wear items
and domestic items i.e., (37.15%) and (19.55%).
Figure 2.7, indicates that the maximum number (147) of vendors
are selling fruits followed by processed food (117), while 91 vendors
are selling vegetables. Lesser number of vendors selling man ware
items and domestic items in the study area.
Age Structure of the Vendors

Age-sex structure is one of the most important characteristics of
population composition. The usefulness of age data is more noticeable
when it is cross-classified by variables like marital status, literacy
educational attainment and economic activity which vary with age
in different patterns. The distribution of sample street vendors
according to the age group is presented in table 2.9. Sample as a whole,
the maximum proportion of street vendors (97.1%) are adults, the
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
remaining (2.9%) are child vendors. Street vendors are classified into 7
age groups viz., 6-14 years, 15-24 years, 25-34 years, 35-44 years, 45-
54 years, 55-64 years and 65 years and above. Majority of the vendors
are in the age group of 25-34 years, which accounts for 50.6 per cent.
With regard to the female vendors, one can see that the maximum
proportion (50.57%) of them in the age group of 25-44 years. About
(50.6%) of males are in the age group of 25-44. Interestingly, the equal
proportion of males and females are in the age group of 25-44 years.
There are 2.6 per cent of child vendors who are in the age group of
6-14 years, constituting 2.42 per cent males and 3.44 per cent are
females. Vendors who are over 65 years of age constituted 4.8 per
cent of the total vendors surveyed, while males are 2.32 per cent and
females are 6.89 per cent. The reason behind the larger presence of
aged females are, care deficit from their siblings, death of husband,
lack of accumulated past savings, incapacity to do wage labour lack of
social security measures etc.
Table 2.8
Distribution of Street Vendors by Composition of Goods Sold
Nature of Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Goods Sold
Males Females Total Males Females Total Males Female Total
Vegetables 20 6 26 57 8 65 77 14 91
(13.07) (12.76) (25.83) (21.92) (20) (21.6 7) 18.64 (16.09) (18.2)
Fruits 46 20 66 68 13 81 114 33 147
(30.06) (42.55) (72.61) (26.15) (32.5) (27) (27.60) (37.93) (29.4)
Processed 55 4 59 58 0 58 113 4 117
Food (35.94) (8.51) (44.45) (22.30) 0 (19.33) (27.37) (4.59) (23.4)
Man Wear 18 13 31 36 6 42 54 19 73
Items (11.76) (27.65) (39.41) (13.85) (15) (14) (13.07) (21.83) (14.6)
Domestic 14 4 18 41 13 54 55 17 72
Items (9.15) (8.51) (17.66) (15.77) (32.5) (18) (13.32) (19.55) (14.4)
Grand Total 153 47 200 260 40 300 413 87 500
(n) ( 76.5) (23.5) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
The maximum proportion of males and females are in the age

group of 25-44 years because this is probably the age when workers or
potential workers who are affected by unemployment or lookout for
80 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
jobs. Without any employment opportunities these people are obliged

to work on their own and in most cases on the streets. As vending
is lucrative in terms of the returns and requires less investment,
more and more young, unemployed people are attracted to this trade.
With regard to the women vendors in the sample, since the lack of
qualifications and skills to do formal employment, street vending
remains one of the few readily available avenues of employment open
to women who need to earn a living. The low cost of entry into many
types of hawking and vending as well as flexibility of timings and
absence of boss are attractive factors for some women.
Figure 2.7
Composition of Goods Sold By the Sample Respondents
600
500
500
Number of Vendors
400
300
200 147
117
91 73 72
100
0
Vegetables Fruits Processed Man Wear Domestic Total
Food Items Items
Composition of Goods
Marital Status
Table 2.10 shows distribution of vendors’ by gender and marital
status, where the maximum proportion of respondents (78.8 %) are
married, while the rest 21.2 per cent are unmarried, widowed or
divorced in the study area as a whole. Among the male vendors, 79.41
per cent are married and 19.61 per cent are unmarried, while among
the females 75.86 per cent are married and only 4.59 per cent are
unmarried. Given that 4 per cent of the vendors are widowed, among
them females outnumbered males, while a negligible proportion of
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
the total respondents (0.02%) are divorced/separated. Interestingly,

unmarried and single women rarely take up vending jobs because the
burden of work is more compared to other occupations in the urban
informal sector.
Table 2.9
Distribution of Street Vendors by Age
Age Ranges Street Vendors Street Vendors Sub Total Total
(in Years) (Stationary) (Mobile)
Males Females Total Males Females Total Males Females
6-14 1 2 3 9 1 10 10 3 13
(0.65) (4.25) (1.5) (3.47) (2.5) (3.33) (2.42) (3.44) (2.6)
15-24 22 0 22 46 7 53 68 7 75
(14.38) (0) (11) (17.69) (17.5) (17.67) (16.46) (8.04) (15)
25-34 36 8 44 77 10 87 113 18 131
(23.53) (17.02) (22) (29.61) (25) (29) (27.36) (20.69) (26.2)
35-44 33 12 45 63 14 77 96 26 122
(21.57) (25.53) (22.5) (24.23) (35) (25.57) (23.24) (29.88) (24.4)
45-54 35 13 48 41 7 48 76 20 96
(22.88) (27.66) (24) (15.77) (17.5) (16) (18.40) (22.99) (19.2)
55-64 15 6 21 17 1 18 32 7 39
(9.80) (12.77) (10.5) (6.54) (2.5) (6) (7.75) (8.04) (7.8)
65 and 11 6 17 7 0 7 18 6 24
above (7.19) (12.77) (8.5) (2.69) (0) (2.33) (2.32) (6.89) (4.8)
Grand Total 153 47 200 260 40 300 413 87 500
(n) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
Figure 2.8 illustrates that the number of married vendors are more
than that of unmarried ones. Married people have more domestic
obligations than that of unmarried, is the reason for migration of the
dominant proportion of married vendors
Number of Dependant Family Members

The number of dependent family members in the city as well
as at the native place is the index of dependency load. More the
member of dependent family members lesser is the availability of per
capita income of the households. Vendors send remittances to their
leftover family members at native places by postal money order or by
82 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 2.10
Distribution of Vendors by Marital Status
Marital Street Vendors Street Vendors Sub Total Total
Status (Stationary) (Mobile)
Currently 126 32 158 202 34 236 328 66 394
Married (82.35) (68.08) (79) (77.70) (85) (78.67) (79.41) (75.86) (78.8)
Never 25 0 25 56 4 60 81 4 85
Married (16.33) (0) (12.5) (21.53) (10) (20) (19.61) (4.59) (17)
Widowed 2 14 16 2 2 4 4 16 20
(1.30) (29.79) (8) (0.77) (5) (1.33) (0.97) (18.39) (4)
Divorced/ 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1
Separated (0) (2.13) (0.5) (0) (0) (0) (0) (1.14) (0.2)
Grand 153 47 200 260 40 300 413 87 500
Total (n) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
Figure 2.8
Distribution of Vendors by Marital Status
500
394
Number of Vendors
85
20 1
Married Unmarried Widowed Divorced Grand Total

Marital Status
transferring money into the bank accounts of their family members or

of friends. Vendors visit their native place at least once per year to see
their family members and to attend ceremonies. Lack of employment
opportunities for the family members, landlessness, and lack of
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
other assets are the reasons for dependency on earnings made out of
vending. Some of them left their families at the native place because
of high cost of living in the city. Table 2.11 shows that the maximum
proportion of respondents (27%) have three dependent family
members excluding self, followed by 19.6 per cent with 4 dependent
members and, 17.6 per cent with five dependent members. On the
extreme higher end 0.2 per cent of respondents have 12 dependent
family members. With the sample as a whole, total dependency load
is 1:3.80 (1844 members depends on 486 vendors). The mean size
of family of the vendors is 1844+500=2344/500=4.68. In case of
stationary vendors, the dependency load is 3.95 (743 depends on 188
vendors), while in case of mobile vendors it is 3.71 (1101 depends on
288 vendors). It can be noted that higher income on one hand and less
dependency load on the other hand indicate that mobile vendors are
in a better economic position than the stationary vendors.
Table 2.11
Distribution of Street Vendors by Number of Dependant Family
Members (excluding self)
Number of Dependant Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Family Members
Nil 12 (6) 4 (1.33) 16 (3.2)
1 16 (8) 25 (8.33) 41 (8.2)
2 17 (8.5) 39 (13) 56 (11.2)
3 50 (25) 85 (28.33) 135 (27)
4 43 (21.5) 55 (18.33) 98 (19.6)
5 33 (16.5) 55 (18.33) 88 (17.6)
6 15 (7.5) 24 (8) 39 (7.8)
7 4 (2) 7 (2.33) 11 (2.2)
8 6 (3) 4 1.33 10 (2)
9 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
10 2 (1) 0 (0) 2 (0.4)
11 1 (0.5) 1(0.33) 2 (0.4)
12 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
84 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Children Studied or Studying in Type of

Educational Institutions
Imparting education for children in the government funded
educational institutions or private institutions depend on income
levels of parents. Imparting education in private institutions is a costly
affair and beyond the reach of poor vendors. Imparting education in
better institutions leads to high educational achievement and better
earnings in future in the competitive environment. There are some
procedural bottlenecks for the migrant vendors to admit children at
destination/in private and government educational institutions in
urban areas. Table 2.12 demonstrates that the maximum proportion
(42.4 %) of workers educated/educating children in government
educational institutions. Whereas a negligible proportion of vendors
(4.8 %) imparted/are imparting education in the private educational
institutions. On the darker side, about 19.6 per cent of vendors
did not send their children to any type of educational institutions,
probably due to the fact that they force their children to do paid work
outside the home due to poverty, engage them to look after siblings,
and lack of awareness about the importance of education.
Table 2.12
Distribution of Vendors by Children Studied or Studying in Type of
Educational Institutions
Educational Institutions Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Govt 89 (44.5) 123 (41) 212 (42.4)
Private 13 (6.5) 11 (3.67) 24 (4.8)
Unmarried Vendors 25 (12.5) 60 (20) 85 (17)
Below school going age 19 (9.5) 22 (7.33) 41 (8.2)
Children
No Children 11 (5.5) 29 (9.67) 40 (8)
Not sent to any school 43 (21.5) 55 (18.33) 98 (19.6)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Religious Affiliation
Distribution of sample vendors, according to religion, indicates
the social composition of vendors. Table 2.13 presents the religious
affiliations of street vendors. It shows that the major proportion of
vendors (86.6%) are Hindus, followed by Muslims (9.8 %), Sikhs (3.4
per cent) and the remaining (0.2 %) are Christians.
Table 2.13
Distribution of Vendors by Religion.
Religious Affiliations Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Hindu 186 (93) 247 (82.33) 433 (86.6)
Muslim 11 (5.5) 38 (12.67) 49 (9.8)
Sikh 3 (1.5) 14 (4.67) 17 (3.4)
Christian 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Figure 2.9
Distribution of Vendors by Religion
Sikhs Christians
3.4% 0.2%
Mislims
9.8%
Hindus
86.6%
Figure 2.9 reveals that Hindus are the dominant proportion among
the four religious groups, whereas Christians are least in proportion.
Social Groups
Caste and class are closely related and they are different indicators
of position in the social and economic hierarchy. But this relationship
86 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
is changing over time due to shift in production relations and various

other reasons. Overall, we can witness both continuity and change in
these relations. In this study, there are all three social groups, namely,
Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and Other
Categories (OCs). Table 2.14 shows caste composition of the sample
respondents. The majority of the vendors (36.8%) are backward classes
followed by SCs 33 per cent, vendors including Muslims and upper
castes are the other category 30.2 per cent. There is concentration of
upper castes and backward classes in this activity because vending
is considered to be a clean and respectable work. Interestingly we
did not find Scheduled Tribes (STs) as street vendors in our study.
Further this study reveals that the larger proportion of SCs (35.66%)
are working as mobile vendors, while 43 per cent of OBCs, are working
as stationary vendors.
Table 2.14
Distribution of Vendors by Social Groups (Castes)
Caste Categories Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

(Stationary)
Scheduled Caste 58 (29) 107 (35.66) 165 (33)
Other Backward 86 (43) 98 (32.66) 184 (36.8)
Classes
Other Categories 56 (28) 95 (31.67) 151 (30.2)
(including Muslims and
upper castes)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Figure 2.10 illustrates that the maximum proportion of vendors

belongs to backward classes (36.8%), about 33 per cent belongs to the
SCs, while the remaining 30.2 per cent belongs to other categories.

Literacy and level of education are basic indicators of the level
of development achieved by a society. Education is an important
instrument for human capital formation. It enhances rational
behaviour and earning capacity of the individuals. Higher level of
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
education and literacy lead to greater awareness and also contributes

in improvement of economic and social conditions. Moreover, it plays
an important role in determining whether an individual migrates,
nature of migration i.e., duration of migration, (short versus long
term), destination (rural versus urban) as well as work undertaken
(regular, casual or self-employed) by the migrants. A person aged 7
and above who can both read and write with understanding in any
language is considered as literate. For the attainment of higher level
of productivity, it is important to study the extent to which education
and employment are matched. Moreover, literacy level of the workers
has strong correlation with vulnerabilities and insecurities.
Figure 2.10
Other categories
30.2%
Schedule caste
33%
Other Backward
Classes 36.8%
Table 2.15 demonstrates that the educational status of street

vendors is extremely depressing, which shows that out of 500 vendors,
46.8 per cent are illiterates and 53.2 per cent are literates. Precariously,
female illiteracy 82.75 per cent which is more than double to that of
the illiteracy rate among males (39.22%). Similarly the level of literacy
among the males and females lesser than that of literacy rate at
national level as well as that prevailing in Chandigarh. According to
Census 2011, literacy rate in Chandigarh is 86.43 per cent, for males
90.45 per cent, for females 81.38 per cent. Among the literates equal
number of vendors have primary (22.6 %) and secondary (22.4 %)
level of education. Only 8.2 per cent of vendors have qualifications
from higher secondary level to post-graduation. While there are no
post-graduates among female vendors, only the minor proportion of
88 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
females (2.28%) possess qualifications from higher secondary level to

graduation.
Figure 2.11 demonstrates that the maximum number of street
vendors are illiterates (234) while 113 vendors have primary
level education, and 112 vendors have secondary level education.
Interestingly, only 2 vendors have post graduation.
Figure 2.11
Vendors Literacy and Level of Education
500
Number of Vendors
234
113 112
33
6 2
es ar y er ary tion l
erat ry
- atio
n ta
Illit ma econd High ond dua To
Pri S c a s t
Po rad
u
an
d
Se Gr Gr
G
Vendors Nationality/State of origin

Chandigarh city is the hub of rich people; hence, purchasing power
among the residents is high. Moreover, it is free from communal riots.
It is a planned city with connectivity by road and rail from all parts of
the nation. Geographically, it is plain area which is more comfortable
for street vendors for transport of their goods by cheaper means
such as bicycles, cycle rickshaws, push carts and pull carts. Most
of the workers migrated from rural areas of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,
Uttaranchal, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir
for survival. Some of the vendors had migrated from neighbouring
countries i.e., Pakistan and Nepal. To treat a worker as a migrant, his/
her birth place should not be Chandigarh and experience of one year
stay prior to date of survey is must.
Table 2.16 shows that the maximum proportion of vendors
(99.2%) had migrated from about 13 different states in India in general
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
and north India in particular. Only a negligible proportion of vendors

(0.8%) migrated from the neighbouring countries i.e., Pakistan and
Nepal. The predominant proportion of vendors had migrated from
far off states, and lesser number of vendors had migrated from
neighbouring states. Among the migrants within India, nearly more
than half of the vendors (71.2 %) had migrated from two backward
north Indian states viz, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, while 45 per cent
of the vendors hade migrated from Uttar Pradesh only. The level of
out- migration is higher from backward districts than that from the
developed districts.
Table 2.15
Distribution of Vendors by Literacy and Level of Education
Literacy Street Vendors Street Vendors Sub Total Total
and Level of (Stationary) (Mobile)
Education
Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female
Illiterate 58 37 95 104 35 139 162 72 234
(37.98) (78.72) (47.5) (40.0) (87.5) (46.33) (39.22) (82.75) (46.8)
Primary 43 6 49 60 4 64 103 10 113
(28.10) (12.76) ( 24.5) (23.08) (10) (21.33) (24.93) (11.49) (22.6)
Secondary 40 2 42 69 1 70 109 3 112
(26.14) (4.25) ( 21) (26.53) (2.5) (23.33) (20.93) (3.44) (22.4)
Higher 11 1 12 21 0 21 32 1 33
Secondary (7.18) (2.12) (6.0) (8.08) (0) (7) (6.98) (1.14) (6.6)
Graduation 1 1 2 4 0 4 5 1 6
(0.65) (2.12) (1.0) (1.53) (0) (1.33) (1.21) (1.14) (1.2)
Post- 0 0 0 2 2 2 0 0 2
Graduation (0) (0) (0) (0.77) (0.67) (0.48) (0) (0) (0.4)
Grand Total (n) 153 47 200 260 40 300 413 87 500
(100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
Note: Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals
Figure 2.12 indicates that the maximum number of street vendors

(45%) migrated from Uttar Pradesh, followed by Bihar (25.2%).
Punjab occupies the third position, Haryana occupies fourth position
and J&K occupies the fifth position in sending workers to settle as
street vendors.
90 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 2.16
Distribution of Street Vendors by Nationality/State of origin
State/Country of origin Street Vendors Street Vendors Total

(Stationary) (Mobile)
Uttar Pradesh 108 (54) 117 (39) 225 (45)
Bihar 36 (18) 95 (31.67) 131 (26.2)
Punjab 15 (7.5) 43 (14.33) 58 (11.6)
J&K 0 (0) 20 (6.67) 20 (4)
Haryana 14 (7) 13 (4.33) 27 (5.4)
Rajasthan 10 (5) 5 (1.67) 15 (3)
West Bengal 0 (0) 3 (1) 3 (0.6)
Gujarat 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Delhi 3 (1.5) 1 (0.33) 4 (0.8)
Jharkhand 2 (1) 1 (0.33) 3 (0.6)
Odisha 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Himachal Pradesh 7 (3.5) 0 (0) 7 (1.4)
Assam 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
Nepal 2 (1) 0 (0) 2 (0.4)
Pakistan 2 (1) 0 (0) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Figure 2.12
Number of Street Vendors by the County/Statge of origin
500
N
u M V
m i e
b g n 225
e r d 131 58 20 27 15 3
r a o 1 4 3 1
n r 7 1 2 2
o t s
f
esh har jab K a an al sa m pal tan
sh
es l
d
rad Bi Pun J& r yan sth eng sa Tota

Jh De at
ar lhi
an
s
de
Od As Ne aki
jar
P a B
kh
ter Ha Raj est

ra
P
Gu
Ut
lP
W
ha
ac
Country/State of Origin
m
Hi

3 Economic Status of
Street Goods Vendors
Introduction
An attempt is made to analyse the socioeconomic and living
conditions of street vendors during pre-migration based on economic
activity, number of days worked, daily earnings, annual income from
labour, income from lands, etc. On the basis of this analysis, we can
compare their economic status during prior- migration and post-
migration scenario.

Pre-migration, street vendors are vulnerable in terms of land
lessness, unemployment, underemployment, less earnings, poverty,
no saving, etc. Their economic status determines whether to stay at
the native place, migrate for shorter or longer duration, migrate with
or without family, migrate short or longer distance etc.
Vendors’ Economic Activity at Native Place/Last

Place of Residence
Some of the vendors performed different economic activities,
while others did not perform any economic activity at all prior to
migration. His or her belongingness to a particular category of workers
is based on the economic activity in which she or he was mostly
engaged for the greater part of the year. In other words, it indicates
the occupation structure; occupation structure is the percentage of
population engaged in different occupations at a point of time. If a
person cultivates his own or leased land for a major portion of the
previous year as well as works for others during sowing, harvesting
etc, then she/he should be treated as a cultivator. Non- worker is a
person who is engaged in household duties in his/her own house but
92 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
does no other economically productive work. Table 3.1 shows that the
maximum proportion (46%) of the vendors were non-workers at their
native place/last place of residence. Interestingly, people those who
have been involved in one or other economic activity are dissatisfied
with the number of working days and daily earnings. Based on the
work information secured from various sources and in anticipation
of higher earnings at desired destination take decision on migration.
Further, the larger proportion of non-workers (52%) are settled as
stationary vendors at destination, while the larger proportion of
agricultural labour and cultivators are settled as mobile vendors. This
is due to comparison of opportunity cost in both the cases, i.e., the
profitability in stationary vending is lesser than mobile vending.
Table 3.1
Distribution of Vendors by Economic Activity at Native Place/Last
Place of Residence
Economic Activities Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Non-Workers 104 (52) 126 (42) 230 (46)
Agriculture Labourers 19 (9.5) 42 (27.67) 61 (12.2)
Cultivators 19 (9.5) 41 (13.67) 60 (12)
Students 23 (11.5) 36 (12) 59 (11.8)
Labourers 20 (10) 31 (10.33) 51 (10.2)
(other than agriculture)
Street Vendors 11 (5.5) 12 (4) 23 (4.6)
Petty (informal) 3 (1.5) 12 (4) 15 (3)
Business men
Rag Pickers 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Number of Working Days per Annum

The number of working days and earnings per day determine
annual income and standard of living. The growing labour force on
one hand and non-availability of jobs in farms and non-farms on the
other are the reasons for unemployment in rural areas in most of the
backward states. Only during the crop seasons, workers have few days
E C ON OM IC S TATU S OF S T R E E T G O OD S V E N D OR S
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
of employment, whereas in the remaining seasons they are sometimes

busy with domestic chores. Table 3.2 demonstrates that the maximum
proportion of vendors (59.4%) have no work at all at native place.
Among those worked, the maximum proportion (10.6%) worked in
the range of 80 to 119 days per year, followed by 9.2 per cent of the
workers who worked in the range of 320 to 359 days and 5.8 per cent
who worked 120 to 159 days per year. Only 0.4 per cent of workers
were regular workers worked for 365 days. The minimum number
of working days are 30, the maximum 365 and the mean number of
working days is 68.78 only.
Table 3.2
Distribution of Vendors by Number of Days Worked per Annum
Number of Working Days Ranges Stationary Vendors Mobile Vendors Total

Nil 131 (65.5) 166 (55.33) 297 (59.4)
Less than 39 3 (1.5) 6 (2) 9 (1.8)
40-79 15 (7.5) 12 (4) 27 (5.4)
80-119 21 (10.5) 32 (10.66) 53 (10.6)
120-159 5 (2.5) 24 (8) 29 (5.8)
160-199 1 (0.5) 17 (5.66) 18 ( 3.6)
200-239 1 (0.5) 4 (1.33) 5 (1)
240-279 0 (0) 2 (0.66) 2 (0.4)
280-319 3 (1.5) 9 (3) 12 (2.4)
320-359 20(10) 26 (8.66) 46 (9.2)
360-399 0 (0) 2 (0.66) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes : 1. Minimum number of working days is 30, maximum number of working days is 365,
and mean number of working days is 68.78.
2. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals.
Daily Earnings of Vendors

Interestingly, some of the workers worked in their own fields
but had no earnings to say at the end of the day due to failure of
crop, hence, the number of workers who earned no income are more
in number than the unemployed. Table 3.3 demonstrates that the
maximum proportion of vendors 346 (69.2%) earned no income,
94 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
followed by 11.4 per cent of vendors daily earnings were in the range
of ` 35-69. Only (0.2 per cent) of the vendors’ daily earnings are ` 280
or more. In case of stationary vendors, the maximum proportion of
vendors (74%) earned no income, followed by 11 per cent of workers
who earned ` 35 to 69 and 10 per cent who earned less than ` 35. In
case of mobile vendors, the maximum proportion of vendors (66%)
earned no income, followed by 11.66 per cent of the workers who
earned daily ` 35 to 69. Only a minor proportion of vendors’ earnings
(0.33%) were in between ` 280 and above. It is very difficult to stay
in the village either with zero earnings or negligible earnings. Hence,
the unemployed and under employed are forced to migrate elsewhere.
Sample as a whole, the minimum daily earnings are ` 1 and the
maximum earnings is ` 300, while mean earnings are ` 18.45.
Table 3.3
Distribution of Vendors by Daily earnings (`)
Daily Earnings (Rs) Ranges Stationary Vendors Mobile Vendors Total

Nil 148 (74) 198 (66) 346 (69.2)
Less Than 35 20 (10) 34 (11.33) 54 (10.8)
35-69 22 (11) 35 (11.66) 57 (11.4)
70-104 7 (3.5) 20 (6.66) 27 (5.4)
105-139 1 (0.5) 2(0.66) 3 (0.6)
140-174 1 (0.5) 6 (2) 7 (1.4)
175-209 1 (0.5) 4 (1.33) 5 (1)
210-244 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
245-279 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
280 and above 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Grand Total 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum daily earnings is ` 1, maximum daily earnings ` 300, mean daily earnings is
` 18.45.
Annual Income
Pre-migration annual income of vendors is minimal; this is due to
lesser/nil number of working days and lesser/nil daily earnings. Table
3.4 shows that the maximum proportion of workers’ annual income
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
(69.2%) is zero at their native place, followed by ` 4,999 for 21.2

per cent and 3.4 per cent of the workers earnings were in the range
of ` 5,000 to 9,999. While the minor proportion of workers’ annual
income (0.2 % each) was in between ` 35,000-39,999 and ` 45,000
and above. Sample as a whole the, minimum annual income was ` 30
and maximum annual earnings was ` 49,500, while the mean earnings
were ` 3,311.06—this indicates that all the vendors were living below
poverty line (BPL). If we consider that the average size of a family
is 5 members, then annual per capita income was ` 3,311.06/5=
` 662.21/365= ` 1.81. If they were landless labour/no guarantee
of income from cultivation and no other assets, the percapita daily
expenditure was ` 1.81 is the index of destitution.
Table 3.4
Distribution of Vendors by Annual Earnings (`)
Annual Income Ranges Street Vendors (Stationary ) Street Vendors (Mobile ) Total
Nil 148 (74) 198 (66) 346 (69.2)
Less than 4999 30 (15) 76 (25.33) 106 (21.2)
5000-9999 7 (3.5) 10 (3.33) 17 (3.4)
10000-14999 3 (1.5) 1(0.33) 4 (0.8)
15000-19999 6 (3) 8 (2.66) 14 (2.8)
20000-24999 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
25000-29999 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
30000-34999 6 (3) 4 (1.33) 10 (2)
35000-39999 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
40000-44999 0 (0) 0 (0) 0(0)
45000 and above 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Grand Total 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum annual income is ` 30, maximum annual income is ` 49,500, mean annual
income is ` 3,311.06.
Ownership of Land Holdings

Ownership of land holdings determines social status in rural areas.
According to literature, there is strong correlation between class and
caste. Most of the vendors belonged to Scheduled Castes (SCs) and
96 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
backward classes, hence they were landless labour. The large number
of vendors at their native place were attached labour, casual labour,
share croppers or unemployed. Table 3.5 shows that a substantial
proportion of vendors (77.8%) have no lands (landless labour) at their
native place, followed by 19.2 per cent of them having lands up to .99
hectare, while 1.8 per cent of vendors possessed lands between 1 to
1.99 hectares. Besides that (0.8 per cent) of workers possessed lands
in the range of 2 to 2.99 hectares and a minor proportion of vendors
(0.4%) possessed lands between 3 to 3.99 hectares. Landlessness and
smaller land holdings without crop guarantee is the main push factor
for migration of poor from the rural to urban areas in search of work.
Further the data reveals that landlessness was more among stationary
vendors compared to the mobile vendors.
Table 3.5
Distribution of Vendors by ownership of Land Holdings
Land Holdings Ranges Stationary Vendors Mobile Vendors Total

Nil 159 (79.5) 230 (76.66) 389 (77.8)
Less than .99 Hectare 31 (15.5) 65 (21.66) 96 (19.2)
1-1.99 Hectare 6 (3) 3 (1) 9 (1.8)
2-2.99 Hectare 3 (1.5) 1 (0.33) 4 (0.8)
3-3.99 Hectare 1 (0.5) 1 (0.33) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Annual Income from Lands

Lands are being used for subsistence cultivation of mainly one
food crop. There was high risk of insecurity of yielding from lands
due to failure of crops from drought, hence landed labour have less
incentive to invest money in cultivation. Some proportion of land
holdings were barren, not convenient for cultivation. Due to migration
of male head of the household, the responsibility of cultivating land
holdings comes on their female counterparts and their children. Due
to several family responsibilities, females show less interest towards
cultivation. Hence in the times of success of crops, their lands yield
lesser quantity of crop compared to non-migrants who cultivate the
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
same size of land holdings. Table 3.6 demonstrates that the maximum
proportion of vendors (78.6%) has nil income from their lands either
due to landlessness or possession of barren lands or crop failure,
followed by 7 per cent earn between ` 2000-3999, and only 1 per cent
of vendors’ income was above ` 14,000. This amount of income proves
inadequate to maintain their families; hence migration is the only
alternative to survival elsewhere. Sample as a whole, the minimum
annual income from lands in the absence of natural calamities is `
500, maximum income is ` 14,000, and the mean income is ` 859.50
only. Due to uncertainty of income from land holdings, it is not added
to annual income from vending.
Table 3.6
Distribution of Vendors by Annual income from Lands (`)
Income From Lands (`) Ranges Stationary Vendors Mobile Vendors Total
Nil 161 (80.5) 232 (77.33) 393 (78.6)
Less than 1999 12 (6) 17 (8.5) 29 (5.8)
2000-3999 16 (8) 19 (6.33) 35 (7)
4000-5999 4 (2) 16 (5.33) 20 (4)
6000-7999 2 (1) 3 (1) 5 (1)
8000-9999 1 (0.5) 4 (0.8) 5 (1)
10000-11999 3 (1.5) 5 (1.66) 8 (1.6)
12000-13999 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
14000 and above 1 (0.5) 4 (0.8) 5 (1)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum income is ` 500, Maximum Income is ` 5,000, Mean income is ` 859.50.
Accompanying Persons/Motivators for Migration

Migration to a distant place which requires support from social
networks. Vending is self-employment, other things being constant,
more the number of hours of work will ensure more earnings. Hence,
vending demands large number of work hours, so that support can be
provided either at home or at work place. Moreover, accompanying
persons provide sense of security to the vendor. Table 3.7, reveals
that the maximum proportion of vendors (78.8%) had migrated
with families in case of married persons, while unmarried people get
98 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
support from parents, relatives and friends. About 36.4 per cent of
vendors migrated with their families, 20 per cent of vendors migrated
with their relatives, while 9.4 per cent migrated with parents and 13
per cent migrated with friends. Interestingly, about 21.2 per cent of
vendors migrated alone/self.
Table 3.7
Distribution of Vendors by Accompanying Persons for Migration
Accompanying Persons Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Family 89 (44.5) 93 (31) 182 (36.4)
Relatives 40 (20) 60 (20) 100 (20)
Self 36 (18) 70 (23.33) 106 (21.2)
Parents 18 (9) 29 (9.67) 47 (9.4)
Friends 17 (8.5) 48 (16) 65 (13)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Post-Migration Economic Status

Street vendors are vulnerable at post-migration also in terms of
less income, less savings, more working hours, etc. Relatively they are
less vulnerable compared to pre-migration. Post migration economic
status influences decisions such as whether to continue in the same
occupation, to stay in the city for some time or go back to their native
place, live with or without family and marry or not to marry.
Occupational Shift in the City

The nature of occupation or the actual work that a person did before
undertaking vending must be known for understanding satisfaction or
dissatisfaction with the previous occupation and reasons for leaving
the same. A number of workers have adopted whatever occupation was
available for immediate survival, either due to lack of knowledge about
the different job opportunities available and its respective earnings
and lack of capital to undertake vending. Table 3.8 demonstrates
that the major proportion of vendors (80.8%) adopted vending as
their occupation and has continued the same. About 16.6 per cent
of vendors have shifted from other economic activities to vending,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
while 2.6 per cent of vendors shifted vending from one type of goods
to another. Some of the migrants left the previous occupation due
to lesser earnings, long working hours, incapacity to do hard work,
occupational diseases in case of factory workers and non-availability
of regular work, etc. It can be stated that street vending is not the
last occupation, rather it has occupied prime position among other
informal jobs available in the city.
Table 3.8
Distribution of Vendors by Economic Activity Prior to Vending and Reasons for
Leaving Economic Activity to Start Street Vending
Economic Activity Prior to Vending Reasons for leaving/not leaving Economic Activity Total
Started And Continuing Street Started the present business and continuing the 404 (80.8)
Vending same
Domestic Work Improper payment of wages, start own business, 8 (1.6)
Death of owner and less earnings
Factory Work Lungs disease, less earnings, terminator 13 (2.6)
Government Service retired 1 (0.2)
Labour Less wages, health problem, heavy work, lack or 26 (5.2)
regular work
Rickshaw Pulling Incapacity 5 (1)
Vending other than the Present Less earnings, hard work and work in cold water 13 (2.6)
Worker in Restaurant Less pay , more working hours and hard working 11 (2.2)
conditions
Workers in Retail Shop Less pay and more working hours 11 (2.2)
Study Failed 2 (0.4)
Rag Picking Very less earnings 4 (0.8)
Tailoring Eye sight 2 (0.8)
Grand Total (n) - 500 (100)
Years of Vending Experience in the City

The number of years of experience in vending different goods in
the city is an index of attachment towards this occupation. It is evident
from the literature, during reforms process, that the number of rural-
urban migrants has escalated and their absorption into different
urban informal jobs has also increased. Table 3.9 demonstrates that
the number of migrants who adopted vending has increased from 31
(6.2%) in 1988 to 157 (31.4%) in 2012. During the recent period,
the number of migrants entering into this occupation has increased.
100 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
During 2003-2007, about 100 in-migrants take up this occupation,

whereas during 2008-2012, 157 in-migrants has done the same.
During reforms process, decrease in public investment in
agriculture, low growth rate of agricultural GDP and less employment
elasticity of agricultural growth were the push factors for rural people
to migrate for work in urban areas. On the other hand, various
employment generation programmes had failed to provide gainful
employment to the growing labour force. Precariously, despite long
experience in vending, vendors have no security of their employment
and earnings. Interestingly during the last decade, absorption of
migrants into mobile street vending has been more than towards
stationary vending. This trend can be accounted to the fact that mobile
vendors are less prone to confiscation and harassment.
Table 3.9
Distribution of Vendors by years of Vending Experience in the city
Number of years of Period of Entry Street Vendors Street Vendors Total Growth
experience ranges into vending (Stationary) (Mobile) Rate
46-50 1963-1967 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2) -
41-45 1968-1972 2 (1) 1 (0.33) 3 (0.6) 200
36-40 1973-1977 6 (3) 3 (1) 9 (1.8) 200
31-35 1978-1982 7 (3.5) 8 (2.67) 15 (3) 66.66
26-30 1983-1987 22 (11) 20 (6.67) 42 (8.4) 180
21-25 1988-1992 20 (10) 11(3.67) 31 (6.2) -26.19
16-20 1993-1997 34 (17) 37 (12.33) 71 (14.2) 129.03
11-15 1998-2002 27 (13.5) 44 (14.67) 71 (14.2) 0
6-10 2003-2007 41 (20.5) 59 (19.67) 100 (20) 48.84
1-5 2008-2012 40 (20) 117 (39) 157 (31.4) 57
Grand Total (n) - 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100) -
Figure 3.1 illustrates that the number of in-migrants has increased

in the vending occupation over a period of time. In our study, only
one migrant had absorbed into this occupation in 1963-1967, but the
number has increased to 157 during 2008-2012. The number of in-
migrants undertaking this occupation has increased during the last one
decade. National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme (NREGP)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
has not shown any greater dent on reduction of out-migration of poor

people from the rural areas.
Figure 3.1
Number of In-migrants Entering Vending Occupation
157
Number of Vendors
100
71 71
42
31
9 15
1 3
) 7) 2) ) 7) )
2)
)
72 2) 7) 99 97 12
67
9 97 8 8 1 9 00 00 20
19 8-
19
-1 1 19 -1 2
68 3- 8- 3- 98 93 8-
2
3- 08
-
3-
9 97 97 98 (1 9 99 00 0
96
(1 (1 (1 (1 Duration (1 (1 (2 (2
(1
Number of Vending Days per Annum

Number of working days and earnings per day determines the
total income earned. There is no holidays for vending because the
nature of self-employment is such that, more the work more will be
the earnings. Moreover, customers buy goods during holidays also.
Uniformly 330 days are the maximum number of working days for all
the vendors, except the regular ones. Out of 365, 35 days are deducted
due to no work during rainy days, strike, no transport facility, non-
availability of goods for sale, bad health, visit to native place, loss of
man-days due to confiscation, eviction, etc. Table 3.10 demonstrates
that the maximum proportion of respondents (53.2%) has worked
between 321 to 350 days last year prior to the date of survey, followed
by 33.2 per cent of them worked for 291 to 320 days and 3.6 per cent
worked for 231 to 260 days. The lowest proportion constitute those
who have worked more than 351 days per annum in the sample as
a whole. It is noteworthy that there is no stability in the number of
working days per annum, because the factors are not in their control.
Hence, there is volatility in their annual earnings, which is also a cause
of their income insecurity. Sample as a whole, the minimum number
102 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
of working days are 90, maximum number of working days is 365 and
mean working days are 303.
Table 3.10
Distribution of Vendors by Number of Vending Days per Annum
Number of Vending days Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Per Annum ranges
81-110 0 (0) 4 (1.33) 4 (0.8)
111-140 0 (0) 8 (2.67) 8 (1.6)
141-170 0 (0) 9 (3) 9 (1.8)
171-200 4 (2) 13 (4.33) 17 (3.4)
201-230 1 (0.5) 1 (0.33) 2 (0.4)
231-260 4 (2) 14 (4.67) 18 (3.6)
261-290 2 (1) 6 (2) 8 (1.6)
291-320 56(28) 110 (36.67) 166 (33.2)
321-350 133 (66.5) 133 (44.33) 266 (53.2)
351 and above 0 (0) 2 (0.67) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals.
2. Minimum number of days is 90; maximum number of days is 365 and mean number of
working days is 303.
Daily Earnings
Other things being constant, daily earnings determine the
standard of living of vendors’ households. The information about
daily earnings of sample respondents is exhibited in table 3.11.
Daily net earnings are calculated after deducting the cost of goods
purchased, transport charges, cost of polythene carry bags, wages
to workers, (license fee for using space, rent for using tables, sheets,
umbrella, lights in the case of weekly market vendors), penalty against
belongings/goods confiscated, expenses for food, etc. Street vendors
buy goods in auction and pay 7 per cent commission to agents on the
value of goods purchased, the commission agent pays 2 per cent cess to
the market committee and the remaining 5 per cent is profit for him.
Table 3.11 reveals that the maximum proportion (40.2%) of
respondents’ daily net earnings are in the range of ` 150-250,
followed by ` 250-350 for (29.2 per cent), ` 50-150 for (10.4 per
cent). The lowest proportion (1%) of respondents’ daily earnings are
in the higher range of ` 650-750. Further, the significant decrease in
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
percentage of vendors on both lower as well as higher earning side.

The daily earnings of mobile vendors are higher than that of stationary
vendors. In case of stationary vendors, the highest proportion (46.5%)
of vendors’ daily earnings are in the range of `150-250, whereas the
lowest proportion (2%) vendors daily earnings are in the range of
`650-750. In case of mobile street vendors, the maximum proportion
(36%) of vendors’ daily earnings are in the range of `150-250. While
the lowest proportion (1%) vendors’ daily earnings are in the range
of `650-750. Sample as a whole, vendors’ minimum daily earnings
are 50, maximum earnings are 700, and the mean daily earnings are
`247.38 only—these earnings are much better than that at the native
place. While in 2012 Chandigarh administration fixed minimum wage
for unskilled labour as `259.61. Vendors’ daily earnings are lesser than
the daily wages fixed by the government.
Table 3.11
Distribution of Vendors by Daily Earnings (`)
Daily earnings (`) Ranges Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
50-150 30 (15) 22 (7.33) 52 (10.4)
150-250 93 (46.5) 108 (36) 201 (40.2)
250-350 45 (22.5) 101 (33.66) 146 (29.2)
350-450 14 (7) 36 (12) 50 (10)
450-550 8 (4) 23 (7.66) 31 (6.2)
550-650 6 (3) 9 (3) 15 (3)
650-750 4 (2) 1(0.33) 5 (1)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
2. Minimum daily earnings is 50, maximum daily earnings is 700, and the mean daily
earnings is ` 247.38
Daily Earnings of Vendors by Gender

The prevalence of gender bias is obvious not only in case of wage
employment, but also in case of self-employment. Table 3.12 shows
that the maximum daily earnings of females is `500, whereas males
it is `700. Daily mean earnings of females is `183.37, whereas for
males it is `262.29. The maximum proportion (48.26%) of females’
104 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
daily earnings are in between ` 150-250, whereas the maximum

proportion (38.49%) of males’ daily earnings are in between ` 150-
250. Higher the daily earnings, lesser is the proportion of females
than males. Interestingly, we did not find even a single woman whose
daily earnings above ` 500. It can be said that at higher earnings
levels, females are nowhere. The reason behind this scenario is that
the investment made by females is lesser and daily turnover is also
lesser than that of males. Moreover, competition with male vendors,
more transaction costs, lower working hours, higher buying price and
less turnover are the reasons for lower profit margins.
Table 3.12
Distribution of Vendors by Daily Earnings by Gender (`)
Daily Earnings Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Sub Total Total
(`) Ranges
50-150 16 14 30 14 8 22 30 22 52
(10.45) (29.78) (15) (5.38) (20) (7.33) (7.26) (25.28) (10.4)
150-250 68 25 93 91 17 108 159 52 234
(44.44) (53.18) (46.5) (24.99) (42.5) (36) (38.49) (48.26) (40.2)
250-350 38 7 45 90 11 101 128 18 146
(24.82) (14.89) (22.5) (34.61) (27.5) (33.67) (30.98) (20.68) (29.2)
350-450 14 0 14 32 4 36 46 4 50
(9.14) (0) (7) (9.14) (10) (12) (11.13) (4.58) (10)
450-550 7 1 8 23 0 23 30 1 31
(4.56) (2.12) (4) (8.84) (0) (7.67) (6.72) (1.14) (6.2)
550-650 6 0 6 9 0 9 15 0 15
(3.64) (0) (2) (3.45) (0) (3) (28.29) (0) (3)
650-750 4 0 4 1 0 1 5 0 5
(2.60) (0) (2) (0.38) (0) (0.33) (1.2) (0) (1)
Grand Total (n) 153 47 200 260 40 300 413 87 500
(100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)
Annual Income from Street Vending

Annual income determines expenditure and savings. Other things
being constant more the income, higher will be the standard of living.
Table 3.13 demonstrates that the maximum proportion (37.8%) of
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
respondents’ annual income from vending ranges between ` 45,000-

75,000, followed by ` 75,000-1,05,000 (27.6%) and ` 1,05000-
1,35,000 (14.8%), while the lowest percentage (1.2%) of vendors’
annual income from vending is in between `2,25,000-2,55,000 in
the sample as a whole. Minimum income of stationary vendors is
`19,800, maximum income is `2,47,500 mean income is ` 72,470.5.
The minimum income of mobile vendors is ` 15000, maximum income
is ` 2,14,500 and mean income is `76,708.11.
Sample as a whole the minimum income is `15000, maximum
income is `2,47,500, and the mean income is `75,045.71. It can be
noted that the mean income of mobile vendors is more than that
of stationary vendors. This may be due to long working hours, hard
work, more selling price, etc. Mean size of the vendors’ family is 4.68,
which is rounded up as 5 (as per Planning Commission’s assumption
of average size of family in India that is 5 members). Annual mean
per capita income of a vendor is `75,045.71/5=15,009.14. Daily mean
per capita income =15,009.14/365= ` 41.20. It is difficult to lead
life in urban areas with a daily income of `41.20. Whereas the per
capita income of the city Chandigarh in the year 2012 was `1,28,634,
Table 3.13
Distribution of Vendors by Annual Income from Street Vending (`)
Annual income (`) Ranges Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
15,000-45,000 18 (9) 21 (7) 39 (7.8)
45,000-75,000 87 (43.5) 102 (34) 189 (37.8)
75,000-1,05,000 48 (24) 90 (30) 138 (27.6)
1,05000-1,35,000 26 (13) 48 (16) 74 (14.8)
1,35,001-1,65,000 5 (2.5) 22 (7.33) 27 (5.4)
1,65,000-1,95,000 8 (4) 10 (3.33) 18 (3.6)
1,95,000-2,25,000 3 (1.5) 6 (2) 9 (1.8)
2,25,000-2,55,000 5 (2.5) 1 (0.33) 6 (1.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
2. Minimum annual income is `15,000, maximum annual income is `2,47,500, and the
mean income is `75,045.71.
106 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
the daily income is `352.42, while the annual per capita income for
the country as a whole was `60,000 at current prices. Hence, it can
be stated that the mean per capita income of the vendors’ family
members (`15009.14) is lesser than the national per capita income
(`60,000) as well as in Chandigarh (` 1,28,634).
Monthly Savings
Monthly savings depend on income and consumption expenditure,
where S=Y-C. In case of informal employment, increment of income is
not linked with price index. There is much competition among the
vendors which causes self-exploitation; hence there is lesser possibility
of making savings and lesser the savings more will be the hardships
to be faced to meet expected and unexpected contingencies. Table
3.14 reveals that the maximum proportion of vendors (66.8%) has
nil monthly savings because their earnings are very much inadequate
to meet daily expenditure—among nil savers most of them are living
with their families in the city. About 9.2 per cent of vendors’ savings
are in the range of `1,500-2,999, followed by 6.6 per cent of vendors’
savings are less than `1,500. Among the nil savers, the proportion of
stationary vendors are more than that of mobile vendors. Sample as
a whole minimum savings is `500, maximum savings is `15,000 and
mean savings is `1079.96. It can be noted that the mean savings of
mobile vendors are more than that of the stationary vendors.

Identification of urban poor households is a necessary task in
otder to identify the nature and dimension of deprivation that the
poor are subjected and to effectively target various poverty alleviation
programmes. Poverty threshold or poverty line is the minimum level
of income deemed adequate in a given country to meet the minimum
needs. Determining the poverty line is usually done by finding the total
cost of all essential resources that an average human adult consumes.
According to World Bank estimates in 2010, 32.7 per cent of the total
Indian population fall below the international poverty line of US
$1.25 per day (PPP), while 68.7 per cent live on less than US $2 per
day. In Chandigarh on an average, 7.1 per cent of the population are
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Table 3.14
Distribution of Street Vendors by Monthly Savings (`)
Monthly Savings Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

(`) Ranges (Stationary)
Weekly Door-to-Door Sub Total
Market
Nil 138 (69) 111 (74) 85 (56.66) 196 (65.33) 334 (66.8)
Up to 1499 19 (9.5) 5 (3.33) 9 (6) 14 (9.33) 33 (6.6)
1500-2999 19 (9.5) 14 (9.33) 13 (8.66) 27 (9) 46 (9.2)
3000-4499 12 (6) 8 (5.33) 27 (18) 35 ( 11.66) 47 (9.4)
4500-5999 7 (3.5) 7 (4.66) 11 (7.33) 18 (6) 25 (5)
6000-7499 1 (0.5) 2 (1.33) 1 (0.66) 3 (1) 4 (0.8)
7500-8999 3 (1.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.66) 1 (0.33) 4 (0.8)
9000-10499 1 (0.5) 2 (1.33) 2 (1.33) 4 (1.33) 5 (1)
10500-11999 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
12000-13499 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
13500-14999 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
15000 and above 0 (0) 1 (0.66) 1 (0.66) 2 (0.66) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total 200 (100) 150 (100) 150 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum monthly savings is ` 500, maximum monthly savings is Regular 15000, mean
monthly savings is Regular 1079.96, nil savings 334.
2. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals
living below the poverty line daily income of $1.25 (PPP). According
to the Planning Commission (2012), the monthly average per capita
consumption expenditure of street vendors and related workers in
urban areas of India is ` 762, but in Chandigarh, monthly per capita
income of street vendors is ` 1236, daily per capita income is ` 41.20).
According to World Bank norm of $ 1.25 PPP (as on date $1=` 55), `
68.75 is required for daily consumption. For monthly consumption,
` 68.75×30= ` 2062.5 is required, but availability of daily income is
` 41.20 and monthly income is ` 1,236 only; hence, all the vendors’
households are living below poverty line of the income $1.25 PPP per
day.
108 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

in Chandigarh (NSSO [68th round]),
based on Tendulkar Methodology
According to (NSSO—68th round) 2011-12, based on Tendulkar
methodology, in rural areas national poverty line is estimated at ` 816
per capita per month and ` 1,000 per capita per month in the urban
areas (Table 3.15). While daily per capita consumption expenditure in
rural areas ` 27.2, it is ` 33.33 in the urban areas. Thus, for a family
of five members, all India poverty line in terms of consumption
expenditure would amount to about ` 4,080 per month in rural areas
and ` 5,000 per month in urban areas. In rural areas 216.5 million
(25.7%), in urban areas 52.8 million (13.7%) and in total 269.3 million
(21.9%) Indian population are living below poverty line. According to
the criteria (Tendulkar Committee) adopted by Planning Commission
almost all the street vendors in 2013, are living above poverty line
because their household per capita income is ` 41.20. According to
World Bank criteria of $1.25 PPP ($1=Rs 68.75), almost all vendor
households are living below poverty line. Before declaring that
vendors are living above poverty line based on the new criteria, it is
noteworthy to see the Human Development Indicators (HDI) such as
literacy and education level, health, housing and other amenities also.
In Chandigarh in 2012, the rural monthly per capita expenditure
was ` 2543.57, and that of urban areas was ` 3,000.27. The daily
consumption expenditure for rural area was ` 84.78, whereas
` 100.0 urban areas. Street vendor’s monthly per capita income is `
1,236 and daily income is ` 41.20 only, hence, these vendors’ incomes
are worse than those in Chandigarh.
Working Capital
In General profits (bottom line) from any trade are the difference
between the revenue and cost. If a vendor purchases higher quantity
at lower prices, it in turn influences the margin of profits. But the
working capital requirement of these vendors is limited by the storage
capability and mode of transport, probability of saleable quantity,
availability of goods on credit/cash for spot payment, etc. Different
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Table 3.15
Income Poverty Line & Percentage of Population Living Below Poverty Line
in India, Chandigarh and Street Vendors’ Status in Chandigarh:
A Comparison (Urban Areas in 2011-12)
India Chandigarh Street Vendors in Chandigarh

MPCE (%)Popula- MPCE Pover- Popula- MPCE of Percapita Popula- World Bank
(`) tion living of street ty line tion Chandi- Income (`) tion living criteria of
BPL vendors income living BPL garh (`) BPL $1.25 PPP
(Tendulkar and related (`)
methodol- workers (ex-
ogy) perts’ group
on urban
poverty)
1,000 13.7 762 115 22.31 3000.27 *123 Nil All Living
0 5 6 BPL
Notes: 1. *Field Survey.

2. MPCE (Monthly Per capita Consumption Expenditure).
Source: Planning Commission Government of India.
vendors prefer to buy different quantities. Different customers need

different types as well as different qualities and quantities of goods.
Small petty vendors who operate their enterprises without any proper
shelter or space may not be interested to purchase more quantity,
hence he/she cannot get the benefits of economies of scale. Lack
of proper storage space and transport expenses forces some of the
vendors to sell their entire quantity at the end of the day even at low
prices, causes losses. Vendors who have a small shelter in the market
yard purchase more quantity, which can be stored even for the next
day, in case they could not sell the whole quantity at a reasonable
price, hence, they have double advantage of economies of scale as
well as earning the targeted profits. Whatever may be the limitations,
working capital definitely determines the extent of profits. Working
capital invested varies according to the age, literacy, marital status,
availability money in hand, availability of credit and experience.
Generally, female vendors often focus on reducing crisis and economic
110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
shocks by limiting their investment only to a certain level in order to

earn stable income.
Table 3.16 indicates that the maximum proportion (38%) of
stationary street vendors’ working capital ranges between ` 1 to 1,000.
While in the case of mobile vendors, the maximum proportion (72%)
working capital ranges between ` 1 to 5,000. Minimum working capital
of the whole sample is ` 200, while the maximum working capital is `
2 lakh and the mean working capital is ` 5,725.3. The working capital
of all stationary vendors is ` 5, 32,900 whereas working capital of the
mobile vendors is ` 23,29,750 and the total working capital is ` 28,
62,650. The mean working capital of stationary street vendors is lesser
than that of the mobile vendors as well as the mean working capital
of all sample vendors. It can be noted that more the working capital,
more will be the turnover as well as profitability.
Daily Turnover
Turnover is the worth of goods sold per day. The quantity of goods
sold depends on language used, frequency of announcement, voice,
price, quality, punctuality, variety of goods available, tricks used by the
competitors, location, hygienic conditions, known customers , weather
conditions, time, etc. Table 3.17 shows that the maximum proportion
(37.2%) of vendors’ daily turnover ranges between ` 501 to 1,000,
followed by ` 1 to 500 (21.6%) and ` 1,001 to 1,500 (14.6%). In case
of stationary vendors, the maximum proportion (42%) of vendors’
daily turnover ranges between ` 501 to 1,000, followed by ` 1 to 500
(24.5%) and ` 1,001 to 1,500 (14%). In case of mobile vendors’ the
maximum proportion (34%) of vendors’ daily turnover is ` 501 to
1,000, followed by ` 1-500 and ` 1,501-2,500 (16.33%) and earning `
1001 to 1,500 (15%).
Daily minimum turnover of all sample vendors is ` 150, maximum
turnover is ` 15,000, mean turnover is ` 1,456.7 and total turnover
is ` 7, 32,732. The proportion of turnover out of the total working
capital is 25.59 per cent. In case of stationary vendors’ the minimum
daily turnover is ` 150, maximum turnover is ` 7,000, mean turnover
is ` 1,059.90 and the total turnover is ` 2,15,159.9. The proportion
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Table 3.16
Distribution of Vendors by operating the Amount of Working Capital (`)
Stationary Vendors Mobile Vendors

Working Capital (`) Frequency Percentage Working Capital (`) Frequency Percentage
1-1000 76 38.00 1-5000 216 72.00(100)
(100)
1001-2000 49 24.50(100) 5001-10,000 56 18.67(100)
2001-3000 31 15.50(100) 10001-15000 9 3.00(100)
3001-4000 10 5.00(100) 15001-20000 1 0.33(100)
4001-5000 16 8.00(100) 20001-25000 3 1.00(100)
5001-6000 4 2.00(100) 25001-30000 1 0.33(100)
6001-7000 3 1.50(100) 45001-50000 4 1.33(100)
7001-8000 5 5.50(100) 55001-60000 3 1.00(100)
8001-9000 2 1.00(100) 65001-70000 2 0.67(100)
9001-10000 3 1.50(100) 65001-70000 2 0.67(100)
24001-25000 1 0.50(100) Above 75000 3 1.00(100)
Grand Total (n) 200 100(100) Grand Total (n) 300 100(100)
Notes: 1. Minimum working capital of the whole sample is ` 200, maximum working capital is
` 2 lakh and the mean working capital is ` 5,725.3.
of turnover out of the total working capital is 40.37 per cent. In case
of mobile vendors’ the minimum daily turnover is ` 150, maximum
turnover is ` 15,000, mean turnover is ` 1,736.17 and the total
turnover is ` 5,26,061.2. The proportion of turnover out of the total
working capital is 22.58 per cent. It indicates that even though the
quantity sold by mobile vendors is less, price charged by them is more
than that of stationary vendors’ hence mobile vendors earn more
profits compared to stationary ones because the former are more
accessible to customers than the latter.
112 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 3.17
Distribution of Vendors by Handling Daily Turnover (`)
Turnover (`) ranges Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
1-500 59 (24.5) 49 (16.33) 108 (21.6)
501-1000 84 (42) 102 (34) 186 (37.2)
1001-1500 28 (14) 45 (15) 73 (14.6)
1501-2000 16 (8) 49 (16.33) 65 (13)
2001-2500 6 (3) 11 (3.67) 17 (3.4)
2501-3000 2 (1) 21 (7) 23 (4.6)
3001-3500 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
3501-4000 1 (0.5) 3 (1) 4 (0.8)
4501-5000 3 (1.5) 4 (1.33) 7 (1.4)
5001-5500 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Above 5500 1 (0.5) 14 (4.66) 15 (3)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum turnover of all sample vendors is ` 150, maximum turnover is ` 15,000, mean
turnover is ` 1,456.7.
Number of Working Hours

The working conditions of the hawkers are very poor and most
of them lead a very hard life. Most street vendors sell their goods
in standing position which can be extremely tiring. Those who sell
flowers, vegetables, posters, etc. sell their products while sitting on
the pavements or sides of the road. In case of door-to-door vendors’
there is no time to sit and take rest.
Table 3.18 demonstrates that the maximum proportion of
vendors (39.4%) told that they work 9 to 12 hours per day, followed
by 13 to 16 hours being worked by 33.8 per cent and 1 per cent of
them work between 1 to 4 hours per day. On the extreme upper
end 11.6 per cent of vendors work between 17 to 20 hours per day
(including waiting time for buying goods from the market, time taken
to travel and transport of goods from the whole sale market to the
place of vending, preparation of food at home to sell in the market,
etc). Sample as a whole, the minimum number of working hours are
3 and the maximum is 20. The mean work time is 12.14 hours. It can
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
be noted that on an average, mobile vendors work very long hours

compared to stationary vendors. In case of women vendors, almost
without any exception, it becomes double duty—as a street vendor
as well as a homemaker. Their typical day starts at 4 o’clock in the
morning. They do all the household work, prepare breakfast and send
their children to school and then go to the wholesale market to buy
goods. Those involved in vegetable vending have to reach the wholesale
market before 6.00 a.m, otherwise they don’t get goods.
Long hours of work also accompanied by lack of basic facilities
such as water and sanitation, make their work more difficult.
Unavailability of drinking water is a serious problem in some of the
areas where public source of water is absent. Some of them carry
a bottle of water from home, but that proves acutely insufficient
during summer. Some of the vendors bring lunch with them and eat
in unhygienic surroundings in the open space. Public toilets are not
available in all areas—even if available, normally dirty and unhygienic.
In some of the areas, vendors pay user charges for using toilets, which
is an extra financial burden on poor vendors because marginal utility
of money is more for them.
Table 3.18
Distribution of Vendors by Daily Number of Hours of Work
Hours of Work Ranges Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
1-4 3 (1.5) 2 (0.66) 5 (1)
5-8 18 (9) 53 (17.66) 71 (14.2)
9-12 100 (50) 97 (32.33) 197 (39.4)
13-16 70 (35) 99 (33) 169 (33.8)
17-20 9 (4.5) 49 (16.33) 58 (11.6)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Work Participation of Life Partners of Vendors

Labour force participation rate is the percentage of working age
population employed in any work that generates income. Drawing
women into the labour force can be an important source of future
growth of the economy. Beyond economic benefits, women’s
114 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
participation in the labour force can be seen as a signal of declining

discrimination and increasing empowerment of women (Mammon and
Parson, 2000). According to International Labour Organisation’s (ILO)
global employment trends in 2013, India’s labour force participation
rate for women had fallen from just over 37 per cent in 2004-05 to 29
per cent in 2009-10 of 131 nations with available data, India ranks 11th
from the bottom in female labour force participation. Failure to allow
women full access to the labour market is underutilisation of human
resources, which holds back productivity and economic growth. Work
participation of both the wife and husband determines the level of
earnings in our study. Female work participation outside home is
negligible at the native place due to social customs and traditions in
certain rural areas.
Table 3.19 reveals work participation of the female counterparts
of male respondents in the study area. Out of 293 male respondents
who have migrated with wives; the wives of only 41 respondents are
working. Among them, 19 females are working as street vendors and
the remaining 22 are working as domestic workers, construction
workers, rag pickers, etc. Female work participation rate is 14 per
cent only, which is much lower than that of national average (25.6%)
according to Census 2011. According to 66th round (2009-2010) of
NSSO it was 23 per cent for the rural and urban areas combined and
14.6 per cent for urban areas only. Lesser the female work participation,
more will be the dependency load on male workers. A variety of social
and family related constraints compel women to confine themselves to
household activities. Illiteracy, lack of awareness about jobs in the urban
labour market, nuclear families, household responsibilities, infants at
home and lack of capital are the reasons for lesser participation rate.
The changing demographic dynamics (declining fertility and benefits
of demographic dividend) coupled with socioeconomic changes are
expected to contribute to a favourable condition for greater labour
force participation of females. However, the failure of the economy to
integrate females into the labour market becomes quite disturbing and
unusual (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh, 2011).
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Pre and Post Migration Economic Status of Street

Vendors: A Comparison
In spite of the several hardships faced by street vendors in
Chandigarh, there is tremendous improvement in the number of
working days, daily earnings, annual income and savings over their
native place. Hence, vendors did not show any interest for reverse
migration. Moreover after the initiation of economic reforms, number
of migrants who has got absorbed into street vending has increased.
MNREGA did not show any considerable impact on reduction of out-
migration of poor from rural to the urban areas. Further, vendors said
that the provision of employment is merely on cards. In real terms,
there is no employment in rural areas rising out of this flagship
programme.
Table 3.20 demonstrates that prior to migration, the mean number
of working days are 68.78, but post migration, mean working days are
303. In case of daily earnings, pre-migration mean daily earnings from
work are ` 18.45, while the post-migration daily earnings are ` 247.38.
Pre-migration annual mean income from work are ` 3,311 but post-
migration mean annual income are ` 75,045.71. Interestingly, there
is nil savings before migration, but post-migration mean monthly
savings are ` 1,079.76. Pre-migration annual mean per capita income
of all households is ` 662.21 and post-migration annual mean per
capita income is ` 15009.14. Pre-migration mean daily per capita
income of all households is ` 1.81 whereas post migration daily per
capita income is ` 41.20. During post migration, there is a significant
improvement in their economic status.
Figure 3.2 illustrates that the post-migration economic status
of migrant street vendors are much better than their pre-migration
scenario in terms of number of working days, daily earnings, monthly
savings and daily per capita income. Hence there is a continuous
flow of migrants from rural areas .Moreover, these migrants are
not interested in reverse migration because they are relatively more
vulnerable at their native place.
Table 3.19 116
Distribution of Vendors by Work Participation of Life Partners
Economic activity Frequency Economic Activity of Frequency Total work Total
of Respondent’s Respondent’s Husband participation
Wife Stationary Mobile Total Female counter- Stationary Mobile Total
Vendors Vendors parts of male vendors Vendors Vendors Male coun-
terparts
of female
vendors
House wife 92 160 252 Not working 8 5 13 Either wife or 265
husband is not
working
Working as a 8 11 19 Working as a street 10 17 27 Both wife and 46
street vendor vendor husband work-
ing as street
vendors
Working as 10 12 22 Working as other than 10 10 20 Either wife or 42
other than street street vendors husband work-
vendors ing as other than
street vendors
Grand Total 293 60 353
(couples)
U r b a n S t r e e t V e n d or s i n Indi a
Notes: 1. Among 394 married couples, 353 (89.59%) are residing in the city. Among 353 couples, only 101 females are working and female work
participation rate is 28.61.
2. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals .
• S e epa na Pr ak a s a m
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Figure 3.2
Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street Vendors-A Comparison
M v
e a Post Mig 75,045.71
a r
n i
o a
f b
t l
h e
e s
Post Post
Post Post Post Mig Mig
Mig Pre
Pre Mig Pre Mig Pre 1,500.14 Pre 41.2
247.38 Mig Pre 1,079.76
Mig 303 Mig Mig Mig
3,311.06 Mig
68.78 18.45 662.21 1.81
0
Number of Daily Earnings Annual Income Monthly savings Annual Daily per capita
working days From Work (`) of vendors from of vendors (`) per capita income of
work (`) income of vendors’
vendors’ households (`)
households (`)
Source: Field Survey
Summary
During pre-migration, street vendors were vulnerable in terms

of Land lessness, unemployment, underemployment, less earnings,
poverty, no savings, etc. Some of the vendors performed less
remunerative economic activities, while others did not performed any
economic activity at all prior to migration. Interestingly. some of the
workers worked in their own fields, but had no earnings to show at the
end of the day due to failure of crop. Hence the number of workers who
had no income are more than the unemployed. During pre- migration
if they were landless labour/no guarantee of income from cultivation
and no other assets, the per capita daily expenditure was ` 1.81 which
is the index of destitution. The post-migration economic status of
the migrant street vendors is much better than their pre-migration
scenario, in terms of number of working days, daily earnings, monthly
savings and daily per capita income of vendors’ households—hence
there is-continuous flow of migrants from the rural areas. During
post-migration, the daily per capita expenditure is ` 41.20, which is
the index of great improvement over pre-migration, yet living below
poverty line post-migration also is the matter for discourse.
Table 3.20
118
Pre and Post -Migration Economic Status of Street Vendors- A Comparison
Description (1) Pre-Migration Post-Migration Percentage (Column 9 Remark
Number Minimum Maximum Mean (5) Number Minimum Maximum Mean (9) over column 5 × 100) (11)
of Vendors (3) (4) of Vendors (7) (8) (10)
(2) (6)
Number of Work- 297 30 365 68.78 NA 90 365 303 340.53 Highly
ing days Improved
Daily Earnings 346 1 300 18.45 NA 50 700 247.38 1,240.81 Highly
From Work (`) Improved
Annual Income 346 30 4,9500 3,311.06 NA 1,5000 2,47,500 75,045.71 2,166.51 Highly
of vendors from Improved
work (`)
Monthly savings 500 Nil Nil 0 334 500 1,5000 1,079.76 1,079.76 Highly
of vendor(`) Improved
Annual per capita NA NA NA 662.21 NA NA NA 15009.14 2,166.52 Highly
income of ven- Improved
dors households
(`)
Daily per capita NA NA NA 1.81 NA NA NA 41.20 2,176.24 Highly
income of ven- Improved
dors households
(`)
Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals; 2. A household usually refer to a group of persons who normally live together
and take their meals from a common kitchen; 3. NA- Not Available.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4 Living and Working
Conditions of Street
Goods Vendors
Introduction
Living condition is the index of standard of living of the vendors
as well as their family members in the city. Living condition tells us
the extent of vulnerabilities and deprivations or exclusions at the
place of living. They are vulnerable at the place of work as well as at
residence in the city.

Living arrangements gives a sense of security and emotional
satisfaction to the human beings. Vendors generally migrate from
far off places, hence they need support from their family members/
relatives/friends. Table 4.1 reveals that the maximum proportion
(71.2%) of vendors are living with family (including unmarried
individuals living with parents), followed by 11.6 per cent living with
friends in shared rented rooms. Generally these rooms are located in
slums and peripheral areas of the city room mates of these vendors are
either from the same village or from the same district of their native
state. These friends may be co-vendors or performing other works as
informal labour and they prepare food in common kitchen.
Table 4.1 reveals that 6.4 per cent of vendors are living with
relatives such as sister, brother, sister in-law, brother in-law, paternal
uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt, etc. Some of
them pay amount some of money monthly to the relatives to meet
their food expenses. Interestingly due to lack of relational networks,
a minor proportion of vendors (1.4%) are living alone. In case of
stationary vendors’ the major proportion of vendors (74%) are living
120 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
with families, followed by 11.5 per cent living with friends, 7.0 per
cent) living with children (those who have married but with no wife/
husband), 6 per cent of the vendors are living with relatives and 1.5
per cent are living alone. In case of mobile vendors, that the major
proportion (69.33%) are living with family (including unmarried
vendors), about 11.67 per cent are living with friends, 6.67 per cent are
living with relatives, 1.33 per cent living alone and a minor proportion
of vendors are living with children (those who have married but no
wife/no husband).
Table 4.1
Distribution of Vendors by Living Arrangements in the City
Living Relations Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Living with family (including 148 (74) 208 (69.33) 356 (71.2)
unmarried vendors living with
parents)
Living with friends 23 (11.5) 35 (11.67) 58 (11.6)
Living with children(those 14 (7) 3 (1) 17 (3.4)
who have married but no wife/
husband)
Living with relatives 12 (6) 20 (6.67) 32 (6.4)
Alone 3 (1.5) 4 (1.33) 7 (1.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Amenities
Provision of civic amenities is the index of quality of life. With
other things constant, the quality of life of persons depends on
access to amenities and owning of assets. Table 4.2 indicates that the
maximum proportion of vendors (72.6%) have limited availability of
all three essential amenities viz; electricity, improved sanitation and
water, whereas the remaining vendors are deficient with one or the
other facilities. About 2.8 per cent of vendors have access to only two
facilities i.e., electricity and improved sanitation, 0.8 per cent of the
vendors has access to electricity and water, while about 17.6 per cent
has access to electricity only. Precariously, 6.2 per cent of the vendors
not access to any of the facilities stated above.
L i vi n g & Wor k i n g C on di t ion s of S t r e e t G o od s V e n d or s
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Table 4.2
Distribution of Vendors by Provision of Access to Amenities
Amenities Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Electricity, improved 134 (67) 229 (76.33) 363 (72.6)
sanitation and water
Electricity and im- 5 (2.5) 9 (3) 14 (2.8)
proved sanitation
Electricity and water 2 (1) 2 (0.67) 4 (0.8)
Only electricity 42 (21) 46 (15.33) 88 (17.6)
None of the above 17 (8.5) 14 (4.67) 31 (6.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Ownership Status of Dwelling Units

Information on housing stock and its condition reveals the state
of living of the people. Housing is a major problem in urban areas. It is
very difficult for migrant workers with their limited income to buy and
own a house/room. Table 4.3 reveals that the maximum proportion
of migrant vendors (58 .2%) reside in rented accommodation. House
rent eat away the major portion of their hard earnings. About
39.4 per cent of vendors reside in their own house/hut (including
dwellings built on occupied public space). Most of these huts are
built on government lands hence they are very insecure because
these dwellings can be destroyed and they can be evicted at any time
without prior intimation. These vendors have long experience of
shifting their residence from one public open space to another due to
forced evictions by the government. They have to lose their belongings
during eviction and forego several man-days to gather material and
construct a new hut elsewhere; moreover, the new dwelling may be
far away from the usual place of vending. About 1.2 per cent of the
vendors reside on the footpath, they have no problem of paying rent
and incurring maintenance charges, but are prone to extreme weather
conditions and theft of belongings. The minor proportion of vendors
(1.2%) reside at relative’s.
122 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 4.3
Distribution of Vendors by Ownership Status of Dwelling Units
Status Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Rented 110 (55) 181 (60.33) 291 (58.2)
Own 86 (43) 111 (37) 197 (39.4)
Footpath 4 (2) 2 (0.67) 6 (1.2)
Relatives House 0 (0) 6 (2) 6 (1.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Conditions of Dwelling Units

Better the quality of housing, more will be the rent which is
unaffordable with their limited earnings. Chandigarh is a fast growing
city, hence the cost of living is high. If they spend more money on
house rent, lesser amount will be available to meet other needs. They
feel availability of any shelter is enough, irrespective of the quality.
Table 4.4 indicates that the maximum proportion of vendors
(63%) are living in pucca houses, followed by 25.4 per cent living
in kutcha houses and 10.4 per cent of vendors are living in semi-
pucca dwellings. A semi-pucca structure is one which either the roof
or the walls made of pucca materials. About 1.2 per cent of vendors
are footpath dwellers. The maximum number of kutcha houses are
dilapidated. A kutcha structure is one whose its as well as roof is made
of kutcha materials such as mud, plastic/polythene sheets, wood and
unburnt brick. Such houses of temporary nature are located in slum
areas like Bapudham colony, 4 number colony, Janata colony, Rajiv
colony in sector 38 west, etc. These huts are in public places; hence
Chandigarh administration can dismantle these at any time without
prior notice. Some of the vendors are residing in huts by paying rent
to owners who have illegally occupied land and constructed huts. In
these rented or occupied huts, minimum facilities for human existence
are missing.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Table 4.4
Distribution of Vendors by Condition of Dwelling Units
Nature of House Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Pucca House (good) 122 (61) 193 (64.33) 315 (63)
Semi Pucca (livable) 8 (4) 44 (14.67) 52 (10.4)
Kutcha (dilapidated) 66 (33) 61 (20.33) 127 (25.4)
Footpath 4 (2) 2 (0.67) 6 (1.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Number of Dwelling Rooms

Availability of the number of square meters space per head is the
index of comfortable living. Per head availability of space is limited
to the lower income groups. With greater amount of space, more
will be the rent burden in case of rent payers. Table 4.5 shows that
the maximum proportion of vendors (63.6%) are living in one room
with families. Normally in each family, there are at least four or five
members. About 30 per cent of vendors are living in two rooms, 4.4
per cent of them are living in three rooms, 0.6 per cent are living in
four rooms, while 0.2 per cent of the vendors are living in five rooms.
Precariously, 1.2 per cent of vendors have no rooms at all; they live
on footpaths. Among stationary vendors’ 67 per cent are living in one
room, whereas in case of mobile vendors’ 61.33 per cent are living in
one room. In case of vendors living in one room, there is no privacy
for the wife and husband. Further, the data reveals that the per head
availability of space is more for mobile vendors compared to the
stationary ones.
Household assets
Use of automobiles and electronic goods are increasing due to
increase in size of income levels in both rural and urban areas in India.
Consumption of these goods is an index of comfortable living. Table
4.6 reveals that with the sample as a whole, 0.4 per cent of vendors
are having cars, followed by 6.4 per cent have all the five types of
goods i.e., scooter, television, mobile, refrigerator and cooler, and
124 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.6 per cent have all the four types of goods i.e., television, mobile,
refrigerator and cooler. Interestingly sample as a whole, 65 per cent
of vendors have mobile phones, 47.8 per cent have television and
precariously 25.2 per cent own nothing. In case of stationary vendors,
only 9.5 per cent of vendors have access to scooter, television, mobile,
refrigerator and cooler, whereas 6 per cent of them have access to
television, mobile, refrigerator and cooler. Interestingly among the
stationary street vendors, 65.5 per cent have mobile phones only,
and about 45.5 per cent of them have television at their home.
Precariously, 25 per cent of vendors are deprived of all the above said
goods. The extent of deprivation indicates the severity of poverty. The
above explanation implies that mobile vendors are in a better position
than the stationary vendors.
Table 4.5
Distribution of Vendors by the Number of Dwelling Rooms
Number of Rooms Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
1 134 (67) 184 (61.33) 318 (63.6)
2 54 (27) 96 (32) 150 (30)
3 6 (3) 16 (5.33) 22 (4.4)
4 1 (0.5) 2 (0.67) 3 (0.6)
5 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
No Rooms 4 (2) 2 (0.67) 6 (1.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Benefits Available From Govt through Welfare Schemes

Poverty is a multidimensional phenomenon, which should be
tackled in different ways. Various programmes are required to be
designed and implemented to suit different areas and different
categories of poor. After independence, central and state governments
had implemented a number of anti-poverty programmes to reduce
percentage of people living below poverty line. There are problems
like number of exclusion and inclusion errors and issues in fixing
methodology for estimation of poor and defining poverty line.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Migrant labour handicapped with lack of certain documents from

their native place is one among the reasons for excluding them from
getting benefits under the anti-poverty programmes. Availability
of food grains at concessional prices under the public distribution
system (PDS) is a major anti-poverty programme. Table 4.7 shows that
precariously sample as a whole, 45.8 per cent of vendors have ration
card and the remaining proportion (54.2%) fails to secure ration card.
Many of them reported that lack of residence proof in Chandigarh is
the main reason for deprivation of benefits under welfare schemes.
Vendors are forced to buy food grains at high market prices, thereby
leading food insecurity. Among the vendors, nobody is aware about
RSBY scheme and new pension scheme for unorganised workers. The
minor proportion of vendors (1.4%) receive old age pension under
national social assistance scheme.
Table 4.6
Distribution of Vendors by Access to Household Assets.
Amenities Street Vendors Street Vendors Total
(Stationary) (Mobile)
Frequency out of 200 Frequency out of 300 Frequency out of 500
(1) Car, Scooter, Television, - 2 (0.66) 2 (0.4)
Mobile, Refrigerator, Com-
puter and Cooler
(2) Scooter, Television, 11 (5.5) 25 (8.33) 36 (7.2)
Mobile, Refrigerator and
Cooler.
(3) Television, Mobile, 12 (6) 21 (7) 33 (6.6)
Refrigerator and Cooler
(4) Any 3 of items, 19 (9.5) 22 (7.33) 41 (8.2)
(5) Any 2 of items 28 (14) 70 (23.33) 9 (19.6)
(6) Any 1 of items 73 (36.5) 90 (30) 163(32.6)
(7) Mobile Phone (whole 131 (65.5) 194 (64.66) 325 (65)
sample)
(8) Television (whole 91 (45.5) 148 (49.33) 239 (47.8)
sample)
(9) Noone of the items 50 (25) 76 (25.33) 126 (25.2)
126 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 4.7
Distribution of Vendors by Availability of Benefits from Welfare Schemes
Description Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Yes No Total Yes No Total Yes No Total
Ration Card 104 96 200 125 175 300 229 271 500
(52) (48) (100) (41.67) (58.33) (100) (45.8) (54.2) (100)
RSBY Card 0 200 200 0 300 300 0 500 500
(0) (100) (100) (0) (100) (100) (0) (100) (100)
Awareness 0 200 200 0 300 300 0 500 500
about new (0) (100) (100) (0) (100) (100) (0) (100) (100)
pension
scheme for
unorganised
workers
Self or wife/ 5 195 200 2 298 300 7 493 500
husband get- (2.5) (97.5) (100) (0.67) (99.33) (100) (1.4) (98.6) (100)
ting pension
Access to Bank Account, Life Insurance and Voter Card

The provision of having bank account is becoming an essential
requirement to perform some of the financial transactions and to
achieve financial inclusion. Bank account is needed to keep their
savings in banks to avoid theft in their kutcha dwellings and to
transmit money to their dependant family members without any risk.
Vendors are unable to open their accounts due to long procedures
and lack of certain documents. Table 4.8 demonstrates that out of
the whole sample, only 35.8 per cent of vendors have a bank account,
while the remaining proportion (64.2%) do not have a bank account.
Life insurance is a social security measure to get compensation in
times of accidents, in health, and to help dependant family members
in case of death of the bread earners. Only 22.6 per cent of the
vendors have life insurance policy either for self or in the name of
their dependant family members. Some of the vendors are annoyed
that due to difficulties in present life, they are unable to plan for the
future and some of them are not even aware about the life insurance
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
scheme and its procedure and benefits. Interestingly due to political

interests from the vested groups combined with self-interest, the
maximum proportion of vendors (58%) have voter card, these are
treated as identity cards by them.
Table 4.8
Distribution of Vendors by Access to Bank Account, Life Insurance and Voter Card
Description Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Bank Account 83 117 200 96 204 300 179 321 500
(41.5) (58.5) (100) (32) (68) (100) (35.8) (64.2) (100)
Life Insurance 47 153 200 66 234 300 113 387 500
(23.5) (76.5) (100) (22) (78) (100) (22.6) (77.4) (100)
Voter Card 138 62 200 152 148 300 290 210 500
(69) (31) (100) (50.67) 49.33) (100) (58) (42) (100)
Source of Energy for Cooking

Table 4.9 describes that the maximum proportion of vendors
(41.4%) are using LPG as cooking fuel which is procured from
government and private sources, followed by use of kerosene and
diesel ( 32.4%), fire wood (14.4%), kerosene/diesel and fire wood being
equally used by 5.6 per cent of vendors and the remaining proportion
(6.2%) eat in relatives’ houses and in restaurants. If a vendor used
more than one of the given sources, then the one with major usage
has been assigned to him. The term used for this source is the primary
source of energy for cooking. The proportion of mobile vendors using
LPG are more than that of the stationary vendors, which is an index of
relative comfortable living. Kerosene oil available from ration depots
is inadequate, hence number of vendors purchased kerosene oil and
diesel at a high price from open markets, which is also one among the
factors for high cost of living. Some of the female counterparts and
children of street vendors are busy with gathering fire wood, instead
of working elsewhere or spending time for studies.
128 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 4.9
Distribution of Vendors by Source of Energy for Cooking
Source of Energy for Cooking Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Kerosene and diesel 70 (35) 92 (30.67) 162 (32.4)
Fire wood 32 (16) 40 (13.33) 72 (14.4)
Kerosene/diesel and fire wood 11 (5.5) 17 (5.67) 28 (5.6)
LPG 75 (37.5) 132 (44) 207 (41.4)
Eat in restaurant 12 (6) 13 (4.33) 25 (5)
Eat In relatives’ house 0 (0) 6 (2) 6 (1.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Expectations from the Government

Street vendors are facing number of problems like lack of license,
lack of permitted place to do business, no ration card, no identity
card, non-availability of admissions for school aged children, non-
availability of credit from banks, no pension for old people and
widows, non-availability of LPG connection, lack of housing, issues
of safe water, inadequate electricity, demand for improved sanitation,
etc. Table 4.10 reveals that the maximum proportion of vendors
(47.6%) felt that “we want nothing, let us live like this”. About 29.6
per cent of vendors demanded for license and permanent place/shop
to do business, 9.2 per cent felt the need for housing/ration card/voter
card, 4.2 per cent felt the need of an alternative employment, 3.8 per
cent of the vendors felt they need loan from banks to expand business,
2.8 per cent demanded old age and widows’ pension, and 1 per cent
of the vendors felt that they are not aware what they are entitled and
what the government is willing to give. The maximum proportion
of stationary street vendors (53%) felt that they need license and a
permanent place/shop to do business, followed by 30 per cent of them
demanded nothing. On the other hand, the maximum proportion of
mobile vendors (59.33%) felt that they want nothing, followed by 14
per cent demanded license and a permanent place/shop to do business.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Table 4.10
Distribution of Vendors by Expectations From the Government
Requirement/Demand Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

License and permanent place/ 106 (53) 42 (14) 148 (29.6)
shop to do business
Pension 7 (3.5) 7 (2.33) 14 (2.8)
Proper medical facility/gas con- 3 (1.5) 3 (1) 6 (1.2)
nection/children education
Loan to expand business 7 (3.5) 12 (4) 19 (3.8)
Employment 5 (2.5) 16 (5.33) 21 (4.2)
Anything 3 (1.5) 0 (0) 3 (0.6)
Want nothing let us live like 60 (30) 178 (59.33) 238 (47.6)
this
Unaware of what they are 4 (2) 1 (0.33) 5 (1)
entitled to and what the gov-
ernment is willing to give
Housing/ration card/voter card 15 (7.5) 31 (10.66) 46 (9.2)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Vulnerable Working Conditions

The working conditions in which they operate business in public
spaces are quite precarious. The location of business in urban public
space and availability square yards space determine their levels
earnings. They face problems in occupying and retaining the adequate
space as dummy owners of to maintain their livelihood. Urban public
space means all the physical space and social relations that determine
the use of space within the non-private realm of the cities (Bhowmik,
2005). In developing nations like India, public space is a valuable
resource for the urban working poor for their livelihood. Hence, urban
public space is an essential element of the physical capital used by the
urban poor to extract their livelihood (Bhowmik, 2010:8).
Street vendors on the road side are exposed to smoke, heat, rain,
cold and dust. Most of the vendors felt that there are no basic civic
amenities near their work place, as a result, these vendors have to
carry their work related equipments to the work place, thereby causing
inconvenience. There is no space to keep their belongings. They have
130 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
to take their lunch in open places amidst unhygienic environment

and drink contaminated water available near to their work place.
Sometimes on the visit of dignitaries to the city, police authorities
force workers to close their business for several days on the grounds of
maintaining traffic/law and order. Evictions and nuisance are initiated
because they are considered as illegal encroachers upon public space
(Bhowmik, 2010:9).
During the rainy season, continuous rains force them to close their
business due to lack of roof over their head. During no work days (dry
days), lack of earnings and absence of past savings compel vendors to
borrow money at an exorbitant rate of interest in order to maintain
their families. There is no provision of drinking water and improved
sanitation facilities for weekly market vendors. Rains also cause
destruction of their goods as well as force them to sell at very low prices
if items are perishable in nature which causes huge loses. It has been
reported that weekly market vendors have to pay a minimum amount
of money to the local police staff. Door-to-door vendors have to roam
around some sectors/areas while announcing loudly about their arrival
by pulling a cart/rickshaw filled with goods or riding a cycle rickshaw.
Eventually, they drink alcohol at the end of the day which has certain
health, social and economic implications. Sometimes seasonal migrant
Muslim vendors are targeted by the police because of lack of identity
cards.
Summary
Street vendors are one of the categories among the self-employed
informal poor workers in the urban labour market. They are the low
skilled in-migrants who seek employment in the city, struggling to
make ends meet. In terms of mobility, there are two major types of
street vendors: (a) Stationary street vendors and (b) Mobile street
vendors. Among the sampled street vendors, the maximum proportion
constitutes males. Street vendors work in three administrative
divisions i.e. east, central and south. Most of them are long-term,
rural to urban migrants.
5 Marketing Problems of
Street Goods Vendors
and Customers’
Perceptions
Introduction
Migration itself is not the Aladdin’s magic lamp which can solve
all problems that the street vendors had faced at their native place.
There is a deficit of help from the government and non-government
organisations (NGOs). Moreover, street vendors are not permitted to
do tasks which they are capable of and desire to do. In this context,
the sanctity of article 21 (right to life is a fundamental right) of the
Indian constitution is questioned in the absence of right to sell and
earn livelihood. On one hand, they are away from their native place
and kith and kin; and on the other hand, they are facing problems
from enforcement authorities, police and commission agents, while
facing cut-throat competition from fellow vendors. They are facing
number of deprivations like lack of safe water, no shelter, no improved
sanitation, no credit, no guarantee of sale and no social security
measures from the government, if this situation persists in future
then it is doubtful to achieve inclusive growth.
Stationary street vendors vend their goods at fixed places in the
city. The fixed place which is occupied by a particular street vendor
is treated as his or her own by the practice of vending for several
years. Generally, this place by understanding is not to be occupied by
others without permission from its dummy owner. Such fixed places
are located in front of main markets or natural markets or nearer to
natural markets. Weekly market vendors are those who vend their
goods at one location on one particular day and vend at another
132 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
location on the next day. Chandigarh administration has pre-fixed

some of the locations (open spaces in the city) for weekly markets by
charging a certain fee at the place of vending on a daily basis, based
on the length and width of the open space occupied (in square meters,
12×8 is ` 60, 8×8 is ` 40, 5×8 is ` 25) by the respective street vendors
to do business. The contractor receives 10 per cent commission from
the UT administration out of the rent collected from the weekly
market vendors; such contracts are available to the contractor on
lottery basis once every five years.
Access to License/Permit
In Chandigarh is a planned and decent city and its population
is increasing at faster rate than anticipated. Keeping in view the
decency of the city and other issues under consideration, Chandigarh
administration has stopped giving license to street vendors for the
last 25 years. The overflow of migrants from different states causes an
increase in density of the population, which imposes greater burden
on Chandigarh administration to provide various civic amenities and
to maintain law and order. The government issues permits for the
vendors in weekly markets and charges fee on daily basis, depending
on space occupied by the respective vendors at the place of vending.
This permit is valid for one day only and to sell in a particular weekly
market. Table 5.1 reveals that the maximum proportion of vendors
(74.2%) has neither license nor permit, while 40.67 per cent of the
vendors have permit and the remaining 3.5 per cent have a license.
Not having permit or license acts as host to several problems like
frequent evictions, confiscation of goods, loss of man days, and
payment of bribes to the stakeholders, etc. Chandigarh administration
neither implemented the initial National Policy on street vending
2004, Nor the revised one which is made in 2009, due to different
measers. Hence, it can be said that not issuing license is a denial of
the constitutionally guaranteed fundamental right to practice any
profession so as to uphold the right to live.
Marketing Problems of Street Goods Vendors and Customers Perceptions
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Table 5.1
Distribution of Vendors by Access to License/Permit for Vending
License/ Permit Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Yes **7 (3.5) *122 (40.67) 129 (25.8)
No 193 (96.5) 178 (59.33) 371 (74.2)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. ** Denotes license holders on permanent basis.
2. * Denotes permit holders on daily basis to vend in weekly markets.
Status of Confiscation of Merchandise

The enforcement wing of the municipal corporation deals with
the removal of unauthorised temporary encroachments on the
municipal land in Chandigarh, such as removal of obstructions and
projections at market places, veranda and rehri/phari market, etc.
Encroachments are removed under section 44 (n), 323 and 415 of
the Punjab Municipal Corporation Act, 1976 that was extended to
Chandigarh by the Punjab Municipal Corporation Law (Extension
to Chandigarh) Act, 1994. Under the said clauses, the enforcement
staff seize the articles of unauthorised occupants on the municipal
land; these articles release after imposing fine. The seized articles are
required to be released by the vendor within a month of its seizure.
However, the articles are kept in the enforcement store approximately
for two months, after that, the same will be auctioned. Interestingly,
government does not confiscate goods and other belongings during
the three days of any important festival i.e. Diwali, Dussera, Holi,
Karvachout, etc, but collects a nominal license fee based on length
and width of the space occupied in the market area. No evictions
and confiscation of goods/belongings are conducted on the essential
service vendors like barbers, dhobi and cobblers. Since 1991, there is
ban on issuing licenses to street vendors, but old vendors are bound
to renew their license by paying an annual fee of ` 1600. Every month,
government gets roughly ` 10.5 lakh as the penalty money money
accrued by auctioning unclaimed goods. There are frequent inspections
and confiscation of goods and belonging if vendors sell their goods
134 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
in upper-class and VIP-residing areas. The health department also

inspects different areas to maintain public health and hygiene. In this
process, sometimes the health inspectors and their personnel destroy
eatables and in rare cases impose penalty of not more than ` 500 on
those who violates hygienic norms.
In most of the Indian cities, hawking is regarded as an illegal
activity. There are municipal and police laws that impose restrictions
on street vending in order to maintain law and order as well as improve
quality of city life. Police and municipal laws help to protect public
spaces and allow free flow of traffic on the roads. Hawkers become
the main victims of these laws because they are viewed as prime
obstructers and encroachers. They impose restrictions on the use of
urban space for street vending. Unlicensed vendors are the targeted
vendors by the municipal corporation and the police department.
Municipality administration has allotted different areas/sectors to
different inspectors (enforcement officials) and supporting staff so
as to take necessary action against unlicensed vendors in case they
sell in public places. Enforcement officials/inspectors visit daily to the
maximum extent in different sectors/markets of the city in order to
evict/confiscate and penalise such vendors. Enforcement officials and
their personnel come in a van and load the confiscated belongings
(vending supporting equipment), goods such as weighing machines,
cart (redi), rickshaw, cooking vessels, stove, cylinder, etc. Officials
give a receipt of the goods confiscated by mentioning the amount of
penalty to be paid. If vendors do not have the above said supporting
equipment, the officials confiscate vending goods.
Table 5.2 shows that the maximum proportion of vendors
(55.2%) said that their belongings and goods were not confiscated
and the remaining 44.8 per cent said that their equipment/goods
were confiscated. In case of stationary vendors, the maximum
proportion of them (76.5%) said that their belongings/goods were
confiscated, while 23.6 per cent of the mobile vendors claimed that
their goods/belongings were confiscated. The maximum proportion of
mobile vendors (76.33%) said that their belongings/goods were not
confiscated, while a minor proportion of stationary vendors (23.5%)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
said that their belongings/goods were not confiscated. If vendors have

prior information about the inspection, those dealing in light weight
goods and equipment can run away easily to escape from confiscation
by storing their goods in nearby shops with the help of co-vendors or
their helpers. It can be noted that the larger proportion of stationary
vendors than that of the mobile vendors are prone to confiscation
because the former can be caught very easily from the road sides.
Table 5.2
Distribution of Vendors by the Status of Confiscation of Merchandise
Confiscation of Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Merchandise (Stationary)
Weekly Market Door-to-door Sub Total
Yes 153 (76.5) 10 (6.66) 61 (40.67) 71 (23.67) 224 (44.8)
No 47 (23.5) 140 (93.33) 89 (59.33) 229 (76.33) 276 (55.2)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 150 (100) 150 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Monthly Number of Times Merchandise Confiscated

Table 5.3 illustrates that the maximum proportion of vendors
(55.2%) opined that goods are not confiscated, followed by 22.4 per
cent of vendors who said that their belongings/goods were confiscated
twice or thrice per month. About 15.4 per cent vendors’ goods are
confiscated at least once a month, 6.6 per cent of them revealed that
their belongings/goods are confiscated 4 to 5 times a month, while 0.4
per cent said they were prone to confiscation for about 6 to 7 times
per month. Among the vendors who are exempted from penalty, most
of them are weekly market vendors. Unfortunately, sometimes the
same vendor may be targeted for multiple confiscations in a day.
Confiscation is an axe on the lives of poor vendors. So it is very difficult
to maintain their family even by working and earning the entire day
when the goods are confiscated causes great trouble and also acts as
a psychological blow to their work attitude. Among the victims, some
136 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
are addicted to drinking regularly to gain psychological relief from the

loss occurred due to confiscation.
Table 5.3
Distribution of Vendors by the Number of Times the Merchandise
Confiscated Monthly
Number of times Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Confiscated (Stationary)
Weekly Market Door-to-door Sub Total
Nil 47 (23.5) 140 (93.33) 89 (59.33) 229 (76.33) 276 (55.2)
Less than 1 43 (21.5) 8 (5.33) 26 (1.33) 34 (11.33) 77 (15.4)
2-3 77 (38.5) 2 (1.33) 33 (22) 35 (11.66) 112 (22.4)
4-5 31 (15.5) 0 (0) 2 (1.33) 2 (0.66) 33 (6.6)
6-7 2 (1) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 150 (100) 150 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Notes: 1. Minimum 1 time, Maximum 4 times and the mean number of confiscations made per
month is 0.458.

The amount of penalty paid by the vendors causes drain on their
incomes. It not only leads to loss of work, but also debt trap among
the vendors. Table 5.4 demonstrates that about 57 per cent of the
vendors’ goods are not confiscated. Among the confiscated ones, the
maximum proportion of vendors (23.2%) paid penalty in the range
of ` 601 to 800, followed by 9 per cent who paid between ` 401 to
600. Only 0.2 per cent of the vendors paid penalty in the range of `
1400 to 1600. There is no limit on the number of times that a vendor’s
goods can be confiscated and penalty imposed in a day or a month.
Hence, some of the vendors have paid penalty even more than once a
day. There are 224 vendors whose goods are confiscated, but only 215
vendors have paid penalty, The remaining 9 did not pay either due to
lack of money or value of the goods being lesser than penalty imposed.
Moreover, recovery of the goods involves lengthy procedures and loss
of several man-days.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Table 5.4
Amount of Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Sub Total Total

Penalty (`) (Stationary
Weekly Market Door-to-door
Range
Nil 56 (28) 140 (93.33) 89 (59.33) 229 (76.33) 285 (57)
< 200 9 (4.5) 2 (1.33) 1 (0.66) 3 (2) 12 (2.4)
201-400 32 (16) 2 (1.33) 1 (0.66) 3 (1) 35 (7)
401-600 38 (19) 1 (0.66) 6 (4) 7 (2.33) 45 (9)
601-800 58 (29) 5 (3.33) 53 (35.33) 58 (19.33) 116 (23.2)
801-1000 5 (2.5) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 5 (1)
1001-1200 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
1201-1400 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
1400-1600 1 (0.5) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.2)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 150 (100) 150 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Note: 1. About 276 vendors’ goods are not confiscated; among 224 confiscated, only 215 paid
penalty, whereas the remaining 9 vendors left their goods with the enforcement officials
because sometimes value of the confiscated goods is less than the amount of penalty
imposed or absence of money to get back the goods.
3. Minimum ` 50, Maximum ` 1500, and mean amount of penalty is ` 251.32.
Number of Days Lost per Confiscation

Loss of man-days due to human intervention and natural
calamities causes loss of earnings for the street vendors. If the
enforcement authorities take away their belongings/supporting
equipment/goods, it is then difficult to continue vending in the
absence of substitutes. Once the goods are confiscated, they have to
procure money from different sources and visit the office repeatedly
to get back their belongings and goods, which causes loss of man-
days. Table 5.5 demonstrates that due to confiscation, the maximum
proportion of vendors (22.2%) lose 2-3 man-days, followed by 15.6
per cent lose one day, about 6.6 per cent lose 4 to 5 man-days and only
0.4 per cent of the vendors lose 6 to 7 days. A greater proportion of
mobile vendors (76.33%) are not prone to confiscation compared to
the stationary vendors (23.5%). In other words, stationary vendors
are more prone to confiscation because they regularly work on the
138 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
side of road; hence officials on duty can identify and target these
vendors easily. Among the mobile vendors, door-to-door vendors are
more prone to confiscation, because weekly vendors are daily permit
holders, therefore not prone to confiscation.
Table 5.5
Distribution of Vendors by the Number of Days Lost per Confiscation of Merchandise
Number of Days Street Vendors Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Lost (Stationary) Weekly Market Door-to-door Sub Total
Nil 47 (23.5) 140 (93.33) 89 (59.33) 229 (76.33) 276 (55.2)
Less than 1 44 (22) 5 (3.33) 29 (19.33) 34 (11.33) 78 (15.6)
2-3 77 (38.5) 5 (3.33) 29 (19.33) 34 (11.33) 111 (22.2)
4-5 30 (15) 0 (0) 3 (2) 3 (1) 33 (6.6)
6-7 2 (1) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 2 (0.4)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 150 (100) 150(100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Note: 1. Minimum is 1, Maximum is 6 and mean number of days lost per confiscation is 1.57.
2. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals
Post-Confiscation Continuation/Non Continuation

of Vending
After confiscation of belongings/supporting equipment and goods,
whether to continue or discontinue vending depends on a number
of factors like, what are the items confiscated, holding substitutes at
home, availability of substitutes on rent and buying capacity from
the market (availability of cash in hand)/availability of credit, etc. If
the vendor is a single earner from his family with no close friends for
support, he/she then has to go to the authorities and complete the
whole process to get back the confiscated things, Other wise vending
would be discontinued. Sometimes due to holidays and process
involved, vendors are forced to wait for longer time periods in order
to get back confiscated goods or in extreme cases he/she will leave the
confiscated items with the authorities. Authorities then auction these
goods after two months from the date of confiscation. After paying
penalty to the government, the vendor needs a certain amount of
money to buy goods from the seller----this is also an obstacle for the
continuation of business.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
According to Table 5.6, the maximum proportion of vendors

(27.4%) said that they don’t continue vending due to risks of
confiscation, while 17.4 per cent of the vendors claimed to continue
vending by making alternative arrangements by way of facing a
number of hardships. Among stationary vendors, the maximum
proportion (47%) said that they have discontinued vending, but
29.9 per cent revealed that they have continued to vend. Similarly,
the maximum proportion of mobile vendors (14.33%) said to have
discontinued vending, while 9.33 per cent said they continue vending
even after confiscation, may be by operating with lesser working
capital and lower scale of turnover.
Table 5.6
Distribution of Vendors by Post Confiscation Continuation/
Discontinuation of Vending
Status of Continuation Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Don’t continue 94 (47) 43 (14.33) 137 (27.4)
Continue 59 (29.5) 28 (9.33) 87 (17.4)
No confiscation 47 (23.5) 229 (76.33) 276 (55.2)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Vendors Association
Vendors are distress migrants who migrated from different states
and are economically and socially backward, hence they individually
have no affiliations with political parties or contacts with bureaucrats.
They do not know their rights, even if they know individually they
cannot fight with the government to get enforced. There is a vendors’
association in the city which is affiliated with the National Association
of Street Vendors of India (NASVI), which holds meetings once every
month, but its functioning process is ineffective. This association is a
registered one but majority of the vendors are either not aware about it
or disinterested in becoming members. Some of the vendors said that
the association doesn’t work efficiently. Moreover, it causes wastage of
money and time. There is a street vendors’ union in the city, entitled
140 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Foot Path, Cycle, Redi Fedi Workers’ Union, which was established in
1980. The entry fee is ` 120 and the monthly fee is ` 20. If any member
does not pay the fee for 3 months consecutively, his/her membership
will be cancelled. At present, there are 1000 workers who are members
of the union; among them, 200 are females and 20 are old aged. The
union has a bank account with a reserve of ` 15000 as the union fund.
From these reserves in rare cases, the union sometimes pays half of
the penalty which is imposed on the regular and valid members. The
union conducts meetings on the last Monday of every month, but
lesser number of workers attend these meetings. In 2004, Chandigarh
administration had imposed ban on street vending. The union had
then staged dharna, forced the administration to lift the ban on street
vending, even though evictions and confiscations continued.
Table 5.7
Distribution of Vendors by Awareness about Vendors’ Association
and Membership Status
Status Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Awareness 19 181 200 6 294 300 25 475 500
(9.5) (90.5) (100) (2) (98) (100) (5) (95) (100)
Members 15 185 200 0 300 300 15 485 500
(7.5) (92.5) (100) (0) (100) (100) (3) (97) (100)
Want to 89 111 200 50 250 300 139 361 500
become a (44.5) (55.5) (100) (16.67) (100) (100) (27.8) (72.2) (100)
member
Table 5.7 shows that about 95 per cent of the vendors are not
aware about the vendors’ association, while 97 per cent are not
members of the association. Interestingly, 27.8 per cent of the vendors
said that they wanted to become members. Awareness about existence
of the vendors’ association is higher among stationary vendors than
the mobile vendors. Surprisingly, no mobile vendor is a member
of the association. About 44.5 per cent of the stationary vendors
wanted to become a member of the association, whereas only 16.67
per cent of the mobile vendors desired the same. Stationary vendors
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
face greater hardships from the municipality officials of Chandigarh

administration compared to the mobile vendors; hence, some of the
stationary vendors have felt the dire need of such association.
Distances from Place of Residence

Distance from place of residence to that of work influences the
number of hours that a vendor can dedicate towards vending goods.
Lesser the distance, more is the time available for vending; and on
the other hand, this can lower the necessity of high speed motorised
vehicles. Table 5.8 presents that the maximum proportion of vendors
(32%) travel one-way between 2-3 kilometres per day, followed by
0-1 kilometres (29.2%), and 4-5 kilometres (28.6%). On the higher
extreme side, 0.2 per cent of the vendors travel 14-15 kilometres and
the mean distance travelled by sample vendors is 3.34 kilometres.
Further, the data reveals that vendors prefer to work nearer to their
place of residence or to keep and manage their residence nearer to the
place of work. The mean distance in case of stationary vendors is 2.90
km, while it is 3.78 kilometres in case of mobile vendors. It can be said
that the mobile vendors travel several kilometres daily compared to
the stationary vendors in order to maintain their livelihood.
Table 5.8
Distribution of Vendors by one-way Distance from Place of Residence
Number of Kilometres Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

0-1 80 (40) 66 (22) 146 (29.2)
2-3 58 (28) 102 (34) 160 (32)
4-5 47 (23.5) 96 (32) 143 (28.6)
6-7 11 (5.5) 11 (3.67) 22 (4.4)
8-9 2 (1) 12 (4) 14 (2.8)
10-11 2 (1) 12 (4) 14 (2.8)
14-15 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
142 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Mode of Conveyance used

Mode of conveyance is a comfort for one’s own travel as well as
that of goods for triangular movement i.e. from place of residence
to wholesale market at early morning, wholesale market to place
of vending with the luggage of goods and place of vending to the
residence at evening/night with remaining or no goods. Table 5.9
indicates that the maximum proportion of vendors (27.6%) walk
by pushing cart. If we add the proportion of vendors who only walk
(21.5%), then the total number of vendors travel on foot will increase
to 49.1 per cent, followed by bicycle (21 per cent) and by auto (17.2
per cent). The maximum proportion of vendors (74.2%) use non-
motor transport. Only 25.8 per cent use motor transport. Further,
it is revealed that vendors do not have adequate income to maintain
motor transport for saving time as well as feel comfort. The maximum
proportion of stationary vendors (26%) walk by pushing cart, followed
by 21.5 per cent who only walk and 18 per cent who avail bicycle. In
case of mobile vendors, the maximum proportion of vendors go by
pushing cart, followed by bicycle and auto. Interestingly, about 21
per cent of the stationary vendors use motor transport, whereas it is
29 per cent for the mobile vendors. It can be noted that the quantity
of goods for sale with mobile vendors are more than that with the
stationary vendors. Moreover, mobile vendors can easily afford the
expenses of motor transport compared to the stationary vendors.
Table 5.9
Distribution of Vendors by Mode of Conveyance used for Transport of Goods
Mode of Conveyance Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Walk by pushing cart 54 (26) 84 (28) 138 ( 27.6)
Walk 43 (21.5) 29 (9.67) 72 ( 14.4)
Bicycle 36 (18) 69 (23) 105 (21 )
Auto 22 (11) 64 (21.33) 86 (17.2)
Rickshaw 25 (12.5) 31 (10.33) 56 (11.2)
Bus 8 (4) 2 (0.67) 10(2)
Any type of conveyance available 7 (3.5) 0 (0) 7 (1.4)
on the spot
Scooter 5 (2.5) 4 (1.33) 9 (1.8)
Truck/Van 0 (0) 17 (5.67) 17 (3.4)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Help at the Place of Vending

Help at the place of vending determines the quantity of sale and
the amount of profit, other things being constant. Table 5.10 indicates
that the maximum proportion of vendors (82%) sell goods without
help from anybody, while about 9 per cent of them seek help from
their daughter/son, followed by 5.6 per cent who appoint workers on
payment of wages. Stationary vendors appointed workers on payment
of daily wage which ranges from ` 100 to 150, whereas weekly vendors
appointed regular workers by paying monthly wage ranging between
` 3000 and ` 4000. About 4 per cent of the vendors seek help from
their life partner. Among wage vendors, some of them are child
vendors who work under the control of the main vendors. The main
vendor bring school dropouts or failed children from their native place
and provide all facilities (rent free house to the group of children)
in the city to work under his control by paying monthly wages up
to ` 3000 to their parents. Generally, parents of these children are
unemployed and not healthy enough to migrate. These children visit
their native place once a year. They prepare their own food and attend
the tasks assigned by the owner vendor. Their working hours are
too long which ranges between 10-14 hours per day, no holidays on
festivals and Sundays; hence they get no time to play with their age
mates and friends.
Table 5.10
Distribution of Vendors by Getting Help at the Place of Vending
Sources of Help Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Employed worker 14 (7) 14 ( 4.67) 28 (5.6)
Wife/Husband 10 (5) 10 (3.33) 20 (4)
Son/Daughter 16 (8) 11 (3.67) 27 (9)
Other family members 6 (3) 5 (1.67) 11 (2.2)
Friend/Owner/Co-Worker 1 (0.5) 3 (1) 4 (0.8)
Self 153 (76.5) 257 (85.66) 410 (82)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
144 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Source of Capital
Timely availability of capital determines the scale of business.
Table 5.11, shows that the maximum proportion of vendors’ (79.6%)
source of capital is own money. Only 2.2 per cent of vendors borrowed
from banks, while the remaining depend on non-institutional finance.
About 8.8 per cent depend on financiers, 3.6 per cent depend on
friends and 3.2 per cent depend on relatives. A minor proportion of
the respondents (0.8%) depend on the landlord. Dependence on non-
institutional sources creates responsibility to reciprocate lending in
future circumstances, more over the amount of loan is very meagre,
uncertain, and the borrower needs to pay high rate of interest.
Table 5.11
Distribution of Vendors by Source of Capital to do Business
Source Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Own money 164 (82) 234 (78) 398 (79.6)
Financier 19 (9.5) 25 (8.33) 44 (8.8)
Banks 3 (1.5) 8 (2.66) 11 (2.2)
Friends 6 (3) 12 (4) 18 (3.6)
Relatives 6 (3) 10 (3.33) 16 (3.2)
Land lord 1 (0.5) 3 (1) 4 (0.8)
Wholesaler 1 (0.5) 8 (2.67) 9 (1.8)
Grand Total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Availability of Goods on Cash/Credit

If other things being constant, buying goods from the wholesaler
or commission agent on payment of cash or on credit influences
profitability of vendors. Buying price of goods will be high, if bought
on credit instead of cash. It is difficult to accumulate adequate
amount of money to buy goods on cash after meeting all the domestic
expenses. Table 5.12 demonstrates that the maximum proportion of
vendors (61.2%) buy goods on credit, followed by 33.8 per cent pay
cash, 4 per cent choose cash as well as credit and 1 per cent of the
vendors bring their own goods to sell in the market.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Table 5.12
Distribution of Vendors by Availability of Goods on Cash/Credit
Availability of goods on Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Credit 122 (61) 184 (61.33) 306 (61.2)
Cash 73 (36.5) 96 (32) 169 (33.8)
Cash/Credit 3 (1.5) 17 (5.67) 20 (4)
Own 2 (1) 3 (1) 5 (1)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Time Taken To Make Payments

Duration of time available for making payment of goods which are
taken on credit depends on understanding maintained between the
seller and the buyer (vendor), number of years of buying experience
with the concerned seller, past record of honesty, frequency of
buying from the same seller, number of years of vending experience
in the city, outstanding credit, etc. without hiking price and without
changing interest, if more time given by the sellers for payment of
dues if any, more will be comfirtable to the vendors. Table 5.13 reveals
that sample as a whole, the maximum proportion of vendors (21%)
repays after two days and the same proportion of vendors repays after
three days, while 20.2 per cent pay on the next day. Some of them pay
within one week, some of them pay within 2 to 5 months, and some
of them pay according to convenience.
Time Spent To Procure Goods

Time spent by vendors to procure goods from the different sources
influences the availability of number of vending hours. Lesser the time
spent to procure goods, more will be the time available to sell in the
market, which in turn influences turnover and profitability. Table 5.14
presents that the maximum proportion of vendors (70%) spent 1 to 5
hours daily in procuring goods (including time taken for travel), while
6.8 per cent of them spent 30 minutes per day and 8 per cent told that
this depends on sales. One per cent of the vendors have their own
146 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
products to sell---hence there is no specified time taken for them to

procure goods.
Table 5.13
Distribution of Vendors by Time Taken To Make Payments
Duration Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

Spot payment 73 (36.5) 96 (32) 169 (33.8)
Same day evening 14 (7) 19 (6.33) 33 (6.6)
Next day 49 (24.5) 5 (17.33) 101 (20.2)
After 2 days 8 (4) 13 (4.33) 21 (4.2)
After 3 days 44 (22) 61 (20.33) 105 (21)
After 4 days 3 (1.5) 2 (0.67) 5 (1)
After 5 days 1 (0.5) 0 (0) 1 (0.2)
After 7 days 10 (5) 27 (9) 37 (7.4)
Within One month 6 (3) 13 (4.33) 19 (3.8)
Between 2 to 5 months 0 (0) 11 (5.5) 11 (2.2)
According to convenience 0 (0) 3 (1) 3 (0.6)
Own 2 (1) 3 (1) 5 (1)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Table 5.14
Time Spent by Vendors to Procure Goods from the Market
Time Spent Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total

30 Minutes 26 (13) 8 (2.67) 34 (6.8)
1 Hour 101 (50.5) 91 (30.33) 192 (18.4)
2 Hours 33 (16.5) 88 (29.33) 121 (24.2)
3 Hours 5 (2.5) 30 (10) 35 (7)
4 Hours 0 (0) 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
5 Hours (0) 0 1 (0.33) 1 (0.2)
1 hour per week (0) 0 17 (5.67) 17 (3.4)
1 day per week 14 (7) 14 (4.67) 28 (5.6)
1 day per month 0 (0) 5 (1.67) 5 (1)
1 or 2 days per month 9 (4.5) 0 (0) 9 (1.8)
Own 2 (1) 3 (1) 5 (1)
Depends on sale, not specified 0 (0) 40 (13.33) 40 (8)
No time required (agent supply) 0 (0) 2 (0.67) 2 (0.4)
Grand Total(n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Source of Buying Goods

Source of buying goods determines the level of profit in the
competitive environment. As far as possible, vendors try to buy
goods from the wholesalers because the buying price is less than that
at the retailers. In case the wholesaler is located at a distant place,
vendors buy goods from the retailer. Table 5.15 demonstrates that
the maximum proportion of vendors (80.8%) buy goods from the
wholesaler/commission agent, followed by 9.8 per cent who buy from
the retailer, while 3.8 per cent buy from the producer.
Table 5.15
Distribution of Vendors by Source of Buying Goods
Source of Buying Goods Street Vendors (Stationary) Street Vendors (Mobile) Total
Wholesaler/Commission agent 161 (80.5) 243 (81) 404 (80.8)
Retailer 22 (11) 27 (9) 49 (9.8)
Producer 9 (4.5) 10 (3.33) 19 (3.8)
Wholesaler and Retailer 3 (1.5) 9 (3) 12 (2.4)
Wholesaler and Producer 2 (1) 6 (2) 8 (1.6)
Own 3 (1.5) 3 (1) 6 (1.2)
Agent supply 0 (0) 2 (0.67) 2 (0.4)
Grand total (n) 200 (100) 300 (100) 500 (100)
Perceptions of The Customers

A small set of consumers were interviewed to know their
perceptions on street goods vendors. Hundred sample respondents
were selected from different parts of the city by using purposive
random sampling method. Among them, 71 were males and the
remaining 29 were females. About 63 per cent of the customers were
migrants from other states and the remaining 37 per cent belonged
to Chandigarh. Total household income was taken into consideration
while studying their consumption pattern. Customers with an
experience of stay in the city for more than a year were selected
for this study as respondents. People working in organised sector
and unorganised sector as formal and informal workers, both wage
employed and self-employed, have been included in this study.
148 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pattern of Income and Consumption Expenditure

Table 5.16 reveals that the maximum proportion of customers
(30%) belongs to the monthly household income range of ` 25,000
to 45,000, followed by 29 per cent respondents income fall within
` 5000-25,000, while about 21 per cent are in the range ` 45,000
-65,000 and the remaining 20 per cent are in high income group.
Among 100 sample customers, only 88 of them buy goods from street
vendors just by spending 2.58 per cent of their monthly income. The
minimum monthly household income is ` 5500 and the maximum
is ` 2, 50,000. Almost all the households from the low income group
buy goods from street vendors. Column 4 indicates that higher the
level of income, lesser is the amount of money spent on buying goods
from street vendors. Column 6 reveals that the proportion of income
spent is decreasing by increasing level of income, except in two income
ranges. Therefore, there is an inverse relationship between the level
of income and amount of income spent on buying goods from street
vendors. Further, this analysis tells that low and middle income groups
depend more on street vendors than the high income group.
Monthly Consumption Expenditure

According to Table 5.17, about 12 customers stated that they don’t
buy from street vendors, but buy from organised shops. The reasons
for not buying are: street vendors do not maintain hygiene; weighing
is not genuine; and goods sold are of poor quality. Customers monthly
spent a minimum of ` 500 and maximum of ` 10,000. The mean
monthly expenditure is ` 1738.04.

Table 5.18 shows that the maximum proportion of customers
(27%) felt that they buy from vendors due to availability of goods
nearer to their home; whereas 9 per cent buy solely due to cheap
availability of the goods. About 34 per cent of the customers buy
due to two reasons out of six viz., (cheaper, nearer to home, nearer
to work place, available on the way home, can save time and petrol,
fresh and reliable). Six per cent of the customers buy due to any of the
three reasons as said above, 3 per cent customers buy due to any four
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
reasons and 5 per cent buy due to all the above-mentioned reasons.
Among the 88 customers, the maximum proportion of customers
(86%) buy vegetables and fruits from the street vendors and also felt
that the government should give preference to vegetables and fruit
vendors while permitting license. This may be the reason for absence
of an adequate number of organised shops for the sale of vegetables
and fruits in Chandigarh.
Table 5.16
Status of Monthly Income and Consumption Expenditure of Customers (Households)
With Respect To Buying Goods from Street Vendors
Monthly Income (`) Number of Number of Total Monthly Amount of Proportion of

Ranges Customers Customers Income of Income Spent Income Spent on
(1) (2) (status of the group on Buying Buying Goods
buying from (excluding Goods from from Vendors.
street vendors) Non-buyers) Vendors (5/4×100)
(3) (4) (5) (6)
5000-25,000 29 All customers 4,14,500 50,600 12.20
purchased
25,000-45,000 30 3 custom- 9,08,000 44,900 4.94
ers didn’t
purchase
45,000-65,000 21 5 custom- 8,25,000 22,900 2.77
ers didn’t
purchase
65,000-85,000 11 2 custom- 6,90,000 22,600 3.27
ers didn’t
purchase
85,000-105000 5 1 customer 4,00000 15,400 3.85
didn’t pur-
chase
105000-1,25,000 1 All customers 1,20,000 1000 0.83
purchased
1,25,000-1,45,000 1 1 customer 1,40,000 o 0
didn’t pur-
chase
1,85,000-2,05,000 1 All customers 2,00000 1500 0.75
purchased
2,45,000- 2,65,000 1 All customers 25,00000 1000 0.04
purchased
Grand Total 100 12 (non buy- 61,97,500 1,59,900 2.58
ers)
150 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 5.17
Distribution of Customers (Households) by Monthly Consumption Expenditure on
Buying Goods from Street Vendors
Expenditure (`) Range Frequency

Nil 12
Up to 999 24
1000-1999 27
2000-2999 22
3000-3999 6
4000-4999 4
5000-5999 2
6000-6999 1
10000-10999 2
Grand total (n) 100
Table 5.18
Reasons For Buying Frequency

Cheaper 9
Nearer to home 27
Nearer to work place 0
Available on the way home 2
Can save time and petrol 1
Fresh and reliable 1
All the above reasons 5
Due to any two reasons as said above 34
Due to any three reasons as said above 6
Due to any four reasons as said above 3
Don’t buy 12
Grand total 100
Views on Granting/ Not Granting License to Vendors

IInterestingly, the maximum proportion of customers (76%) felt
that conditional license may be granted by Chandigarh administration
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
to all the existing vendors. Without street vendors life of common

man will be difficult. License should be given to long-standing
vendors i.e., those who are vending goods for the past several years.
Government can open day markets and allow them to sell goods for
reducing over-crowdedness in different parts of the city. Some of the
customers felt that presently, people migrate to other nations for the
sake of employment, so the vendors should also be free to work (vend
goods) in India.
Only 24 per cent of the customers felt that license should not
be granted to the street vendors. According to them, they involve in
anti-social activities, hence their movement should be limited; they
spoil the city’s beauty; they do not pay taxes; no large price difference
between goods available in formal shops and those with street
vendors; they have no proper weighing machines; they disperse waste
irresponsibly; once upon a time government provided shops to these
vendors, but they have sold rented out for more money and carried
on their business on the streets: These vendors are migrants, It is the
duty of their respective states to provide employment.
Summary
Migration itself is not the solution to all problems that the
street vendors have faced at their native place. They continue to
face problems from the enforcement authorities, police, commission
agents, and cut-throat competition from their fellow vendors. They
experience certain deprivations like lack of safe water, no shelter,
no improved sanitation, no credit and no guarantee of sale. There
is mutual dependency between customers and street vendors in the
city. The maximum proportion of customers buying from the street
vendors belongs to the low and middle income groups. Lower the
level of household income, higher the proportion of income spent on
buying goods from street vendors. Most of the customers have opined
that the government should grant conditional license to the street
vendors.
6 Socio-Economic
Status of Street
Service Vendors
Introduction
Indian caste system originates from the Varna system of social
stratification. Among the four Varnas, Shudras are considered to be
less pure and more polluted, belonging to the lowest strata (bottom
of the pyramid) in social hierarchical order. Different Varnas are
entrusted with different occupations. Occupations in turn determine
access to wealth, power and privilege. Shudras are the artisans and
servants; their task was to perform manual labour for the remaining
three Varnas of upper strata. Dalits or scheduled castes (SCs) are the
sub-set of Shudras; they (cobblers, barbers, washermen, etc) perform
the least paid, degraded menial tasks. These tasks are essential for
maintaining the health of community, but social recognition is low.
In India, poverty rates differ with occupational structure. Along with
scheduled tribes (STs), the SCs reflect the highest incidence of poverty
as they are more likely to be involved in menial occupations compared
to the other social groups (Deshpande, 2001). In India, SCs and
STs constitute merely 16.2 and 8.2 per cent of the total population
respectively (Census, 2011), but account for a greater proportion
(40.6%) of the poor (NSSO, 2004-05).
Jajmani system is the offspring of hierarchical caste system
characterised by hereditary patron-client relationship. It is based on
the agricultural system of production and distribution of goods and
services. In this system, goods and services are exchanged between
landowning higher castes and landless service castes. The landowning
high caste families receive services from lower castes and in return,
members of the low castes receive grains. The service castes are
154 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
traditionally weavers, leather workers, blacksmiths, goldsmiths,

barbers, washermen and so on constitute a group of artisans serving
the community. The landed higher castes are known as Jajman
or the patron and the service castes are the kameen of the jajman.
The jajmani system is characterised by the features of unbroken
relationship, hereditary relationship, multidimensional relationship
and barter exchange.
Allocation of labour on the basis of caste is one of the fundamental
tenets of many caste systems, with lower castes typically restricted to
tasks and occupations that are deemed too ‘filthy’ or ‘polluting’ for
higher caste communities. Most of Dalits in India continue to live in
extreme poverty, without land or opportunities for better employment
or education. As with many other low-caste populations, lack of access
to land makes Dalits economically vulnerable; their dependency
is exploited and abused by upper- and middle caste landlords.
Dalits throughout India also suffer in many instances from de facto
disenfranchisement. A principal weapon in sustaining the low status
of Dalits in India is the use of social and economic boycotts and acts
of retaliatory violence. Dalits are physically abused and threatened
with economic and social ostracism from the community for refusing
to carry out various caste-based tasks. Any attempt to alter village
customs, defy the social order, or to demand land, increased wages, or
political rights leads to violence and economic retaliation on the part
of those most threatened by changes in the status quo (Human Rights
Watch, 2001).
Under the caste-based jajmani system, the landlord and village
community extended a measure of food security to labourers,
craftsmen and others providing services; availability of common
property resources and customary rights to the poor; and
institutionalised feeding in temples, maths and langurs (Guhan,
1992). The disappearance of the jajmani system and decline in artisan
households in the rural areas imply further loss of traditional skills
due to lack of demand for their products (Vijay, 2012).
Since independence, the government radical affirmative policies
caused weakening of the economic interdependence of the caste
system. There is undercutting traditional mutual obligations between
Socio-Economic Status of Street Service Vendors
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
the patrons and clients. Mendelssohn (1993: 824) notes that “while
the old Jajmani system seems to persist, it has now diminished in
intensity and is increasingly strained.” Jodhka (2004) finds that in
rural Punjab, there is an almost complete breakdown of Jajmani
relationships. The growth of urbanisation has reduced the significance
of caste in daily life. Among anonymous crowds in urban public
spaces and in public transportation, caste affiliations are unknown
and observance of purity and pollution rules are negligible. In urban
areas, the relationship between caste and hereditary occupations
has become less important now (Sekhon, 2000; 55). The Jajmani
system has gradually decayed in modern society due to occupational
diversification. The decline of belief in caste system and hereditary
occupation has given a strong blow to this system. The Jajmani
system has all but vanished, allowing for market-based pricing for the
services rendered by workers (Commander, 1983). Unemployment
and persistence of poverty in villages, growth of relatively better
employment opportunities outside the village, availability of transport
facilities, development of communication networks, and social
networks regarding demand for various services aggravated migration
towards the urban areas.
The growing landlessness coupled with decline in the number of
days available in wage employment caused crisis among the rural labour
households (Unni, 2013) and forced distress migration (migration of
poverty) of economically and socially backward sections of the society
towards the urban areas, even though labour absorption capacity of
the urban sector is not adequate. Moreover, the employment elasticity
of agricultural GDP growth is minimal to absorb the growing labour
force in rural areas. The decline in public investment in agriculture
caused systemic crisis in the rural regions during economic reforms.
The per capita availability of land has decreased from 0.89 hectare
in 1951 to 0.27 hectare in 2011. Privatisation of common property
resources and increase in demand for land for different purposes has
caused destruction of source of livelihood for the rural poor. Rural
employment growth shrank to -0.43 per cent per annum during 2004-
05 to 2009-10 compared to 2.19 per cent growth in urban areas (MoA,
2012, quoted in IRDR, 2013).
156 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
There is stagnation in formal employment growth, despite

accelerated output growth and lower intensity of employment in
most dynamic and manufacturing and services sub-sectors (Kannan
and Raveendran, 2009, Arora, 2010). Moreover, informal economy
is flourishing because of low wages. It offers to compete with the
formal sector as well as helps to sustain profits therein by making
available cheap supporting services in the form of logistics, security,
transportation, cleaning and catering services (Ghosh, 2013). The
majority of workers are compelled to get involved in low productivity
activities as wage-employed and self-employed in organised and
unorganised sectors as informal labour in the urban areas due to lack
of education and adequate skills. Even after initiation of the economic
reforms, inequalities are on the rise and deprived groups have
benefited from economic growth, though not all to the same extent.
The poor are those who have few or no entitlement of productive
resources. Landless workers depend on their own physical labour
by working in poorly paid occupations so as to earn a living. Poor
earnings lead to malnutrition, proneness to frequent illness and low
level of education and skills of their wards which in turn undermines
future earning capacity, thereby resulting in chronic poverty. Poverty
has a social dimension. The South Asian region is characterised by
long-standing and deeply entrenched social inequalities, particularly
those associated with caste and gender. Caste also differentiates the
experience of poverty, exacerbating its effects for some groups over
others. The caste system confines those from lower castes to a limited
number of poorly paid, often socially stigmatised occupational niches
from which there is almost no escape, except by migrating to other
regions or to towns where their caste identity can stay ambiguous
(Kabeer, 2002) .
Migration is not always a sure exit from poverty traps because
there are some constraints that perpetuate poverty among migrants
in the Indian situation viz., poor education, discrimination and hostile
policy environment at destination (Deshingkar and Farrington, 2009).
Non-availability of expected wages, type of work opportunity and
growing competition for limited number of jobs are also obstacles
to escape poverty. Rodgers and Rodgers (2011) based on a study
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
in Bihar felt that “In addition to the immediate effect on incomes,

migration appears to have some developmental impact, less than one
might expect.” Short-term migration by the resource-poor segment of
the rural communities often fails to enable exit from poverty of the
subsistence living conditions (De Haan, 2011).
In urban India, there is presence of elite people (equipped with
more human and physical capital assets) who enjoy life comfortably
and on the other hand, a section of people is deprived socially,
economically and politically (ill-equipped with human and physical
capital assets) because historically economic growth had bypassed
them. Among the urban poor, few of them belongs to the occupational
castes who have migrated from rural areas due to near disappearance
of the Jajmani system and others are unemployed or under-employed,
landless and chronically poor. Migration is a livelihood strategy
employed by the poor to repay debt and to maintain household
consumption by escaping poverty and this is an integral part of the
diversified strategies adopted by them (De Haan, 2008). The distress
migrants work as regular wage earners, casual labour and few others
work as self-employed informal labour like street goods sellers and
service workers (cobblers, barbers, launderers and bicycle repairers).
Note: Street service workers, street service vendors, service
providers, service workers, occupational groups, occupational
categories used synonymously in this chapter.
Theoretical Base
‘Kuznets process’ of urbanisation is the theoretical base of this
paper i.e., urbanisation as an integral part of economic growth and
distributional change (including poverty reduction) in poor countries.
This process will open new economic opportunities in urban areas and
attract rural workers. Urbanisation entails certain gains to the poor,
both directly as migrants and indirectly viz remittances. Yet, the gains
are not large enough for all poor to escape poverty (Kuznets, 1955).
The Target Group

This study is targeted at migrants from the rural and urban areas of
different parts of India with an experience of at least a year of vending
158 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
in the city as on date of survey. Workers operating at fixed places have

been considered as respondents. Generally, these fixed places are in
front of main markets or natural markets or nearer to natural markets
on road sides. According to UNO’s (ILO) International Standard
Classification of Occupations (2008) ISCO-08, personal service workers
come under the broad category of service and sales workers. Barbers,
cobblers, launderers and bicycle repairers come under the subcategory
of Hair Dressers (Code No. 5141), Shoe makers and related workers
(Code No, 7536), Hand Launderers and Pressers (Code No, 9136) and
Bicycle and related repairers (Code No, 7234) respectively.
Methodology
Keeping in view the problem, this study has aimed to understand
vulnerabilities of the migrant street service workers during pre- and
post-migration and to suggest policy measures for their improvement.
Usual principal activity status is taken into consideration while
selecting the respondents. Reference period for usual status approach
is last one year from the date of survey. This study has broadly covered
all the three administrative divisions of Chandigarh by randomly
selecting number of service workers from each division. Geographical
locations of the workers have been randomly identified by mapping
fixed locations in different sectors/areas. The selection of sample
respondents from each division is based on the clustered purposive
simple random sampling method. Field survey is conducted on 200
persons (10% of the total) with the help of a specific questionnaire by
personally visiting at their places of work.
I
Social Status
Socio-economic features of any given population are a part of the
mechanism by which the total national income is created, distributed
and consumed in a particular time frame. In this section, an attempt
is made to analyse social vulnerabilities of the migrant urban street
service workers in Chandigarh. Street service workers are socially
vulnerable in terms of low level of/no education, lower social status,
origin in backward areas, number of dependant family members, etc.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Occupational Categories and Geographical Distribution

Approximately there are 2000 street service vendors in
Chandigarh. This study consists of self-employed 200 (10%) street
service workers who have been selected randomly and purposively
from three broad areas (administrative divisions: East, Central
and South) of Chandigarh, based on the concentration and rough
estimation in each cluster. From each occupational category, 50 street
service workers are selected. It can be observed from Table 6.1 that
the maximum proportion of workers (37.5%) are selected from central
division, 35 per cent from East and 27.5 per cent of them from South.
Table 6.1
Distribution of Street Service Vendors (occupational categories) among
administrative Divisions of Chandigarh
Categories of Street Service Workers Administrative Divisions Total (%)

East Central South
Barbers 14(7) 24(12) 12(6) 50(25)
Cobblers 18(9) 14(7) 18(9) 50(25)
Launderers (Hand Pressers) 19(9.5) 17(8.5) 14(7) 50(25)
Bicycle Repairers 19(9.5) 20(10) 11(5.5) 50(25)
Grand Total 70(35) 75(37.5) 55(27.5) 200(100)
Figure 6.1 reveals that there is equal number of street service

workers belongs to different occupational groups.
Street service workers are widely distributed and located in
almost all areas of the city. Street service vending is an unlicensed
activity and workers were occupying unlicensed places, hence the
problem of encroachment is a universal feature in all parts of the city,
which also highlights the sense of insecurity and vulnerability felt
by workers. Sometimes they are under threat of eviction from their
occupied places. Generally barbers, cobblers, Bicycle repairers operate
their service under the shadow of trees on the road sides without
having roof over their head, but Launderers (Pressers) operate inside
temporary huts built adjoining walls of some houses in residential
localities. Cobblers and Bicycle repairers keep their work related
160 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
instruments and unclaimed items of customers in locked box which is

tied with tree. Launderers (Pressers) generally keep their belongings in
nearby house; in return press their cloths at free of cost. Some of them
do the same kind of service for using electricity for lighting (one bulb)
from the neighboring house. Every day barbers bring work related
items and take home back the same, at the end of the day. Barbers,
Launderers (Pressers) charge fee from customers based on the decision
taken by their caste associations time to time. The clientele of barbers
are only middle and lower income groups especially males, while the
clientele of cobblers , Launderers (Pressers) and Bicycle repairers are
both males and females of all income groups. These workers got no
formal training from any educational or training institutions, but
most of them learned from their elders in their families at their native
place. Some of the barbers and Bicycle repairers learned work while
working as regular workers at the seniors in the concerned occupation.
Fig 6.1
Distribution of Sample Respondents (street service workers)
by Occupational Categories
Cycle Repairers Barbers

50 (25%) 50 (25%)
Launderers (Pressers)
50 (25%) Cobblers
50 (25%)
Gender Composition
The predominent proportion of the respondents 197(98.5) one
males, while the minor proportion 3(1.5 per cent) are females. In
cities also we can observe male dominancy in performing caste based
occupations. Migration for work is predominantly male; female
migration for work is negligible. Only 3 females are performing
laundry work. Females feel it is difficult to sit on the road sides and
also they have no skills to perform such occupations to satisfy needs
of different types of customers in the city, because these are the works
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
performed by males in the Jajmani system in their villages. Moreover

male counterparts don’t allow their women to perform such activities
on the streets.
Migration of males from rural areas has caused drastic changes
in women responsibilities within the household and outside. Now
they perform more agricultural and non agricultural tasks. On the
domestic affairs they have to take decisions in managing finances,
maintaining relations with kith and kin, at the same time they are
facing problems in accessing credit at liberal terms. Male migration
works as catalyst in enhancing women’s mobility especially in some
conservative communities. Women are more mobile today than they
have been in the past (Institute of Human Development, 2012). Caste
occupations generally dominated by males. Table 6.2 presents that
the higher proportion 197 (98.5 percent) are males, only negligible
proportion 3 (1.5 percent) of Launderers (Pressers) are females.
Table 6.2
Gender composition of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Gender
Gender Category of Street Service Workers

Barbers Cobblers Launderers (Pressers) Bicycle Repairers Total (%)
Males 50 (100) 50 (100) 47 ( 94) 50 (100) 197 (98.5)
Females 0 (0) 0 (0) 3 (6) 0 (0) 3 (1.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Fig 6.2
Gender Composition of service street workers
Females 2%
Males 98%

162 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 6.3
Distribution of Street Service Vendors by Religious Affiliation
Religion Category of Street Service Workers

Hindus 18 (36) 49 (98) 46(92 ) 40(80) 153 (76.5)
Muslims 32 (64) 1 (2) 4( 8) 6(12 ) 43 (21.5)
Sikhs 0 (0) 0 (0) 0(0) 3( 6) 3 (1.5)
Christians 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 1( 2) 1 (0.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Figure 6.3
Religious Affiliation of street service workers
Sikhs Christians
2% 1%
Muslims
21%
Hindus
76%
Figure 6.3 illustrates that Hindus are in larger proportion when

compared to other religious groups. Muslims, Sikhs and Christians
proportion is in descending order.
Social Groups (Castes)

SCs have been at the lowest end of the Hindu caste hierarchy,
where caste is ascribed on the basis of birth. Over long period in the
past, the social system ascribed occupations to this group which were
not only low in social ordering, but were also characterised by very low
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
productivity. With ascription on the basis of birth, the system did not
permit occupational mobility. Consequently, this group remained at
the lowest end of the economic hierarchy as well. SC groups continued
practising low-graded occupations with little exposure to educational
opportunities. In large and impersonal urban settlements, SCs and STs
have much lower share of the urban total as well as poor population
(Sundaram and Tendulkar, 2003). This might be due to their inability,
lack of awareness and lack of networks to migrate to urban areas, but
their number is increasing during the recent years.
Table 6.4 demonstrates a comprehensive picture of the social
groups of street service workers. It shows that the maximum
proportion of service street workers 103(51.5%) are SCs, while
33(16.5%) are backward classes, and 64(32 per cent) are other
categories (including Muslims and upper castes). As far as caste
composition of the different occupational castes are concerned, the
maximum proportion of cobblers and launderers (pressers) belongs to
SCs, whereas barbers and bicycle repairers belongs to upper castes and
Muslims. The occupation of cutting hair and bicycle repairing works
are attractive to non-Dalits. Whereas cobbling and laundering works
are performed by SCs, hence these works are not attractive to others
except Dalits. Further, it is revealed that caste plays a dominant role
in selecting occupations in urban areas, even though its importance is
declining. It can be said that occupational mobility is less in adopting
low status and lower earning jobs.
Table 6.4
Castes Category of Street Service Workers

Scheduled caste 1(2) 43(86) 46(92) 13(26) 103(51.5)
Other backward classes 14(28) 7(14) 2(4) 10(20) 33(16.5)
Others (including mus- 35(70) 0(0) 2(4) 27(54) 64(32)
lims and upper castes)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
164 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 6.4
Distribution of Workers by Social Groups
Others Scheduled Castes

(including 51%
Muslims and
upper castes)
32%
Other Backward
Classes
17%
Figure 6.4 reveals that the SCs represent more than half of the,
Proportion Other Categories (including Muslims and upper castes)
and Backward Classes are in descending order.
Age Profile
The mean age of the sample migrant street service workers was
around 41 years, whereas the mean age of barbers is lesser than the
remaining groups. Among different groups, the mean age of cobblers
(45.8 years) is higher than that of the remaining groups; on the other
hand, the mean age of barbers is lower than that of the other groups.
This implies that the occupation of a barber is much attractive to
Young migrants. Migration streams are dominated by young men.
Almost three quarters of migrant workers belong to the age bracket
of 25-34 (29.5%) years. Yet, about 7 (3.5%) of the workers are aged
65 years or above and about 16 (8%) are in the age interval of 15-
24 years. Among the different occupational groups, the maximum
proportion of barbers and bicycle repairers are in the age group 25-34
years, which indicates that barbering and bicycle repairing are more
attractive to younger migrants. (Table 6.5)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
Table 6.5
Distribution of Sample Migrant Street Service Vendors by Age.
Age Category of Street Service Workers

Barbers Cobblers Launderers Bicycle Total (%)
(Pressers) Repairers
15-24 7(14) 2(4) 3(6) 4(8) 16 (8.0)
25-34 16(32) 13(26) 14(28) 16(32) 59 (29.5)
35-44 8(16) 11(22) 16(32) 10(20) 45 (22.5)
45-54 11(22) 8(16) 12(24) 10(20) 41 (20.5)
55-64 5(10) 13(26) 5(10) 9(18) 32 (16)
65 and above 3(6) 3(6) 0(0) 1(2) 7 (3.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum age 17 17 18 18 17
Maximum age 66 84 61 65 84
Mean age 39.2 45.8 39.16 40.26 40.92
Figure 6.5
Distribution of workers by Age
59
45
41
32
16
15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 and

above
Figure 6.5 shows that larger proportion of the sample workers are
in the age group of 25-34, while significantly the larger proportion are
166 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
in the age interval of 35-44. A smaller proportion of workers are in the

age interval of 15-24 and above 65 years.
Marital Status
Table 6.6 presents marital status of the migrants. It can be inferred
from the age profile that most of the sample street service workers
are married 178(89%). Only 19(9.5%) of them are unmarried, and
a negligible proportion 3(1.5%) constitute widowed or divorced. The
proportion of married is relatively lesser among barbers and bicycle
repairers compared to that of the cobblers and launderers (pressers).
The incidence of migration is more among married people because
they face greater problems in feeding their families at the native place/
place of origin in comparison with unmarried people.
Figure 6.6 illustrates that the greater proportion of street service
workers are married, whereas unmarried, widowed/divorced/separated
are in lesser proportion.
Figure 6.6
Marital Status of Street Service Workers
Widowed/divorced
/seperated
Never married 2%
9%
Currently married
89%

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Table 6.6
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Marital status
Marital status Category of Street Service Workers

Currently married 40(80) 47(94) 48(96) 43(86) 178
(89.0)
Never married 9(18) 3(6) 1(2) 6(12) 19 (9.5)
Widowed/divorced/ 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 1(2) 3 (1.5)
separated
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Educational Status
Education is the engine of economic growth and social change, it
plays an important role in enhancing human capital formation so as
to increase the level of earnings. Studies reveal that the private rate
of return per year of education increases as it reaches the secondary
level in India. Migrant street service workers have very poor origins
both in terms of household human capital and physical capital assets;
hence they belong to one of the most deprived social categories.
The educational level among the sample workers is very low. Table
6.7 indicates that the larger proportion 97 (48.5%) uneducated and
could not even write their names and 56 (28%) have not completed
primary level of education. A very negligible proportion 47 (23.5%)
has completed primary education. Precariously, the rate of literacy is
lesser than that in all India and Chandigarh too. According to Census
2011, literacy rate in Chandigarh is 86.43, among males 90.54%,
among females 81.38%.
The proportion of illiterates are more among cobblers and
launderers (pressers) compared to the barbers and bicycle repairers.
Interestingly, the migrants who have adopted barbering and bicycle
repairing have relatively higher educational background than the
cobblers and launderers (pressers). Moreover, among total migrants,
recent migrants comprise more number of literates than the earlier
migrants. This is evident from the rapid expansion of primary and
secondary education in the rural areas.
168 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 6.7
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Educational Status
Educational Status Category of Street Service Workers

Illiterates 20(40) 27(54) 29(58) 21(42) 97 (48.5)
Primary 16(32) 13(26) 14(28) 13(26) 56 (28)
Secondary 12(24) 10(20) 6(12) 16(32) 44 (22)
Higher Secondary 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 2 (1)
Graduates 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Note: Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals .
Figure 6.7
Educational Status of Street Service Workers
Illiterates
E 97
d
u
c
a
N t
u e
m d Primary
b i 56
e n
r Secondary
d 44
s i
o v
f i
d
u
a
l Higher Secondary Graduates
s
Level of Education
Figure 6.7 indicates that the illiterates are in greater numbers

compared to other educational categories. Proportions of Higher
secondary educated and Graduates are very negligible.
State of Origin
Rural-urban migration for work from distant places is not a recent
phenomenon. Short-term and circular migration is more prevalent
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
among the rural poor, but nowadays long-term migration is also on

the rise. Introduction of MNREGA has moderated, and not entirely
curbed, migration. The incidence of migration is higher from the
backward districts. Table 6.8 reveals that the workers who have
migrated from Uttar Pradesh (UP) constitute the maximum proportion
(68.5%), while 11 per cent from Bihar, 7 per cent from Punjab, 5.5 per
cent from Haryana, 5 per cent from Rajasthan and 3 per cent from
Delhi, in descending order. The most important reasons for migration
were found to be poverty, unemployment, underemployment and
insufficient family income.
Table 6.8
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by State of Origin
State of origin Category of Street Service Workers

UP 40(80) 24(48) 44(88) 29(58) 137 (68.5)
Bihar 1(2) 6(12) 4(8) 11(22) 22 (11)
Rajasthan 0(0) 8(16) 0(0) 2(4) 10 (5)
Punjab 1(2) 5(10) 2(4) 6(12) 14 (7)
Haryana 3(6) 7(14) 0(0) 1(2) 11 (5.5)
Delhi 5(10) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 6 (3)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Figure 6.8
Migrant Street Service Workers by State of origin
137
N
u S W
m e o
b r r
e v k
r i e
c r
o e s
f 22
10 14
11 6
UP Bihar Rajasthan Punjab Haryana Delhi

Origin States
170 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 6.8 reveals that the larger number of sample workers had
migrated from UP, while Bihar occupies second position, and the least
number migrated from Delhi.
Status of Migration
Table 6.9 reveals that the major proportion (92%) of sample street
workers are rural to urban migrants, whereas 8 per cent are urban to
urban migrants. Further, it points out that the rural-urban migration
is greater than urban-urban migration.
Table 6.9
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Stream of Migration
Stream of Migration Category of Street Service Workers
Rural To Urban 42(84) 45(90) 49(98) 48(96) 184 (92)
Urban To Urban 8(16) 5(10) 1(2) 2(4) 16 (8)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Figure 6.9
Status of Migration
Urban to Urban
8%
Rural to Urban
92%
Figure 6.9 presents that the larger proportion of service street

workers are rural to urban, while the smaller fraction of workers are
urban to urban migrants.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Number of Dependants Other Than Self

Dependency load reduces per capita income of the households.
Family members who are not in labour force (belonging to age 1-15
and 60 years and above) are natural dependants. Working age family
members also become dependants due to non-availability of jobs or
being busy with unpaid home work. Other than self, dependency load
for all the respondents is 3.55. If we include self also, the family size
will be 4.55. This family size is more than all India average (4.3) and
in urban India it is 4.0. Dependency load is more in case of launderers
(pressers) and less for barbers. The larger proportion of respondents
(26.5%) has 4 dependants. The negligible proportion of migrants (1%)
has zero dependants (Table 6.10)
Table 6.10
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Number of
Dependants other than Self
Number of dependants Category of Street Service Workers
0 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 1(1) 2 (1)
1 5(10) 4(8) 1(2) 3(6) 13(6.5)
2 8(16) 9(18) 9(18) 9(18) 35 (17.5)
3 17(34) 8(16) 9(18) 12(24) 46 (23)
4 13(26) 18(36) 10(20) 12(24) 53 (26.5)
5 4(8) 5(10) 14(28) 8(16) 31 (15.5)
6 3(6) 3(6) 5(10) 3(6) 14 (7)
7 0(0) 1(2) 2(4) 2(4) 5 (2.5)
8 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum number of dependants 0 0 1 1 0
Maximum number of dependants 6 8 7 7 8
Mean number of Dependants 3.16 3.5 4 3.54 3.55
II
An attempt is made in this section to analyse the socio-economic
and living conditions of street service workers at pre-migration.
172 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
At Pre-migration, they are vulnerable in terms landlessness,

unemployment, underemployment, low earnings, poverty, no savings,
etc. Pre-migration influences workers either to migrate or not to
migrate. Moreover, on the basis of this analysis, we can compare their
economic status prior to migration and post-migration scenario.
Ownership of land holdings

Ownership of land holdings and yielding from lands provide not
only livelihood security, but also treated as symbol of social status
in rural areas. Table 6.11 indicates that the maximum proportion of
migrant street service workers (78.5%) were landless labour, while the
remaining 21.5 per cent migrants were marginal farmers owning lands
not more than 5 bighas (most of the lands are in the possession of their
parents). Land owned among the landed labour ranges between ½ and
5 bighas. Ownership of mean land holdings is 1.76 bighas and mean
income is Rs 1488 only (if landless labour excluded from the count).
Some have lands but not in their name, in which case these lands are
combined property of joint families; hence old parents manage these
lands in most of the cases while enjoying the produce. Yielding from
lands are not certain and prone to floods or drought. Landlessness is
more among bicycle repairers and less among washermen compared to
other occupational groups.
Table 6.11
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Ownership of Land Holdings
Ownership of Land holdings Category of Street Service Workers
Land less 44(22) 42(21) 28(14) 43(21.5) 157(78.5)
1-2 bighas 4(2) 8(4) 16(8) 6(3) 34 (17)
3-4 bighas 1(0.5) 0(0) 3(1.5) 0(0) 4 (2)
5-6 bighas 1(0.5) 0(0) 3(1.5) 1(0.5) 5 (2.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100) 200(100)
Note: 1. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective totals.
2. 15 bighas are equivalent to 1 hectare.
Pre-Migration Economic Activities

Table 6.12 presents that among total migrants, the larger
proportion of about 31 per cent are unemployed, 22 per cent are
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
agricultural labour and marginal farmers and 19 per cent are students
who had left their studies either due to failure or for want of finance.
About 28 per cent had left their respective occupations at native place
due to improper earnings and non-availability of daily work—among
them, 48 per cent are barbers, 30 per cent are cobblers, 24 per cent are
launderers (pressers), and 14 per cent are bicycle repairers.
Table 6.12
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Pre-migration Activities
Occupation Prior to Category of Street Service Workers
Migration Barbers Cobblers Launderers (Pressers) Bicycle Repairers Total (%)
Barber 24(48) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 24 (12)
Cobbler 0(0) 15(30) 0(0) 0(0) 15 (7.5)
Washermen 0(0) 0(0) 12(6) 0(0) 12 (6)
Bicycle repair 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 7(14) 7 (3.5)
Agricultural labour 6(12) 11(22) 17(8.5) 10(20) 44 (22)
(includes marginal
farmers)
Study 10(20) 11(22) 7(3.5) 10(20) 38 (19)
No work 10(20) 13(26) 14(7) 23(46) 60 (30)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Figure 6.10
Pre-migration Activities
60
38
24
15
12
7
Barber Cobbler Washermen Cycle repair Study No work

Pre-Migration Activities
The figure above illustrates that the larger number of sample

respondents have no work at their place of origin/native place. Besides
174 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
that, students also reasonably constitute a larger number. Barbers

occupies first position among the workers who are in practice of their
respective occupation at the native place.

Table 6.13 presents that the maximum proportion of migrants
(52%) has no work at their native place. About 17 per cent of the
workers have work in the interval of 301-350 days per annum, 12 per
cent has work in the range of 151-200 days, and 5.5 per cent works
in the range of 51-100 days. Among the nil number of days worked,
bicycle repairers were in greater proportion (70%). The migrants who
adopted bicycle repairing faced more unemployment than the other
cohorts, whereas barbers faced least unemployment at native place.
The mean number of days worked per annum by all the migrants at
their native place was 109.82 days. The mean number of days worked
by bicycle repairers was very low, i.e., only 64.2 days on the extreme
end. Whereas, barbers’ mean number of days worked was 148.6 days.
Also, there is no much difference between cobblers (114.1 days) and
washermen (111.4 days).
Table 6.13
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Pre-migration
Number of Days Worked Category of Street Service Workers
Per Annum Barbers Cobblers Launderers (Pressers) Bicycle Repairers Total (%)
Nil 21(42) 24(48) 24(48) 35(70) 104 (52)
1-50 1(2) 3(6) 2(4) 0(0) 6 (3)
51-100 1(2) 3(6) 5(10) 2(4) 11 (5.5)
101-150 1(2) 2(4) 0(0) 3(6) 6 (3)
151-200 7(14) 5(10) 8(16) 4(8) 24 (12)
201-250 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
251-300 8(16) 4(8) 1(2) 1(2) 14 (7)
301-350 10(20) 9(18) 10(20) 5(10) 34 (17)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum number of 30 30 30 90 30
working days
Maximum number of 330 330 330 330 330
working days
Mean of working days 148.6 114.1 111.4 64.2 109.82
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Daily Earnings
Daily income earnings and number of days worked per annum
determine the standard of living and the amount of daily consumption
expenditure that they can possibly make. Pre-migration daily income,
other things being constant, determine rate of migration. The number
of migrants with no daily income was greater than that of those who
had worked nil number of days per annum, because some of them
reported that they have work but no earnings to say. Table 6.14 points
out that the maximum proportion of migrants (58%) has no daily
earnings at all, and only 23.5 per cent of them had very negligible daily
earnings, i.e., in the range of `1-25, which was greatly insufficient to
feed the family size of five members. About 12 per cent of the workers’
daily earnings were in the range of `26-50, and only 1 per cent were in
the range of `151-200. The mean daily earning of all the migrants at
their native place was `14.87 only.
Table 6.14
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Pre-migration Daily Earnings (`)
Daily Earnings (`) Category of Street Service Workers

Nil 23(46) 27(54) 30(60) 36(72) 116 (58)
1-25 13(26) 11(22) 16(32) 7(14) 47 (23.5)
26-50 7(14) 8(16) 3(6) 6(12) 24 (12)
51-75 5(10) 2(4) 0(0) 1(0) 8 (4)
76-100 0(0) 2(4) 1(2) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
101-125 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
126-150 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
151-175 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(0.5)
176-200 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum daily 0 0 0 0 0
earnings
Maximum daily 200 200 80 50 200
earnings
Mean Daily Earnings 24.3 16.34 10.24 8.6 14.87
176 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Annual Income
Annual income depends on the availability of number of days of
work and daily earnings. There is no certainty of income because it
depends on competition with fellow workers in the village. In case of
earnings of workers who perform caste occupations, there is lighter
presence of Jajmani system in some of the rural areas; hence, farmer
households do not pay wages either daily or monthly. Workers do not
attend duties on daily basis, but attend as and when the farmer asks
him to do so. At the end of each crop season, the Jajman pays a certain
quantity of food grains to the workers. Workers have no bargaining
power, hence they have to accept whatever the farmer likes to give.
Sometimes female counterparts also attend duties during festivals in
the houses of respective farmers. In case of agricultural labour, wages
are very low and number of working days available also less. In case
of marginal farmers, they have to work in their fields with no income
at the end of the crop season due to failure of crops. Crops are highly
prone to weather uncertainties. Farmers were still practicing age-old
methods of subsistence farming, hence per head productivity of a
farmer and land holding was very less, as a result, they considered
farming no longer a remunerative occupation to feed their families.
Table 6.15 highlights the destitution of service workers at
their native place. The mean annual income of all the migrants was
`3711.12. The annual income of launderers (pressers) was `1629.9
and of bicycle repairers was `1817.8, It is much lesser than the mean
income. On the other hand, the annual income of barbers (`7084) and
cobblers (`4312.8), it is higher than the mean income of all workers.
The maximum proportion of workers (58%) has no income at all.
Among the earners, only 19.5 per cent of the workers’ income was in
the bracket of `1-6000, about 14 per cent of workers’ earnings was in
the range of `6001-12000 and only 8.5 per cent of workers income
was in the range of `12001-60,000. If we consider the mean number
of members in every family to be 5, then per capita income will be
`3711.12/5 members = `742.22/365 days = `2.03. Daily consumption
expenditure will be just `2.03 which is sufficient to buy a cup of tea—
it is the index of gravity of destitution. Across the groups, the mean
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
per capita income ranges between the lowest of `0.89 (washermen)

and the highest of `3.88, for barbers.
Table 6.15
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Pre- migration
Annual Income (`)
Annual Income (`) Category of Street Service Workers

Nil 23(46) 27(54) 30(60) 36(72) 116 (58)
1-6000 9(18) 9(18) 14(28) 7(14) 39 (19.5)
6001-12000 7(14) 9(18) 6(12) 6(12) 28 (14)
12001-18000 7(14) 2(4) 0(0) 1(2) 10 (5)
18001-24000 2(4) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
24001-30000 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
30001-36000 0(0) 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 2 (1)
36001-42000 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
42001-48000 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
48001-54000 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 0 (0)
54001-60000 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 2 (1)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum annual income 0 0 0 0 0
Maximum annual income 60,000 33000 14850 15000 60,000
Mean annual income 7084 4312.8 1629.9 1817.8 3711.125
III
Post-Migration-Economic Status
Post-migration economic conditions are determined by the
number of working days, working hours, daily earnings, annual net
earnings and savings. These conditions are very crucial to determine
the standard of living and also useful for taking decision to reverse
migration or stay in the city, live with or without family in the city
and marry or not to marry. During post-migration, they are relatively
less vulnerable compared to their pre-migration scenario. Yet, they
are vulnerable in terms of low earnings, large number of work hours,
evictions, etc.
178 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Number of Years of Vending Experience in the City

Table 6.16 illustrates number of years the sample street service
workers spent for vending in the city. The mean duration of street
service vending for the sample workers is around 20 years. The
shortest duration of vending experience is 1 year and the longest is
57 years. Around 1/3 proportion of the workers (30.5%) are in the
occupation for 1-10 years i.e., recent migrants. During 1980s to 2010s,
the number of migrants entered into service vending had significantly
increased from 12.5 per cent to 30.5 per cent, whereas during 1950s
to 1980s, the number had increased from 0.5 per cent to 12.5 per
cent. During the last 10 years, a relatively larger number of migrants
who have chosen to be barbers and bicycle repairers. Further, it has
been revealed that dismantling of the Jajmani system had accelerated
migration since 1980s.
Table 6.16
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Number of Years of
Vending Experience in the City
Number of years Entry into Category of Street Service Workers

vending during
the period
1-10 2001-2010 21(42) 11(22) 12(24) 17(34) 61 (30.5)
11-20 1991-2000 14(28) 14(28) 16(16) 14(28) 58 (29)
21-30 1981-1990 8(16) 13(26) 14(28) 12(24) 47 (23.5)
31-40 1971-1980 6(12) 8(16) 7(14) 4(8) 25 (12.5)
41-50 1961-1970 1(2) 3(6) 1(2) 3(6) 8 (4)
51-60 1951-1960 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum years of 2 1 1 1 1
vending
Maximum years of 50 57 45 50 57
vending
Mean years of 16.56 22.78 20.92 18.6 19.71
vending experience
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Figure 6.11
Number of in In-migrants entering into Vending Occupation
61
58
47
25
8
1
1951-1960 1961-1970 1971-1980 1981-1990 1991-2000 2001-2010

Entry Period
Figure 6.11 illustrates that the number of service workers entering

into vending has continuously increased from 1950 to 2010, during
recent periods, this number has become more.
Initial Occupation in the City

During post-migration, the maximum proportion of workers
has undertaken their caste occupations. Table 6.17 shows that the
barbers (92 per cent) had directly entered into this occupation, but
the remaining 8 per cent shifted from study, rickshaw pulling and
goods vending in descending order. In case of cobblers, 90 per cent
of them had directly entered into cobbling and the remaining 10 per
cent shifted from casual labour, rickshaw pulling and regular work in
descending order. In case of launderers (pressers), 86 per cent of them
had directly entered into their occupation, but the remaining 14 per
cent had shifted from regular work and goods vending in descending
order. In case of bicycle repairers, 70 per cent of them directly entered
into this occupation, while the remaining 30 per cent shifted from
regular work, casual labour, rickshaw pulling and study in descending
order. Out of the total workers who shifted to these four occupations,
maximum of them shifted from regular work, casual labour, study,
rickshaw pulling, goods vending and rag picking, in descending order.
Reasons stated for quitting the present work and entering into these
180 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
four occupations are: earnings are not good (9%); removed from job/
closure of the firm (1.5%); to gain self-respect (3%); in health (1%);
and failed in studies (1%).
Table 6.17
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Post-migration initial
Occupation in the City
Initial occupation Category of Street Service Workers

46(92) 45(90) 35(70) 43(86) 169(84.5)
Studying 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) -3(1.5)
Rickshaw pulling/ 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 3(1.5)
Auto driving
Casual labour 0(0) 3(6) 0(0) 5(10) 8(4)
Goods vending 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 2(1)
Regular work 0(0) 1(2) 6(12) 7(14) 14(7)
Rag picking 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 1(0.5)
Grand total 50(100) 5(100) 50(100) 5(100) 200(100)
Figure 6.12 displays that a greater number of the sample

respondents had directly entered into the present occupation without
changing their previous occupation. Regular workers occupy first
position among all workers who have shifted to the present job from
other informal jobs.
Daily Gross Earnings

It is necessary to get an insight into the daily earnings from
vending activity. Many efforts (such as cross-questioning) were
made to elicit the information. But it is likely that the information
on earnings is inadequately revealed. Post-migration daily earnings
determine the standard of living of workers and their families as well
as influence to take decision to stay for longer time in the city or
return to their native place or undertake some other occupation in the
city. Earnings also determine whether to stay with or without family
and marry or not to marry. Daily earnings depend on the location
of activity, work efficiency of the vendor, and behaviour and skill in
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
dealing with the clients. Table 6.18 indicates that the mean daily gross
earnings of all workers are around ` 177. The maximum proportion of
workers (36.5%) are in the income range of ` 101-150.
Figure 6.12
Post-migration Initial Occupation in the City
169
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Initial occupation

Along with daily earnings, the number of days worked per year also
determines annual income of the workers and their family members.
There are no seasonal migrants among the respondents; all of them
are long duration migrants. Some of the workers, specially barbers
and launderers (pressers), attend meetings of their occupational
caste associations once every month. These workers work on all
seven days per week, except barbers. For barbers, every Tuesday is a
holiday. Other things being constant, for those who attend meetings
along with a weekly holiday, the number of working days will be 300;
otherwise the working days will be 330. Table 6.19 shows that the
mean annual number of working days for all workers are 317.45.
182 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 6.18
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Post Migration
Daily Gross earnings (`)
Daily Gross Earnings Category of Street Service Workers

1-50 0(0) 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 2 (1)
51-100 3(6) 6(12) 7(14) 7(14) 23 (11.5)
101-150 17(34) 24(48) 17(34) 15(30) 73 (36.5)
151-200 17(34) 15(30) 15(30) 15(30) 62 (31)
201-250 9(18) 2(4) 6(12) 5(10) 22 (11)
251-300 4(8) 0(0) 4(8) 6(12) 14 (7)
301-350 0(0) 1(2) 1(2) 2(4) 4 (2)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum daily gross 100 50 80 60 50
earnings
Maximum daily 300 325 325 325 325
gross earnings
Mean daily gross 187.5 155.4 179.8 185.1 176.95
earnings
Table 6.19
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Post-migration
Number of Days Worked Per Annum (`)
Number of Days Category of Street Service Workers

Worked
200-250 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
251-300 1(2) 10(20) 7(14) 12(24) 30 (15)
301-350 49() 39(78) 43(86) 38(76) 169 (84.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum days 280 250 300 300 250
worked per annum
Maximum days 300 330 330 330 330
worked per annum
Mean Days Worked 299.6 322.4 325.2 322.6 317.45
Per Annum
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
Variable Cost for handling the occupation in the City

To handle respective occupations, workers have to spend certain
amount of money on apparatus/tools/raw materials/inputs. This
expenditure increases if they serve large number of customers. Barbers
have to incur costs on shaving lotion, blades, sharpening scissors, etc.
In case of cobblers, they have to spend on thread, lotion, plastic or
leather pieces, Launderers (pressers) have to spend on coal, Bicycle
repairers have to spend on lotion, puncture pieces and small spare
parts, etc. Table 6.20 indicates that the mean daily variable costs are
around `40.
Table 6.20
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Variable cost for
Handling the Occupation in the City
Variable cost (`) Category of Street Service Workers

1-20 8(16) 7(14) 3(6) 15(30) 33 (16.5)
21-40 29(58) 30(60) 13(26) 21(42) 93 (46.5)
41-60 11(22) 12(24) 27(54) 14(28) 64 (32)
61-80 2(4) 1(2) 4(8) 0(0) 7 (3.5)
81-100 0(0) 0(0) 3(6) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum variable 20 10 20 10 10
cost
Maximum variable 70 70 100 60 100
cost
Mean variable cost 35.5 36.8 52.1 33.7 39.52
Daily Net Earnings

Net earnings are at the disposal of the workers, either to spend or
save. Monthly consumption expenditure depends on net earnings. At
a given gross earnings, higher the occupational expenses lower will be
the net earnings. The occupational caste associations try to increase
the amount of fee to be charged for different services rendered to
the clientele. But neither the associations nor the individual workers
184 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
have any control over the occupational expenditure. Prices of these

inputs increase continuously, thereby creating more pressure on net
earnings. Daily net earnings can be derived after deducting daily
costs on inputs. Table 6.21 reveals that the mean daily net earnings
of all workers are `137.52. The maximum proportion of the workers’
net earnings (40.5%) are in the interval of `101-150. On the lower
extreme end, only 1 per cent of the workers’ earnings are in the
range of `1-50; whereas on the higher extreme end, 3 per cent of the
workers’ daily net earnings are in the range of `250-300. Also in 2012,
Chandigarh administration had fixed minimum wage for the unskilled
as `259.61. These workers’ daily earnings are lesser than that fixed by
the government.
Table 6.21
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Daily Net Earnings (`)
Daily Net Category of Street Service Workers

Earnings (`)
1-50 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 2 (1)
51-100 7(14) 16(16) 21(42) 11(22) 55 (27.5)
101-150 20(40) 25(50) 18(36) 18(36) 81 (40.5)
151-200 17(34) 7(14) 7(14) 13(26) 44 (22)
201-250 5(10) 0(0) 4(8) 3(6) 12 (6)
250-300 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 4(8) 6 (3)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
net earnings
Maximum daily 270 275 250 275 275
net earnings
Mean daily net 151.6 120.6 127.7 150.2 137.52
earnings
Net Annual Income

Street Street service workers are indeed among the most
vulnerable sections of urban society. Earnings of these workers are
not only low, but also uncertain and irregular. Table 6.22 reveals
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
that the mean annual income is merely `43,631. Annual net income
depends on daily gross income, costs incurred on inputs and number
of days worked. The maximum proportion (27.5%) of workers’ annual
income in the range of `30,001-40,000. On the lower end, a minor
proportion (4.5%) of the workers’ annual income in the interval of
`10,001-20,000. On the higher end, only insignificant proportion
of the workers’ annual income is in the range of `90,001-100,000.
Migrant street service vendor households’ per capita income will be
`43631/5 family member =8726.2/ 365 days = `23.90. Interestingly,
the earnings of migrants are higher than that made in their native
place. If we take into account the World Bank’s standard norm of daily
consumption expenditure of “dollar a day” poverty line, almost all the
members of the households are living below poverty line. Based on
poverty gap or severity of destitution, these workers can be classified
in to viz., severe destitutes (SD) and destitutes (D), because their
daily per capita consumption expenditure levels are less than half a
dollar. The depth of poverty (deprivation) is more in case of cobblers
compared to other groups. Barbers and bicycle repairers are relatively
better than the other occupational groups.
The annual per capita income of Chandigarh in 2012 was `128,634;
daily income was `352.42, and the annual per capita income for the
country as a whole was `60,000 at current prices. Hence, it can be
stated that the vendors’ family members’ mean annual per capita
income (`8726.2) is lesser than the national per capita income
(`60,000) as well as that in Chandigarh (`128,634).
Incidence of Poverty among Service Vendors

Identification of urban poor households is necessary for realising
the nature and dimension of deprivation that the poor are subjected
to and for effectively targeting the beneficiaries under various
poverty alleviation programmes. Poverty threshold or poverty line
is the minimum level of income that is deemed adequate in a given
country so as to meet minimum needs. Determining the poverty line
is usually done by finding the total cost of all essential resources that
an average human adult consumes. According to World Bank estimates
in 2010, 32.7 per cent of the total Indian population falls below the
186 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
international poverty line of US $1.25 per day (PPP), and 68.7 per
cent lives on less than US $2 per day. In Chandigarh on an average, 7.1
per cent of the population is living below poverty line of income $1.25
(PPP). According to Planning Commission (2012), the monthly average
per capita consumption expenditure of India’s street vendors and
related workers in urban areas is `762, but in Chandigarh, monthly
per capita income of street vendors is `717, daily per capita income
is `23.90. According to the World Bank norm of $ 1.25 PPP (as on
date 1$=`55), `68.75 is required for daily consumption. For monthly
consumption `68.75×30 = `2,062.5 is required, but availability of
daily income is `23.90 and monthly income is `717 only. Hence, all
the street service workers’ households are living below the poverty
line of income $ 1.25 PPP per day.
Incidence of Poverty among street Vendors in Chandigarh

(NSSO (68th round), based on Tendulkar Methodology
According to NSS 68 th round (2011-12) based on Tendulkar
methodology in the rural areas, national poverty line is estimated at
`816 per capita per month and `1,000 per capita per month in urban
areas (Table 6.24). The daily per capita consumption expenditure in
rural areas is `27.2 and `33.33 in the urban areas. Thus for a family of
five, all-India poverty line in terms of consumption expenditure would
amount to about `4,080 per month in rural areas and `5,000 per
month in urban areas. Around 216.5 million or 25.7 per cent of the
total population in the rural areas, 52.8 million or 13.7 per cent in the
urban areas and 269.3 million or 21.9 per cent of Indian population
combined are living below poverty line. In context of people living
below poverty line, it is further estimated that for Chandigarh, rural
monthly per capita income is `1054 and `1155 for the urban areas.
Accordingly in Chandigarh, 1.64 per cent in rural areas, 22.31 per cent
in urban areas and 21.81 per cent of the population (rural and urban
combined) are living below poverty line.
According to the criteria (Tendulkar Committee) adopted by
Planning Commission in 2013 (`33.33 was considered as the daily
expenditure), almost all the service workers’ households are living
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
below poverty line because their household per capita income is `23.90.
According to World Bank criteria of $1.25 PPP ($1=` 68.75), nearly
all vendors’ households are living below poverty line. In Chandigarh
in 2012, rural monthly per capita expenditure is `2,543.57, which is
`3,000.27 in urban areas. The daily consumption expenditure for such
rural households is `84.78 and for urban households is `100.00 in
Chandigarh Street service workers monthly per capita income is `717
and daily income is `23.90 only. Hence, these workers’ incomes are
worse than all India, urban and Chandigarians.
Table 6.22
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Annual Net Income (`)
Annual Net Category of Street Service Workers

Income (`)
10,001-20,000 0(0) 3(6) 5(10) 1(2) 9 (4.5)
20,001-30,000 7(14) 10(20) 9(18) 7(14) 33 (16.5)
30,001-40,000 14(28) 17(34) 12(24) 12(24) 55 (27.5)
40,001-50,000 11(22) 12(24) 13(26) 10(20) 46 (23)
50,001-60,000 12(24) 7(14) 3(6) 9(18) 31 (15.5)
60,001-70,000 4(8) 0(0) 5(10) 4(8) 13 (6.5)
70,001-80,000 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 2(4) 3 (1.5)
80,001-90,000 1(1) 0(0) 3(6) 4(8) 8 (4)
90,001-1,00,000 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 2 (1)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum annual 24000 12000 18000 15000 12000
net income
Maximum annual 81000 90750 82500 90750 81000
net income
Mean annual net 45432 39026 41595 48473 43631
income
Figure 6.13 reveals that the larger number of sample workers’

annual net earnings are in the range of `30,001 to 40,000, while lesser
number of workers’ earnings are in the range of `10,001 to 20,000. On
the higher end, only 2 workers’ earnings are in the range of `90,001
to 100,000.
188 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 6.13
Post migration Annual Net Income of Workers (`)
55
Number of Street Service Vendors
46
33
31
13
8
3 2
0
0
00
0
0
00
00
0
0
00
00
00
00
00
00
20
30
40
50
10
90
70
80
60
1-
1-
1-
1-
1-
1-
1-
1-
00
1-
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
10
20
30
40
90
80
60
70
50
Annual Net Income of Vendors (`)

Monthly Savings
Monthly savings determine security in times of emergencies and
reduce the need of borrowing at high rate of interest from informal
sources. It also can be used for redemption of old debt, if any. These
savings can be used to meet education and marriage needs of their
children. In Chandigarh cost of living is high, hence savings of those
people living with families (if they are the only earning member) are
nil or meagre due to extremely low income. Some of the people live
alone in order to save a considerable amount of money. Table 6.23
indicates that the mean monthly savings of all the workers are around
`618. As far as savings across occupational groups are concerned,
monthly savings of launderers (pressers) is `758, `730 for barbers,
`603 for cobblers, and `380 for bicycle repairers only. Precariously,
the maximum proportion (53.5 per cent) of the workers’ monthly
savings is nil. About 15.5 per cent of workers’ monthly savings are
in the interval of `600-1000. The bicycle repairers are mostly young
and married recently belonging to the age group of 25-34, living with
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
families and reflect relatively higher use of modern lifestyle goods;

hence their savings are less than that of the other groups. even though
their levels of earnings are high.
Table 6.23
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Monthly Savings (`)
Annual Savings (`) Category of Street Service Workers
Nil 26(52) 28(56) 20(40) 33(66) 107(53.5)
1-500 6(12) 5(10) 5(10) 6(12) 22 (11)
600-1000 8(16) 8(16) 11(22) 4(8) 31 (15.5)
1100-1500 0(0) 2(2) 8(16) 3(6) 13 (6.5)
1600-2000 5(10) 3(6) 5(10) 4(8) 17 (8.5)
2001-2500 2(4) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
2600-3000 1(2) 3(6) 1(2) 0(0) 5 (2.5)
3100-3500 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
3600-4000 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum monthly savings 0 0 0 0 0
Maximum monthly savings 3500 5000 2000 1000 1000
Mean monthly savings 730 603 758 380 617.75
Figure 6.14
Monthly Savings of Street Service Workers
107
Number of Service Vendors
31
22
17
13
3 5
1 1
0
00
0
0
0
0
0
0
il
00
00
50
50
50
00
50
N
10
-4
-2
-1
1-
-3
-3
-2
1-
01
01
01
01
01
01
50
35
15
10
30
25
20
Monthly Savings (`)

190 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 6.14 illustrates that the larger number of workers’ monthly

savings are nil, while the larger proportion of vendors’ monthly
savings are in the range of `501 to 1,000, only 2 workers’ earnings are
in the range of `3,001 to 3,500 and `3,501 to 4,000.
Number of Hours of Work

Street service workers are self-employed informal labour; hence
more the number of hours they work, more will be their earnings.
but more number of work hours leads to reduce rest, increase fatigue,
greater incidence of several diseases because they work in open space
(extreme weather conditions) and lesser time available to meet family
obligations. Table 6.24 shows that the number of work hours ranges
between 3 and 17 (including time taken for journey). The mean
number of work hours per day for all workers are 11.6 hours, but their
daily earnings are extremely low. Among the occupational groups,
cobblers performed lesser number of work hours i.e., 10.4 hours,
while the number of hours of work done by remaining categories are
more or less same and nearer to the mean. The maximum proportion
(43.5%) of workers’ work hours 11-12 hours in hostile surroundings
which adversely affect their health. On the lower end significantly, a
smaller percentage (3.5%) of workers spent 7-8 hours, whereas on
the higher end, only 1 per cent of them worked prolonged number of
hours i.e., 17-18 hours.
According to figure 6.15, the larger proportion of workers attend
duty on bicycle. Chandigarh is a plain area, which is comfortable for
travelling on bicycle; moreover, it is inexpensive also. Reasonably
larger proportion of workers attend duty by walking, only a negligible
number of workers travel by scooter, auto and bus.
Distance between Residences to Place of

Work in the City (one way)
Distance between place of work and that of residence determine
the time available to render personal services. Workers prefer living
nearer to their residence in order to reduce time for travel. Table 6.26
shows that the one-way mean distance of all workers is 2.48 km. The
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
maximum proportion of workers (42%) is found residing at distance

interval of 0-1 km; about 30 per cent are residing at distance of 2-3
kms; and an insignificant proportion of them (2.5%) are residing at
distance range of 10-13 kms.
Table 6.24
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Daily Number of Working Hours
Number of Hours Category of Street Service Workers

of Work
7-8 0(0) 1(2) 5(10) 1(2) 7 (3.5)
9-10 14(28) 27(54) 13(26) 13(26) 67 (33.5)
11-12 25(50) 21(42) 16(32) 25(50) 87 (43.5)
13-14 11(22) 1(2) 9(18) 10(20) 31 (15.5)
15-16 0(0) 0(0) 5(10) 1(2) 6 (3)
17-18 0(0) 0(0) 2(4) 0(0) 2 (1)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
hours of work
Maximum daily 14 13 17 15 17
hours of work
Mean Daily Hours 11.11 10.4 11.52 11.21 11.06
of Work
Table 6.25
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by using Mode Conveyance
Mode of conveyance Category of Street Service Workers

Walk 9(18) 15(30) 24(48) 14(28) 62(32)
Bicycle 37(74) 34(68) 25(50) 32(64) 128 (64)
Scooter 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 2 (1)
Auto 2(4) 1(0) 1(2) 1(2) 5 (2.5)
Bus 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 2(0) 3 (1.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
192 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 6.15
Mode of Conveyance to Attend Workplace
Walk
31%
Auto
2%
Cycle
Bus
64%
2%
Scooter
2%
Table 6.26
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by One-way Distance from
Place of Residence to Place of Work
Distance form place of Category of Street Service Workers

work
0-1 17(34) 19(38) 27(54) 21(42) 84 (42)
2-3 17(34) 11(22) 16(32) 15(30) 59 (29.5)
4-5 12(24) 17(34) 5(10) 12(24) 46 (43)
6-7 2(4) 0(0) 1(2) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
8-9 1(2) 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 3 (1.5)
10-11 1(2) 2(4) 0(0) 1(2) 4 (2)
12-13 0 0 0 1(2) 1(0.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Minimum distance from 0 0 0 1 0
place of residence
Maximum distance form 10 11 8 13 13
place of residence
Mean Distance from 2.5 2.95 1.8 2.39 2.48
place of residence
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Membership in occupational Associations

The organised people can fight to preserve their customary or legal
rights, defend themselves against impersonal economic forces such
as inflation and trade recessions, make claims on property owners
and the government, forge political coalitions, and seek the support
of political parties, and make several other efforts to overcome
their weaknesses. The organised poor cannot be easily driven into
destitution; they will impose a cost upon the society that will insist
upon it. The unorganised labour force happens to be pre-eminently
exploitable because of its inability either to attract the government’s
attention, or to interest the society in their problems (Johri and
Pandey, 1978).
Street service vending is not recognised as a legitimate occupation.
Municipal authorities and police sometimes create problems for the
workers. To discuss their work related problems, enhance levels of
earnings, to protect from the activities of municipal authorities from
eviction and confiscation of goods, they prefer to be a member of their
occupational association. These associations act as intermediaries
between individual service workers and local authorities. Since
the street workers have no legal basis for their existence, the main
role of the organisations is to negotiate with their local authorities
for the right to occupy public space so as to carry their businesses
(Saha, 2011). Workers will become members of such association by
paying some entry fee and renewal fee from time to time. They attend
association meetings once every month; hence on that day generally,
they don’t attend their work. For example, on last Tuesday of every
month, barbers’ association organises meeting at a certain place in the
city. Interestingly, there is no parallel association for each category of
service workers.
Table 6.27 reveals that the maximum proportion of service
workers (74.5%) are members of the association, only an insignificant
proportion (25.5%) of the workers constitute the non-members.
194 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 6.27
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by Membership in
Occupational Associations
Member in Category of Street Service Workers

Occupational
Associations
Yes 44(88) 29(58) 38(76) 38(76) 149 (74.5)
No 6(12) 21(42) 12(24) 12(24) 51 (25.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of

Street Service Vendors A Comparison
Between pre-migration and post-migration, the relative better-
off and worse-off position of street service workers can be known
from table 6.28. There is a positive change in all the variables like
number of working days, daily earnings from work, annual income of
workers from work, monthly savings, annual per capita income and
daily per capita income. Interestingly, there is zero monthly savings
in pre-migration stage, but post-migration monthly mean savings
are `617.75. Pre-migration daily mean earnings from work is `14.87,
while post-migration, it is Rs 137.52 (difference `122.65). In all the
cases, there is high improvement; hence it can be concluded that there
is no tendency of reverse migration as the post-migration economic
status is much better than the pre-migration.
Figure 6.16 indicates that post-migration economic status of the
service workers are better than the pre-migration status, the reason
for continuation of rural urban migration and for no reverse migration.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Table 6.28
Pre and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street Service Vendors. A Comparison
Description Pre-migration Post-migration

(1) Mean Mean % change(column 3 over Remark
(2) (3) column 2 × 100) (4) (5)
Number of working days 109.82 317.45 289.063 Highly improved
Daily earnings from work 14.87 137.52 924.81 Highly improved
(`)
Annual income of workers 3711.12 43631 1175.68 Highly improved
from work (`)
Monthly savings of 0 617.75 617.75 Highly improved
vendor(`)
Annual per capita income 742.22 8726.2 1175.68 Highly improved
of workers households (`)
Daily per capita income of 2.03 23.90. 1177.33 Highly improved
workers households (`)
2. A household is usually a group of persons who normally live together and take their
meals from a common kitchen.
Figure 6.16
Pre- and Post-Migration Economic Status of Street Service Workers : A Comparison
Cycle Repairers Barbers

50 (25%) 50 (25%)
Launderers (Pressers)
50 (25%) Cobblers
50 (25%)

7 The Living and
Working Conditions of
Street Service Vendors
Introduction
Poor living conditions reflect the multidimensional deprivations
of working poor. Ensuring access, including modern cooking fuel, safe
water and basic sanitation, also creates the potential to expand higher
order capabilities, thereby facilitating human development (Human
Development Report, 2011). Living conditions of workers depend on
their earnings as well as the provision of various public goods, merit
goods and social welfare measures by the city administration. We will
look specifically at house entitlement, quality of housing, owning of
household assets, amenities in the house, financial inclusion, etc.

Living arrangements determine security and emotional
satisfaction of the workers. If individuals live with family, spouse or
children, then their health will be better than those living alone. Table
7.1 shows that the maximum proportion of service providers (80%)
likes to live with their families, because they live away from their
native place. Most of them live in nuclear families keeping in mind
the high cost of living and housing problem in the city. About 14.5 per
cent of the workers are living alone, either to save money or due to
problems at home in migrating with families. Some of them stay with
their friends and relatives in rented, shared dwellings.
Once the decision to migrate is taken, the challenging and risky
decision is whether to migrate with family or without. Migration
with family requires certain amount of money to be spent on travel
and initial settlement of family. Moreover, there is no guarantee of
198 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
availability of work on the spot; hence most of the married workers

come alone at the time of initial migration.
Table 7.1
Distribution of Service workers based on Living Arrangements in the City
Living Arrangements Category of Service Providers

Living alone 8(16) 6(12) 9(18) 6(12) 29 (14.5)
Family (includes father, 39(78) 40(80) 39(58) 42(84) 160 (80)
mother, brother, sister,
wife, son and daughter)
Relatives 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 2 (1)
Friends 1(2) 4(8) 2(4) 2(4) 9 (4.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Source: Field Survey 2013.
Female Work Participation Rate

Participation of females in work increases the income level of
households in the city. Out of the total 178 married workers, only 151
are living with families (with spouses) in the city. A very insignificant
proportion of women (11.25%) appear to work as informal workers
(domestic workers and sweepers). Female work participation is lesser
than all India in general and urban areas of the country in particular
(NSSO 68th round). Their monthly earnings range between `400 to
4000, but this income is not stable. The wives of launderers (pressers)
sometimes help their husbands in their occupation, but the wives of
other workers remain at home. Few men reported that their female
counterparts also want to work, but there is no availability of work.
House Entitlement
Owning a house is an index of well-being. Migrant service
providers working on the streets are poor in terms of possession of
assets. Real estate prices increase at a high rate, hence owning a house
in an urban area is beyond the reach of poor. On the other hand, rents
on urban spacious houses are also too high. Table 7.2 reveals that a
higher proportion (52.8%) of service providers working on the streets
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
are living in rented accommodation, while an insignificant proportion

(42 per cent) of the workers are residing in own dwellings. Precariously,
3.5 per cent of the vendors are residing on the footpath. Hence, they
are prone to more insecurity and weather related adversities.
Table 7.2
Distribution of Service Providers based on House Entitlement
House Entitlement Category of Service Providers Working on the Streets

Rented 24(48) 22(44) 32(64) 27(54) 105 (52.5)
Own 23(46) 24(48) 15(30) 22(44) 84 (42)
Relative’s house 1(2) 0(0) 2(4) 1(2) 4 (2)
Footpath 2(4) 4(8) 1(2) 0(0) 7 (3.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Source: Field Survey, 2013.
Figure 7.1
House Entitlement
4
Own 42%
42%
Rented
53%
Relative’s House
2% Footpath
3%
Figure 7.1 above shows house entitlement of the migrant vendors.

The larger proportion of vendors live in rented accommodation and a
reasonably larger number of vendors live in own dwelling. Relatively
lesser proportion of vendors lives in their relative’s house and on
footpath.
200 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Quality of Housing
The quality of housing is a proxy index for living conditions. The
maximum proportion of respondents living in rented accommodation
has access to pucca houses, and those with access to other low quality
houses live independently. Most of the independent dwellings are
located in slum areas, precarious in nature and are built with plastic,
polythene, Gi/metal, asbestos sheets, etc. Poor workers living in
these dwellings are prone to extreme weather conditions, such as
precipitation, wind, heat, cold and intruding humans and animals.
Table 7.3 indicates that the larger proportion (57.5%) of service
workers are living in pucca houses, while the remaining respondents
are living in kutcha and semi-pucca huts and on footpath.
Table 7.3
Distribution of Service Providers based on Quality of Housing
Quality of Dwellings Category of Service Providers Working on The Streets

Pucca 33(66) 31(62) 20(40) 31(62) 115 (57.5)
Semi-Pucca 1(2) 4(8) 4(8) 6(12) 15 (7.5)
Kutcha 14(28) 11(22) 25(50) 13(26) 63(31.5)
Footpath 2(4) 4(8) 1(2) 0(0) 7 (3.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Figure 7.2 illustrates that the larger proportion of vendors live in

pucca accommodation, while the significant proportion of workers live
in kutcha dwellings, whereas the lesser proportion of workers live in
semi-pucca dwellings and on footpath.
Access to Amenities
Access to amenities like electricity, water and improved sanitation
are proxy for comfortable living. Most of the independent dwellings
accessed electricity from private sources, and have common public
water taps and paid improved sanitation near the premises. Private
contractors collect large amount of electricity charges that are
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
unbearable for poor migrants. The maximum number of rented houses

has electricity, appropriate sanitation and water facilities inside its
premises. Table 7.4 shows that the larger proportion of respondents
(64%) are living in houses with all the facilities, while the remaining
34.5 per cent of the respondents are deprived of one or some of the
facilities. Precariously, 6 per cent of the respondents are living in
dwellings with none of the facilities.
Figure 7.2
Footpath
4 % Quality of Dwellings
Kutcha
32% Pucca
57%
Semi-Pucca
7%
Number of Rooms in the House

Number of rooms in the house and availability of square yards
space for family members of the respondents is an index of comfortable
living. In case of rented accommodation, rent increases along with
the number of rooms; hence, the maximum number of respondents
prefers living in single room dwellings. These rooms are congested,
unhygienic, insecure and home to insects and rodents. Table 7.5
indicates that the maximum number of respondents (77%) live in one
room dwellings, while only 17.5 per cent of the migrants live in two
rooms. Further, an insignificant proportion (2%) of vendors live in
three room dwellings.
202 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 7.4
Distribution of Service Providers by Access to Amenities
Access to Facilities Category of Service Providers Working On the Streets

in the House
Only electricity 7(14) 10(20) 15(30) 10(20) 42(21)
Electricity and- 0(0) 0(0) 5(10) 1(2) 6 (3)
Clean water
Electricity and 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 2(4) 3 (1.5)
Improved sanita-
tion
Improved sanita- 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 2 (1)
tion and Clean
water
All (electricity, 37(74) 32(64) 23(46) 36(72) 128(64)
improved sanita-
tion and safe
water)
Nothing 3(6) 3(6) 5(10) 1(2) 12(6)
Footpath 2(4) 4(8) 1(2) 0(0) 7 (3.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Table 7.5
Distribution of Service Providers by Number of Rooms in the House
Number of Rooms Category of Service Providers Working on the Streets

1 37(74) 37(74) 46(92) 34(64) 154 (77)
2 10(20) 9(18) 3(6) 13(26) 35(17.5)
3 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 3(6) 4 (2)
Footpath 2(4) 4(8) 1(2) 0(0) 7 (3.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
Figure 7.3
Number of Rooms in Dwellings
3 Rooms Foothpath
2% 4%
2 Rooms
17%
1 Room
77%
In the above Figure 7.3, it is seen that the larger proportion

of street service vendors live in one room, while an insignificant
proportion of them live in more than one room and on footpath.
Ration Card
Possession of ration card is a necessary but not sufficient
condition for food security, unless qualitative food grains are available
in a timely manner at government determined quantity and price to
the poor people. Getting a ration card involves a lengthy procedure.
Migrants face problems in providing residence proof to obtain ration
card, but those residing for the past several years have been successful
in getting ration card. Table 7.6 illustrates that although the maximum
proportion of respondents (59%) possesses ration cards, a significant
proportion of them (41%) has failed to get; hence they buy food grains
at exorbitant prices from the open market.
Bank Account
Possession of a bank account is a necessary but not sufficient
condition to ensure financial inclusion. Opening a bank account
involves long procedure and submission of documents. It is difficult for
the illiterates and semi-literates to submit all the relevant documents.
Bank account is necessary to safe deposit their hard-earned money
204 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
from theft, and also to transfer money to the family members at native
place. Table 7.6 shows that only 40 per cent of the migrants have bank
account, while the larger proportion of them (60%) are deprived from
opening bank accounts due to one or more pretexts.
Table 7.6
Distribution of Service Providers by Possession of Ration Card, Bank Account,
Life Insurance and Identity Card
Ration Card
Status Category of Street Service Vendors
Yes 26(52) 33(66) 28(56) 31(62) 118 (59)
No 24(48) 17(34) 22(44) 19(38) 82 (41)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Status Bank Account Total (%)
Yes 21(42) 16(32) 19(38) 24(48) 80 (40)
No 29(58) 34(68) 31(62) 26(52) 120 (60)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Status Life Insurance Total (%)
Yes 13(26) 7(14) 11(22) 12(24) 43 (21.5)
No 37(74) 43(86) 39(78) 38(76) 157 (78.5)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Status Voter Card/Identity Card Total (%)
Yes 28 (56) 35(70) 25(50) 34(68) 122 (61)
No 22(44) 15(30) 25(50) 16(32) 78 (39)
Grand total 50 (100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Life Insurance
Life insurance policy is able to provide certain income security
to the individual as well as the dependant family members in times
of illness, accidents and death. Poor migrants are not in a position
to satisfy their present needs because of poor earnings. Hence the
maximum proportion of them does not plan their future. Table 7.6
reveals that only 21.5 per cent of the service providers have a life
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
insurance policy, whereas the remaining larger proportion (78.5%)

have no life insurance.
Voter Card/Identity Card

Possession of voter card/identity card acts as a proof for applying
and thereafter for availing benefits under different welfare schemes
in the city. Moreover, it is useful for recording the number of years
spent as resident in a city. If the administration follows an eviction
drive (the norm of ‘last come first go’ followed) identity card can be
shown to protect their interest. Table 7.6 indicates that although the
maximum proportion (61%) of the workers possessed identity cards,
a considerable proportion of workers did not have; hence, their names
are not included in the voters list. Failure to provide documentary
proof of residence, involves several procedures, and illiteracy are
assumed as main reasons for unable to register themselves.
Figure 7.4
Possession of Ration card, Bank Account, Life Insurance and Identity/Voter cards
157
118 120 122

Number of Vendors
82 80 78
43
Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No

Status of Possession
In Figure 7.4, the first segment shows that the greater number of
sample respondents have ration cards. The second segment reveals
that larger proportion of respondents has no bank account, whereas
the third segment indicates that the greater number of vendors has
not insured their lives.
206 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Household Assets
Possession of electronic goods such as TV, mobile, computer, and
refrigerator are the index of changing life style and decent standard of
living. It is interesting to note that the ownership of mobile phones
has been widespread, and a majority of the households owned at least
one mobile phone in the city. Table 7.7 reveals that 6 per cent of the
respondents reported to have all the four types of electronic goods,
among them, the majority constitutes bicycle repairers. Even a single
launderer does not have all the four types of goods. About 73 per cent
of the respondents possess mobile phones, while 51.5 per cent own
TV. further, 15 per cent of the respondents has nothing with them, is
the index of deprivation.
Table 7.7
Distribution of Service Providers by Possession of Hold Assets
Possession of Electronic Category of Street Service Vendors

Goods
TV, Mobile, Computer, 4(2) 1(2) 0(0) 7(14) 12 (6)
Refrigerator
TV, Mobile, Computer 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 3 (3)
TV, Mobile, Refrig- 4(8) 4(8) 0(0) 4(8) 12 (6)
erator
TV, Mobile 12(24) 11(22) 13(26) 16(32) 52 (26)
Mobile, Refrigerator 0(0) 1(2) 1(2) 0(0) 2 (1)
Mobile 17(34) 15(30) 23(46) 10(20) 65 (32.5)
TV, Refrigerator 1(2) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 1 (0.5)
TV 3(6) 10(20) 5(10) 5(10) 23 (21.5)
Nothing 8(16) 7(14) 8(16) 7(14) 30 (15)
Grand total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Indebtedness and Source of Borrowing

Financial inclusion is considered as one among the major factors
related to the reduction of incidence of poverty; hence provision of
credit at remunerative terms is the main strategy to alleviate poverty.
Credit is required to buy inputs and facilitate expansion of business
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
to enlarge earning opportunities and to meet family obligations.

Availability of credit from informal sources are highly uncertain,
inadequate and more exploitative. Their poor social networks, lack of
entitlements of assets, lack of bank account and insecure jobs have
compelled them to borrow money from non-formal sources at high
rates of interest, which range from 60 to 156 per cent (`5 to `13 per
month per hundred rupees). Most of them borrowed money to meet
family needs like marriage of their children, medical problems and
emergency visits to the native place. High rate of interest perpetuates
debt trap and chronic poverty. According to table 7.8, the larger
proportion of migrant vendors (78.5%) has no source (formal or
informal) to borrow money, while only 21.5 per cent of the vendors
have managed to obtain credit from formal as well as informal sources.
Among the 43 borrowers, 19 per cent of them borrowed from informal
sources, while a negligible proportion of 2.5 per cent borrowed money
from the formal sources.
Table 7.8
Distribution of Service Providers by Indebtedness and Source of Borrowing
Source of Borrowing Category of Street Service Providers

money
Landlord 2(4) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) 2(1)
Friends 3(6) 3(6) 3(6) 2(4) 11(5.5)
Relatives 3(6) 4(8) 1(2) 1(2) 9(4.5)
Wholesaler 1(2) 0(0) 1(2) 1(2) 3(1.5)
Money lender 1(2) 4(8) 6(12) 2(4) 13(6.5)
Banks 4(8) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 5(2.5)
No borrowing 36(72) 39(78) 39(78) 43(86) 157(78.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
Formal and Informal Sources
Total Formal 4(8) 0(0) 0(0) 1(2) 5(2.5)
Total Informal 10(20) 11(22) 11(22) 6(12) 38(19)
No borrowing 36(72) 39(78) 39(78) 43(86) 157(78.5)
Grand Total 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 50(100) 200(100)
208 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Figure 7.5
Source of Borrowing Money
157
38
11 9 13
2 3 5 5
Landlords Friends Relatives Whole Money Banks Total Total No

salers Lenders Informal Formal Borrowings
Sources of Borrowing
Figure 7.5 illustrates that the larger proportion of vendors has

no source to borrow money. While among the borrowers, the greater
proportion borrowed money from informal sources, whereas the
smaller proportion of them borrowed from formal sources.

Improved cooking fuel reduces time for cooking and collecting
firewood, but the price of fuel is quite high. Table 7.9 shows that the
larger proportion of vendors (52.5%) uses kerosene as the cooking fuel
for cooking. Only 33.5 per cent use LPG with a gas connection, either
from government or from private sources. The use of firewood (dirty
cooking fuel) is also prevalent, about 9.5 per cent depend on firewood/
kerosene.
Figure 7.6 shows that the source of cooking fuel for the larger
proportion of sample vendors is kerosene and a significant proportion
of them use LPG. Whereas for the smaller proportion of vendors, the
source of cooking fuel is firewood/kerosene oil.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Old Age Pension

Old age pension is a social assistance measure in times of
incapacity due to ageing. The most vulnerable among the old are
informal workers in the rural and urban areas. The socio-economic
situation is changing and the elderly people are being gradually
marginalised, owing to the changes in kinship and transformation
of traditional joint family system into nuclear families. As people get
older, they need more intensive and long-term care, which in turn may
increase financial stress on the family. Inadequate income is a major
problem facing the elderly in India (Siva Raju, 2002). In this survey,
24 workers are in the age group of 60 years and above. Among them,
only 5 individuals were covered under the old age pension scheme;
whereas the remaining people failed to obtain benefits of the scheme
due to cumbersome procedure, illiteracy, and lack of documentary
proof about age.
Table 7.9
Distribution of Migrant Street Service Workers by Source of Cooking Fuel
Cooking Fuel Category of Street Service Workers

Kerosene 23(46) 25(50) 33(66) 24(48) 105 (52.5)
LPG 19(38) 20(40) 7(14) 21(42) 67 (33.5)
FireWood 2(4) 3(6) 4(8) 2(4) 11 (5.5)
Kerosene/Fire- 1(2) 1(2) 4(8) 2(4) 8 (4)
wood
Restaurant 5(10) 1(2) 2(4) 1(2) 9 (4.5)
Grand total 50 (100) 50 (100) 50 (100) 50 (100) 200 (100)
Health Shocks
Health related shocks work as an important factor for downward
mobility among the poor. The meagre amount of savings deplete due
to out-of-pocket expenditure made on the treatment of different kinds
of diseases occurred to self and dependant family members. Ageing
and health related shocks reduce the levels of earning as well as the
210 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
number of days worked. About 17 per cent of the migrant service

providers reported suffering from anaemia, blood pressure, fever,
headache, heart, joints, stomach pain, and sugar related diseases.
Figure 7.6
Kerosene/Fire
Wood Restaurant
4% 5%
FireWood
6%
Kerosene
LPG 52%
33%
Working Conditions
The working conditions in which they operate their business in
public spaces are quite precarious. The location of business in urban
public space and availability of square yards space determine their
levels of earnings. They face problems in occupying and retaining
the adequate space as dummy owners to maintain their livelihood.
Urban public space refers to all the physical space and social relations
that determine use of space within non-private realm of the cities
(Bhowmik, 2005). In the developing nations like India, urban public
space is a valuable resource for the urban working poor for maintaining
their livelihood. Hence, the urban public space is an essential element
of the physical capital used by the urban poor to have a decent
livelihood (Bhowmik, 2010: 8).
Street service providers have reported that they are extensively
exposed to smoke, heat, rain, cold and dust. Most of the vendors
felt that there are no basic civic amenities close to their work place.
Barbers and launderers (pressers), due to their nature of work, have to
work daily in a standing position. There is no security for their tools,
from theft and loss. They have to take their lunch at open places in an
unhygienic environment and often drink contaminated water available
nearby. Sometimes on the visit of dignitaries to the city, police
authorities force these workers to close their business for a number
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
of days on the grounds of maintaining traffic/law and order. Evictions

and nuisance take place because these workers are considered as illegal
encroachers upon public space (Bhowmik, 2010: 9).
During the rainy season, continuous rains force them to close
down business as they have no roof over their head. During workless
days (dry days), lack of earnings and absence of past savings compel
them to borrow money at an exorbitant rate of interest to maintain
their families. Many of the bicycle repairers reported that their tools
were confiscated and they were penalised. Generally, barbers, cobblers
and bicycle repairers provide their service under trees on the roadsides.
But the launderers (pressers) operate inside their temporary huts built
adjoining the walls of houses in residential localities. Cobblers and
bicycle repairers keep their work related instruments and unclaimed
items of customers in a locked box which is tied to the tree. Launderers
(pressers) generally keep their belongings in nearby houses and in
exchange provide services to the landlord’s family at free of cost. Some
of them opt for the same in order to use electricity for lighting (one
bulb) from the neighbouring houses. The barbers carry their tools
from home and bring back at the end of the day.
Expectations of Workers from the Government

Table 7.10 shows that the maximum proportion of workers (50%)
require permanent place and structure to conduct work activities.
About 23.5 per cent were vexed with the system and preferred to work
without disturbance, which means they should not be disturbed in
the present occupation and the place of work. While 9.5 per cent of
the workers revealed that they want license and shop to conduct work
activities, about 7 per cent felt that they require house. The remaining
workers expected to receive a ration card, old age pension, place to
conduct business or house, and loan for expansion and continuation
of business
212 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 7.10
Revealed Preferences of the Workers for Further Improvement/Solve Their Problem
Requirement Number of Workers Percentage

Permanent place and structure to conduct work 100 50
Work without disturbance 47 23.5
License and shop 19 9.5
House 14 7
Ration Card 5 2.5
Pension 4 2
Anything 3 1.5
Place and House 3 1.5
Loan 3 1.5
Job 2 1
Total 200 100
Summary
Poor living conditions reflect multidimensional deprivations of the
working poor. Living conditions of workers depend on their earnings
as well as the provision of various public goods, merit goods and social
welfare measures taken by the city administration. Migrant service
providers working on the streets are poor in terms of possession of
assets. Real estate prices are on the rise in a rapid manner, That is why
owning a house in the city is beyond the reach of poor. The maximum
proportion of respondents living in rented accommodation unable to
afford pucca houses. A significant proportion of the respondents failed
to obtain ration cards and consequently buy food grains at exorbitant
prices from the open market. The working conditions in public spaces
wherein they conduct business are quite unsafe. The roadside service
providers complained of being exposed to smoke, heat, rain, cold and
dust. These workers are also prone to evictions as they are considered
illegal encroachers upon public space, as a result, they require security
for their job.
8 Street Goods Vendors
versus Street Service
Vendors
Introduction
A comparison of socio-demographic, employment and living
conditions can be helpful to assess the relative better off/worse off
position between the two categories of urban working poor. Further,
this analysis is useful for implementing welfare measures on priority
basis in a disaggregated way.
Socio-demographic Profiles
Table 8.1 reveals that the maximum proportion of respondents
(71.42%) re goods vendors, while the remaining 28.57 per cent are
service vendors. Among the goods vendors, mobile vendors are more
in number than the stationary vendors, while in case of service
vendors each category are in equal number i.e. (barbers 50, cobblers
50, launderers 50, bicycle repairers 50). Among the sample vendors,
the maximum proportion of them constitutes males and rural-urban,
long-term migrants. Majority of them are literates, long duration
migrants who have married and migrated from the rural areas of Uttar
Pradesh (UP) and Bihar. The greater proportion of the workers belongs
to the age range of 25 to 50 years. Majority of them are Hindus;
the greater proportion of goods vendors are from backward classes,
while the maximum proportion of the service workers belongs to the
scheduled castes. Dependency load in case of goods vendors is 1:3.80,
while it is 1:3.55 in case of the service workers.
Pre–migration Economic Status

Among all the workers, the maximum proportion of workers are
landless labour. The proportion of workers with no work (unemployed/
214 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
underemployed) at the native place are more in case of goods vendors

compared to the service workers. The mean number of days worked
are more in case of service workers compared to the goods vendors,
this is due to the existence of jajmani system in some of the rural
areas. Mean daily earnings are more in the case of goods vendors, but
mean annual income of service workers are more in comparison with
the goods vendors. Households’ daily mean per capita income of the
goods vendors is `1.81, whereas it is `2.03 for the service workers.
Monthly savings appears to be nil for both the types of workers, but
street service workers are relatively less deprived compared to the
street goods vendors.
Table 8.1
Distribution of Sample Street Vendors by Categories
Type of Street Vendors Frequency Percentage Total

I. Street Goods Vendors
(A) Stationary street vendors 200 28.57
(B) Mobile Street Vendors
(i) Weekly market Vendors 150 21.42
(ii) Door-to-door vendors 150 21.42
Subtotal 500 71.42
II. Street Service Vendors
(i) Barbers 50 7.14
(ii) Cobblers 50 7.14
(iii) Launderers (pressers) 50 7.14
(iv) Bicycle Repairers 50 7.14
Subtotal 200 28.58
Grand Total (I+II) 700 100.00
Post–migration Economic Status
(a) Number of Vending Days per Annum

Number of working days and earnings per day are helpful in
determining the total income. There is no stability in the number of
working days per annum because factors associated are not under
Street Goods Vendors vs. Street Service Vendors
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
one’s control; hence there is volatility in their annual earnings, which

is a cause of income insecurity. Workload of service vendors is more
than that of the goods vendors. The mean number of working days for
goods vendors is 303, while in the case of service vendors, it is 317.45.
(b) Daily Net Earnings
Other things being constant, daily earnings determines standard
of living of the vendors’ households. Daily net earnings are calculated
after deducting the cost of goods purchased, transport charges,
cost of polythene carry bags, wages to workers, license fee for space
usage, rent for using tables, sheets, umbrella and lights in the case of
weekly market vendors, penalty against belongings/goods confiscated,
expenses for food, cost of inputs, etc. The daily net earnings of goods
vendors are better than that of the service vendors. The mean daily
earnings of goods vendors are `247.38, whereas for service vendors,
it is `137.52. Interestingly, earnings of both the types of vendors at
destination are much better than that at the native place, but these
earnings are lesser than the minimum wages fixed by Chandigarh
administration (in 2012, Chandigarh administration had fixed the
minimum daily wage for unskilled workers as `259.61).
(c) Household Daily per Capita Income/Incidence of Poverty
The mean size of a vendor’s family is 4.68, which will be treated
as 5 (Planning Commission’s assumption of an average family size
in India is 5 members). Household daily per capita income of goods
vendors is much more than that of the service vendors. Daily mean per
capita income of goods vendor is `41.20, whereas it is `23.90 for the
service vendors. Interestingly, per capita income of both these vendor
categories at destination is much better than that earned at their
native place. According to Planning Commission (2012), the monthly
average per capita consumption expenditure of street vendors and
related workers in the urban areas is `762. But in Chandigarh, the
monthly per capita income of goods vendors is `1,236 (daily per
capita income `41.20); on the other hand, the service vendors earn
a monthly per capita income of `717 only. According to the criteria
(Tendulkar Committee) adopted by Planning Commission in 2013
216 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
(daily per capita expenditure in urban areas to be `33.33), all the

goods vendors are living above poverty line because their household
daily per capita income is `41.20, but all the service vendors are
living below poverty line as their household daily per capita income is
`23.90. If we take into account World Bank’s standard norm of daily
consumption expenditure of ‘dollar a day’ poverty line, then almost all
vendor households are living below poverty line.
(d) Monthly Savings
Monthly savings determines security in times of emergency
and reduces the need of borrowing at high rate of interest from the
informal sources. In Chandigarh, cost of living is high, hence savings
of the vendors who live with families (and also in case of only earning
member) are nil or meagre due to extremely low income. Some of these
people live alone in order to save a considerable amount of money.
Mean monthly savings of the vendors are much better than at their
native place; but about 66.8 per cent of the goods vendors and 53.5
per cent of the service vendors have no savings at all. Mean monthly
savings of goods vendors is `1,079.96, whereas for service vendors, it
is `617.75.
(e) Number of Work Hours
Other things being constant, more the number of work hours,
more will be the earnings, but reduce leisure hours, increase fatigue
and cause greater incidence of diseases as they work in extreme
weather conditions. Except cobblers and some of the stationary
vendors, all the service and door-to-door vendors have to conduct
work activities in a standing position, which is extremely tiring. Mean
work time of goods vendors is 12.14 hours, whereas that of the service
vendors is 11.06 hours. In case of women vendors, almost without
any exception, it becomes double duty--–as a street vendor as well
as homemaker. Their typical day starts at 4 o’clock in the morning,
following which they do all the household tasks, prepare breakfast,
send their children to school, take care of the aged family members
and then go to the work place.
Long working hours coupled with lack of basic facilities appears
their work more difficult. Availability of drinking water is a serious
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
problem where public source of water supply is not available. Some of

them carry a bottle of water from their home, but that proves acutely
insufficient during the summer season. Some of the vendors carry
lunch, eat at unhygienic surroundings in the open space. Improved
sanitation is not available in all areas; even if these facilities are
available, in most cases dirty and unhygienic.
During rainy season, continuous rains force these vendors to put
their business on hold, lack of roof over their head. During the days
with no work (dry days), lack of earnings and absence of past savings
compel them to borrow money at an exorbitant rate of interest to
maintain their families. There is no provision of drinking water and
improved sanitation facilities for the weekly market vendors. On rainy
days, they have to incur losses due to destruction of their goods caused
by rain, forces them to adopt distress sale if the goods are perishable
in nature.
(f) Membership in Occupational Associations
Individuals when organised can fight effectively in order to
protect their customary or legal rights and defend themselves against
economic fluctuations. They can even make claims on property
owners and the government and seek the support of political parties
to improve their lot. The organised poor cannot be easily driven into
destitution. The unorganised labour force tends to be exploitable
because of its inability to attract attention of the government or the
society (Johri and Pandey, 1978).
Street service vending is not recognised as a legitimate occupation.
Municipal authorities and the police sometimes create problems
for the vendors. In order to discuss their work related problems,
enhance levels of earnings, and safeguard themselves from eviction
and confiscation done by the municipal authorities, are the reasons
vendors prefer to be a member of their occupational association. These
associations act as intermediaries between individual vendors and
local authorities. The main role of such organisations is to negotiate
with respective local authorities for the right to occupy public space so
as to carry out their business activities (Saha, 2011).
218 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vendors, who are distress migrants from different states, are

economically and socially backward; as a result, they individually have
no affiliations or contacts with political parties and bureaucrats. They
are not aware of their rights and even if they are, fail to effectively fight
with the government to enforce the same. Hence, some of the vendors
opt to become members of these occupational associations. Only a
negligible proportion of the goods vendors are association members
because their association is too weak to protect their interests. On the
other hand, three-fourth of the service workers are members of their
respective occupation-/caste-based associations.
Living Conditions
Living conditions of workers depend on their earnings as well as
the public and merit goods provided by the city administration. Good
governance, control on prices, public distribution system, effective
associations, and political will in formulating and executing policies
and programmes will shape living conditions. We look specifically at
house entitlement, quality of housing, access to electricity connection,
water, sanitation, energy sources for cooking and use of household
assets.
Living relations determine security and emotional satisfaction
experienced by the workers. Vendors generally migrate from far off
places; hence they need support from their family, relatives, or friends.
The maximum proportion of goods vendors and service vendors are
living with their family members in the city.
(b) House Entitlement
Housing stock and its conditions point out the quality of life
experienced. Housing is a major problem in urban areas. It is very
difficult for migrant workers with their limited income to buy house/
room/hut. More than 50 per cent of goods and stationary vendors
are living in rented accommodations, and about 40 per cent of them
are living in own accommodation. Most of these huts are built on
government lands, from where the dwellers can be evicted and their
dwellings destroyed any time without prior intimation. These vendors
have long experience of shifting their residences from one public open
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
space to another due to forced evictions by the government. In the

process, they lose their belongings and forego several man-days to
gather material and construct a new dwelling elsewhere. Moreover,
the new dwelling may be far away from the usual place of vending.
Sometimes they have to lose their customers due to change of place
of vending.
(c) Quality of Housing
Most of the rented accommodations are found in relatively good
condition compared to their own dwellings. Own dwellings are largely
located in slum areas, built with plastic, polythene, asbestos, etc.
These dwellings are prone to damage in extreme weather conditions.
About 63 per cent of the goods vendors are living in pucca houses,
whereas 57.5 per cent of the service workers dwell in pucca houses.
The remaining vendors are found to be living in semi-pucca, kutcha,
and on footpath.
(d) Residential Crowding
Number of rooms and availability of square yard space in relation
with the residents in each dwelling is an index of comfortable living.
In case of rented accommodations, more the number of rooms, more
is the rent; hence, the maximum number of respondents prefers living
in single room dwellings on a sharing basis. Besides being congested,
these houses are unhygienic. More than 60 per cent of goods vendors
are living in single room with families, while three-fourth of the
service vendors are living in one-room dwellings.
(e) Household Assets
Possession of electronic goods like TV, mobile, computer, and
refrigerator at home is the index of modern life style and comfortable
living. It is interesting to note that the ownership of mobile phones
has become widespread, and majority of the households own at least
one mobile phone. About 25 per cent of the goods vendors and 15 per
cent of the service workers own none of these goods. Interestingly,
sample as a whole, 65 per cent of the goods vendors and 54.5 per cent
of the service vendors have mobile phones. A larger proportion of
220 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
goods vendors have relatively more household assets compared to the

service vendors.
(f) Possession of Ration Card and Voter Card
Possession of ration card is a necessary but not sufficient condition
for food security, unless qualitative food grains are timely available
at government determined price to the card holders. Obtaining a
ration card involves a lengthy procedure. Migrants faces considerable
problems in showing residence proof to own ration card. However,
migrants residing for the past several years are able to successfully
obtain ration card. About 50 per cent of the goods vendors and 60
per cent of the service vendors have ration cards, while 58 per cent of
the goods vendors and 61 per cent of the service vendors have voter/
identity cards.
(g) Possession of Bank Account and Life Insurance
Vendors are unable to open their accounts due to presence of
long procedure, and lack of certain documents and banking literacy
to operate accounts. About one-third of the goods vendors and one-
fourth of the service vendors have bank account. Life insurance is a
social security measure to receive compensation during accidents,
emergencies related to health, and for providing assistance to
dependant family members in case of death of the bread earners.
About 22.6 per cent of the goods vendors and 21.5 per cent of the
service vendors have life insurance policy. Some of the vendors
displeasingly claimed that sustaining their lives in the present times
is so difficult, hence no plan for the future. On the other hand, some
of them are not even aware about life insurance scheme as well as its
procedure and benefits.
(h) Source of Energy for Cooking
Although usage of modern cooking fuel reduces time for cooking
and saves time invested in collecting firewood, its price is beyond
affordability. About 41.4 per cent of vendors use LPG as cooking fuel
which is procured from government and private sources, while only
33.5 per cent of service vendors depend on LPG for cooking. The
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
remaining workers depend on the conventional sources of energy for

cooking.
Pre- and Post-migration Economic Status: A comparison

Table 8.2 and Table 8.3 demonstrates that in the pre-migration
scenario, service workers had more number of working days but their
daily earnings and household per capita income were lesser than that
of the goods vendors. There is negative savings for both the types of
vendors at their native place, but savings are positive at destination.
During post-migration, the number of working days of goods vendors
are relatively less but their daily earnings, monthly savings and
household daily per capita income are more than that of the service
vendors. Interestingly, the post-migration economic status of all street
vendors are better than their pre-migration; yet, all of them are living
below poverty line is a matter of great concern.
Figure 8.1 indicates that post-migration, the economic status of
street goods vendors are better than that of the street service workers.
However, daily per capita income of all workers’ households is less
than a ‘dollar a day’, hence, all of them are suffering from extreme
poverty.
Figure 8.1
Street Goods Vendors and Street Service Workers : A Comparison
Goods Vendors
75,045.71
Mean of the variables
Service
Workers
43,631
Service
Workers Service Service Service
317.45 Workers Workers Workers
137.52 Goods 23.9
Goods Goods Vendors Goods 617
Vendors Vendors 41.2 Vendors
303 247.28 1,079.76
Number of Days Daily Earnings (`) Annual Income (`) Daily Per capita Income Monthly Savings (`)
Worked per Annum of Worker’s Households
Description of the Variables (`)
Source : Field Survey.

Table 8.2
222
Street Goods Vendors and Street Service Vendors : A Comparison
Description of Description of Components of Goods Vendors Service Relatively Better-Off (RBO) and Remarks
Major Features Major Features (*GV) Vendors (*SV) Relatively Worse-off (RWO)
*GV *SV
Socio-Demographic Profiles
Goods vendors Stationary workers (200), 500 200 NA NA Street goods workers’ sample size
Weekly bazaar workers (150) is larger than that of street service
and door-to-door workers workers. (Most of them are self-
(150). employed own account workers and
some are employers, regular workers
and casual labour).
Service workers Barbers, Cobblers, Launderers All service workers are stationary,
(Pressers) and Bicycle repairers self-employed own account workers.
50 each.
Composition Stationary (40)% (100)% NA NA Stationary workers’ sample size is
larger.
Mobile (60)% (0)%
Gender Males (82.6)% (98.5)% NA NA The maximum numbers of service
Females (7.4)% (1.5)% workers are males and the work full
time.
Streams of Short-term (5.6)% (0)% NA NA In case of GV, there is presence of
migration Long-term (94.4)% (100)% seasonal migrants.

Status of Rural–Urban (94.8)% (92)% Rural-urban migrants are more.
migration Urban-Urban (5.2)% (8)% NA NA
Age in years Number of workers in the age ( 26.2)% (29.5)% In case of GV, there is presence of
interval of 25-34 child labour.
Mean age years 37.08% 40.92% Younger groups are large in number
Marital status Married (78.8)% (89)% Most of them are married.
contd...
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
...contd
Never married (17)% (9.5)%
Widowed/Divorced (4.2)% (1.5)%
Religious affili- Hindus (86.6)% (76.5)% NA NA Most of them are Hindus.
ation
Muslims (9.8)% (21.5)% The larger numbers of Muslims are
barbers.
Christians (3.4)% (1.5)%
Sikhs (0.2)% (0.5)%
Social groups SC (33)% (51.5)% (RBO (RWO) Larger proportion of them are SCs,
settled in low earning occupations.
OBC (36.8)% (16.5)%
Others (30.2)% 32% Others includes Muslims.
Level of education Not Literates (46.8)% (48.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Most of them are literates, but inci-
dence of illiteracy is high too.
Literates (53.2)% (51.5)% (RBO) (RWO)
Dependency load 1:3.80 1:3.55 (RWO) (RBO) Family size is around 4.5
Maximum Num- Uttar Pradesh (UP) (45)% (68.5)% NA NA UP rank fist, followed by Bihar.
ber of workers
migrated from the
State of
*GV good in 2 out of 3, *SV good in 1 out of 3 *Vs relatively less vulnerable.
Pre–migration economic status
Land less labour (77.8)% (78.5)% (RBO) (RWO) They are destitute at the native place.
Non-workers (46)% (30)% (RBO) (RWO) They are destitute at the native place.
Number of days Nil (59.4)% (52)% (RWO) (RBO) Prevalence of severe unemployment
worked per annum and disguised unemployment.
Mean number of 68.78 109.82
days worked
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
contd...
223
..contd...
Nil (69.2)% (58)% (RWO) (RBO) Some of them have work, but no
224
Daily earnings (`)
earnings due to crop failure.
Mean earnings (`) 18.45 14.87
Annual income (`) Nil (69.2)% (58)% (RWO) (RBO) Some of them have work, but no
earnings due to crop failure.
Mean income (`) 3,311.06 3,711.12
Mean savings (`) 0 0
Annual per capita 662.21 742.225 (RWO) (RBO) Index of severe destitution.
income of workers
households (`)
Daily per capita 1.81 2.03 (RWO) (RBO) Index of severe best tution; all of
income of workers them are living below poverty line of
households (`) ‘dollar a day’ norm.
*GV good in 1 out of 7, *SV good in 6 out of 7 *Vs are relatively less vulnerable.
Post–migration economic status
Years of experi- 1-5 years (31.4)% Rate of migration has appeared to be
ence in the city more during last 10 years.
1-10 years (30.5)%
Number of 321-350 days (53.2)% (84.5)% (RWO) (RBO) Number of working days is satisfac-
working days per tory.
annum
Daily earnings (`) 150-250 (40.2)% (40.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place (female
counterparts’ income and income

from lands holdings excluded due to
uncertainty).
Annual income(`) 45,000-75,000 (37.8) (27.5) (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place.
Mean annual 30001-40,000 75,045.71 4,3631 (Female counterparts income and in-
income (`) come from land holdings are excluded
due to uncertainty).
contd...
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
..contd...
Annual per capita 15,009.14 8,726.2 (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place.
income of workers
households’ (`)
Daily per capita 41.20 23.90 (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place.
income of workers
households’ (`)
Monthly sav- Nil (66.8)% (53.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place.
ings(`)
Mean monthly 1,079.76 617 (RBO) (RWO) Better than at native place.
savings (`)
Hours of Work 9-12 (39.4)% (RBO) (RWO) More work load.
11-12 (43.5)%
*GV good in 6 out of 7, *SV good in 1 out of 7 *GV relatively less vulnerable
Living conditions
Living arrange- Living with family (74.6)% (80)% (RWO) (RBO) Workers felt that the city is a safer
ments place to live with family, but the cost
of living is more.
Own dwellings (in- (39.4)% (42)% (RWO) (RBO) Own dwellings are not in good condi-
cluding one which tion.
are unauthorised,
occupied and built
on public place)
Pucca houses (63)% (57.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Most of the pucca dwellings are taken
on rent (not own)
Footpath dwellers (1.5)% (3.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Very insecure life
One room (63.6)% (77)% (RBO) (RWO) More congested no privacy.
All amenities at (72.6)% (64)% (RBO) (RWO) Most of the dwellings are rented
home
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
contd...
225
contd...
226
No facilities (6.2)% (6)% (RWO) (RBO) Most of the dwellings are own.
All assets at home (0.4)% (6)% (RWO) (RBO) Demonstration effect is more , badly
affects savings
Possession of ra- (54.2)% (59)% (RWO) (RBO) Huge procedure is involved to get
tion card
Possession of bank (35.2)% (40)% (RWO) (RBO) Huge procedure is involved to get
account
Possession of life (22.6)% (21.5)% (RBO) (RWO) Un insured felt that they are more
insurance worried about the present, never
think of future
Possession of (58)% (61)% (RWO) (RBO) Still significant proportion of workers
voter card/identity waiting for identity cards.
card
Possession of LPG (41.4)% (33.5)% (RBO) (RWO) It is costly and involves procedure,
connection some of them having private con-
nection.
*GV good in 6 out of 13, SV good in 7 out of 13 *SV relatively less vulnerable
Total number of 15 (GV) 15 (SV) There is no difference in better-off.
relatively better-
off (RBO)
Total number of 15 (GV) 15 (SV) There is no difference in worse-off.
relatively worse-
off (RWO)
In totality, both the categories of workers are equally vulnerable and deprived.
Note: 1. Goods Vendor : (*GV) Service Vendors : (*SV)
2. Figures in parentheses report the percentage of respective total sample size.
3. RBO- Relatively Better-off, RWO– Relatively Worse-off.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Table 8.3
Pre- and Post-migration Economic Status of Street Goods Vendors and Service Vendors : A Comparison
Description Pre-migration (Mean) Goods Vendors Post–migration (Mean) % Change over Pre- % Change over Pre-migration Remark
(1) Service Vendors migration (Goods (Service Vendors) Column (9)
Vendors) Column 5 /2 6 3×10(8)
Goods Service Remark Goods Service
×100(7)
Vendors Vendors (4) Vendors Vendors
(2) (3) (5) (6)
Number of 68.78 109.82 Service 303 317.45 340.53 289.063 Service vendors rela-
days worked vendors tively less deprived.
per annum relatively
less
deprived
Daily earnings 18.45 14.87 Goods 247.38 137.52 1,340.81 924.81 Goods vendors rela-
from work (`) vendors tively less deprived.
relatively
less
deprived
Monthly sav- 0 0 Equally 1,079.76 617.75 1079.76 617.75 Goods vendors rela-
ings of vendor deprived tively less deprived.
(`)
Daily per 1.81 2.03 Service 41.20 23.90. 2,176.24 1177.33 Goods vendors rela-
capita income vendors tively less deprived.
of the vendors’ relatively
households (`) less
deprived
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
227
228 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary and Conclusion

It can be concluded that in case of socio-demographic profiles,
goods vendors are relatively less deprived. In the context of pre-
migration economic status, service workers are relatively less deprived.
Significantly, post-migration economic status of the goods vendors are
relatively better than that of the service workers. In terms of living
conditions, there is not much difference in degrees of deprivation. If
we consider socio-demographic, employment and living conditions
during pre- and post-migration, it is evident that both the categories
of migrant workers are equally deprived and vulnerable. Hence,
positive and effective measures must be taken by the government on
war-foot basis to achieve inclusive growth.
9 Policy Measures
Introduction
The discussions in the earlier chapters indicate that street vendors
have migrated from the rural areas, mainly by push factors such as
non-availability of work and lower earnings at native place. Street
vendors are indeed among the most vulnerable sections of the urban
poor in Chandigarh. Further, the number of street vendors in the city
are growing at an alarming rate. Although street vending is on the rise,
it consists of a relatively small proportion of the city’s population. The
clientele for street vendors comprise poor as well as middle income
groups in the society. Street vendors conduct their business while
experiencing considerable insecurity. Whenever eviction drives are
conducted their wares are confiscated or destroyed. Moreover, these
people face various problems in the city due to improper earnings,
high cost of living, indecent working conditions such as lack of shelter
drinking and washing facilities, frequent evictions and confiscation of
merchandise, as well as uncertainty of sales and earnings.
At their place of residence, these vendors face problems like
improper housing and lack of drinking water, electricity, and improved
sanitation. Street vendors are frequently exploited by money lenders
and commission agents. If the similar situation persists in the city,
disastrous consequences shall ensue in various spheres which can
endanger harmonious living in the near future. At this juncture, the
prime requirement is not only formulation of various strategies for
the creation of an organised framework, but also inclusion of effective
monitoring and management strategies in various spheres for
mitigation of the problems pertaining to marketing of goods, thereby
improving socio-economic and living conditions. The study considers
the views expressed by street vendors to improve their socio-economic
conditions. Hence, an attempt is made in this chapter to formulate
feasible and amicable strategies for execution.
230 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Legislative Measures
• The street vendors’ protection of livelihood and regulation of
street vendors’ act 2013 to be implemented by the government
in its letter and spirit without further delay for achieving
inclusive growth.
• Government should legalize street vending by issuing licenses,
which will remove harassment, extortion and eviction by the
municipal and police authorities. Unlicensed street vendors
are vulnerable to all sorts of extortion from various quarters.
For instance, the police and municipal authorities extract rents
from them to allow free business operation.
• A system of registration is appropriate in this case and the
registration form should be simple. Assistance should be
provided to fill registration from. Identity card should be
given to registered vendors by charging a nominal fee. Identity
card should be a smart card containing all necessary personal
information.
• Chandigarh administration should consider the judgement
given by the Supreme Court [Sodan Singh & Others versus
New Delhi Municipal Council, 1989] regarding the right to
conduct trade or business on street pavements; it states that
if properly regulated, street vending cannot be denied on the
ground that the streets are meant exclusively for passing or re-
passing and no other use.
Welfare Measures
• Certain proportion of the amount of penalty which is collected
from the street vendors should be spent by the government for
the welfareof the street vendors.
• In weekly markets, there is no provision of improved sanitation
or a shelter; hence the same should be constructed by the
government in all the weekly markets.
• Although government collects a certain fee from the vendors,
maintenance of the market is very poor, hence hygienic
Policy Measures
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
conditions are to be improved, keeping in view the interests of

customers as well as street vendors.
• There should be an association for the women vendors, taking
into account the special problems experienced while dealing
with general public and co-vendors. Special package of welfare
scheme should be announced by the government for their
betterment.
• Some of the vendors do not bring their families due to
difficulties in gaining admissions in schools which involves
long procedure; such complications are to be reduced by the
government.
• Government should organise capacity building programmes
for street vendors to help them practice their occupation in a
better way.
• Number of street vendors do not have ration card, as a result,
they buy food grains and kerosene oil at exorbitant prices
from the market. Government should issue ration cards to the
migrants, irrespective of the number of years that they have
stayed in the city by way of reducing cumbersome procedure.
• All the old people and widows should receive pension,
irrespective of earnings of the family members.
• Electricity being supplied by contractors who charge high unit
price from the vendors residing in slums and unauthorised
colonies; hence government impose certain regulations on the
contractors.
• Washrooms being maintained by the contractors in slums
and unauthorised colonies on payment basis, but have been
found to be quite unhygienic; so, government surveillance is
necessary to upkeep maintenance of these toilets.
• Several street vendors have no proper housing causing lose of
their hard earned money due to recurring thefts, hence, banks
should be liberal in allowing these vendors to open saving
bank accounts useful for storing their savings as well as for
transferring funds to the distant family members at native
place.
232 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
• Gender bias exist in self-employment also; hence, earnings

of female vendors can be enhanced by the government by
providing credit at a subsidised rate of interest and vehicles for
transport of the goods, and by allocating a fixed vending place.
• Living conditions of the pavement dwelling vendors are
inhuman and their goods are greatly prone to theft and
destruction; so, government must provide them with shelter.
• Welfare boards can be established by the government for street
vendors, similar to those existing for construction workers or
home-based workers in same of the cities.
• Improvement of household income is necessary by way of
building assets and safeguarding them against vulnerability
arising from economic and other shocks, through input supply,
marketing, insurance and institutional credit.
• Villages from which migrations mostly take place should be
identified and given priority for the implementation of various
developmental programmes by the government through
District Rural Development Agency, Scheduled Castes and
Backward Classes and social welfare organisations, so that
migration can be reduced from those respective villages.
Administrative Measures
• Street vending activity is a concern of street management and
can be organised in the city through a specific methodology.
Management includes the provision of physical space,
formation of vendors groups for the respective markets or
clusters, allocation of space to vendors, and resolution of
internal conflicts.
• Regarding issuance of identity cards, a considerable number of
women vendors should get an opportunity.
• If foreign retail investors started their business in India,
then there is possibility of displacement of the vendors from
vending goods; hence government should create alternative
employment opportunities in order to reduce further
Policy Measures
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
worsening of living conditions as well as maintaining law and

order in the city.
• Confiscated merchandise should be released by the government
on the same day at nearby market place so as to avoid loss
of man days and return the same quantity and quality of
confiscated goods must be ensured.
• The amount of penalty is generally beyond the bearing capacity
of street vendors; hence under any circumstances, government
should refrain from imposing more than `500 as a fine.
• The amount of license fee collected in weekly markets from
vendors should be reduced and there should be rent control
by the government on contractors who are supplying tables,
umbrellas, lights and plastic sheets to these sellers.
• Quite often, there is distress sale of unsold goods due to
lack of demand or damages caused by rains; as a result, the
vendors incur huge losses. There should be storage facility in
every weekly market, which needs to be maintained by the
government by way of collecting a nominal rent from the
vendors.
• Seasonal migrants from Jammu & Kashmir (door-to-door
vendors) face difficulties particularly while buying kitchen
equipment and new bicycles every year for commuting, they
forced to sell their goods at distress prices at the end of the
season, which causes huge loss. Government must provide
storage facility to store the vendors’ belongings at the end of
winter and this can be facilitated by collection of nominal rent.
• Street vendors are facilitating low cost of living in the urban
areas. Their existence is essential for the survival of urban
middle and lower income groups because these vendors sell
goods at cheaper rates compared to that of the same type of
goods available in formal shops. Government should recognise
mutual dependency for harmonious living.
• Municipal authorities should involve street vendors
associations while designing and implementing policies that
affect street vending.
234 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
• There should be a local Street Vending Regulation and

Maintenance Authority (SVRMA) to co-ordinate and look
after administration of matters such as fee collection from
vendors, regulation of the quality of food and goods meant
for sale, governance of civic amenities in the vending areas,
and imposition of penalties if necessary for smooth and
appropriate functioning of different systems.
Other Measures
• Child vendors below the age 14 should not be allowed to
work; they should be sent back to school, by providing all the
facilities such as free books, clothes, food, etc.
• In the context of the swelling number of informal workers
amidst social insecurity, it would prove beneficial if government
imposes cess on direct tax payers for creating social security
fund for these workers at national level.
• If a vendor is penalised by the authorities on a particular
day, then he should not be penalised at least for a week by
maintaining proper record.
• Banks should follow a liberal approach towards opening
non-frill accounts of street vendors and extend loans for the
expansion of business and elimination of influence of money
lenders.
• Most of the street vendors are not unionised. Unionisation
would provide them with a common platform to demand for
their rights and protect their interests. Strong unions can
intervene in relevant policy matters.
• Disposal of waste material at the selling point adversely affects
cleanliness of the city; hence, penalties may be imposed by the
government on the defaulters.
• According to vendors’ opinion, per head availability of vending
space has declined due to increase in the number of vendors,
which results in cut-throat competition and reduction of
average earnings. Government impose regulations on the
Policy Measures
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
number of in-migrants to the city in general and into vending

occupation in particular.
• Growth of non-farm sector and village industrialisation is
essential in order to curtail further labour migration and
reduce overcrowdedness of street vendors in urban areas, to
enable the existing street vendors to have proper earnings.
• Micro-credit programme should be developed through Self
Help Groups (SHGs), to reduce dependency on the money
lenders.
• At macro-level development, strategies should integrate the
economic, social and environmental dimensions. Economic
policies require to be more explicitly directed towards the goal
of employment generation for achieving economic stability.
• In order to uphold the right to life as fundamental right, right
to work and right to street vending also should be considered
by the government.
• Government should organise day markets for the vendors,
similar to weekly markets, in order to reduce overcrowding in
different parts of the city.
• Improvement of total factor productivity by increasing
investment in the informal sector to augment skill formation,
which can facilitate significant enhancement in the earnings
of these workers. Higher earnings not only improve living
standards, but also increase their ability to impart education
and skills among their children, thereby paving way for
intergenerational upward mobility and inclusive growth.
Conclusion
To sum up, economic status of the mobile street vendors are better
than that of stationary vendors. Human development indicators for
both the categories of vendors are very poor. It is regrettably inferred
that the maximum proportion of vendors experience insecurity in
their occupation. They are disturbed quite often by the municipal
authorities in terms of evictions and confiscation of goods, belongings
and imposition of penalties. There is no specific welfare measure
236 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
for the female street vendors in the study area after migration. The
number of working days and daily earnings of street vendors are
comparatively better than that at their native place. Customers’
perceptions are positive towards the existence of street vendors in the
city. Long working hours, poor work environment and improper living
conditions are index of the prevalence of an unfavourable work culture.
The present study has suggested measures in order to solve marketing
issues and improve living conditions of street vendors in the city,
which in turn will contribute towards maintaining harmonious living
and achieving inclusive growth.
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URBAN STREET VENDORS IN INDIA

Book · March 2022

Impact of Covid 19 on economic inequalities in India View project

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Dr Seepana Prakasam has to used in detail about the vulnerabilities

New Delhi —Sukhadeo Thorat

I am thankful to my research staff and library staff of ILO, New

and underemployment forced distress migration of economically

ADB Asian Development Bank

Ac a de mic F oundat ion

© 2016. Academic Foundation

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

Urban Street vendors in India

Typeset by Italics India, New Delhi.

Printed and bound by The Book Mint, New Delhi.

National Policy on Urban Street Vendors (Revised 2009)

2. Social Status of Street Goods Vendors . . . . . . . . . . 7 3

3. Economic Status of Street Goods Vendors . . . . . . . . 9 7

4. Living and Working Conditions of

5. Marketing Problems of Street Goods Vendors

Reasons for Buying Goods from Street Vendors

6. Socio-Economic Status of Street Service Vendors . . . . 1 5 9

Incidence of Poverty among Service Vendors

7. The Living and Working Conditions of

8. Street Goods Vendors versus Street Service Vendors . . 2 1 9

1.1 Proportion of Informal Trade Sector in Total Trade

2.1 Distribution of Goods Street Vendors by Categories . . . . . 74

2.8 Distribution of Street Vendors by Composition of

3.1 Distribution of Vendors by Economic Activity at

3.12 Distribution of Vendors by Daily Earnings by

4.1 Distribution of Vendors by Living Arrangements

4.10 Distribution of Vendors by Source of Energy

5.1 Distribution of Vendors by Access to License/Permit

5.17 Distribution of Customers (Households) by

6.1 Distribution of Street Service Vendors

6.16 Distribution of Migrant Street Service Vendors by

7.1 Distribution of Service workers based on Living

7.5 Distribution of Service Providers by Number of

8.1 Distribution of Sample Street Vendors by Categories . . . 220

2.1 Categories of Street Vendors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

3.1 Number of In-migrants Entering Vending Occupation . . . 107

6.1 Distribution of Sample Respondents (street service

7.1 House Entitlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205

7.2 Quality of Dwellings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

8.1 Street Goods Vendors and Street Service Workers :

persons per room) and dwellings made up of non-durable materials

such as construction, textiles, small industries, brick-making, stone

number of workers from their jobs. The new industrial revolution

Urban Informal Employment

Informal Retail Trading

whereas the unorganised retail trade employs nearly 3.95 crore

Regiont Informal Trade Sector as a Share of Informal Trade in GDP

Table 1.2 reveals that among the 10 developing nations, a large

Countries Number of Street Vendors Percentage of Non-Agricultural

During liberalisation, Indian economy with impressive growth

is playing a dominant role in India when compared to other Asian

Countries Organised Unorganised

The Conceptualisation of Street Vending

power. Street vendors use public spaces like pavements, parks,

Employment conditions Employment Risk

Street Vending : A Global Scenario

of total employment in Cotonou Benin; 16.4 per cent in Bamako,