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Portfolio - Revised Assignment
Portfolio - Revised Assignment
Sam Hodges
Abstract
Religiosity and partisan identity drive many attitudes, and abortion attitudes are not immune.
Previous research has focused on snapshots of the American public and primarily on religious
affiliation. I propose a longitudinal panel survey design to study partisanship and religiosity as
identities that drive abortion attitudes. I believe the study will find that people who identify more
strongly with one of those identities, regardless of which side they are on, will be more likely to
have stronger abortion attitudes. I also believe that religiosity will have a significant effect and
Introduction
What identities are most important in influencing abortion attitudes? Moreover, how do
these change over time? Most people think women should have some legal access to abortion
and that public opinion has not shifted much. About 75% of people supported some form of legal
abortion in 1975; in 2018, that number was 79% (Santhanam, 2018). I believe that it is not
partisanship or religiosity that influences the strength of abortion attitudes but the strength of a
person’s partisan identity or the strength of their religious identity. I expect the strength of these
identities will change over time. I expect fluctuations in the strength of these identities to
A longitudinal panel survey study would show how the strength of abortion attitudes
changes over time, which is not often done when studying abortion attitudes. Most recent studies
of abortion attitudes have settled for cross-sectional snapshots of the American public. Though
more expensive and time-consuming, a longitudinal panel survey study would hammer in the
details of the dynamic relationship much more than the snapshot. It will also allow us to see if
there are fluctuations in attitudes and what causes them if it is one of our independent variables
of interest. I suspect that the effect of the religious affiliation variable that researchers have long
Literature Review
determining attitude change is the social circles we run in. Social circles do not work on their
own in changing attitudes. Instead, they work primarily by shaping the information from outside
influences (MacKuen & Brown, 1987). Another scholarly study looked at political attitudes in
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the early 2000s and how exposure to political information impacted them. By doing two studies
on several types of radio talk shows, they found that when people are exposed to one-sided
messaging on a position, their agreement with that position increases as the exposure increases.
People are also more likely to listen to a source that already agrees with them (Lee & Cappella,
2001). The strength of one's identity has also been studied regarding its impact on opinion. Party
elites and co-partisans can impact opinion change, but this effect is most potent among those
with the strongest association with their party (Toff, Benjamin, and Suhay 2019). The strength of
one's identity and attitudes also impact how much a person will use motivated reasoning to
defend that identity or attitude (Leeper & Slothuus, 2014). When people are more firmly attached
to an identity or attitude, they will also be more likely to seek information to defend that identity
opinions about objective factors like the economy. When George W. Bush took office, all
partisan groups had an optimistic view of how the country was doing economically. However, by
2004, Republicans' economic ratings were roughly 75%, while Democrats' were around 25%.
Though the level of political polarization had some moderating effect on polarization, there was
still a significant effect from partisanship (Enns & McAvoy, 2012). The same holds for abortion
attitudes. Democrats are consistently more liberal on abortion than Republicans. Republicans are
becoming more progressive on abortion issues but are moving slowly and are still much more
There have also been conflicting reports on abortion attitude research. Some people
change their political affiliation because of a change in their abortion attitudes, but the situation
occurs just as often in the opposite direction (Casey, Thomas, and Layman 2006). By doing a
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longitudinal study with the same group of people, I can see if they are more likely to change their
Most recent research has focused on religion as the primary independent variable. In
contrast, partisanship is the 4th most used independent variable (Adamczyk, Kim, and Dillon,
2020). Some religious affiliations are more associated with one side of the abortion debate over
the other. For example, Jehova's Witnesses, Evangelical Protestants, and Mormons are all
significantly more likely to have pro-life attitudes than someone who is Buddhist, Jewish, or
Unaffiliated, who are much more likely to have pro-choice attitudes (Pew Research Center
2014). However, religion was mainly studied using just religious affiliation, not other measures
that could be more important (Adamczyk, Kim, and Dillon 2020). The religious affiliations
effect might be less significant if religiosity is accounted for. For black people, attending church
more often and interpreting the Bible more literally made them more likely to be pro-choice
Additionally, religiosity could play a role in deciding who gets involved in politics in the
first place. The religious beliefs that one holds about political power, who should hold it, how it
should be wielded, and where it comes from influence how much a person is involved in political
activity (Philpott, 2007). My research would include religious affiliation and religiosity measures
to see if religiosity has a more significant effect than just religious affiliation.
Theory
My research question is: How does the strength of identity influence the strength of
abortion attitudes? Furthermore, how do these change over time? I assume that people are more
likely to change the strength of their abortion attitudes rather than their political affiliations. I
believe any change in abortion attitudes or the given strength of those attitudes will strongly
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correlate with shifts in partisanship, religiosity, or both. Most research on abortion attitudes has
been cross-sectional, taking a snapshot of attitudes at one specific time. While this is helpful,
more longitudinal research is needed to understand better the dynamic relationship between
many independent variables and abortion attitudes. Specifically, suppose there is a dynamic
relationship between the independent variables of the strength of religiosity and partisanship and
the dependent variable of the strength of abortion attitudes. In that case, it should show even
I theorize that the strength of partisanship and religiosity are the most significant factors
driving the strength of abortion attitudes in the US. As someone identifies more strongly with
one of those identities, regardless of where they sit on the abortion debate, I expect them to have
stronger abortion attitudes. In particular, I expect religiosity to have a significant effect. I expect
H1: As someone becomes more religious (i.e., attends more religious services or is more
literal about their religious text), they will develop stronger abortion attitudes, regardless of
I expect to get the same results as other scholars, that certain religions or religious beliefs
are associated with certain abortion attitudes. However, I believe that while someone’s religion
may stay the same, the strength of their religiosity will waver. For example, one might expect
that their religious opinion strength may fade as they age and enter legal adulthood. This could
be because of the distance from respondents’ childhood environments or exposure to new ideas.
The research on the effect of religiosity on black people’s abortion attitudes was done over 20
years ago, and people have gotten more progressive with their views on abortion, Democrats and
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Republicans alike. It would be interesting to see if that effect has changed and if it still only
H2: As someone identifies as a stronger partisan, they will develop stronger abortion
attitudes, regardless of which side of the political spectrum they sit on.
becomes more important to someone, then how strongly they believe in a position associated
with their partisanship should also increase. If someone identifies as a Democrat, they are more
likely to be for stronger gun regulations or fewer people patrolling our borders. People with
stronger identities and attitudes are also more strongly motivated to seek information confirming
these identities and attitudes. So, it makes sense that as someone becomes a stronger partisan,
they would seek out more information and then develop stronger attitudes from those sources
and the circles they are involved in. For example, I expect someone who identifies as a Strong
Democrat to have stronger abortion attitudes than someone who identifies as Leaning Democrat.
Research Design
A cross-sectional study would only look at attitudes in the present, so it would only look
at how people feel at a given time. A longitudinal panel survey study will help us understand
how abortion attitudes change over time, which is lacking in current abortion attitude research. It
will also let us know what identities are essential to it and which identities changing creates a
change in abortion attitudes if there are any at all. The design I am proposing would also allow
for the strength of the abortion attitude to fluctuate with the strength of specific identities, which
I suspect will fluctuate more than the attitude itself. Although this is not strictly part of my
research question, I also intend to ask about both the legal and moral side of abortion and see
how that correlates with identities and the strength of specific identities, namely race,
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partisanship, and religiosity. This will provide another lens through which to view abortion
attitudes, and having extra information is never a detriment. The study would select a group of
people to be surveyed for an extended period. Respondents would have to answer the same
survey questions every time they were surveyed. I plan to include age, race, and education as
control variables. These items could affect my dependent variable of interest but are outside of
We are also uniquely positioned with the upcoming Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v.
Jackson Women’s Health Organization. This monumental occasion means Americans are
probably unusually cognizant of abortion issues and their attitudes this year. With this in mind, it
would be valuable to see how citizens feel about abortion attitudes during this crucial time. The
Supreme Court is expected to announce its decision in early summer; therefore, I believe
sometime in late April-early May would be an excellent time to ask people how they feel about
abortion. It could then be compared later with periods when the issue is less salient to see if
people have more intense opinions/attitudes when the issue is more salient. This will be a score
based on the abortion attitude questions that I will describe below. My dependent variable of
interest is the change in abortion attitudes. My independent variables of interest are the change in
would select a group of 16-50 years old, allowing for some age variation among the respondents.
For 30 years, they would be surveyed and asked about their abortion attitudes, identities, and
strengths every five years. Most of these questions will be from, or influenced by, the 2020
American National Election Survey (ANES) and Pew Research Center questions. Every time the
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respondents were surveyed, they would be asked the same questions about their identity and
abortion attitudes. The survey would need to be adjusted if there was some general party flip in
abortion stances, but I anticipate it will remain the same throughout the study. Over time, I can
compare the differences in responses among the same people. I expect to see some fluctuation in
the strength of the partisanship and religiosity variables that correlate with a change in the
Abortion attitudes will be measured through a series of questions that ask people their
opinions on abortions in the United States (Questions 18-22). Participants will be asked
questions that focus on both the legality and morality of abortion. The questions will also
account for the strength of an opinion. For example, someone will be asked if they agree or
disagree that abortion should be legal in all circumstances. After answering all the questions, the
scores will be ranked in an index, and the participants will be given an overall strength of
abortion attitude score. The index score is what I expect to fluctuate over time with identity.
Similarly, for identity, participants will be asked questions about various aspects of their
identity and then how strongly they identify with said identity. Some of the questions will be
phrased as “How important is X identity to you,” and people will be able to rank it on a similar
scale to abortion attitudes. Others will ask them how much they agree with a statement. The
religiosity questions (Questions 14-17) are based on standard questions that participants get
asked in other studies, like the ANES. The main things that will make up a religiosity score are
how often participants go to religious services and how literally participants interpret their
religious texts. Other control variables will be included in each survey, such as age, gender,
ideology, and education (Questions 1-6). However, I do not expect these to have as much of a
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variables of interest.
My biggest concern with this type of research design would be attrition, people dropping
out of the study over time for whatever reasons. There are ways to reduce the number of people
dropping out. One way, in particular, is to keep as many of the same interviewers as possible.
Participants respond well when they can continue to speak to the same people over time. Another
way to reduce nonresponses is to keep track of the participants even when they are not asked
survey questions. A great way of doing that would be to offer respondents a monetary reward for
updating their address and contact information whenever it changes. This reward would
incentivize them to contact interviewers and remind them about their survey obligation (Laurie et
al., 1999). Though this is much more time-consuming and expensive, it would also provide much
better data at the end of the survey because retention rates would be much higher.
themselves. Sometimes respondents will give what they believe to be the socially desirable
answer but not their actual answer because they believe they would be judged for it. This social
desirability bias results in inaccurate information and can result in surveyors drawing incorrect
conclusions about their sample. I do not think this would be a substantial issue for my survey.
The people would be anonymous, their demographic information only known to me and any
other researchers involved in the study. The research team would likely never know or meet the
study participants in person. The anonymity would remove the incentive to give socially
desirable answers, as there is no one to impress and no one who will judge their answer.
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I hope this research will give better insight into how abortion attitudes are formed and
how they change. Previous research has focused on snapshots and has primarily ignored
religiosity. Based on the current literature, I believe that religiosity will cause religion's current
estimated effect to decrease dramatically. Religion will still be a decisive factor, but a better
predictor of abortion attitudes and the change of those attitudes will be religiosity. The panel
survey, done over 30 years, will show how abortion attitudes strengthen and weaken over time in
and religiosity will be the strongest predictors of abortion attitude strength, with religiosity
An interesting next place to take this abortion attitude research would be back to the short
term, but an experiment based on identity. The research could be a survey experiment where
randomly selected participants would be asked to describe themselves and their identities before
asking questions about abortion. In contrast, others could be asked the same questions about
identities after getting asked their questions about abortion. Comparing the two groups shows
which identities typically rise to the top of the mind before or after considering abortion. This
would help see which identities participants bring to mind when making their abortion attitudes.
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References
Adamczyk, Amy, Chunrye Kim, and Leevia Dillon. 2020. “Examining Public Opinion about
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/soin.12351.
Carsey, Thomas, and Geoffrey Layman. 2006. “Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00196.x.
Enns, Peter K., and Gregory E. McAvoy. "The role of partisanship in aggregate opinion."
Gay, David, and John Lynxwiler. 2010. “THE IMPACT OF RELIGIOSITY ON RACE
359-377. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1080/027321799280190.
Jelen, Ted G. "Public Attitudes Toward Abortion and LGBTQ Issues: A dynamic analysis of
Laurie, Heather, Rachel Smith, and Lynne Scott. 2014. “Strategies for Reducing Nonresponse in
http://repository.essex.ac.uk/8747/.
Lee, Gangheong, and Joseph N. Cappella. "The effects of political talk radio on political attitude
369-394.
Leeper, Thomas J., and Rune Slothuus. "Political parties, motivated reasoning, and public
MacKuen, Michael, and Courtney Brown. "Political context and attitude change." American
Santhanam, Laura. “How Has Public Opinion about Abortion Changed since Roe v. Wade?”
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/health/how-has-public-opinion-about-abortion-changed-si
nce-roe-v-wade.
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https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.esr.a018233.
Toff, Benjamin, and Elizabeth Suhay. "Partisan conformity, social identity, and the formation of
policy preferences." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 31, no. 2 (2019):
349-367.
Toor, Meena. 2020. “Demographic Survey Questions That Yield Valuable Insights.” Qualtrics:
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1080/027321799280190.
Woodruff, Katie, M. Antonia Biggs, Heather Gould, and Diana Foster. 2018. “Attitudes Toward
Abortion After Receiving vs. Being Denied an Abortion in the USA.” Sexuality Research
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-018-0325-1.
QUESTIONNAIRE .” Pew Research Center. Pew Research Center. May 30, 2014.
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1080/027321799280190.
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https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1080/027321799280190.
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Appendix A
o Male (1)
o Female (2)
________________________________________________________________
o White/Caucasion (1)
o Hispanic (4)
o Black/African-American (5)
o Native-American (6)
o Other (8)
Page Break
o Strongly (2)
o Somewhat (3)
o Slightly (4)
Page Break
17
o Doctorate (7)
o Married (1)
o Widowed (2)
o Divorced (3)
o Separated (4)
o Democrat (1)
o Republican (2)
o Independent (3)
o Other (4)
Strength of party Q10 - How important is your political party to your identity?
o Liberal (1)
o Conservative (2)
o Moderate (3)
o Other (4)
o Jewish (5)
o Muslim (6)
o Buddhist (7)
o Hindu (8)
o Atheist (9)
o Agnostic (10)
Important or not? Q14 - How do you feel about the following statement: I consider my religion,
Guidance Q15 - How do you feel about the following statement: My religion or lack thereof
Attendance Q16 - Lots of things come up that keep people from attending religious services.
Thinking of your life these days, how often do you go to religious services?
o Never (5)
Literalism Q17 - How do you feel about the following statement: My religion's holy text is the
word of God?
Opinion Q18 - There has been some discussion about abortion during recent years. Which one of
o The law should permit abortion only in case of rape, incest, or when the woman's life is
in danger (2)
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o The law should permit abortion other than for rape/incest/danger to woman but only after
choice (4)
o Other (5)
Morality vs legality Q19 - Which of these statements best describes your opinions on abortion?
o Abortion is not morally acceptable and should not be legally acceptable (4)
o Other (5)
Q29 Q20 - How strongly do you believe your previously selected abortion opinion?
Court Past Q21 - How do you feel about the Supreme Court's past decisions on abortion rights?
Q22 - How would you feel if the Supreme Court reduced abortion rights in the future?