School of Development Studies

SEM 3
Ambedkar University Delhi
Course: Peace, Conflict and Development

MA History (Semester 3rd)

Submitted to – Ivy Dhar

Submitted by – Ankesh Kumar Karna

Enrolment no – S213DHS05

Assignment (III)

Write a paper on Conflict Transformation and Peace-building. Draw upon literature to

discuss the concepts. To explain further, take a case study to discuss the issues of conflicts
and reflect on the community’s sense of peace. This submission could be made by using not
only secondary sources for the methodological purpose of writing the paper, students may
draw upon insider perspectives and/or use the interview method for gathering narratives from
the community chosen to study (minor number). The field-based requirement is desirable but
not compulsory.
 Terrorism in Egypt (2013-present)

Due to its frequent associations with hostilities and disagreement, the term "conflict" is often
seen negatively by most people. Disagreement may be as grave as the most gruesome
conflicts that result in enormous misery for many, or it can be as frivolous as the conflict you
can have with your brother about what colour the wall should be. The intensity of a dispute is
determined by how much the parties care about the topic at hand. Conflict is just a
disagreement of opinion. While conflict can be unpleasant, it also catalyzes the development
and plays a critical role in defining our identity. Conflict experiences help us establish who
we are as people and help us develop our own set of beliefs and morals in everyday life.

Conflict-free living and freedom from the threat of violence among diverse social groupings
are two characteristics of peace. Through peace treaties that came about as a consequence of
de-escalating hostilities and holding global and bilateral peace negotiations, benevolent
leaders throughout history have demonstrated moderation while fostering regional peace and
economic progress. Peace is typically defined as the absence of war or other violent
hostilities. Because peace frequently includes compromise, intelligent active listening and
communication are used to foster and establish true mutual understanding.

Internal and regionalized forms of violence have claimed the lives of more than four million
individuals since the conclusion of the Cold War. According to estimates, one-third of the
world's population is vulnerable to armed conflict, and a disproportionately large percentage
of these wars occur in developing nations. It might be challenging to comprehend modern
conflict. Each fight takes place in a certain socioeconomic, political, military, and cultural
environment. However, some generalisations are still conceivable.

Conflict resolution is a broad concept that covers many different topics, actions, and ideas. It
is generally accepted in the literature that conflict resolution does not necessarily include
conflict prevention but rather the support of social structures that can handle disagreement in
an inclusive and non-violent manner. This is predicated on the notion that conflict is a natural
component of human social interaction and that it may have a positive aspect as a component
of the process of social and political transformation. (Waldman, 2009)

As it was everywhere in the news that, the Egyptian president was India's chief guest on
Republic Day, which falls on January 26, 2023, In addition to it, Egyptian forces will also
take part with Indian forces in the 74th Republic Day Parade. So I thought it would be very
relevant to discuss the issue of terrorism in Egypt.

Terrorism can be widely construed as a kind of coercion that uses or threatens to use violence
to sow fear and so achieve political or ideological aims, even though there is no commonly
accepted definition for the term. The conventional terrorist "triangle"- in which A strikes B to
persuade or force C to adopt a stance in favour of an action or policy favoured by A - thus
distinguishes contemporary terrorist violence from "regular" violence in law. As the violence
is abruptly focused on innocent victims, the attack causes fear, which in turn puts pressure on
governments to alter their attitudes or policy. Modern terrorists use a variety of violent
methods to indiscriminately target citizens, military installations, and government leaders,
among others.

The difficulties in combating terrorism are not new, and they have existed for a very long
time. The French Revolution's Reign of Terror, which lasted from September 5, 1793, to July
27, 1794, when the Revolutionary Government used force and severe measures against
people it believed to be its adversaries, is when the term "terrorism" was first used. A new
type of warrior was created as a result of widespread opposition to Napoleon's invasion of the
Spanish Peninsula: the "guerrilla," which comes from the Spanish term ‘Guerra’, which
means "small battle." However, the use of terrorism as a tool for politics and conflict can be
traced back to ancient times, and as observed by Falk, "terrorism is as old as government and
armed conflict, and as prevalent". Many popular studies have been published and are focused
on terrorism, threats made by non-State actors, and responses from the international
community, particularly States, regional bodies, and the United Nations system. (United
Nations, Vienna, 2018)

Egypt Crisis; A case Study

Following the terrorist events of September 11, 2001, the Middle East and South Asia-based
threat of militant Islamic terrorism has gained prominence. Despite being a minority group,
these highly violent religious extremists pose a genuine threat. According to Bruce Hoffman
of RAND, in 1980 just two out of 64 groups were classed as having a primarily religious
purpose; in 1995, this number had increased to 26 out of 56 groups, or over half, and the bulk
of these groups professed Islam as their guiding ideology. (Moore, 2014)

The heinous assault by alleged Islamic State members in Egypt on a packed mosque in Sinai
demonstrates the extent to which the IS has spread its tentacles of evil around the world. The
occurrences have once again revealed the true colours of the IS, modern-day barbarians, by
revealing the susceptibility of nations one after another in the face of terror assaults. Islam
appears to be under assault from within, and the whole Muslim community, Muslim clerics,
and liberals must band together to condemn this cult of murder. Bloodshed and violence are
abhorrent and incompatible with the principles of a civilised world system like ours.
Additionally, all civilised nations must coordinate and maintain military action against these
barbarians who have little regard for human life and dignity.

Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, then Egypt's defence minister, urged the citizenry to support the military
and police in their battle against terrorism on July 24, 2013, three weeks after the army of
Egypt overthrew Muslim Brotherhood (MB)1 leader Mohammed Morsi. This appeal to
confront terror was seen as a method to establish a mandate for continuing military rule
following the coup, and it has characterised Egypt ever since.

Four years later, the Egyptian government's extensive oppressive measures were harsher than
even in the latter years of President Mubarak's rule. President Sisi, who has been in power
since 2014, has exploited the danger of terrorism to justify draconian repression, including
broad anti-terror laws to suppress opposition, a Stalinist campaign of mass detention
supervised by military courts, and extensive use of torture and extrajudicial executions. The
tactic, encouraged by state-run media, targets not just violent people but also journalists and
dissident citizens. Egypt's covert conflict in Sinai has intensified, in part as a result of the
collective punishment of the local populations who have been subjected to aerial
bombardment, forced relocation, and deprivation of basic amenities.

1
MB be read as Muslim Brotherhood hereafter.
Such persecution frequently sparks new conflicts and terrorist activities. The situation in
Egypt has undoubtedly become worse: since 2013, state- and non-state-sponsored violence
has claimed hundreds of Egyptian lives, including citizens, members of armed groups, police
officers, and soldiers. However, the governments of the US, Britain, and several other
European nations have supported the dictatorship. For them, it was too comfortable to
publicly contest the false notion that Egypt's strategy is a successful means of combating
"terrorism."

Three waves of armed conflict and terrorist assaults have hit Egypt since President Sadat's
murder in October 1981. The first wave, which Mubarak's regime claimed was driven by Al
Jama'a Al-activities Islamiya's in Cairo and Upper Egypt resulted in hundreds of fatalities,
including a sizable attack on tourists at the Temple of Hatshepsut on November 18, 1997.
Following the Western invasion of Iraq, the second wave, which was centred on Al-Tawhid
wal-strikes Gehad's in Sinai, featured several graphic and brutal assaults. But the third wave
was the one that has truly drawn attention from around the world. (We need to talk about
Egypt: how brutal ‘counter-terrorism’ is failing Egypt and its allies, 2017)

The backdrop wherein Morsi's government took office was very polarised. A compromise
made with important personalities from the revolutionary organisations, known as the
Fairmont Agreement, allowed Morsi to win the early backing of groups other than the
Brotherhood even though many secular and liberal sectors of society were adamantly
opposed to his vision. As part of this agreement, a "national unity project" was started, a
"national salvation government" was formed, and the president's team was made up of
members from all political groups under the leadership of an independent political figure.

The third wave of violence began after Morsi was forcibly removed from power on July 3,
2013, as a result of a military coup, and when Morsi's supporters were repressed that day.

In contrast to Egypt's first two waves of terror attacks, this one has predominantly targeted
state actors including police, military, judges, security personnel, and politicians rather than
foreigners. However, fewer attacks have targeted foreign targets, such as the al-Furqan
Brigade attack on ships in the Suez Canal, the Italian Consulate attack in July 2015, a few
attacks on tourists and other foreign nationals, rocket, mortar, and bomb attacks on or near
the Multinational Force and Observers, who oversee the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty, and most
infamously the killing of more than 50 people, claimed by Wilayat Sinai.
Since the overthrow of Morsi, there has been a widening rift between Sisi's supporters and
state actors, on the one side, and political opponents, including but not only Islamist
organisations, on the other. Although this polarisation has occasionally shown itself in violent
conflict, it is mostly latent and veiled behind a wave of dread and suppression.

The MB took eighty years to rise to power in Egypt, but once it did, it only retained it for a
single year. Despite being banned for most of its existence, this 1928-founded opposition
group has long been Egypt's biggest and best organized. The Brotherhood developed into a
more powerful political movement in the latter years of Mubarak's reign, advocating for
democratic reform and more political participation. However, the MB, a group established on
Islamist governance ideals, was seen by many as a significant danger to freedom and
plurality. The MB's numerous ideological foes had the ideal opportunity to undo its
accomplishments and bring about its demise during Morsi's presidency.

The MB had been portrayed as being anti-Egyptian and a terrorist organisation, which has
created an environment of significant political polarisation as well as a great deal of mistrust
and dread among the Egyptian populace. This divisive strategy has been used to legitimise a
witch hunt against the MB and other political opponents, which has been made possible by
widespread rights violations and an atmosphere of lawlessness. Although the MB claims to
be non-violent, the crackdown by Sisi's administration after Morsi's overthrow has led to
growing disagreements within the movement about the most effective ways to forward its
objectives and maintain its existence. Sisi's autocratic reign has so only helped to widen rifts
and raise the allure of violent rebellion.

An ISIS member detonated explosives at St. Mark's Church in Alexandria and St. George's
Church in Tanta on April 9, 2017, resulting in the deaths of 45 people and the injuries of 125
more. Except for a few months in 2013, there had been no nationwide state of emergency
until the Sisi government issued its proclamation. The Egyptian government now has further
permission to enact counter-terror (CT)2 measures at whatever cost because of this
emergency. The Egyptian government has produced eight unique pieces of law, revised
existing ones on CT problems, and blacklisted more than 432 websites in the four years after
Morsi was overthrown (including recently blocking the Human Rights Watch website after
the organisation published a report implicating the government in widespread cases of
torture), put almost 3,000 people on "terrorist" watch lists, murdered about 3,000 people, and

2
CT be read as Counter-terror hereafter,
made tens of thousands of arrests. The legal underpinnings of Egypt's oppressive network of
CT measures, the detention, trial, and imprisonment system, the dependence on abductions,
torture, and extrajudicial murders, and the destruction of journalistic freedom are key
components.

Human Rights Watch claims that "Egyptian authorities have undoubtedly detained or
prosecuted at least 60,000 people since the 2013 military takeover." Since the state
proclaimed its "war on terror" in July 2013, there are no official data on the number of
persons who have been detained and accused of terrorism offences. But according to a rare
revelation from a top interior ministry official, well over 11,000 individuals were detained in
the nation on terrorism-related accusations in the first nine months of 2015. The most armed
violent organisation in Egypt, Wilayat Sinai, is said to only have a thousand or so members.
The enormous difference between these two numbers illustrates how indiscriminately CT
laws have been deployed to target those that are not associated with terrorism.

The security and judiciary systems in Egypt had the authority to label anyone as a "terrorist"
following the new laws and authorities. Since Magdi Abdel Ghaffar was appointed interior
minister in March 2015, Egypt has experienced an extraordinary rise in the number of
complaints of enforced disappearances made to human rights organisations.

During a visit to the Oval Office in April 2017, Sisi told President Trump, "You are standing
very strong in the counter-terrorism field… You will find Egypt and me always behind you in
this – in bringing about an effective strategy in counter-terrorism".

To achieve peace and stability, a group strategy must be created to persuade Egypt to
acknowledge historical lessons about the significance of political inclusion and human rights.
To advance, authorities must stop cracking down on opposition figures and promote
discussion, trust, and reconciliation so that those who are prepared to give up violent means
may discover fruitful avenues for constructive involvement with Egypt's future. International
actors must be innovative, adaptable, and strong to ensure that free speech, impartial
reporting, legal representation, and other crucial tenets of political participation and
accountability in Egypt are always supported.

As part of the campaign for change in Egypt, it will be crucial for Western actors to persuade
other regional players to stop providing unqualified support for Egyptian authoritarianism
and to promote political reconciliation between the regime and the MB. They should also
warn them of the risks to regional stability if the status quo is upheld.
 References
Moore, J. (2014). The evolution of Islamic terrorism; an overview. Retrieved from Frontline:
https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/target/etc/modern.html

United Nations, Vienna. (2018). Introduction to International Terrorism. United Nations Office On
Drugs And Crime, 2-5.

Waldman, T. (2009). Conflict Resolution, Peacebuilding, and Youth. Researchgate, 3-7.

We need to talk about Egypt: how brutal ‘counter-terrorism’ is failing Egypt and its allies. (2017, Oct
13). Retrieved from Saferworld: https://www.saferworld.org.uk/long-reads/we-need-to-talk-
about-egypt-how-brutal-acounter-terrorisma-is-failing-egypt-and-its-allies