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A student's contributions to second­language learning. Part II: 
Affective variables
R. C. Gardner and P. D. MacIntyre

Language Teaching / Volume 26 / Issue 01 / January 1993, pp 1 ­ 11
DOI: 10.1017/S0261444800000045, Published online: 23 December 2008

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0261444800000045

How to cite this article:
R. C. Gardner and P. D. MacIntyre (1993). A student's contributions to second­language learning. Part II: Affective 
variables. Language Teaching, 26, pp 1­11 doi:10.1017/S0261444800000045

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State of the art article
A student's contributions to second-language
learning. Part II: Affective variables
R. C. Gardner and P. D. Maclntyre The University of Western Ontario
This is the second part of a two-part article dealing
with individual difference correlates of second-
language learning. In this part, attention is directed
to a consideration of the role of affective variables in
second-language learning. By affective variables, we
mean those emotionally relevant characteristics of
the individual that influence how she/he will
respond to any situation. In the language learning
situation, many such factors have been identified,
but this article will focus on two broad classifications
of affective factors, namely, Language attitudes and
motivation, and Language anxiety and self-con-
fidence.
Attitudes and motivation
Considerable research has been conducted on the
role of attitudes and motivation in second- or
foreign-language learning. This research began with
speculations made by Lambert (1955) that an interest
in learning another language often developed
because of emotional involvement with the other
language community or because of a direct interest
in the language itself. In his studies of bilingual
development, Lambert (1955) described two
American university students who had developed
particularly high levels of French/English bilingual
skill. One had developed an intense identification
with France, while the other had devoted much of
her career to teaching French. Lambert speculated
that their excessively high competence in French
(their second language) was quite likely motivated
by their somewhat different involvements with the
language. We can see here the seeds of the distinction
Robert C. Gardner is professor of psychology at the
University of Western Ontario, London, Canada. He
has written books and articles on the role of attitudes
and motivation on second language learning, co-edited
a book on ethnic relations in Canada, and published
articles on ethnic stereotypes, psycholinguistics, and
statistics.
Peter D. Maclntyre has recently completed his doctoral
studies at the University of Western Ontario. He
graduated from the University College of Cape Breton
with an undergraduate degree in psychology and
speech communication. He has published articles in the
areas of anxiety and language learning, program
evaluation and statistical analysis.
Lang. Teach. 26, 1-11. Copyright © 1993 Cambridge University Press
between integrative and instrumental orientations
that was an integral part of some of the earlier
research in this area.
The first investigation of the relationship of
attitudes and motivation to achievement in a second
language was published by Gardner and Lambert
(1959), even though such relations had been
hypothesised earlier. Arsenian (1945), for example,
proposed that attitudes could play a role in second-
language acquisition, and in an inaugural article in
Language Learning, Marckwardt (1948) argued that
there were five basic motives for learning a second
language. These were described as ' provision of a
cultural background, the influence of foreign speech
islands, the necessity for political and cultural
unification, purposes of colonisation and commerce,
and the necessity of reading scientific and technical
works' (pp. 10-11). Note that the integrative and
instrumental orientations are well represented in
these basic motives.
In their initial study, Gardner and Lambert (1959)
demonstrated that two independent factors, Lan-
guage aptitude and Social motivation, were both
related to achievement in French among Canadian
English-speaking high-school students. Subsequent
research also showed relationships between both
language aptitude on the one hand and attitudes and
motivation on the other with achievement in the
second language, though often more than two
factors were obtained. This would be expected as
the number and complexity of the variables grow
and as the socio-cultural make-up of the com-
munities and level of training and competence in the
second language varies. The bulk of these studies
were conducted in Montreal, Canada as well as in
cities in Maine, Louisiana, and Connecticut, and the
Philippines (see Gardner & Lambert, 1972, for a
review of much of the earlier research).
Gardner and Smythe and their colleagues were
concerned with formalising the composition and
measurement of attitudes and motivation as they
relate to second-language acquisition. They engaged
in a programme of research to develop measures
with high reliability and applicability to different
age levels, levels of second-language training, and
social contexts. Gardner and Smythe (1981) present
summary data on the initial development of the
Attitude/Motivation Test Battery while Gardner,
Smythe, Clement and Gliksman (1976) present
summary data of the relationships of the various
1
State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
measures with achievement in French drawn from
various grade levels in seven different cities across
Canada. Gliksman (1981) investigated similar var-
iables with students at the university level.
The Attitude/Motivation Test Battery (AMTB)
was developed to measure a number of attributes
associated with second-language learning. These
can be grouped into five categories, four of which
reflect concepts that are often used in this research.
They are as follows:
(1) Motivation. Three different measures are
needed to assess the various components of mo-
tivation. As proposed by Gardner (1985), the
motivated individual is one who wants to achieve
a particular goal, devotes considerable effort to
achieve this goal, and experiences satisfaction in the
activities associated with achieving this goal. That is,
motivation is defined by three components, desire
to achieve a goal, effort extended in this direction,
and satisfaction with the task. One would expect
that these three attributes would be correlated with
one another, but it is possible that they might not
be, in some circumstances. Consider, for example, a
classroom situation with a stern and severe teacher.
It is conceivable that even individuals who are not
truly motivated to learn the material may be shown
to display considerable effort in class. If motivation
were defined only in terms of effort, such individuals
may be considered to be motivated, even though
they do not have any desire to learn, and even find
the experience distasteful. Other examples could
also be given to show how one of the other elements
of motivation may be elevated due to situational as
opposed to motivational considerations. Given these
considerations, motivation is assessed in the AMTB
by three measures, (a) Desire to learn the language,
(b) Motivational intensity, and (c) Attitudes toward
learning the language.
(2) Integrativeness. Indices of integrativeness are
comprised of attributes that reflect a positive outlook
toward the other language group or out-groups in
general. Since the learning of a second language
involves acquiring skills associated with another
cultural group, it is proposed that the motivation to
learn the language could involve attitudes toward
that community or more general attitudes toward
other groups. In earlier research (see, for example,
Gardner & Lambert, 1959, 1972), attention was also
directed toward a number of measures including
ethnocentrism and authoritarianism, but in the
AMTB, three measures are used; (a) Attitudes
toward the target language group, (b) Interest in
foreign languages, and (c) Integrative orientation.
(3) Attitudes toward the learning situation. This
concept refers to affective reactions toward the
language-learning situation. As such, it could
involve attitudes toward the instructor, the class,
the textbooks, the language laboratory, etc. In the
AMTB, attention is directed toward only two
targets, largely because they are more generalisable
across different studies. These are (a) Evaluation of
the language teacher, and (b) Evaluation of the
language course.
(4) Language anxiety. This refers to students'
anxiety reactions to situations in which they might
make use of the target language. Depending on the
language-learning context, it could be possible to
identify many possible situations; however, in the
AMTB, two general measures are used, (a) French
class anxiety, and (b) French use anxiety. The
former scale refers to anxiety aroused specifically in
the language class, while the latter refers to feelings
of anxiety that individuals experience in any context
where they are called upon to speak the target
language.
(5) Other attributes. In many studies, some attri-
butes are included in the AMTB that do not fit
into any of the above categories. In decreasing order
of use, these are (a) Instrumental orientation, (b)
Parental encouragement, and (c) Orientation index.
In some studies, scores on the various scales are
aggregated to produce scores on these general
concepts, Motivation, Integrativeness, Attitudes
toward the learning situation, and Language anxiety.
In other studies, higher order aggregates are
obtained. One such measure is the Integrative
motivation score which is the sum of Motivation,
Integrativeness and Attitudes toward the learning
situation. Another aggregate score that is used in
some studies is the AMI score which is the aggregate
of the Integrative motivation score plus Instrumental
orientation minus language anxiety. Lalonde and
Gardner (1985) compared the relative predictive
capacity of the three basic aggregates, Motivation,
Integrativeness and Attitudes toward the learning
situation, and found that Motivation correlated
more highly with French grades, the behavioural
intention to study French the next year, and
objective measures of French achievement than did
either the measures of Integrativeness or Attitudes
toward the learning situation.
Other research has used the AMTB to attempt to
understand the causal relationships among attitudes,
motivation and language achievement, and has
sometimes included language anxiety and language
aptitude. Some researchers (Burstall, Jamieson,
Cohen & Hargreaves, 1974; Backman, 1976;
Strong, 1984) have argued that achievement
causes attitudes and motivation, while the socio-
educational model (Gardner, 1985) explicitly pro-
poses reciprocal causation. That is, it argues that
motivation influences language achievement, and
that language achievement as well as experiences in
formal and informal language contexts influence
attitudes and motivation (which are viewed as some
of the many possible non-linguistic outcomes).
Some studies have been concerned with testing
' causal models' of these relationships using linear
 State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
structural relations modelling (LISREL) (Joreskog &
Sorbom, 1984). Many of these studies are discussed
by Gardner (1985, chapter 8). Although the models
change somewhat from study to study because of
changes in the socio-cultural context, variables
investigated, and the like, all of them indicate that a
prime mediator in the language-learning process is
motivation.
Still other research has made use of laboratory
techniques to investigate the causal nature of
attitudes, motivation and language achievement.
Such research has the advantage that it controls
extraneous factors that otherwise might cloud causal
interpretations. It has the disadvantage, however,
that it is much more artificial than even a classroom
language-learning situation (that may be artificial
in itself) and is concerned only with the acquisition
of limited vocabulary elements. Nonetheless, such
research has demonstrated that the rate of learning
French/English vocabulary pairs is faster for those
with high as opposed to low levels of AMI (Gardner,
Lalonde & Moorcroft, 1985) as well as integrative
motivation (Gardner & Maclntyre, 1991). Gardner
and Maclntyre also showed that individuals who
were studying the vocabulary items because of
instrumental motivation (aroused by a monetary
incentive) learned faster than those without this
motivation. Thus, in a controlled laboratory setting
at least, both integrative and instrumental mo-
tivation were shown to influence second-language
acquisition.
Many studies have used versions of the AMTB in
contexts other than those involving English Can-
adian students learning French as a second language.
Generally speaking, all of these studies found
evidence that motivation or some aspect of language
attitudes correlated significantly with achievement
in the second language. However, examination of
the studies reveals many different forms of this
relationship. There may be many reasons for this.
The social contexts change, the measures are slightly
different, the nature of the analyses vary, etc.
Nonetheless, in many of them, there is evidence that
affective variables are associated with achievement
in the second language. In a series of studies,
Clement and his colleagues investigated French
Canadian students learning English as a second
language (Clement, Gardner & Smythe, 1977,1980;
Clement, Major, Gardner & Smythe, 1977). In all of
these studies, the highest relationships with achieve-
ment in the second language involved the indices of
self-confidence (discussed below in the section on
Anxiety), but self-confidence had clear relationships
with the motivational indices.
Many studies have been conducted outside
Canada. Laine (1977) investigated Finnish students
learning English and found that indices of self-
confidence and motivation were associated with
English achievement. In Belize, Gordon (1980)
found that language aptitude was the best single
indicator of English achievement among school
students. An index of attitudes toward the learning
situation was the next best correlate. Muchnick
and Wolfe (1982) investigated American students
studying Spanish as a second language, and found
that attitudes toward the Spanish course and Spanish
class anxiety correlated significantly with grades in
Spanish. Sison (1991) made use of causal modelling
with a group of American students studying Spanish
as a second language. She tested a model that had
language attitudes 'causing' both motivation and
language anxiety, motivation and language anxiety
'causing' language achievement, and motivation
' causing' (negatively) language anxiety. All of the
paths, with the exception of that between language
attitudes and language anxiety, were significant, and
the fit of the model was acceptable.
In a most interesting study of the role of attitudes
and motivation in second-language study, Kraemer
(1990) investigated Israeli Jewish students studying
either Arabic or French as a foreign language. She
too made use of causal modelling to link language
attitudes, motivation, and indices of proficiency in
the other language. She also included other variables,
such as social/political attitudes, political optimism,
national security orientation, etc., that were necess-
ary to reflect the socio-cultural setting there. Similar
causal models were obtained for both students of
Arabic and French. Motivation was found to be a
central mediator in the prediction of language
achievement, but as might be expected in this
context, integrative attitudes were not significant
contributors to motivation. This study is particularly
informative because it shows how it is necessary to
consider carefully the factors that can contribute to
the motivation to learn another language in different
socio-cultural contexts.
The influence of motivational variables on
second-language achievement has also been dem-
onstrated in a military context. Lett and O'Mara
(1990) investigated the predictive power of a number
of variables such as general intellectual ability,
language aptitude, demographic variables such as
sex, etc., attitudes, motivation, learning strategies,
personality variables, etc., on the learning of Korean,
Russian, German, and Spanish by American military
personnel in intensive language-learning program-
mes. As might be expected, aptitude tended to be
among the most important predictors of proficiency
(especially for Korean and Russian). Attitudes and
motivation assessed during the programme con-
tributed significantly to two of the three predictions
computed for each language (the criteria were
Listening, Reading, and Speaking proficiency at the
end of the programme). Other variables contributed
also, but the fact remains that even in a military
context, attitudes and motivation were clearly
related to proficiency in other languages.
State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
Although most attention has been directed to the
relation of attitudes and motivation to indices of
second-language achievement, some research has
focused attention on other criteria. One such
criterion is persistence in language study. Bartley
(1969) investigated the relation of language aptitude
and foreign language attitudes to the tendency of
grade 8 students in Spanish, French, German or
Latin to enrol in their language course in the
subsequent term. She found that those who dropped
out of language study had significantly lower
aptitude scores and less positive attitudes than
students who continued with their studies. In a
follow-up study, Bartley (1970) assessed student
attitudes at the beginning of the school year and
again at the end. She found that those who dropped
out of language study had significantly less favour-
able attitudes on both occasions than students who
did not drop out and also showed a significant
decrease in their attitudes from the beginning to the
end of the year. In a similar study, Ramage (1990)
investigated high school students of French and
Spanish and found that continuing students were
more motivated and had more favourable attitudes
toward the language class than students who were
not continuing with their language study. Clement,
Smythe and Gardner (1978) compared high school
students who continued French study with those
who dropped out the following year, and found
that the drop-outs had significantly lower levels of
motivation, and generally less positive attitudes than
those who continued language study. They also
tended to have lower levels of language aptitude
and lower levels of French achievement. By and
large, the index of motivation (comparable to the
aggregate measure of motivation described above)
was the single best predictor of who would continue
as opposed to drop out.
Another variable that is influenced by attitudes
and motivation is that of behaviour in the lan-
guage classroom. Gliksman (1976) investigated this
relation in two studies. In the first, he contrasted
individuals characterised as integratively motivated
with those less integratively motivated (as defined
by a median split on an aggregate score based on
measures of Integrativeness and Motivation as
described above). He found, over a series of class
sessions, that those classified as integratively moti-
vated volunteered more frequently (particularly
among males), gave more correct answers, and
received more positive reinforcement from the
teacher than students not so motivated. Comparable
results were obtained in a second study (also see
Gliksman, Gardner & Smythe, 1982). Naiman,
Frohlich, Stern and Todesco (1978) obtained similar
findings though they used a somewhat different
tactic. They observed students who had been selected
by their teachers as being either among the most or
the least proficient in class, and correlated scores on
a series of attitude and motivation measures with
their participation on 22 student-centred and 17
teacher-centred classroom behaviours. Many of the
correlations were not significant, but those that
were provided results comparable to those obtained
by Gliksman (1976). In yet another variant on this
approach, Roger, Bull and Fletcher (1981) compared
students identified by their teachers as highly
attentive and enthusiastic with students not so
described. The former group had significantly more
favourable attitudes toward learning foreign lan-
guages than the latter group. Making the assumption
that the teacher's characterisations reflected be-
haviour in the classroom, such results again indicate
an association between attitudes and classroom
participation.
This review indicates that attitudes and moti-
vation play a role in second-language acquisition.
These attributes are related to measures of pro-
ficiency in the second language, rates of learning
vocabulary, persistence in language study and
behaviour in the language classroom. The re-
lationships are complex, but taken as a unit, they
suggest that the operative variable in the language-
learning process is motivation. Motivation itself,
however, is also a complex of factors - proposed
here to encompass desire to achieve a goal, effort
expended in this direction, and reinforcement
associated with the act of learning.
Crookes and Schmidt (1991) provide a similar
characterisation of motivation as it relates to second-
language learning based on their consideration of
theories of motivation proposed in various fields
of psychology. The important point is that moti-
vation itself is dynamic. The old characterisation of
motivation in terms of integrative vs. instrumental
orientations is too static and restricted. Many studies
(see, for example, Dornyei, 1990; Lukmani, 1972;
Gardner & Maclntyre, 1991), have shown that
achievement in a second language is facilitated by
instrumental orientations (or motivation) as well as
integrative orientations and attitudes (see, for
example, Gardner, 1985; Gardner & Maclntyre, in
press), or other motivational attributes (Clement,
1986; Kraemer, 1990). Whereas motivation appears
to play a primary role in second-language learning,
various other attributes, including integrativeness
and attitudes toward the learning situation would
seem to play a role in supporting levels of moti-
vation.
Language anxiety
A topic of rising importance in the study of
language learning is the role of language anxiety.
This is a relatively new development largely because
the role of anxiety in language learning was not
recognised in early research. Studies conducted in
the 1970s were difficult to interpret because of
 State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
contradictory results (Chastain, 1975; Kleinmann,
1977; Scovel, 1978), probably resulting from using
general measures of anxiety. Recent studies, how-
ever, have focused on a type of anxiety related
specifically to language situations, termed language
anxiety. A recent volume devoted to the subject
(Horwitz & Young, 1991) demonstrates its emerging
significance.
Language anxiety can be defined as the ap-
prehension experienced when a situation requires
the use of a second language with which the
individual is not fully proficient. It is, therefore, seen
as a stable personality trait referring to the propensity
for an individual to react in a nervous manner when
speaking, listening, reading, or writing in the second
language. As with other forms of anxiety, it is
characterised by derogatory self-related cognitions
(e.g. 'I can't do this'), feelings of apprehension, and
physiological responses such as increased heart rate
(Endler & Okada, 1975; Eysenck, 1979; Schwarzer,
1986).
Horwitz, Horwitz and Cope (1986) describe
anxiety in the language classroom as a complex
experience related, in part, to communication
apprehension, social evaluation, and test anxiety.
Communication apprehension is a response to the
real or anticipated act of speaking, in the same
manner as one may become anxious when speaking
the native language (Daly, 1991; McCroskey, 1978).
Social evaluation apprehension emerges from the
social nature of language use, because second-
language communication involves self-presentation
in a language with which only limited competency
has been attained. The test anxiety component refers
to the academic nature of many language-learning
environments and would be relevant to those
situations involving formal instruction. Horwitz et
al. (1986) further state that language anxiety should
be seen as more than the sum of these parts. They
view language anxiety '...as a distinct complex of
self-perceptions, beliefs, feelings, and behaviours
related to classroom language learning arising from
the uniqueness of the language learning process'
(p. 128).
Evidence in favour of Horwitz et a/.'s theory has
been accumulating rapidly. Horwitz (1986) found
that other measures of communication apprehen-
sion, social evaluation anxiety and test anxiety each
correlated significantly with anxiety in the language
classroom. Further, language anxiety was sig-
nificantly, negatively correlated with expected
and obtained grades in the language course. Along
similar lines, Maclntyre and Gardner (1989) used
factor analysis to identify two anxiety dimensions,
General anxiety and Communicative anxiety. Two
of the four scales defining Communicative anxiety
referred specifically to second-language situations.
Further analyses revealed that Communicative
anxiety negatively influenced second-language vo-
cabulary learning and production, while General
anxiety was not associated with performance in the
second language. A follow-up study (Maclntyre &
Gardner, 1991) that employed 22 anxiety measures
identified a separate dimension of Language anxiety.
Scales of communication apprehension, social eva-
luation, and test anxiety were not associated with
this dimension, supporting the suggestion that
language anxiety is a specific, relatively unique type
of apprehension. Finally, Young (1990) has shown
that the most anxiety-provoking tasks in language
classrooms involve public communication and/or
evaluation, comprising the three sources of anxiety
identified by Horwitz et al. (1986).
The negative effects of language anxiety on
second-language acquisition have been well es-
tablished. Several studies have shown a negative
correlation with grades in language courses
(Gardner, Smythe, Cle'ment & Gliksman, 1976;
Horwitz, 1986; Trylong, 1987; Gardner &
Maclntyre, in press). Course grades are one of the
most salient measures of language performance;
however, correlations with such a global measure
tell us little about the manner in which anxiety
operates.
There have been several studies that have used
more specific indices of performance. Generally, the
effects of language anxiety have been shown to be
pervasive over several types of tasks (Maclntyre &
Gardner, 1992). Young (1986) reports correlations
between scores on an oral proficiency interview and
language anxiety. Tucker, Hamayan and Genesee
(1976) found that being more adventuresome, less
anxious, and more willing to use the foreign
language was associated with achievement in a
group of late immersion students. Gardner, Lalonde,
Moorcroft and Evers (1987) found that French class
anxiety was significantly correlated with each of
four proficiency measures (word production, theme
test, listening comprehension, and self-ratings of
proficiency) in grade 12 and grade 13 students.
Trylong (1987) found significant correlations of
anxiety with achievement on written tests, oral
quizzes, and final grades in a first-year university
French course.
Experimental investigations have tried to induce
anxiety in a controlled environment in order to
study its effects. A study by Steinberg and Horwitz
(1986) examined two groups. In one, anxiety was
aroused by impersonal treatment and videotaping
students while they described ambiguous pictures.
A second group was treated in a friendly manner
and was not videotaped. The group in which
anxiety was induced was found to be significantly
less interpretative than the more relaxed group
when describing the scenes. A later study by
Gardner, Day and Maclntyre (1992) found that
simply introducing a video camera is not sufficient
to produce anxiety. They suggest that the social
State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
interaction in Steinberg & Horwitz's study was a
key element in producing differences in the two
groups. Finally, Maclntyre and Gardner (1991)
asked beginning adult language students to write a
brief essay on either an anxiety-provoking ex-
perience or a confidence-building one. The groups
who wrote about anxiety tended to perceive
themselves as less proficient than the group who
described a confidence building experience, and the
most anxiety-provoking experience reported was
almost always related to speaking.
One theory of the development of language
anxiety has been offered by Maclntyre and Gardner
(1989). They propose that it develops as the result of
repeated, negative experiences with the second
language. Language anxiety is seen as a learned
emotional response. At the earliest stages, the
language learner may experience a form of state
anxiety, a transient apprehensive experience. After
repeated occurrences of state anxiety, the student
will come to reliably associate anxiety with per-
formance in the second language. Once it has
developed, language anxiety can have a pervasive
impact on the performance of language students,
even affecting future learning. The negative effects
of language anxiety would be expected to diminish
over time as proficiency increases and more positive
experiences accumulate.
This model has two different components. At the
earliest stages of language learning, language anxiety
is not very meaningful because negative experiences
have not produced the negative affect or expec-
tations of failure that typify anxiety. After several
negative experiences, however, the relation between
anxiety and performance should be observed. A
study by Chapelle and Roberts (1986) found that
the correlation between English class anxiety and
TOEFL scores at the beginning of a semester was
not significant; however, by the end of the semester,
the correlation had increased to a significant level.
The suggestion that anxiety levels are highest
early on in language learning and then decline as
proficiency increases also has been supported by
research. Gardner, Smythe and Brunet (1977)
compared beginning, intermediate, and advanced
students of French on subtests of the AMTB before
and after an intensive summer-school language
course. The highest levels of anxiety were shown by
the beginners and the least by the advanced students.
All three groups showed less French class anxiety at
the end of the course than they did at the beginning.
Desrochers and Gardner (1981) found that anxiety
levels declined significantly among English-speaking
grade-eight students after a four-day excursion to a
French-speaking community. Among adult stu-
dents, Gardner, Smythe and Clement (1979) found
that proficiency increased while anxiety decreased
after an intensive French summer-school pro-
gramme. The results of these studies indicate that
as experience and proficiency increase, anxiety
declines in a fairly consistent manner.
The theoretical models and related research
discussed thus far have considered the negative,
sometimes debilitating, effects of language anxiety.
The suggestion has been made, however, that some
anxiety may be helpful in second-language learning
(Scovel, 1978). Kleinmann (1977) reports positive
correlations between this 'facilitating anxiety' and
use of difficult linguistic structures. On balance,
however, this hypothesis has not been well sup-
ported. In almost all studies that employ a measure
specifically related to language anxiety (rather than
a more general anxiety measure) negative cor-
relations with achievement have been obtained.
Moreover, the similarities between facilitating
anxiety and motivation are striking, both in how
they are measured and their conceptual definitions.
In fact, it has been suggested that the facilitating
effects of anxiety could be attributable to motivation
(Gardner et al., 1992).
The results of these studies of language anxiety
suggest that anxious students will have lower levels
of verbal production, will have difficulty in basic
learning and production, will be less likely to
volunteer answers in class, and will be reluctant to
express personally relevant information in a second-
language conversation. Further, it would appear
that language anxiety arises from early negative
experiences, particularly with speaking. While
language anxiety may be high initially, it would be
expected to decline as the student gains proficiency,
provided that the student continues to study or use
the second language.
In some ways, the antithesis of the anxious
student is the self-confident one (Maclntyre &
Gardner, 1991). In multicultural settings, however,
self confidence may mean more than a lack of
anxiety. Cle'ment (1980, 1986) considers self con-
fidence to be a superordinate construct, encom-
passing both a lack of anxiety and positive self-
ratings of proficiency in interactions with members
of the target language community. In a series of
factor analytic studies of francophones learning
English in bilingual communities, Clement and his
colleagues found evidence for a Self-confidence
factor. Clement, Major, Gardner and Smythe (1977)
found a self-confidence factor that was defined by
positive teacher ratings, positive course evaluation,
use of the second language outside the classroom
and a lack of language anxiety. Clement, Gardner
and Smythe (1977, 1980) found that self-confidence
could be defined by a lack of language anxiety and
positive self-rated proficiency in the second lan-
guage. In all three studies, self-confidence was found
to be related to objective measures of proficiency, as
well as indices of motivation.
Gardner, Smythe and Lalonde (1984) investigated
the factor structure of similar scales in their study of
 State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
English Canadian students of French across different
regions of Canada and various grade levels. The
factors were found to replicate fairly consistently,
and language anxiety was most often associated
with a factor related to the self-perception of French
competence and, less often, a French achievement
factor. These authors conclude that when the
opportunity to use the foreign language is present
in the community, language anxiety is negatively
correlated with second language proficiency.
Clement's model has emerged from a com-
bination of these studies with the work of social
psychologists on the social consequences of language
acquisition and has received empirical support
(Clement & Kruidenier, 1985). Clement's theory
(1980, 1986) postulates two motivational processes
present in bilingual/muticultural communities. The
primary motivational process is based on the
antagonistic interplay between integrativeness and
the desire to affiliate with the other group, on the
one hand, and fear of assimilation and worry over
losing one's cultural identity, on the other. Clement
(1980) argues that the result of this process will
determine the extent to which individuals make
contact with members of the other group. The
secondary motivational process is based on the
frequency and quality of contact between the student
and members of the target language community.
This contact, if positive, can improve self con-
fidence with the new language, thus contributing to
the student's motivation. Within monolingual
communities, self confidence would be less influ-
ential because of fewer instances of intergroup
contact.
Labrie and Clement (1986) found support for this
model in that less frequent, but positive contact was
associated with improved self confidence. Also, self
confidence was associated with motivation to use
the second language. In a similar manner, Pak, Dion
and Dion (1985) investigated Chinese immigrants
learning English in a large city and found that self
confidence with English (as defined by self-rated
proficiency only) was associated with linguistic
assimilation into the English speaking community.
Thus self-confidence, in a multicultural context,
appears to have motivational as well as anxiety-
related components.
Research on language anxiety and self-confidence
indicates that these variables play an important role
in second language learning. Language anxiety is
negatively related to proficiency whereas self-
confidence is positively related. The processes
underlying the two related concepts appear similar
in that they both develop as a result of experiences
associated with learning and using the second
language. One possibility is that a multicultural
social milieu enhances correlates of language anxiety
and produces a more complex construct combining
language anxiety, self-perceptions of proficiency
and attitudinal/motivational components. Another
is that the underlying construct is the same in both
multicultural and unicultural contexts, but that the
focus of the different researchers, and the measures
used, emphasise slightly different aspects. Clearly,
more research is needed to clarify which possibility
is most appropriate. In any event, indices of lan-
guage anxiety are generally associated with self-
perceptions of competency and objective measures
of proficiency and often show low but negative
correlations with motivation. In both research
traditions, too, language anxiety is shown to be
associated with experiences with the second lan-
guage.
Such considerations lead to the generalisation that
language anxiety has a negative effect on second-
language acquisition. Its relation to motivational
characteristics is less clear cut, and it may well be
that this is mediated by socio-cultural factors.
Intuitively, it seems reasonable to propose that
high levels of anxiety might serve to lessen one's
motivation to learn the language, because the
experience is found to be painful, and that high
levels of motivation result in low levels of anxiety
because the student perceives the experience posi-
tively and tends to be successful - both of which
decrease anxiety. Nonetheless, further research is
required to determine the precise nature of the
relationship, if any, between anxiety and mo-
tivation.
A theoretical integration
In Part I of this review (Gardner & Maclntyre, 1992)
attention was directed toward the relation to second-
language learning of three classes of cognitive
individual difference variables, namely, Intelligence,
Language aptitude, and Language-learning stra-
tegies. In this part, attention focused on attitudes,
motivation, language anxiety and self-confidence.
This final section is devoted to providing a
theoretical overview of how such factors can
influence, and in some cases be influenced by, the
language-learning process. This overview is pre-
sented in the form of a revised version of the socio-
educational model of second-language learning that
was presented in Part I (Gardner & Maclntyre,
1992). This revised model is presented in Figure 1.
In the figure, the socio-cultural milieu is shown as
over-riding all aspects of the model. That is, when
considering the process of second-language ac-
quisition, it is recommended that close attention be
directed to the social context in which the learning
is taking place. Although Au (1988) argues that such
a concept 'may serve only to render the theory
immune to disconfirming evidence, thereby gran-
ting infallibility to the theory...' (p. 85), omission
of such a concept would make the theory much too
simplistic. Rather, what is required is research that
State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
Socio-cultural milieu

Antecedent Individual Language Outcomes

factors difference acquisition
variables contexs

Intelligence
••

Language
1—•
aptitude
•
. Formal

—•
' > Strategies - - - •
Linguistic
Biological
\ /

Experiential
Language
— • attitudes

/ >- Non-
linguistic
1—•
— • Motivation Informal
A
1

Language ,—h
anxiety
* ••

Figure 1. Schematic representation of the Socio-education model of second-language acquisition.

delineates the significant features of the social milieu biological and experiential in the model, with no
that influences the role of individual differences in exemplars or roles shown. Examples of such factors,
language acquisition. Some research based on a however, would include gender, age, prior language
different theoretical model is already under way in training, etc. Rather than attempt to describe all the
this regard (see, for example, Clement, 1980, 1986; possible roles that such factors might play, it seems
Labrie & Clement, 1986), while at least one study best to propose that, at a minimum, they should
(Clement & Kruidenier, 1983) demonstrated that be considered by an investigator when planning a
even the reasons for studying a second language study. It seems reasonable to propose, for example,
tended to group together to form different orien- that there is a biological foundation for intelligence,
tations as a function of the socio-cultural milieu. that age might influence what language-learning
Moreover, Kraemer (1990) demonstrated that the strategies are used, or that prior experience with a
socio-educational model could be modified suc- language could influence levels of language attitudes,
cessfully to take into consideration social forces motivation and/or language anxiety. Clearly, any
that might operate in a specific language-learning study of individual differences in second-language
situation. It is simplistic to assume that a language- acquisition would have to ensure that subjects were
learning model should not make explicit recognition relatively homogeneous with respect to prior
of the very dominant role played by the social training in that language in order to rule out
context. Would one really expect, for example, that confounding effects of prior achievement in the
attitudes toward the other community would be current language-learning process.
related positively to the motivation to learn the Six major individual difference variables are
language of that community by military personnel shown in Fig. 1. Intelligence, language aptitude, and
who may consider the community a potential language-learning strategies are considered as cog-
enemy ? nitive individual difference variables. In the model
The model posits that there are a number of they are shown as being relatively independent of
Antecedent factors that must also be considered one another (they are not linked by any directional
when attempting to study the role of individual arrows), even though it is recognised that they
difference variables in the process of learning a might correlate significantly in any study. The
second language. These are described simply as measures might well share some variance in
 State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
common, but it seems reasonable to assume that a
factor analytic study with sufficient marker variables
would show that the effective variances are in fact
independent. This has been shown to be the case, at
least, for intelligence and language aptitude (Gardner
& Lambert, 1965).
Language attitudes, motivation and language
anxiety are considered as affective individual dif-
ference variables. The concept of language attitudes
refers to any attitudinal variables that might be
implicated in the language-learning context. Earlier,
two major classes, Integrativeness and Attitudes
toward the learning situation were discussed, but
others have been investigated (see, for example
Gliksman, 1981; Clement & Kruidenier, 1985;
Kraemer, 1990). In the model, language attitudes
are shown as having a causal influence on motivation
(as indicated by the directional arrow). The point is,
that motivation needs an affective basis to be
maintained, and it seems reasonable to argue that
attitudes serve this function. In the figure, moti-
vation is shown as having a causal influence and as
being causally influenced by language anxiety (the
two arrows). These two variables tend to be
negatively correlated, and it seems meaningful to
argue, given our current state of knowledge, that
not only might high levels of motivation tend to
depress language anxiety but also that high levels of
anxiety might decrease motivation. The model also
shows causal links from language anxiety and
motivation to language-learning strategies. The
research by Oxford and Nyikos (1989) and by Rost
and Ross (1991) points to the motivational founda-
tion for the use of language-learning strategies while
anxiety reduction techniques could be considered as
indirect learning strategies (Oxford, 1990a).
Obviously, more research is required, but at the
present time, it seems meaningful to postulate such
causal connections.
When attention is directed to the Language
acquisition contexts, all of the individual difference
variables, with the exception of language attitudes,
are shown as having a direct effect on learning in the
formal language-learning environment (solid di-
rectional arrows). This is meant to indicate that in
any learning situation where material or skill is
being transmitted to a learner in some way,
individual differences in intelligence, language
aptitude, the use of language-learning strategies,
motivation and language anxiety will influence how
successful that individual will be in acquiring that
material or skill. Each will play a role in its own
way, some of which were discussed or hypothesised
in earlier sections of this article.
Only motivation is shown to have a direct role
in the informal context (the dotted arrow from
motivation to informal contexts). Because of the
voluntary nature of the informal context, it is
expected that individuals who are not motivated
will simply not take part in the context, while those
who are motivated will. Once an individual enters
an informal context, however, the other individual
difference variables will be implicated and could
influence how well material is learned. As above,
the role played will be influenced by the relevance
of the task to that particular variable. The indirect
effects of the other variables are shown by the
broken arrows linking them to the informal
contexts. No link is shown between language
attitudes and the informal language learning context.
This is because it is assumed that motivation medi-
ates any relation between language attitudes and
language achievement.
Both formal and informal language acquisition
contexts are assumed to have direct effects on both
linguistic and non-linguistic outcomes (the solid
arrows). Thus, the model formally recognises the
importance of what takes place in both contexts.
Teachers, instructional aids, curricula, and the like
clearly have an effect on what is learned and how
students react to the experience. Moreover, the
model postulates a causal link from the linguistic
outcomes to the non-linguistic outcomes, a recog-
nition that individuals' reactions to the learning
experience will depend to some extent on their
relative degree of success. Finally, it is proposed that
both linguistic and non-linguistic outcomes will
have an influence on individual difference variables.
Based on the research to date (Oxford & Crookall,
1989; Oxford & Nyikos, 1989) it seems clear that
achievement in the language will influence the use
of language-learning strategies. For this reason,
linguistic outcomes are shown as having an effect on
language-learning strategy use. Non-linguistic out-
comes are expected in turn to have direct effects
on language attitudes, motivation and language
anxiety.
Other variables might be added to this model
with no loss in generality, but the intent of this two-
part article was simply to review the major ones.
Thus, for example, some research has demonstrated
links between personality variables and language
achievement (see, for example, Lalonde, 1982;
Ehrman, 1990; Oxford, 1990 b) and between lan-
guage achievement and learning style variables such
as field dependence/independence (Oxford, 19906;
Chapelle & Green, 1992). These variables were not
considered in this article, in part because of space
limitations and in part because of our belief that
their functional roles in the language-learning
process are still not clear. Further research could
well profit from a consideration of their relationship
to variables discussed in this two-part article.
Cook's review of the literature in 1978 dem-
onstrated the breadth of variables that can influence
language acquisition. Over the past 15 years, the
boundaries have been greatly expanded and our
knowledge base deepened. The sheer volume of
 State of the art: Second language learning. Part 2
research currently available points to the complexity linguistic perspective. Language Teaching and Linguistics:
of the language-learning process and the need for Abstracts, II, 73-89.
further research to consider the many remaining CROOKES, G. & SCHMIDT, R. W. (1991). Motivation: reopening
the research agenda. Language Learning, 41, 469-512.
questions. As this review attests, there is still much DALY,J. (1991). Understanding communication apprehension:
to be done. Hopefully, the theoretical formulation an introduction for language educators. In E. K. Horwitz, &
proposed here will help in this regard. D. J. Young (eds.), Language anxiety: from theory and research
We would like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities to classroom implications. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Research Council of Canada for their support by grant no. 410- DESROCHERS, A. & GARDNER, R. C. (1981). Second language
90-0195 to the first author and Doctoral Fellowship no. 453-91- acquisition: an investigation of a bicultural excursion experience.
1277 to the second author. Quebec: International Centre for Research on Bilingualism.
DORNYEI, Z. (1990). Conceptualising motivation in foreign
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