TranslatoLogicaVol2 2018a

A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature
Vol. 2
December 2018
Open-Access Online Publication 2018
All the works published in this volume are licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution
3.0 Unported License. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/
Published by the Department of Translation at the Institute of English Studies, University of

Wrocław and the Translatio Doctoral Students' Association.
Advisory Board:
Marek Kuźniak (University of Wrocław, Poland)
Michał Garcarz (University of Wrocław, Poland)
Michał Szawerna (University of Wrocław, Poland)
Marcin Walczyński (University of Wrocław, Poland)
Reviewers:
Paweł Marcinkiewicz (University of Opole, Poland)
Marek Błaszak (University of Opole, Poland)
Penelope Johnson (Durham University, United Kingdom)
Piotr Blumczyński (Queen's University Belfast, Northern Ireland)
Saihong Li (University of Stirling, Scotland)
Iryna Odrekhivska (Ivan Franko National University of Lviv)
Piotr Czajka (University of Wrocław, Poland)
Vanessa Lopes Lourenço Hanes (Fluminese Federal University, Brazil)
Editor-in-chief:
Dawid Czech
Language Editors:
Krzysztof Hwaszcz
Jędrzej Olejniczak
Patrycja Karpińska
Jakub Wieczorek
TranslatoLogica. Institute of English, University of Wrocław, Kuźnicza 22 , 50-138 Wrocław

Table of Contents
Milena Sazdovska-Pigulovska
Level of Familiarisation and Practical Use of Translation Tools by Translation Students .................. 2
Lisi Liang
Translation and Transcultural Creativity: A Comparison of Chinese Authorized Subtitling and

Fansubbing in the Case Study of Notting Hill (1999)..................................................................... 26
Paweł Marcinkiewicz
Literary Translations and Stages of Their Existence in the Receiving Culture: The Case of John
Ashbery’s Poetry .........................................................................................................................49
Sonja Kitanovska-Kimovska, Katarina Gjurchevska-Atanasovska
The Norms at Play in the Macedonian Literary System: An Analysis of the Role of Mihajlovski’s
Shakespeare in Macedonian ....................................................................................................... 74
Anna Dudek
Heart of Message. An Overview of Stylistic Devices Used by Jacek Dukaj in Serce ciemności ........95
Giulia Magazzù
“Montalbano sono!” Conveying the Identity of Sicily Through Subtitles: The Case of Inspector
Montalbano ............................................................................................................................. 111
Sylvia Liseling-Nilsson
A Diachronic Study of Polish Translations of the Swedish Verb säga in Two Novels Written in 1957
and 2007 ................................................................................................................................... 126
Vanesa Cañete-Jurado
TV Remakes of Contemporary Spanish Fiction in the United States: Appropriation, Subjectivity, and
Cultural Production ................................................................................................................... 140
Andrea Götz
Measuring Explicitation: The Hungarian Polarity Marker -e in Translation .................................. 156

Milena Sazdovska-Pigulovska
Ss. Cyril and Methodius University
Level of Familiarisation and Practical Use of Translation Tools by Translation

Students
ABSTRACT
Due to the fact that we live in the digital age, it is understandable that translation tools and
technology are increasingly becoming an important area of research studies. Translators
use a number of translation tools, such as terminology management software, printed and
electronic dictionaries and glossaries, multilingual online terminological databases,
terminology extraction tools, and social networking tools. In fact, translation tools are any
tools and resources used by translators in the translation process whether they are in
electronic, digital or printed format. Considering that translation is an energy-consuming
and time-consuming process, which requires translation students to be meticulous about
details, facts, terminology and transfer of meaning, students often look for shortcuts in the
translation process, thereby disregarding the importance of research and use of various
translation tools that contribute to high quality translations. The purpose of this paper is to
analyse student practices in the translation classroom and their familiarisation with the
most commonly used and useful translation tools. Based on the results of the conducted
survey research, specific recommendations can be made about which translator’s
competences and skills need improvement and further development. Furthermore, the
paper strives to find practical application of the research results, aimed at improving
applied practices in the translation classroom and the quality of students’ translations.
KEY WORDS
Translation tools, translator training, survey, CAT tools, terminology database
1. Introduction
Generally speaking, translation is an energy-consuming and time-consuming process, which

requires translation students to be meticulous about details, facts, terminology and transfer
of meaning. But, faced with a constant pressure of time, translation students often look for
shortcuts in the translation process, thereby disregarding the importance of background
TranslatoLogica: A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature, 2 (2018), p. 2-25

Level of Familiarisation and Practical Use of Translation Tools by Translation Students
research and use of various translation tools that contribute to higher quality translations.
Considering the interdisciplinary nature of the translator profession, the use of technology as
well as various tools and resources is a vital constituent part of the translation process.
2. Subject and Aim of Research
The purpose of this paper is to analyse student practices in the translation classroom and their
familiarisation with the most commonly used and useful translation tools by obtaining
quantifiable data through a survey. Based on the survey results, specific recommendations
can be made about which translator’s competences and skills need improvement and further
development. Furthermore, the goal of this research is to find practical application of the
results, aimed at improving applied practices in the translation classroom as well as improving
the overall translation teaching methodology.
The results will point out whether students develop the necessary skills to use different
translation tools and whether they should be integrated in practical teaching to a greater
extent. The final goal is to increase the quality of students’ translations and to raise awareness
of the importance of acquiring important translator skills not only through formal education,
but throughout the professional life as well.
3. Methodology and Questions of the Research
For the purpose of this paper, a survey was conducted in 2018 at the Department of
Translation and Interpreting within the “Blaze Koneski” Faculty of Philology in Skopje,
Macedonia.1 The survey method, involving a questionnaire, is a useful research instrument for
collection of data, and according to Groves (2009, p. 20), it is a useful tool for assessment of
education progress. Furthermore, a survey questionnaire is often used to collect measurable
data from a specific group of people (Fanning, 2005, p. 1), such as students giving opinions on
an important aspect of their profession.
The study was conducted among 47 fourth-year students who took the two-semester
course in Specialised translation from Macedonian into English (correspondingly, in seventh
1
The Department of Translation and Interpreting in Skopje is a specialised department offering a choice between
two study modules of translation or interpreting, and language combinations involving the mother tongue
(Macedonian) plus a combination of two foreign languages (English-German, English-French or German-French).
3
and eight semesters of Bachelor Studies), which primarily dealt with written scientific and
technical translation. The survey was specifically sampled and used for the needs of the
research presented in this paper, and it was composed of a paper-based questionnaire
completed during class time. All respondents anonymously filled out a semi-structured
questionnaire with 15 questions which were a combination of questions predetermined by
the researcher and open-ended questions (see Annex 1). Precisely speaking, they were
dichotomous questions offering a yes or no response, but at the same time complemented
with a third open-ended option, requiring respondents to explain the answer in their own
words and to describe their opinions and practices. The students involved in the survey have
already had two semesters of classes during which they have been acquainted with different
translation tools, especially translation software, dictionaries and glossaries. Therefore, we
shall make the initial assumption that translation students are familiar with translation tools
to some extent (this will serve as an initial thesis in this paper), even without having sufficient
evidence as to whether students apply their knowledge in practice.
Even though it was an anonymous questionnaire, respondents were asked to write down
a code and to use it for future surveys conducted in class. The questionnaire consisted of three
sections, with the questions becoming more specific with each part. It contained succinct and
unambiguous questions, the purpose of which was to elicit feedback and honest opinions from
the respondents on their personal experience and applied practices. A semi-structured
questionnaire is convenient for providing both numerical data (yielded from the
predetermined questions) as well as qualitative data that are generated from the open-ended
questions (Cohen; Manion; Morrison, 2000, p. 306). Through this structure, the questionnaire
revealed certain trends among students that help to identify the areas of teaching that need
to be reinforced.
The motivation for this paper stems from the initial impression that many students in the
translation classroom are not sufficiently informed about available resources or do not
sufficiently use them, even if they are familiar with some of them. A tendency of reluctance
towards the use of translation technology is observable among translation students. Hence,
the paper aims to answer two questions: 1) Are translation students familiar with available
translation tools, and with which precisely? 2) Do students practically use and effectively
benefit from the use of available translator tools?
4
4. Reference Documents and Translation Tools Definition
Numerous materials in the form of textbooks can be found on translation tools, however there
are not that many comprehensive classroom-based research studies. Somers (2003, p. 9)
studies the use of computers in translation practice, and, in collaboration with Hutchins,
provides one of the first textbooks on machine translation (Hutchins & Somers, 1992).
However, many agree that machine translation is for communicative purposes only, and must
be strictly controlled. Modern technology changes translators’ traditional tools as they are
increasingly available not just in electronic, but also in machine-readable format (Newton,
2002, p. 1). Translation software is a constituent part of a translator’s everyday life, and it
contains a text analyser and a terminology database (Newton, 2002, p. 2).
There is numerous empirical research on translation tools and translator skills. The
European Commission offers many publications and guidelines on translation. For example,
“Languages in Action” define specific translation tools, such as the internet, translation
memories, terminology banks, machine translation, and dictionaries (2013, p. 13). This
document also defines key translators’ skills, such as drafting skills, thoroughness and
accuracy, research skills, and computer-literacy skills (2013, p. 5).
Similar research in this field has also been related to higher-education classroom
experiences, although covering only certain aspects and segments. For example, research
conducted by Kodura (2016) only focuses on dictionary use among translation students, which
is only one segment of translation tools. Other studies focus on the use of technology in
academic translation teaching (Odacıoglu & Kokturk, 2015), whereas He specifically focuses
on the application of CAT tools in scientific and technological translation (He, 2017). Others
mainly focus on language learning through translation (Köse, 2011), or use of CAT tools in
English teaching (Yao, 2017). This leaves plenty of grounds for researching the overall use of
translation tools in classroom and academic context.
In the digital era, translators use a number of translation tools, such as terminology
management software, printed and electronic dictionaries and glossaries, multilingual online
terminological databases, terminology extraction tools, corpus processing tools, social
networking tools and others. Kenny (2011) is among those who believe that translation is
becoming a highly technologised profession. Hence, translation tools are any tools used by
translators in the translation process, whether they are in electronic, digital or printed format.
5
They do not only include electronic sources, and are also not solely confined to translation
software, but cover a much wider scope.
Newton describes that translation software contains a text analyser and a terminology
database (2002, p. 2), and that CAT tools operate in split-screen editing mode (2002, p. 8) and
function on the basis of translation memories and a translation glossary, or terminology
database. The latter form a part of terminology management systems that enable organising,
retrieving and storing terms into clear databases that can later be reused by others.2 A
terminological database (or termbase) is a central database containing approved terminology
and related information, and are important for managing terminology.3 It is widely accepted
that the use of terminology management tools and software contributes to high-quality,
accurate and consistent translations.
Kenny (2011) highlights that termbanks share many similarities with electronic dictionaries.
The internet is abundant in diverse online dictionaries, glossaries and online terminological
databases, many of which are multilingual, up-to-date with latest terminology and of different
quality and reliability. As a result, European institutions suggest reliable sources of
terminology databases, glossaries and thesauruses available in a multitude of languages.4
Furthermore, one must not forget the evolution of cloud-based translation tools that will
reshape the translator profession in the near future.
Considering the above, the purpose of this paper is to examine how familiar the students
are with all of the previously mentioned tools and resources for translators. In fact, the results
infer that it is necessary to enhance the translator training curriculum with a range of practices
(much wider than just CAT tools) in order to better prepare translation students for the future
challenges of their increasingly technologised profession. Certain authors emphasise the issue
of adjusting translation and interpreting training programmes to recent developments in IT,
especially in CAT tools (Kearns,2006, p. 44). In this context, Kiraly’s work on translator training
(1995) is also worth mentioning. The current translator training strategy involves integration
of CAT tools in the translation process as well as different forms of audio-visual translation,
but should be enhanced with internet-using skills (where the internet is a source of
2
Source: https://www.sdltrados.com/solutions/terminology-management/
3
Source: https://www.sdltrados.com/solutions/terminology-management/termbase.html
4
Source: http://termcoord.eu/
6
information mining), reliability of information used, use of parallel texts and terminology
management systems, to mention but a few.
5. Results of the Research
This chapter presents the results of the survey on the basis of a questionnaire the purpose of
which is collection of data. The questionnaire includes 15 questions, grouped into three
sections, which analyse three important segments: the students’ ability to engage in browsing
and information mining, students’ skills to use CAT tools, and the use of other translation tools
and resources. The questionnaire yielded a high response rate. The dichotomous questions
were analysed by the researcher and generated an occurrence of responses that was coded
into statistical data and figures, whereas the responses from the open-ended questions were
qualitatively classified into groups.
The first part of the questionnaire analyses the ability of translation students to conduct
research (Questions 1-4). The results of the first question regarding students’ opinion on the
importance of browsing and information mining in the translation process are statistically
presented on the first figure below.5
Figure 1 Students’ opinion on the importance of browsing and information mining
Depends on
the situation
17%
Not
important
2%
Important
81%
5
All figures in this paper present author’s data. Certain percentages do not correspond with the number of
surveyed students as (in some questions) open-ended options to provide explanations were left empty, whereas
some students gave several options.
7
Figure 1 shows that 81% of surveyed students rightfully believe that it is important to engage
in browsing and information mining while translating, and not just to simply focus on finding
translation equivalents in dictionaries. Only 2% of those surveyed think otherwise because
they believe that information mining is not an important segment of the translation process,
whereas 17% do not have a specific opinion on this and indicate that the importance of the
issue when translating is largely dependent on the specific situation. However, the results of
the second question reveal that although most students are well aware of the importance of
the above issue when translating, their actual practices in the translation classroom do not
always involve information mining. This conclusion can be demonstrated with the results
presented on the figure below.
Figure 2 Main focus of information mining
Depends on the
Information on Definitions
topic of
text type or 2%
translation
about the topic
6%
of translation
21%
Similar texts in
other
languages
2%
Official titles, Specialised

names, terminology
institutions 45%
14%
Collocations,
phrases and
abbreviations
10%
The second question was aimed at discovering the main focus of translation students by
asking them to explain what they mainly focused on when engaging in information mining.
Figure 2 shows that students mainly focus on finding specialised terminology when translating
(45%), as well as collocations, phrases and abbreviations (10%). Students focus to a lesser
extent on finding information on a specific text type or information related to the topic of
translation (21%), official names, titles and institutions (14%), as well as definitions (2%). A
small number of student looks for diverse information depending on the topic of translation
8
(6%), whereas some even browse through parallel texts in other languages (2%). This
discrepancy between students’ opinion and their actual practices (shown with the first two
questions) reveals that, although students are well aware of the importance of information
mining when translating, they are not very familiar with specific information mining
techniques that could serve as a useful tool for translators. This conclusion can be additionally
demonstrated with the results of the third question presented below.
Figure 3 Main sources of information
Figure 3 shows that students mainly search for information on the internet (49%), a large
group of those surveyed search for information both online and in specialised subject-related
literature (51%), whereas no one uses specialised subject-related literature as the main source
of information (0%), regardless of whether they need information of terminological or
specialised nature. This shows that, even though different types of documents can be found
in electronic form, many translation students seldom rely on specialised subject-related
literature as a source of accurate and reliable information, but rather resort to unreliable
website content. In fact, a tendency for inaccuracy can be observed through students’
translation assignments both in terms of inaccurate facts and unreliable terminology.
Furthermore, when asked to mention which specialised subject-related literature students
mainly refer to when translating, only 13 (out of 24 students) were able to mention specific
examples, such as publications, parallel texts available in other languages (that serve as
9
reference materials), encyclopaedias, grammar books, various textbooks and translation

manuals. This means that, even though 51% resort to the best practice of relying both on
internet and specialised subject-related literature, students need to be much more informed
about useful and available specialised resources (apart from websites) in order to get reliable
and accurate information, facts and terminological solutions. In addition, when asked to
mention their purpose of using specialised subject-related literature when translating, the
surveyed mentioned that they mainly use it to search for terminological solutions and to check
for accuracy of information, especially when they deal with complex specialised topics (such
as, economy, law or medicine).
It is stunning that nobody uses specialised subject-related literature as the main source of
information, and what is more, seven students admit that they never look for any type of
information in specialised subject-related literature or publications, without indicating the
reason for this. However, translation students appear to be quite familiar with online sources
of information and indicate that they mostly use the following: institutional websites, website
offering information on related topics, encyclopaedias (Britannica, Wikipedia), parallel texts
in other languages (serving as reference materials), digital resources in the native language
(Makedonskiinfo), web browsers (Google), translation forums (Translator-Interpreter Pound,
Translators’ Playground, Proz), multilingual terminological databases (IATE, Eurovoc, Eudict),
monolingual dictionaries (Merriam Webster, Oxford, The free dictionary), bilingual
dictionaries (Nabu), and collaborative and social translation (Reverso, Glosbe).
To initially conclude, based on the results presented on the three figures above, it is safe
to state that students are well informed only about certain segments, but they are not entirely
able to search for reliable and accurate information (whether of terminological or specialised
nature). Many students do not understand that in-depth research is a key element of the
translation process that contributes to accuracy, reliability and precision of the information
presented in specialised or technical translations. Hence, translation students must become
more familiar with information mining techniques.
The initial conclusions can be additionally confirmed or discarded with the results of the
second and third part of the questionnaire. Specifically, the second part of the questionnaire
focuses on students’ skills to use translation tools (Questions 5-7). The first set of analysed
skills is presented on the figure below.
10
Figure 4 Ability to use terminology management and translation software
Figure 4 reveals that 53% of total surveyed students stated that they do not use Computer-
assisted translation tools (even though 27% of them stated that they were familiar with their
use). As high as 70% are not familiar with terminology management systems. Only a small
number of translation students use them when translating, i.e. 23% use CAT tools (mainly
Wordfast), and as few as 6% use terminology management software (mainly Wordfast-
compatible translation glossaries). When asked about how they benefit from the use of such
translation software, students rightfully mention that these tools save time, enable translation
glossary creation that serve as their personal dictionaries, contribute to translation efficiency
and accuracy, have a convenient and visually-friendly interface, and even facilitate technical
editing. Although translation students appear to be well aware of their benefits, these tools
are insufficiently used in practice. But the particularly alarming aspect is that as high as 27%
stated that even though they are familiar with the use of CAT tools and terminology
management software, they do not use them in practice and fail to explain the reasons for
this in the open-ended option. It could be safe to conclude that this phenomenon is partly
owed to the fact that CAT tools are not used during every single translation class they attend,
and the usage of said tools has therefore not yet become an everyday practice. This means
that students must be additionally stimulated in the translation classroom to practically use
the tools in the translation process on an everyday basis.
Furthermore, although these useful tools are underused, it is surprising that translation
students seem to be well informed about Machine translation (MT), mainly Google Translate
and Yandex. In particular, 25% admit to using MT when translating, 16% never use it, and even
11
though 59% explain that they rarely rely on MT it still means that they consider it an option.
Those who use it explain that they resort to MT because it is a fast solution that saves time
and offers translation suggestions that can easily be corrected and adapted into usable text,
whereas others use it to double check what they have already translated, and a few have come
to the realisation that it only offers literal translations which are not usable. This leads to the
conclusion that translation students must be better familiarised with the use and benefits of
translation software, as it clearly contributes to saving time, higher efficiency, stylistic and
terminological alignment, convenience, and in this way they might even get defocused from
unreliable and imprecise Machine translation.
The use of dictionaries and glossaries in different formats (electronic, digital or hard-copy)
is an essential skill in the translator profession. Therefore, the third part of the questionnaire
examines the types of tools and resources used by translation students. Four questions shed
light on this aspect (Questions 8-15), and the results are presented on four different figures
below.
Figure 5 Types of dictionaries and glossaries used
Figure 5 shows that translation students mainly use general dictionaries and glossaries (76%),
which is a large number compared to those who mainly use specialised dictionaries and
glossaries (11%). Only a small portion use both general and specialised dictionaries (13%) in
the translation process. This is unfavourable because in the translation classroom they mainly
12
deal with scientific and technical translations, which require adoption of skills for searching
highly complex and specialised terms and phrases. Familiarisation with specialised dictionaries
and glossaries in complex topics, such as law, economy, finance, European Union, medicine,
or ICT is of vital importance. In addition, the open-ended questions show that those who do
use specialised dictionaries lack in-depth knowledge of available topic-related resources as
they were only able to name few dictionaries, such as dictionaries of business, law, mechanical
engineering, medicine, ICT and unspecific online glossaries. This clearly shows that students
rarely spend time searching for new resources they could benefit from; one student even
commented that “translation students should use more specialised dictionaries, but they are
not well informed or familiar with them”. This shows a level of awareness about this weakness
among students and even highlights the need for more narrow subject-related specialisation
of translation students.
Furthermore, it is evident that students are well-informed about general dictionaries, as
they indicated that they mainly use monolingual dictionaries with explanations, bilingual
dictionaries with translation equivalents, illustrated dictionaries, dictionaries of idioms,
synonyms, expository dictionaries in the mother tongue, and encyclopaedic dictionaries.
However, general dictionaries are not of key importance for specialised translations. As for
the most commonly used sources of terminology, the questionnaire further examines the
format of dictionaries and glossaries used, as shown below.
Figure 6 Format of dictionaries and glossaries used
13
Figure 6 shows that the most commonly used translation tool for terminology search among
translation students are electronic dictionaries and glossaries (used by 87% of surveyed
students) as this is the most convenient for them in today’s digital age. Up to 55% still use
classic hard-copy dictionaries (in printed form), whereas only 29% rely on online
terminological databases (which are often multilingual). The open-ended questions point out
that even though as high as 87% use electronic dictionaries and glossaries, when asked to
name specific examples, many students were able to mention only unreliable online
dictionaries with translation equivalents. This is a problematic area, because searching
through reliable and trusted sources is an important translator skill that needs to be adopted
and further developed through practice.
Furthermore, the overall results of this question lead to the conclusion that students prefer
to use bilingual dictionaries (and glossaries) that offer ready-made translation equivalents, as
this is easier, but passive. Thus, a tendency of avoiding active online browsing for terminology
is observable among translation students. Some even admit that when unable to find ready-
made translation equivalents in dictionaries, they often resort to Machine translation for ideas
(instead of consulting multilingual online terminological databases or providing their own
descriptive or functional translation equivalents). Translation students are not sufficiently
familiar with online terminological databases, which are crucial because they are multilingual
and up-to-date with the latest terminology that is usually not included in regular dictionaries.
Moreover, it can also be noticed that some students do not differentiate between electronic
dictionaries/glossaries and online terminological databases, and they sometimes even
confuse them with Machine translation and collaborative and social translation. Further
instructions are needed in this area. Specifically, this issue can be addressed by requiring
students to additionally engage in preparation of terminological glossaries and in exploring
new glossaries and databases in different specialised fields in order to take-on a more active
role in terminology browsing (a process which should start much earlier, for example during
courses attended in fourth, fifth and sixth semester).
In addition, some students indicate that they no longer use hard-copy dictionaries and
mainly rely on those in electronic form (17%), but it is surprising that a large number of
students (36%) are not familiar with and do not use multilingual terminological databases.
This is a significant weakness that needs to be surpassed. Only one student never uses
dictionaries and glossaries in electronic form because he/she only relies on hard-copy
14
dictionaries (2%). The questionnaire also reveals that 91% of students have completely
abandoned dictionaries on CDs, whereas 9% rarely use them anymore. To conclude, students
must also be encouraged to use multilingual terminological databases to a greater extent in
the form suggested in the paragraph above. Furthermore, even though many students are
quite familiar with online sources of information, many are not able to indicate any topic-
related online glossaries. This weakness must be improved through practice. Other students
prefer to use European or national institutional glossaries with specialised terminology in
different topics (found online). Glossaries play a crucial role in the translation process, as
translators constantly come across numerous terms and phrases that must be recorded and
reused another time and must be used in a harmonised manner, thus saving time and energy
every time one translates in the same topic. One way of addressing this issue is by using
terminology management software in order to prepare personal specialised glossaries and
thus overcome the gap in bilingual subject-related dictionaries, or their absence. As a result,
the questionnaire further examines whether translation students create their personal
glossaries.
The analysis of the results also shows that 55% of surveyed students create their own
glossaries with subject-specific terminology, whereas 45% have not developed this practice
yet. Students must become aware of the importance of glossaries as useful tools with long-
term benefits, and they need to be encouraged to create glossaries by using terminology
management software and to avoid creating them in Word or Excel formats because these
can be easily deleted.
Consulting other translators is also very important, whether one questions an expert in a
specific field or one of one’s peers. The next figure shows whether translation students consult
translation forums for opinion, especially when they are unable to find terminological
solutions.
15
Figure 7 Consulting translation forums
Rarely Yes
25% 22%
No
53%
Figure 7 shows that only 22% consult translation forums when faced with a dilemma,
compared to 25% who rarely consult them and 53% who do not consult translation forums.
When asked to explain why they consult and trust translation forums, students explain that
they read discussions and thus learn new information, resort to forums in order to discuss
various translation problems, and to share ideas when they cannot find a translation
equivalent anywhere else. Those who are not in favour of using message boards explain that
such forums are not useful or reliable, and some would rather consult a colleague they
personally know. The results however show that a small percent of students consults forums
with different but unreliable opinions, but do not create personal glossaries and do not consult
terminology in other foreign languages. However, consulting other languages in the search for
terminology is a key skill for translation students. Comparing ideas and translation solutions
as well as knowledge of other foreign languages is a must and a necessity, and therefore
should be promoted and exercised during classes as a results of the department’s two-module
system. The figure below presents the results on whether students consult other foreign
languages when they translate.
16
Figure 8 Consulting other foreign languages
Rarely
21%
Yes
55%
No
24%
Figure 8 reveals that, when searching for terminology, 55% of surveyed students compare
terminology in other languages as well (whether through multilingual glossaries,
terminological databases or browsing). 24% do not consult other foreign languages, whereas
21% rarely do. Knowledge of a second or third foreign language is very useful, whereas
students must also avail knowledge of related languages. The results show that translation
students most frequently consult their second foreign language (in their chosen two-module
language combination), namely German (25%) and French (17.5%), related languages of
neighbouring countries, such as Serbian (22.5%), Croatian (22.5%), Slovenian (22.3%), as well
as other unrelated languages they are familiar with: Spanish (7.5%), Italian (7.5%), Russian
(7.5%), Turkish (7.5%), Albanian (7.5%) and Bulgarian (7.5%). This is a significant advantage,
and other translation students must be encouraged to expand their foreign language
knowledge. It is also certainly much more reliable than resorting to MT.
6. Conclusions and Recommendations
The results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis point out some of the translation
students’ strengths and weaknesses, and on the basis thereof it is possible to make
recommendations not only for improvement of their level of familiarisation with translation
tools and quality of translations, but also for strengthening the translation teaching
methodology. The survey results show that although many students understand the benefits
17
of using translation tools, not all students are aware of the active role of translation tools and
resources in the translation process. This means that students must be additionally stimulated
to explore new types of translation tools and resources and to increase the practical use of
these materials inside and outside of the translation classroom. Therefore, the learning-by-
doing method must be applied and the student-centred approach must be strengthened. The
first conclusion is that translation teaching methodology must be enhanced with browsing and
information mining skills. The survey results show that some students are well aware of the
importance of information mining when translating, but they are not entirely able to search
for reliable and accurate information, whether of terminological or specialised nature. A
tendency for inaccuracy can be observed through students’ translation assignments, both in
terms of inaccurate facts and unreliable terminology. In-depth research is a key element of
the translation process that contributes to accuracy, reliability and precision of the
information presented in specialised or technical translations. It is safe to recommend for
translation students to actively engage in exploring useful information mining methods, and
thus improve their browsing skills. If students understand that it is important to do extensive
research while translating, they will depart from traditional habits and realise that the
translation process goes beyond automatic insertion of translation equivalents that are easily
found in dictionaries. This means that it is necessary to adopt a more “systemic approach”
(Kiraly, 1995, p. 18) in translation training, and thus to integrate “collaborative work with
trainees towards learning goals” (Kelly, 2008, p. 109).
Additionally, as far as students’ skills to use translation tools are concerned, the results
show that the most commonly used translation tools among translation students are
electronic dictionaries and glossaries. However, they must become more familiar with other
translation tools available for translators, and they need to be much more informed about
useful and available specialised resources (apart from websites) in order to get reliable and
accurate information, facts and terminological solutions. In this way, translation will not be
regarded as “a one-dimensional view of the process of translation” as defined by Kiraly (1995,
p. 19) or “direct mechanical replacement of linguistic elements in the target language”
(Kearns, 2006, p. 36). Furthermore, although translation students appear to be well aware of
the benefits of translation software, these tools are insufficiently used in practice. But what is
especially alarming, is that some students even stated that although they are familiar with the
use of CAT tools and terminology management software, they do not use them in practice.
18
This means that they must be stimulated to use them practically in the translation
classroom. Concerning the type of tools and resources used, translation students mainly use
general dictionaries and glossaries compared to only a small number who mainly use
specialised dictionaries and glossaries. This is unfavourable because in the translation
classroom they mainly deal with specialised and technical translations, which require adoption
of skills for searching highly complex and specialised terms and phrases. They need greater
familiarisation with and inclusion of specialised dictionaries in practice. Also, a tendency of
avoiding active online browsing for terminology is observable among translation students, as
they mainly use bilingual dictionaries (and glossaries) that offer ready-made translation
equivalents. This is passive, so students must be encouraged to use multilingual terminological
databases to a greater extent. This means that the teacher must not allow “a passive role for
translation students” and thus eliminate “dependence on the teacher-centred performance
magistrale in the translation classroom” (Kiraly, 1995, p. 19).
Lastly, translation students should be encouraged to compare terminology in other
languages as well, as knowledge of a second or third foreign language or related languages is
very useful. Some students create their own glossaries with subject-specific terminology,
whereas many still have not developed this practice yet. Students must become aware of the
importance of glossaries as long-term useful tools, especially through use of terminology
management software.
On the basis of the conclusions, several recommendations can be made for improvement
of the translation teaching methodology by reinforcing additional translator competences (in
addition to translation theory and practice covered). Firstly, translation students must develop
strong competences to engage in information mining and checking website-content reliability.
Furthermore, the translation training curriculum must foresee everyday use of translation
tools and resources during several semesters (for example, at least four semesters) as well as
increased use of terminology management software as a means of addressing the currently
identified lack of bilingual subject-related dictionaries. And last but not least, the translation
program must be aimed at more narrow subject-related specialisation of students (rather than
just at raising awareness on this issue).
19
ANNEX 1
QUESTIONNAIRE
ON THE USE OF TRANSLATION TOOLS AND IDENTIFYINGTRANSLATIONSTUDENTS SKILLS AND
PRACTICES
Student Code:
Please answer the questions below by choosing the option that mostly refers to you, and by explaining
your opinions on the blank lines.
I. INFORMATION MINING ABILITY

1. In your experience, do you think that information mining is an important segment of the
translation process?
A. Yes
B. No
C. Depends on the situation
Please explain:
2. What kind of information do you personally search for when translating?
3. Do you search for online information?

A. Yes
B. No
Please explain what type of online sources you use when translating:
______
4. Do you refer to specialised subject-related literature when translating (such as, publications,
brochures, books, textbooks, manuals, reports, etc.)?
A. Yes, in particular:
B. No
Please explain your reasons for using specialised literature as a source of information when translating:
_____
___________
20
II. USE OF CAT-TOOLS

5. Do you use Computer-assisted translation tools in the translation process?
B. No
C. I know how to use CAT tools, but I don’t use them
Please explain how you benefit from CAT tools when translating:
6. Do you use terminology management software in the translation process?

B. No
C. I know how to use terminology management software, but I don’t use it
Please explain how you benefit from terminology management software when translating:
______
III. USE OF OTHER TYPES OF TRANSLATION TOOLS AND RESOURCES

7. Do you usually search for translation equivalents in general dictionaries or in specialised subject-
related dictionaries?
A. I usually use general dictionaries, in particular:
B. I usually use specialised subject-related dictionaries, in particular:
__________________________
8. Do you usually search for translation equivalents in classical hard-copy dictionaries?
B. No
C. Rarely
Please explain what type of dictionaries you use (e.g. monolingual, bilingual, trilingual dictionaries,
dictionaries of idioms, collocations, synonyms, visual dictionaries, etc.):
9. Do you search for terminology in online/electronic glossaries and dictionaries?

B. No
C. Rarely
10. Do you search for terminology in (online) terminological databases?
B. No
21
C. Rarely
11. Do you create your own terminological glossaries that assist you in the translation process?
A. Yes, in the following language combinations:
B. No
In which format do you create them (Word, Excel, Multi-term, etc.):
12. Do you consult or actively participate in translation forums, groups, networks or platforms?
B. No
C. Rarely
Please explain how you benefit from them when translating:
______
13. Do you use dictionaries on CD?
B. No
C. Rarely
Please explain how you benefit from them when translating:
______
14. Do you find knowledge of a second or third foreign language useful when translating or searching
for terminology?
B. No
C. Rarely
15. Do you rely on Machine Translation?
B. No
C. Rarely
Please explain how you benefit from Machine Translation:
______
22
References
Cohen, L., Manion, L. and Morrison, K. (2000). Research Methods in Education (5th Edition).
London: RoutledgeFalmer.
Directorate General for Translation on Terminology Coordination http://termcoord.eu/
European Commission. (2013). Translation and Interpreting: Languages in Action.
Luxembourg.
Fanning, E. (2005). Formatting a Paper-Based Survey Questionnaire: Best Practices. Peer-
reviewed Electronic Journal: Practical Assessment, Research and Evaluation. Volume 10
Number 12.
Groves R. M., & Fowler F. J., & Couper M. P., & Lepkowski J. M., & Singer E., & Tourangeau R.
(2009). Survey Methodology. Second edition. New Jersey: John Wiley and Sons, Inc.
He, P. (2014). The Application of Computer-Assisted Translation Tools to the Teaching of
Scientific and Technological Translation. Doctoral Thesis. Imperial College London.
Retrieved from https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/7193/2c62c035f7844dab078b6ffce075e
b5c081f.pdf.
Hutchins W. J., & Somers H. L. (1992). An Introduction to machine translation. Academic Press.
Kearns, J. (2006). Curriculum Renewal in Translator Training: Vocational Challenges in
Academic Environments with Reference to Needs and Situation Analysis and Skills
Transferability from the Contemporary Experience of Polish Translator Training Culture.
Ph.D. Thesis. Dublin City University.
Kelly, D. (2008). Training the Trainers: Towards a Description of Translator Trainer
Competence and Training Needs Analysis. TTR: traduction, terminologies, redaction, 21(1),
99-125. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.7202/029688ar.
Kenny, D. (2011). Electronic Tools and Resources for Translators. The Oxford Handbook of
Translation Studies. Retrieved from http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxf
ordhb/9780199239306.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199239306-e-031.
Kiraly, D. (1995). Pathways to Translation: Pedagogy and Process. Kent State University Press.
Kodura. M. (2016). Dictionary-Using Skills of Translation Student. The Central European
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities. University of Pedagogy, Krakow.
Köse S. (2011). The Effect of Form and Meaning Focused Translation Instruction to the
Language Skill Levels of ELT Students. No:2 Kastamonu Eğitim Dergisi Journal.
23
Newton J. (2002). Computers in Translation: A practical Appraisal. Routledge.

Odacıoglu M. C., & Kokturk S. (2015). The effects of technology on translation students in
academic translation teaching. Seventh World Conference on Education Sciences (WCES-
2015). Retrieved from https://ac.els-cdn.com/S1877042815043505/1-s2.0-
S1877042815043505-main.pdf?_tid=798f45fb-c36b-4390-85fc-
f96a9e45ca73&acdnat=1527187346_e06ad6294ff95658e93c7be85ae4bea4.
SDL Trados website https://www.sdltrados.com/solutions/terminology-management/.
Somers, H. (2003). Computers and Translation: A Translator’s Guide. John Benjamins B. V.
Yao, S. (2017). Application of Computer-aided Translation in English Teaching. Retrieved from
http://online-journals.org/index.php/i-jet/article/viewFile/7145/4554.
24
Contributor’s Bio: Milena Sazdovska-Pigulovska, Ph.D. is an assistant professor at the

Department of Translation and Interpreting within the “Blaze Koneski” Faculty of Philology,
“Ss. Cyril and Methodious” University – Skopje, Macedonia. Specialisation: translation,
translation tools, terminology, contrastive analysis, English for specific purposes.
E-mail address: milena.sazdovska@gmail.com
25
Lisi Liang
Cardiff University
Translation and Transcultural Creativity: A Comparison of Chinese

Authorized Subtitling and Fansubbing in the Case Study of Notting Hill (1999)
ABSTRACT
This article examines the subtitling practice of the English film Notting Hill into Chinese
through a comparison of the officially released Chinese subtitles and the fan-generated
subtitles. The phenomenon of fansubbing is here taken into consideration as a case study
of informal translation practice for a Chinese contemporary readership. Some fans
expressed dislike toward what they have watched (formal, censored subtitles) as
excessively standardized Chinese translation (Zhang, 2013, p. 33). As a result of the
increasing dislike with the official subtitles, fansubbing develops rapidly in the modern
Chinese era. This paper aims to underline the way in which the case study film is subtitled
formally and informally for a Chinese film audience. Therefore, the article first explains the
practice of authorized and unauthorized subtitling and the policies with regard to their
censorship in mainland China. Key examples of the subtitles in question are then analyzed,
with a focus on the translation in formal and informal subtitling. Finally, the article
compares the less creative formal subtitles and the highly creative informal subtitles
through an analysis of key examples,. In this sense, informal subtitling practice in China as
a fan-driven practice attempts to make more creative works available, in particular to the
younger generation. Ultimately, the recent trend of fansubbing in China suggests that there
is widespread acceptance of Chinese linguistic and cultural interference in translation when
creativity takes place in the subtitling practice of English-language films for a contemporary
Chinese audience.
KEY WORDS
subtitling, officially released subtitles, fansubbing, creativity
1. Introduction
With a particular focus on subtitling English language sources for a Chinese contemporary film
audience, this paper briefly discusses the history of the practice of authorized subtitling and

Translation and Transcultural Creativity: A Comparison of Chinese Authorized Subtitling and Chinese Fansubbing
in the Case Study of Notting Hill (1999)
fansubbing in China, and compares both subtitling practices in the context of censorship in
China.
1.1. Authorized Subtitling
After China opened itself to the outside world in 19781, screen translation flourished because
the China Film Corporation lost control of the importation of foreign films. The subtitling
market has prospered as a result of the increasing number of imported films. However, this
growth is still insufficient to meet the needs of both domestic and global markets. Based on
the 1999 US-China Bilateral World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement, China agreed to
import just forty foreign films annually. This is because Chinese authorities intervene to
determine the proportion of imported films so that China’s relation with the outside world is
relatively balanced (Qian, 2004, p. 55). These films, Zhang argues (2013, p. 30), are “carefully
selected, professionally dubbed and strictly reviewed by censors for cinemas.” These
constraints are largely dependent on how the films are subtitled and mediated for the target
audience.
Official audiovisual censorship in China involves the interplay of several key official
institutions: the China Film Corporation (distribution, import and export of films), the
Exhibition Bureau and its regional subsidiaries (regulation and admission prices), the Ministry
of Culture (the import and distribution of home audiovisual products) and the Publicity
Department (formerly commissioned by the State Administration of Radio and Television of
the People’s Republic of China2 for editing and exhibition of films) (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p.
304). The Chinese government directly monitors the film industry and the complex regulatory
1 In 1978, Deng Xiaoping launched the “Reform and Opening up Policy,” emphasizing that “science and
technology are the first productive force,” and that it was crucial for China to stimulate the educated and the
talented people. He also noted the urgent need to reform education and to strengthen literacy and civilization
among citizens (Olivia, 2011).
2
The State Administration of Radio and Television (SART) of the People’s Republic of China was formerly known
as the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television (SAPPRFT) of the People’s Republic
of China and State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT), etc. The name of this state-owned
department was recently updated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, unveiled after the
first session of the 13th National People’s Congress (NPC) on 13 March 2018. This new establishment of the State
Administration of Radio and Television (SART) is dissolved from the State Administration of Press, Publication,
Radio, Film and Television (SAPPRFT) of the People’s Republic of China. Press, publication and film will be under
the direct management of the Publicity Department (Briel, 2018).
27
structures governing the media (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p. 304). To be specific, the China Film
Corporation decides not only from which countries films can be imported but also which
individual films can be imported. Two criteria are taken into account pertaining to the
imported films. They must politically support China and Communism and culturally exclude
religious propaganda, pornography, and violence (Zhang, 2004, p. 191). In 2014, State
Administration of Radio and Television of the People’s Republic of China published strict
regulations regarding (SAPPRFT, 2001) the editing and exhibition of films in a way which bans
any content that:
- denies the basic principles determined by the constitution
- affects the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of China
- leaks classified information threatening domestic security
- encourages hatred and discrimination among ethnic groups
- violates ethical cultural norms and principles
- propagates cults and superstitions
- disturbs social order and threatens social stability
- depicts pornography, gambling, violence, or abets people to commit crimes
- humiliates or defames others, or damages the lawful interests of others
- compromises social morality or traditional cultures in China
- contains information which is prohibited by law. (Wang and Zhang, 2017, p. 304)
Based on these cultural and political constraints, the basic procedures for foreign films
imported to China include four steps: selection, censorship, negotiation with the foreign film
distributors, and the approval by the National Film Review Committee that is directly affiliated
with State Administration of Radio and Television of the People’s Republic of China (SAPPRFT,
2001). The strict regulation shows the specific standard of censorship on film importation and
the need for China to connect to the outside world.
28
1.2. Fansubbing
Due to the processes of censorship and the limited quota to import films, delays may occur
when these films are released on the Chinese market (Zhao, 2004, p.183). Inevitably, inflexible
limitations set on the import quota and the stringent censorship of content make it difficult
for the authorized audiovisual products to fully meet the expectations of Chinese audiences,
especially from the younger generation. Furthermore, because officially imported movies and
TV dramas are all subtitled in a standardized style they allow for relatively little creativity and
entertainment (Zhang, 2013, p. 33). In order to meet the demand of popularity in the Chinese
market, the most recent trend of subtitling practice in China seems to prefer amateur
translators who are able to produce subtitles more effectively than the authorized subtitles
(Yao, 2014, p. 147). The most well-known subtitling groups3 include “伊甸园、人人影视和磐
灵风软字幕组” / “YDY Translate Extreme Team, YYeTs, and Fr1000” (Kang, 2007, p. 85). This
technology-facilitated activism in translation is driven by fansubbers, who are free to choose
not only what to translate but also when to upload it online.
In light of this, fansubbing will be discussed in relation to its creativity as it represents a

form of free translation by non-professionals, which has a profound cultural impact on the
Chinese society (Zhang, 2013, p. 30-33). On the one hand, the spread of technology largely
supports fansubbing in a much freer and more individual way by applying the rules of a gaming
system to subtitling,4 where a sense of community and social identity tend to be forged in the
person-based networks between fansubbing groups and their audiences that allow a wider
engagement in their networked cultural practices (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p. 309-310); on the
other hand, it simultaneously weakens state domination as its gamified nature challenges
officially supervised subtitling (Lv & Li, 2015, p. 123).
3
Other assimilated groups that formed the Chinese fansubbing also include Shengcheng and i. Kamigami (Zhang,
2013, p. 306).
4
The recent development of fansubbing in China reflects on the tendency of introducing gamification into
translation. This gamified process features “elements of game design in non-game contexts, products, and
services to motivate desired behaviours” (Deterding, 2012, p. 14).
29
1.3. Comparison between Authorized Subtitling and Fansubbing in the Context of

Censorship Regarding their Censorship
In contrast to authorized subtitling, which offers a stable body of work, no guidelines for
fansubbing censorship are stipulated since it is “contextual, individualized, and continuously
negotiable rather than absolute or binding” (Calkins, 1998, p. 243). However, due to its
illegitimate nature (Díaz-Cintas & Muñoz Sánchez, 2006, p. 45), the act of fansubbing needs
standardization to improve the quality of the translation (Yao, 2014, p. 147). Thereby, ever
since fansubbing works have been published, fansubbing groups seek to improve the quality
of their work based on the feedback from audiences from a variety of channels. Authorized
subtitling practices seem to be more accurate and professional as once their works have been
released to public, no corrections will be made. Given the “continuously negotiable” status of
fansubbing, it is fortunate for the audiences to get involved in this “gamified” system that
consists of the technological and sociable dynamic of the recent transformation from “the
formerly prosperous business of product piracy to a voluntary social activity” that innovatively
combines the translation, evaluation, distribution and consumption of foreign audiovisual
products in China (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p. 312). Another key reason for the popularity of
amateur subtitles lies in their spirit of “free content-sharing, community and voluntarism”5
that enables them to engage the target audience and, more importantly, to contest official
state domination despite strict censorship (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p. 301; Zhang, 2013, p. 31;
Zhang & Mao, 2013, p. 301). Fansubbers rely on the resources provided by oversea suppliers
to produce creative work that can be downloaded for free and to translate autonomously
(Duncombe, 2007).
1.4. Creativity in Translation
When considering creativity, fansubbing as an activity can be connected to the idea of

“creative economy” (Howkins, 2002). “Creative economy” can be understood as creative
activities with economic values. The recent development of fansubbing in China clearly
resonates with the tendency to apply creativity to translation, which can be explained from
5
To be specific, fansubbing initially aims to uphold the principles of promoting volunteerism, building community
and sharing experiences where the entertainment of media products can be freely consumed among enthusiasts.
30
the perspective of the intellectual property involved in the practice of fansubbing. John
Howkins (2002, p. 3) argues, “creativity is not new and neither is economics, but what is new
is the nature and extent of the relationship between them, and how they combine to create
extraordinary value and wealth.” Creativity empowers the translation process to generate
something new and entertaining for the target audiences in the fansubbing practice in China.
This creative act can be broadly regarded as a creative product that is defined as “an economic
good or service that results from creativity and has the economic value” (Howkins, 2002, p.
5). In this non-economic context, fansubbing facilitates its potential creative wealth and
economic value, when collaborating with legitimate commercial enterprises such as Sohu
(www.sohu.com) and Net Ease (www.163.com) to maintain itself in translating foreign-
language entertainment and educational media (Wang, 2017, p. 306). Even though the main
purpose of fansubbing is to share free content, learn, and make social progress, fansubbing
groups have to compromise and join the commercial sector in order to secure sufficient
financial resources to survive (Wang & Zhang, 2017, p. 306). Although the practice of
fansubbing remains controversial, it does promote regular consumption of foreign media
products among Chinese people. The online fandom, therefore, contributes significantly to
the flourishing of popular media culture in modern China (Wang, 2014, p. 270). Such a high
level of creativity involved in the subtitling practice may lead to a multitude of comprehensive
and complex strategies being employed for humor translation, as demonstrated by the case
study of Notting Hill (1999), which will be discussed in the following section.
1.5. Contextualization of Notting Hill (1999)
Notting Hill (1999), one of the most influential representatives of British romantic comedy
(Mather, 2006, p. 118), has been chosen as the case study for this paper. With its two leading
actors, Julia Roberts and Hugh Grant, Notting Hill (1999) is assessed very differently in gender
terms in the Anglophone and the Chinese contexts. Eddie Dyja (2010, p. 266) describes the
film as a successfully constructed male fantasy, in which failing Brits fall for the extraordinary,
rich Americans. British reviews focus more on the ordinary man meeting the famous girl
(Street, 2002, p. 213), while the Chinese market gives priority to the other side of the
relationship, highlighting the role of an independent girl who finds success in her career and
romance, despite obstacles (Cheng, 2013, p. 104).
31
The film is set in the early 1990s, when Britain was facing an industrial conflict and the
collapse of old industries (Leonard, 1997, p. 70). Britain’s economic power and cultural
influence were in recession. Consequently, the British government sought urgent social,
political and economic revival in the 1990s in order to maintain national identity (Driver &
Martell, 2006, p. 10). The film might thus be seen as an encouragement for people to
regalvanize excitement around British core values as a democratic and free society in an
interconnected world, linking pride in the past with self-confidence in the future (Leonard,
1997, p. 70). In contrast, Notting Hill particular appeals to female audiences in China. There
are two reasons for that. Firstly, according to Yu Zhou (1999), Notting Hill largely caters to
women’s ambition to achieve success in both their professional life and their love life. The
female leading character, Anna Scott, has a strong personality as well as an unshakable faith
in her dreams and the possibility of finding true love (Cheng, 2013, p. 104). She may motivate
female audiences in China, who may see her as a role model. Secondly, Notting Hill (1999)
underlines the fact that women may be the dominant partner in a romantic relationship
(Cheng, 2013, p. 104). The film frequently offers a celebration of the power of the female
protagonist (Cheng, 2013, p. 104). An additional reason for selecting this film is because of its
hybrid, multi-layered humor and complex intertextuality.
2. Theoretical Framework
In order to examine the complexities of humor in the subtitling process of the Chinese subtitles
of Notting Hill (1999), Delia Chiaro and Piferi Roberta’s (2010) notion of “Verbally Expressed
Humour” (VEH) will be considered as an initial point to locate humor. Chiaro and Roberta
(2010, p. 285) define VEH as “any verbal form of attempt to amuse,” whose translation is in
turn defined as a task that “will naturally involve matching the linguistic ambiguity in the
source language (SL) with similar ambiguity in the target language (TL) as well as finding
solutions to culture-specific references pertaining to the culture of origin which are frequently
involved in humorous tropes” (Chiaro, 2010a, p. 1-2). As a result of the complex nature of
humor, this study, moreover, considers verbal humor and the conflation of verbal and non-
verbal humor as they appear in the vast majority of instances of humor in this study.
32
In order to tackle the difficulties of the above complexities in transferring humor across
cultures, Chiaro (2004) proposes the translation of VEH that provides feasible solutions. She
suggests translators tend to adopt the following two key strategies 6 when encountering
challenges deriving from technical and linguistic constraints between cultures: “(1) The
substitution of VEH in the Source Language with an example of VEH in the Target Language;
(2) The replacement of the Source Language VEH with an idiomatic expression in the Target
Language” (2004, p. 42).
According to Elena Manca and Daesy Aprile (2014, p. 159), Chiaro’s first solution is used
regularly in the translation of VEH to find corresponding words. Finding words that are
ambiguous in two different languages and that can be used for an equal comic effect seems
to be a difficult task. Although translators face challenges when no similarity in linguistic or
sociocultural knowledge is found between the source and target culture (Chiaro, 2004, p. 37),
the majority of translators opt for substitution with a semantically ambiguous text (Chiaro,
2004, p. 38). Furthermore, the notion of untranslatability7 refers more to the impossibility of
formal and functional equivalence rather than the inaccessibility of substituting humor with a
semantically similar text that works equally appropriately in the target culture (Chiaro, 2004,
p. 37). However, the untranslatability inevitably leads to the creation of a new wordplay in a
humorous expression, and the innovative change of word also easily causes consequences at
the expense of jocular effect of the original (Manca & Aprile, 2014, p. 159). When moving from
the spoken medium to the written one, the translation strategy of simplification is recurrently
used to aid viewers’ reading comprehension (Caimi, 2009, p. 241). The transfer of humor is
not only confined to the shift from verbal code to the written code, where information loss
inevitably takes place (Chiaro, 2004, p. 41) but also to the cultural disparity in the perception
of humor (Díaz-Cintas & Remael, 2014, p. 222).
The second solution of Chiaro’s VEH preserves the SL humorous instances with an idiomatic
expression in the TL. A high level of creativity is required to locate idiomatic expressions in the
6
Chiaro (2004, p. 42) identifies three translational strategies that are more common for translators to adopt
when translating VEH. This study merely selects the first two as they are closely relevant to the case in terms of
strategies employed in subtitling humour. The last strategy proposed by Chiaro (2004, p.42) is: “The replacement
of the Source Language VEH with an example of VEH in the Target Language elsewhere in the text.”
7
Some terms are frequently left untranslated in cultural transfer as the process of transfer is constantly subject
to mistranslation and retranslation when translators have unsure knowledge (Apter, 2010, pp. 50-63).
33
TL in order to preserve the play on words and the humorous effect (Manca & Aprile, 2014, p.
159). According to Rosa Canós (1999, p. 462), in the transfer of humor, cultural adaptation can
be used to detect domestic expressions with equivalents in the target culture. Furthermore,
Juan Sierra (2006, p. 219-210) argues that the search for functional equivalence may lead to
the adoption of domesticating solutions in humorous audiovisual texts to retain comical
effect. By using idiomatic expressions in the target culture, translators thus provide readers
with fluent rendering (Bassnett & Lefevere, 1990, p. 88). Considering the above solutions to
translate VEH, this paper aims to analyze the transfer of humor to Chinese culture by exploring
the ways in which British culture is mediated via Chinese culture in the subtitling process. The
following section considers the analysis of the most telling examples by comparing censored
subtitles and amateur subtitles. Each instance starts with the identification of the humor
classification as mentioned above and followed by the adopted strategies as suggested by
Chiaro to make the humorous transfer in the context. This theoretical justification
accommodates the challenges and complexities embedded in the case study and provides
readers with an explicit justification of how this theoretical frame incorporates into the actual
analysis of humor translation in Notting Hill (1999).
3. Key Examples by Comparing Authorized Subtitles and Fan-generated Subtitles in Notting

Hill (1999)
In this section, we will look at the translation of humor via officially censored subtitles and
fan-made subtitles of the Anglophone film Notting Hill (1999). The aim of this section is to
explore the complexities of the screen translation of humor from English into Chinese and to
assess how authorized and amateur translators have responded to these complexities by
examining the Chinese subtitles of the film Notting Hill (1999) with regard to their level of
creativity and the translation strategies adopted in these two types of subtitled mediums. The
perception of humor is a complex phenomenon, as numerous critics/theorists have
emphasized. Apart from its verbal and non-verbal humorous effects, humor is indeed a social
and psychological experience within which certain subject matters may or may not elicit
amusement (Schröter, 2005, p. 75). Victor Raskin (1985, p. 16) argues that humor can be
understood differently according to participants’ social background. The understanding of
34
some jokes and types of humor may possibly be restricted by target audiences’ individual
personality traits which may link to their linguistic or encyclopedic knowledge or the level of
familiarity with the subject matter. These traits may act as a barrier to the accessibility of the
humorous effects (Manca & Aprile, 2014, p. 159). Delia Chiaro (2010b, p. 1), however,
observes that geographic boundaries, linguistic variations, and cultural conventions
supplement the comprehension of humor. Therefore, the humorous effect will be perceived
differently from culture to culture. The structural, semantic and pragmatic differences
between languages and cultures inevitably lead to complexities in the translation of humor
(Bianchi, 2014, p. 477-478). Humorous effects based on both linguistic and cultural features
prove to be instance of humor that are most challenging to translate (Chiaro, 2010b, p. 5). This
paper will consider various types of humor at play in the film Notting Hill. It will also assess
the barriers to specific types of humor in the subtitling of the film for the Chinese audience,
evaluating the complexities of translating humor and wordplay.
3.1. Subtitling Humor
This section explores the contextual and linguistic forces that play a significant role in the
comprehension of verbal and visual humor. It does so in relation to two key expressions in the
film: “nymphomaniac” and “git.” Dingkun Wang argues (2014, p. 281) that domestication and
neutralization are the most frequently used strategies when fansubbing humor for the
contemporary Chinese audience as they adhere to the dominant trend of subtitling practice
in modern China. Given the informal and popular colloquial expressions produced by
fansubbers, more of the original humorous experience is retained for the target audience
(Wang, 2014, p. 280). If a high level of creativity is required to enable the humorous effect in
fansubbing, this example presents a sophisticated comparison between the authorized
subtitles and fansubs when dealing with the humour translation of the key word
“nymphomaniac.”
Example 1: Nymphomaniac
(1) Description of the Scene: William’s friends set up some blind dates for him. A girl is
introduced to him in an exaggerated and humorous way.
(2) Line: MAX: Her name is Tessa.
35
She works in the Contracts Department.

The hair, I admit,
is unfashionably frizzy,
but she's bright as a button and kisses
like a nymphomaniac on death row.
(3) Translation: 她叫泰莎是合同部的
我知道她的发型是像
上过电椅一样
不过她开朗大方
她的吻热情似火
(4) Back Translation: MAX: She is Taisha from contracts department.
I know her hairstyle is like
having been electrified
but she is cheerful and carries herself with ease and confidence
Her kiss is like the fire of enthusiasm.
Humor is generated in this example from Max’s attempt to sell an unattractive female to
William on the basis of her sexual enthusiasm and appetite. The official Chinese subtitles
maintain the unattractiveness of the female in question, rendering “unfashionably frizzy” as
“上过电椅一样” / “like having been electrified.” They neutralize some of the humor of the
original by lessening the inappropriateness of the English simile. The English dialogue states
that Tessa “kisses like a nymphomaniac on death row.” The authorized subtitles mediate this
phrase. “Nymphomaniac” is defined as “a woman who has abnormally excessive and
uncontrollable sexual desire” (OED). The word is widely used to discuss what is regarded as
sexually abnormal behavior. In terms of form, the word is composed of two parts: “nympho”
and “maniac,” and the latter part denotes “suffers from mental diseases” (OED). The humor
in the English language use of “nymphomaniac” in relation to someone trying to set up a blind
date speaks for the British context in an exaggerated manner of tempting William in a way
which his potential date has a strong sexual desire. The official subtitles eradicate the use of
“nymphomaniac,” substituting it with an image which suggests passion, but passion exerted
within acceptable boundaries: “她的吻热情似火” / “Her kiss is like the fire of enthusiasm.”
36
The authorized subtitles offer a simile but it is one whose sexuality has been toned down. The
English dialogue focuses entirely on the excess, generating humor precisely from that excess.
Tessa is not only a “nymphomaniac,” she is, according to Max, “like a nymphomaniac on death
row,” a “nymphomaniac” desperate to satisfy her urges one last time. “Death row” has no
immediate purchase in the British context as the country no longer has the death penalty, yet
the image works for the British audience because Britain used to have it. Although China does
have the death penalty, the Chinese subtitles choose not to refer to such execution. There is
also a contextual loss in the rendering of the phrase “bright as a button.” The English phrase
refers to someone quick-witted and intelligent, yet the censored subtitles render this as “开
朗大方”/ “to be cheerful and carry oneself with ease and confidence.” They offer a different
vision of this female’s capacities. The dialogue remains contextually humorous but the official
subtitles have moderated the humorous exaggeration of the source in order to comply with
the social conventions of contemporary China.
Intriguingly, amateur Chinese subtitles adopt a different approach to this line. An unofficial
Chinese subtitled version of Notting Hill (1999) is available on the popular film website
(http://www.dytt8.net/). It is difficult to trace the subtitler’s real name and the exact date on
which the translation was produced. One specific unauthorized version
(http://www.ygdy8.com/html/gndy/jddy/20091109/22785.html) maintains more of the
English excess. It renders the English source, “like a nymphomaniac on death row” as “像是
死囚区的慕男狂”/ “like a man-admiring maniac on death row.” The simile is closer to the
humorous exaggeration of the source but it is still of note that it still softens it slightly. Tessa
is a maniac for men in this version and not explicitly for sex. Cultural mediation, therefore, is
visible even in the unauthorized subtitles.
In summary, the above instance clearly shows that the authorized subtitles employ
neutralization when subtitling the linguistic unit “nymphomaniac” and transferring its
exaggerated sexual desire to the target recipient while the amateur subtitles adopt
foreignization, sending the audiences to the original source in order to preserve the
designated humor and excessive sexual fantasy. In dealing with the wordplay used in this
instance, the fansubs successfully and innovatively replicate the English humor, by recreating
37
an equivalent that is similar to the original in terms of both form and meaning. The next
example allures to an idiomatic expression where fansubbing takes place.
Example 2: Git
(1) Description of the Scene: William calls the Ritz Hotel for Anna. He explains to the hotel
receptionist that his flatmate made a mistake and prevented Anna from reaching him.
(2) Line: WILLIAM: Um, I know she's using another name.
The problem is
she left the message with my flatmate...
which was a very serious mistake.
Um, I don’t know.
Imagine, if you will,
the stupidest person
you've ever met.
Are you doing that?
HOTEL RECEPTIONIST: Yes, sir, I have him in my mind.
WILLIAM: And now double it.
And that is the, um--what can I say--
the git that I am living with.
(3) Translation: 我知道她说她用了另一个名字
问题是她把话留给了我的同屋
这是个很严重的错误
你能回想一下
你见过的最愚蠢的人吗？
-是的先生我已经想到了一个
-那就再乘以二得出结果就是…
跟我住在一起的那个废物
(4) Back Translation: WILLIAM: I know she said she has used another name.
The point is she left the message with my flatmate.
This is a very serious mistake.
38
Can you recall a bit

the most foolish person you’ve ever met.
HOTEL RECEPTIONIST: Yes, sir. I think I have someone in mind
WILLIAM: I will multiple by two the result is…
The good-for-nothing who is living with me.
This instance is an example of contextual linguistic humor because of the use of sarcasm and
specifically British slang. “Git” is an English slang word referring to “an unpleasant or
contemptible person” (OED). The authorized subtitles do not translate the meaning of the
source word, rather they translate the character of the flatmate from the film’s actions. The
Chinese official subtitles render “git” as “废物”/ “the good-for-nothing.”; a phrase which
underlines the flatmate’s uselessness but not his unpleasantness. The censored subtitles in
this instance, therefore, translate the film into context rather than the word in question.
Humor remains in the dialogue’s sarcasm. It is clear that the foolish person the hotel
receptionist has in mind is William himself, but the insult to the flatmate is lessened and
altered. So the register of the insult as the Chinese official translation is more formal than the
English slang.
It is interesting to note that the amateur Chinese subtitles replace the source text’s Verbally
Expressed Humor (VEH) with an idiomatic expression in the receiving culture to transfer
humor. They opt for a domesticating expression to retain the humorous effect, rendering “git”
as “饭桶” / “rice bucket.” Originally, “rice bucket” means a person with a gigantic appetite.
However, this term is more popularly associated with useless people who can do nothing but
eat. “Rice bucket” works as an idiomatic replacement for the source text because it replicates
its register and is domestically appropriate. Via its contextualization, the comic effect is
transferrable to the target language and the attention paid to the culture (Bosinelli & Whitsitt,
2010, p. 166). The amateur subtitlers’ attempts to replace the original slang “git” with an
idiomatic expression, “饭桶”/ “rice bucket,” suggest that contextual equivalence plays a
crucial part in preserving humor. While the authorized subtitles deliver the contextual
meaning, the amateur subtitles’ choice considers the situational appropriateness inherent
both from the scene and the film’s dialogues that mutually produce contextual humor. Again,
a high level of creativity takes place when subtitling “git” in the act of fandom translation by
39
using an idiomatic expression to transfer humorous effect. When it comes to wordplay and
the use of puns in particular, these linguistic devises typically pose a challenge for both non-
native speakers and translators (Wang, 2014, p. 276). The following example is a key case in
point while the close resemblance of spelling and sound dissimilates the literal meaning from
the source dialogue’s intention.
3.2. Subtitling Wordplay
The present example contains a wordplay to deliver humorous effect. According to Dirk
Delabastita (1993, p. 57), wordplay is:
[…] the general name indicating the various textual phenomena (i.e. on the level of performance or parole)
in which certain features inherent in the structure of the language used (level of competence or langue) are
exploited in such a way as to establish a communicatively significant, (near)-simultaneous confrontation of
at least two linguistic structures with more or less dissimilar meanings (signifieds) and more or less similar
forms (signifiers).
The mix match between signifieds and signifiers is of relevance to the following example,
when it comes to meaning and form equivalence in the humorous context.
Example 3: Box
(1) Description of the Scene: William is upset in his room while Spike is trying to comfort him
because Anna has just broken his heart.
(2) Line: WILLIAM: I've opened Pandora's box
and there's trouble inside.
……
SPIKE: I knew a girl at school
called Pandora.
Never got to see her box…
(3) Translation: 我打开了潘多拉的盒子
里面充满麻烦
……
40
-我在学校认识一个女孩
也叫潘多拉
不过我从没看过她的盒子
(4) Back Translation: WILLIAM: I opened Panduola’s box
full of trouble inside.
……
SPIKE: I knew a girl at school
also named Panduola.
But I’ve never seen her box.
The signifieds in the present example are two simultaneous confrontations of the word “box.”
The first box relates to trouble; the second box is completely different, relating to female
genitalia. “Pandora’s box” is a universally acknowledged reference meaning any potential
harmfulness (Zamzami & Kroemer, 2001, p. 67). People’s awareness of this universally
recognizable term is originally drawn on the audience’s familiarity with its metaphorical
meaning from Greek mythology. There is a stark contrast between William’s heart-breaking
agony and Spike’s absurd fantasy about his acquaintance with a girl called Pandora and her
genitalia. The humor is thus generated from the contrast between William’s agony and despair
and Spike’s naughtiness and absurdity. Humor is also generated by the fact that box is not a
word conventionally used to describe female genitalia. The association between the box and
female genitalia is only triggered by the context that Spike sets up.
However, the wordplay fails to translate into Chinese in the official subtitles. Replication is
used to convey the conceptual meaning. “Pandora's box” becomes “ 潘多拉的盒子 ”/
“Panduola’s box.” Thanks to its universally recognizable meaning in relation to potential
trouble, Chinese audiences are aware of its referential meaning, though not perhaps of its
mythical source. The Chinese authorized subtitles make less sense than the English source as
there is no referential link between her box and the female genitalia. It is important to note
that while the official subtitles delete the sexual overtones of the original, the amateur
subtitles again are far freer and convey the sexuality of their British source in the translation
“从没看到过她的私处”/ “to have never seen her private part,” which is more sexually
explicit than the original metaphorical phrase “her box.” Instead of making the sexual
41
connotation explicit, the more common way to translate sexuality is to tone down the sexual
implication because the acceptance of speaking about sexuality varies across cultures (Allan
& Burridge, 2006, p. 144). Regarding sexuality, Lisa Rofel (2007, p. 144) argues that Chinese
culture seems to be more repressed than liberated, therefore, it would be better to mitigate
erotic issues to the target receptor. If awkward humor comes in via Spike’s wordplay “but I’ve
never seen her box” to encourage William, the Chinese official subtitles “不过我从没看过她
的盒子”/ “But I’ve never seen her box” cast an irrelevant ambiguity, which is completely at
odds with Spike’s clear attempt to use sexuality to comfort William, who is currently
heartbroken. The Chinese audiences may be able to glean and sense humor from Spike’s
playful and funny facial expression as his physical imagery complements to make a humorous
effect. In this example, verbal and visual humor are integrated to interpret the overall comic
effect. Though in the censored subtitles’ choice, they provide an irrelevant term “她的盒子”
/ “her box” to lessen the contextual humor of the original, humor is clearly generated when
read in association with Spike’s awkward facial expression. According to Baldry and Thibault’s
multimodality (2006, p. 49), external resources assist the understanding of contextual
meaning.
In summary, the official Chinese translations relating to the careful wordplay “box” adopt
literal translation strategy, making the core meaning of the original humor inaccessible for
Chinese audiences. In so doing, they lose the humorous effect entirely. The linguistic
innovation and humorous effect are not always able to transcend cultural and linguistic divides
through mere literal translation of the English source into the receiving culture. The humorous
effect is not readily possible via pure word-for-word translation without the consideration of
contextual wordplay when translating the sexually related phrase “her box.” In contrast, once
the intertextual relation is actively made, the amateur translation speaks to a receiving culture
(Venuti, 2013, p. 181) so that the desirable humorous effect is creatively achieved.
4. Conclusion
In this discussion, we have analyzed the transfer of humor in the Chinese subtitles produced
by Chinese authorities and by Chinese fandom in the case of Notting Hill (1999). By
manipulating the texts (Bassnett & Lefevere, 1990, p. 88), an authorized translation can
42
deliberately transfer culture, politics, and ideology to the receiving audience in a standardized
way which is less desirable and entertaining to the target recipient. However, the fans’
practice establishes new and exciting rules and gives more freedom and creativity to the
amateur translation where fansubbers choose to recontextualize the source text, replacing
relations to the source text with a receiving intertext. In this way, the target language and
culture largely influence the translation (Venuti, 2013, p. 181). By this means, humor can be
largely transferred across different languages and cultures.
The official Chinese subtitles largely rely on neutralization and at times literal translation,
while fan-generated subtitles actively provide idiomatic expressions in the target culture to
transfer humor as well as to acknowledge creatively the humor by either closely imitating the
humorous effect of the original or courageously bringing the encrypted phrasing (sexual desire
in “box”) to the fore to keep the target recipient amused. Therefore, the translated humor
drawn from the Chinese subtitles of Notting Hill (1999) works best when considering its equal
humor, contextual appropriation and linguistic adaptation of the original. To respond to the
translation strategies that were employed in this case, the replacement of the VEH in the
source language with an idiomatic expression in the TT is more acceptable to the Chinese
audience, in that a transparent and natural translation is essential to evoke a similar effect to
that of the original receptors (Nida, 1964, p. 163). Domestication, foreignization, and
explication lie at the heart of the employed translational strategies in the case of amateur
translation. However, reproducing the cultural equivalent in the target language requires
much creativity in the process of humor translation, for example when dealing with the
frequent use of wordplay in the ST or when humor is an integral part of the cultural and
historical context (Bianchi, 2014, p. 478). The overall transfer of humor in the Chinese subtitles
of Notting Hill is not always possible unless creativity is employed to link the humorous
demand of the target audience and the contextual meaning of the source in the Chinese
subtitles. Overall, this paper shows that taking contextual factors into considerations is a
crucial part of the process of translating humor. This paper calls for a rethinking of the
significance of creativity as a tool for guaranteeing access to humor. This recent trend of
adopting fansubbed TV series and films as a daily form of entertainment among Chinese
people marks a great acceptance of linguistic and cultural interference when English-language
films are subtitled informally for a contemporary Chinese audience.
43
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Contributor’s Bio: After graduating with a BA in Translation referring to Foreign Business in

2013, Lisi spent another two years studying at Guangdong University of Foreign Studies on a
Master programme in Translation and Interpreting. She subsequently came to Cardiff
University to write her Ph.D. on subtitling British films for the contemporary Chinese audience
from the perspective of Translation Studies and Culture Studies. The Oversea Study Program
of the Guangzhou Elite Project has allowed this to become a reality. She was a committee
member of the Ph.D. researchers-led conference Breaking the Boundaries in Arts and
Humanities at Cardiff University. She is also a language mentor (French and Chinese), a MA
Translation tutor and currently acts as a freelance translator and interpreter.
E-mail address: LiangL5@cardiff.ac.uk
48
Paweł Marcinkiewicz
University of Opole
Literary Translations and Stages of Their Existence in the Receiving Culture:

The Case of John Ashbery’s Poetry
ABSTRACT
John Ashbery made his debut in Polish translation in 1976, in the Warsaw-based literary
magazine Literatura na świecie [Literature in the World]. Since then, the New York writer
has become one of the most popular and most important American poets in Poland. Yet,
for some reason, his recent translations into Polish go unnoticed by both critics and
readers. In fact, Ashbery’s existence in the Polish language could be divided into three
phases: the phase of mimicry, the phase of conflict, and the phase of diffusion. During the
phase of mimicry, which is quite typical for the early existence of translated literature in
the receiving culture, historical importance and literary quality of the translated author
are not recognized, and he or she reaches the reader in a package of literary stereotypes
typically attached to his or her native culture. The phase of conflict is reserved for the
canonical authors, who often enter the foreign language in series of translations, over a
long period of time. Such an author starts a conflict between the ideology represented by
his/her texts and the ideology of the literary culture, dominating in the receiving
language. The translator’s main goal is initiating and sustaining the above conflict, which
is a means of critique and – in a broader perspective – a change of his or her own
literature and its ideological undertone. The phase of diffusion manifests itself with a
more intense presence of the translated writer on the book market of the receiving
culture, which changes the readerly perception of his or her works: no longer does the
author sound foreign, but his or her style resembles local patterns of literary tradition.
Ashbery’s translations into Polish went through all the above phases. However, his
position within the polysystem of Polish literature is not final, but it is based on
stereotypes formed during the phase of conflict. Thus, there is a chance that we will
rediscover Ashbery’s poetry in the Polish language in the future and the cycle of his
reception will get repeated.
KEY WORDS
translations of American literature into Polish, ideology, Polish translations of John

Ashbery’s poetry, communist era in Poland, contemporary Polish poetry
TranslatoLogica: A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature, 2 (2018), p.49-73

Literary Translations and Stages of Their Existence in the Receiving Culture: The Case of John Ashbery’s Poetry
1. Introduction
When we analyze the ideological motifs for the emergence of John Ashbery’s poetry in the
Polish language – including actions of translators, publishers, and academics aimed at
starting a conflict in the aesthetic and ethical spheres in order to establish new means of
artistic expression – we must come to a conclusion that the case of the New York school
poet repeats a paradigm typical of the earliest renderings of Anglo-American literature into
the language of the largest Slavic country in Central Europe. Following the publication of
Adam Mickiewicz’s version of The Giaour in 1835, the role of Anglo-American literature in
Congress Poland was to propagate the ideals of freedom that emanated from the
Declaration of Independence. The first American writer whose works hit a real nerve in
Poland was Washington Irving, translated by Ksawery Bronikowski (1796-1852), a journalist
and activist involved in a lifelong struggle for Poland’s liberty against the Russian Empire.1
The Polish collection of Irving’s short stories – Nadzwyczajne przygody człowieka
osłabionych nerwów. Z dzieł P. Washington Irving, Amerykanina, wyjęte. Z portretem autora
[Unusual Adventures of a Man with Weak Nerves. Selected from the works of Mr.
Washington Irving, an American. With a Portrait of the Author] – was based on the two-
volume edition of Tales of a Traveller. By Geoffrey Crayon, Gent, published in London, in
1825. What must have been most appealing in Irving for the Polish reader – except for his
face of a romantic sage presented in the eponymous portrait – was the American writer’s
apotheosis of travels, full of surprising adventures and mysterious events, in magical settings
of provincial Germany and Italy. In the 1820s and 30s travelling was getting more and more
difficult for the citizens of Congress Poland, especially for intellectuals, like Ksawery
Bronikowski, who were considered suspicious by the Tsarist regime. Bronikowski was a co-
founder of “Związek Wolnych Polaków” [“Association of Free Poles”], a secret organization,
aiming at regaining independence of partitioned Poland. Later, he was a vice president of
Towarzystwo Patriotyczne [Patriotic Association]. For his subversive activities, Bronikowski
was imprisoned in 1824, and he emigrated to France in 1831, where he collaborated with
the influential conservative political camp “Hotel Lambert.” When he died in Paris in 1852,
1
Irving’s first Polish translations were published anonymously, but the translator’s name was revealed thanks
to the efforts of Karol Estreicher (1827-1908), nicknamed the “father of Polish bibliography.” His monumental
36-volume work is now available online at https://www.estreicher.uj.edu.pl/home/.
50
he was the Director of the Polish School and the Editor in Chief of the Polish publishing
house “Pamiętniki Polskie” [“Polish Memoirs”] (Więckowska, 1989, p. 468-470).
I give a detailed account of Bronikowski’s biography not only to stress the relationship
between American literature and the ideals of freedom cherished by its translators, but first
of all to prove that ideology – including the translator’s own system of values – has always
been the most important level of translation, determining his or her very interest in foreign
authors. In the 1970s and 1980s, Ashbery was published in translation behind the Iron
Curtain, in Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Romania. In Poland, the government-controlled
media was subject to censorship, yet Ashbery’s poems were let through since they
apparently did not contain timely political references.
In literary magazines, Ashbery was published with other New York School poets, such as
Frank O’Hara and Kenneth Koch, who helped the younger generation find a non-political
stance, suspicious of all power discourses.
2. The first appearance of Ashbery in Polish: the phase of mimicry
The first presentation of John Ashbery’s poetry in Polish translation was published in the
Warsaw-based literary magazine Literatura na świecie [Literature in the World] in June,
1976. In the two decades immediately preceding World War II, the translator of canonical
literature was often – as Jerzy Jarniewicz has it – the “ambassador” of great writers he or she
introduced to Poland (Jarniewicz, 2012, p. 24). However, the reality of the postwar era,
when People’s Republic of Poland was under the Soviet occupation, modified the role of the
translator and readjusted the place of translations from English in the polysystem of Polish
literature. First, because of the conflict between the Eastern and the Western blocs,
translating from English was often perceived as a dissident activity, endangering the
translator to all sorts of persecutions, from invigilation to censorship, since American
literature and Americanness in general became synonymous with democratic traditions.
Second, translations of American authors became inspiration for Polish writers, replacing
earlier aesthetic models – Russian, German, and French.
Ashbery’s first Polish appearance was a part of Piotr Sommer’s mini anthology
“Współcześni poeci amerykańscy” [“Contemporary American Poets”] and thus was rather
scanty: a single lyric, consisting merely of 10 lines, accompanied by a black-and-white, half-a-
51
page photograph of the poet. The date of publication seemed symbolic2, as in June, 1976,
the ideology of socialism revealed its true face of aggression and, at the same time,
helplessness. Censorship could no longer prevent voices of aesthetic distinctness and ethical
ambiguity from entering the polysystem of Polish literature. Ashbery’s poem – “A Vase of
Flowers” – opens the mini anthology, and – although it seems to be a tribute to Jane
Freilicher’s paintings3 – it relevantly shows the ideological tensions of those turbulent
times4:
Wazon jest biały i byłby jak walec

Gdyby walec szerszy był u góry niż na dole.
Kwiaty są czerwone, białe i niebieskie.
Wszelki kontakt z kwiatami jest zabroniony.
Białe kwiaty wyciągają się w górę

Do bladego powietrza własnych zależności
Popychane lekko przez czerwone i niebieskie.
Gdybyś była o te kwiaty zazdrosna,

Proszę cię daj spokój.
Są dla mnie absolutnie niczym (Sommer, 1976a p. 178).
Below, I give a word-for-word translation of Sommer’s rendering:
The vase is blue, and it would be like a cylinder

If a cylinder were broader at the top than at the bottom.
The flowers are red, white, and blue.
Any contact with the flowers is forbidden.
The white flowers stretch themselves upwards

Towards the pale air of their own dependencies
Pushed lightly by the red ones and the blue.
If you – my mistress – were jealous of those flowers,

Please, take them seriously,
For me, they are absolutely nothing.
2
I refer here to the so called “June 1976” – a series of strikes and riots that took place in People’s Republic of
Poland when Prime Minister Piotr Jaroszewicz announced a radical rise in food prices. Hundreds of workers
were brutally pacified and arrested in Radom, Ursus, and Płock.
3
Jane Freilicher (1924-2014), one of the greatest American painters of the 20 th century, was the poet’s friend
since the day he started living in New York in the summer of 1949 (Roffman, 2017, p. 4).
4
For the needs of the above analysis, I quote the original version of Ashbery’s poem: “A Vase of Flowers”//The
vase is white and would be a cylinder/If a cylinder were wider at the top than at the bottom./The flowers are
red, white and blue.//All contact with the flowers is forbidden.//The white flowers strain upward/Into a pallid
air of their references,/Pushed slightly by the red and blue flowers.//If you were going to be jealous of the
flowers,/Please forget it./They mean absolutely nothing to me.// 1962 (written in 1959) (Ashbery, 2008, p.
924).
52
The red, white, and blue flowers in a white cylinder of a vase create an austere, quasi-
futurist, mechanical environment, simplified and devoid of details, like Piet Mondrian’s
compositions. However, the “flowers,” with whom “any contact is forbidden” take on an
allegorical meaning, bringing to mind surreal “flowers-prisoners” or “flowers-convicts,”
closed in an oppressive reality. The meaning of the colors borrowed from the Mondrianian
palette also has an allegorical undertone: the “white flowers” (innocent and passive) are
pushed by the “red ones” (politically hot) and the “blue” (in military uniforms). However, the
allegoricalness of the flowers is paradoxical, aimed at creating a semantic dissonance rather
than metaphorically elucidating reality. On the one hand, the flowers “mean absolutely
nothing” to the speaker, yet, on the other, they are objects of his focused attention and
scrutiny, or even invigilation. What is important, the commitment of the poem I’m trying to
stress does not dominate over its character of a disinterested game or play. The only true
engagement of “The Vase of Flowers” is the speaker’s communication with the Ashberian
pronoun “you” which, for the poet, is paradoxical and problematic: as much as a sign bulging
with presence, it may be a placeholder of absence (Vincent, 2007, p. 149).
Obviously, the Ashberian play has a deeper meaning. The mystery of flowers depends on
their vague, allegorical sense, exemplifying what Marjorie Perloff calls the “Rimbaudian
tradition in Anglo-American literature” (Perloff, 1999, p. 157). The semantic indeterminacy
of Ashbery’s poem is typical of all writers trying to debunk realistic conventions. As a result,
the poem’s senses oscillate between referentiality and compositional game, and its
particulars do not cohere into a logical configuration, because they often resemble the
abstract arguments of music: it is not possible to decide which associations are relevant for
interpretation and which are not. According to Perloff, this fundamental undecidability is the
core of the poetic of indeterminacy started by Arthur Rimbaud and first transferred into
English by Ezra Pound and Gertrude Stein.5 By the token of its programmatic undecidability,
Ashbery’s poetry was an important alternative to the dominating ideological conflict in the
Polish sociopolitical environment of the late 1980s: polarization between the propaganda of
the totalitarian regime and the anti-communist nationalistic impulses, which subordinated
5
Perloff’s notion of “indeterminacy” brings to mind John Cage’s lecture “Indeterminacy,” delivered at the
Brussels Fair in 1958. The lecture was composed of stories to be read like “odd bits of information… at the end
of columns in a small-town newspaper” when one “jumps here and there and responds at the same time to
environmental events and sounds” (Lo Bue, 1982, p. 69). It seems that the New York School poets’
indeterminacy similarly includes the “operations of nature,” meaning all events that happen during the poem’s
composition.
53
the individual freedom to the struggle for political independence. “A Vase of Flowers” gave
the reader a chance to achieve the kind of freedom that was postulated by Joseph Brodsky
in reference to the literatures of the countries conquered by the Soviet Empire: intellectual
and spiritual detachment from hot political topic by creating an independent world of
aesthetic values, which could protect literature from being blinded by timeliness (Toruńczyk,
2009, p. 130). The main goal of Brodsky’s strategy of “detachment” consisted in avoiding
gestures typical of fiercely anticommunist and allusive literary productions, since those
gestures diminished artistic values of literary works. This is why subtly lyrical and enigmatic
poems, such as Ashbery’s “A Vase,” were attractive to Polish readers in 1976.
Piotr Sommer’s translation sounds precise and succinct, and the only detail that seems
odd is the Ashberian “you” which – quite unfortunately – takes the feminine gender in
Polish: “Gdybyś była o te kwiaty zazdrosna” [“If you – my mistress – were jealous of those
flowers”]. Clearly, Sommer tries to adapt his translation to the patterns of love poetry
dominant at the end of the twentieth century, but since Ashbery criticism was still
underdeveloped in 1976, the translator’s procédé is fully justifiable. What seems more
puzzling is Sommer’s choice of the poem for his mini anthology. Ashbery wrote “A Vase of
Flowers” in 1959, and the poem was not included in any of his books. Only recently, in 2008,
“A Vase” was reprinted in the over thousand-page volume of Collected Poems 1956-1987.
This fact is quite important: in 1976, Ashbery’s seventh volume Self-Portrait in a Convex
Mirror won the triple crown of literary prizes – the Pulitzer, the National Book Award, and
the National Book Critics Circle Award – and the poet’s career reached its climax. Many
critics expressed praise for the volume, and especially for its monumental title poem, which
John Roussell called “the most intelligent thing of its kind ever written” (Roussell, 1990, p. ii).
In his most important books published in the 1970s, e.g. A Map of Misreading (1975), Harold
Bloom championed Ashbery as an heir to the great romantic tradition of verse that
commenced with Emerson and extended through Whitman and Stevens. Therefore, “A Vase
of Flowers” must have seemed woefully unrepresentative of Ashbery’s mature oeuvre when
the poet started to be perceived as one of the pillars of contemporary American poetry in
the mid-1970s.
An important element of Ashbery’s first presentation in Literatura na świecie was –
besides Sommer’s translation – a photograph taken by Jill Krementz, a New York artist
specializing in portraits of writers. In a black-and-white grainy photo of poor quality, we can
54
see a close-up of Ashbery’s face in a stylization that the poet himself called a “Mexican
bandit look” (Tranter, 1998, Jacket). Four or five inches long graying hair, combed with a
parting, surround his handsome face of a mature man, with a thick mustache falling down, in
a way fashionable in the 1970s. However, Ashbery’s face is far from being typical: his dark
eyes pierce through the reader, smiling gently, which is stressed by his slightly parting lips. It
is a face of a sage who knows all the secrets of the human soul and understands his readers
better than they can understand themselves. Quite mysteriously, Ashbery’s face from the
1976 Literatura na świecie is similar to Washington Irving’s face from his first Polish
publication, in 1826.
The context in which Ashbery’s poetry entered the Polish language is a separate
important factor, influencing the early perception of the New Yorker. Piotr Sommer
presented “A Vase of Flowers” in an alphabetically ordered anthology that he entitled
“Współcześni poeci amerykańscy” [“Contemporary American Poets”], containing seventeen
names.6 The anthology was preceded by a brief introduction, in which the translator
confessed that majority of the writers that he had chosen were poorly known in Poland or
even totally unknown (Sommer, 1976b, p. 177). The only well-known poet was Allen
Ginsberg, who was previously translated into Polish by Leszek Elektorowicz, Tadeusz
Rybowski, Teresa Truszkowska, and others. The Polish reader was also acquainted with
Robert Bly (translated by Tadeusz Rybowski) and Amiri Baraka, who used the name of
Imamu Amear Baraka back then (translated by Jarosław Anders).
Sommer sounds rather unconvincing when he tries to explain the rationale of his
anthology: he underlines the obvious fact that most of his authors were born in the 1920s,
except for Dudley Randall, William Stafford, and Reed Whittemore, who were born a decade
earlier, and Imamu Amear Baraka, who was born a decade later (Sommer, 1976b, p. 177).
Yet, it is quite clear that the poets he chooses do not belong to any particular generation or
literary group. Moreover, the Polish translator admits that his goal is not to sketch a
comprehensive panorama of contemporary American poetry, but to get his readers familiar
with a few important names. This is also hardly credible, since many poets from the
6
Sommer based most of his selection on the 1962 Contemporary American Poetry edited by Donald Hall. The
Polish translator does not mention this fact, which might result from the fear that censorship would not let
through a publication from the period of the Cold War.
55
anthology were ephemeral literati, soon to be forgotten.7 The last poet Sommer mentions by
name in his introduction is Frank O’Hara, and the only fact that the Polish reader learns
about the author of “Biotherm” ten years after his death is that he died in a car accident
(Sommer, 1976b, p. 177). John Ashbery is not mentioned in Sommer’s introduction at all.
This is exactly the situation I call the “phase of mimicry,” which is typical for the early
existence of translated literature in the receiving culture. Initially, historical importance and
literary greatness of the translated author are not recognized, and he or she reaches the
reader in a package of literary stereotypes and ideological conceptions attached to his or her
native culture. It seems that the main goal of Sommer’s anthology was not to get the Polish
reader acquainted with popular or important American poets, but to get any of
contemporary American poets published, taking advantage of an opportunity to compose an
“American” issue of Literatura na świecie, which the communist authorities tolerated from
time to time, since it gave foreign observers and intellectuals an illusion that Poland was a
free country. Such an issue devoted to Western literatures was usually published at a price:
in exchange for a gasp of artistic freedom, several following issues of the magazine had to
deal with literatures of the Eastern Bloc. Otherwise, it would be difficult to imagine any
coherent basis of ideological or aesthetic values, enabling the editor to present the fierce
experimenter John Ashbery, together with the black nationalist Amiri Baraka and the
fundamental Christian Denise Levertov.
Independently of Sommer’s anthology, the issue of Literatura na świecie contains works
of such American writers as Thomas Pynchon, Richard Brautigan, Ken Kesey, William Styron,
and Mark Twain. Additionally, the magazine brings out essays by Anglo-American critics on
various aspects of contemporary American literature, for example Robert Daly’s review of
contemporary American poetry, Mathew Winston’s discussion of Thomas Pynchon’s
conspiracy theories, or Tonny Tanner’s study of the post-war American novel. Also, several
academic papers by Polish scholars appear there, including Maria Teresa Aniśkowicz’s
account of Richard Brautigan’s literary development or Zbigniew Lewicki’s analysis of Joseph
Heller’s fiction. In this disorderly context, with his penetrating eyes of a visionary looking at
the reader from Jill Krementz’s photograph, Ashbery must have been perceived as another
7
At least this is what happened to Dudley Randall, William Stafford, and Reed Whittemore, whom Sommer
championed as important American poets born in the 1910s.
56
American eccentric, who wrote lyrical grotesques in the spirit of Gertrude Stein and Williams
Carlos Williams.
As for the main ideological message emanating from the pages of the American issue of
Literatura na świecie, it was concurrent with the fundamental stereotype about
Americanness present in Polish culture from Emerson, who warned his readers against being
“subdued” by their “instruments” and advised “[reading] God directly” (Emerson, 1969, p.
44). Accordingly, the object of literary understanding was not the text but the world, and the
American authors presented by various translators gave an example of aesthetic variety and
ethical freedom, which opposed rigid schematism typical of the Polish literary scene,
controlled by the Communist apparatchiks from PZPR – the Polish United Workers’ Party.
When democratic opposition started to emerge in the 1970s, American poets were
perceived as allies of the so-called “Nowa Fala” [New Wave movement], engaged in social
criticism in the spirit of the early twentieth-century avant-gardes.8 This is exactly the gist of
the phase of mimicry: the dominant ideology of a foreign literature, perceived as a set of
stereotypes, manipulates our reading of a particular foreign author, who assimilates with
other authors from the same language and time.
Ashbery’s next appearance in Literatura na świecie was only nine months later – in the
issue 3(71) 1977, in a brief presentation “Sami siebie” [They Themselves] – but it
foreshadowed a significant change in his reception in Poland. What is important, Ashbery
was not shown as a poet or writer, but as an amateur cartoonist, the author of a miniature
self-portrait drawn as a dedication for Burt Britton, who worked in the Strand Bookstore,
one of the most famous bookstores in New York. Britton had a peculiar hobby: he asked
novelists and poets invited to the bookstore for weekly readings to draw self-portraits for his
album, which he published as an art book entitled Self Portraits, in 1976. The half-page
anecdote about Britton’s project – published as an intro to a set of 9 pictures – was meant to
warm up the image of the Unites States of America which was still labeled by the communist
authorities as the greatest enemy of the Eastern Bloc. On top of that, the editors of the 1977
issue of Literatura na świecie broke stereotypes about a literary magazine published behind
the Iron Curtain. The whole presentation – with 9 drawings of writers, including John
8
This problem was highlighted by Polish critic Jerzy Kwiatkowski in his essay entitled “Stanisław Barańczak,”
published in Pochwała poezji. O poetach polskich XX wieku [In praise of poetry. About Polish poets of the
twentieth century]. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie, p. 327-345.
57
Ashbery, Margaret Atwood, John Barth, William Gaddis, Lois Gold, Stanley Kunitz, Maurice
Sendak, John Updike, and Kurt Vonnegut – created an illusion that censorship did not exist in
Poland.
In comparison with the previous presentation in Sommer’s anthology, the most important
change was Ashbery’s literary status. Although peculiarities of his style were yet
undiscovered by critics, the New York poet was recognized as one of the greatest American
writers of his time, on a par with the authors well-known by the Polish audience, such as
Updike or Vonnegut. Interestingly, Ashbery’s self-portrait contained a surplus meaning,
which was difficult to decipher both for the editors of the magazine and the Polish reader.
The poet’s face, slightly caricatural, is rendered skillfully, proving that, as a teenager,
Ashbery wanted to be a painter, and he went to an art class for children at the Rochester art
museum (Ashbery & Ford, 2003, p. 25). The most striking detail is that the head is seen from
a peculiar perspective: it is slightly turned left and shown from a point below the center of
the composition. Obviously, the perspective mocks the famous painting of the sixteenth-
century Italian painter Francesco Mazzola, also known as Parmigianino – “Self-Portrait in the
Convex Mirror” – which was a direct inspiration for Ashbery’s most famous collection and its
eponymous poem. As Ashbery recollects in a conversation with Mark Ford, he worked on his
“Self-Portrait” from February 1973, when he saw the copy of Mazzola’s painting in a display
window in a bookstore in Provincetown, for the whole year (Ashbery & Ford, 2003 p. 57).
The ironically mocking drawing, in which the poet sees himself as Parmigianino, is signed
with a date: December 11, 1973. This was the moment when Ashbery must have finished the
work on his long poem and was reading its fragments to his audience at Strand Bookstore.
The double meaning of Ashbery’s “self-portrait” must have been clear for American readers
of Britton’s album in 1976.
3. The phase of conflict
The next phase of the translation’s existence in the target language could be defined as the
“phase of conflict.” Of course, not all translated authors get to this phase, because their vast
majority stays at the more neutral level of reception, which is the phase of mimicry. The
phase of conflict is reserved for the canonical authors, who often enter the foreign language
in series of translations, over a long period of time. Perhaps the very “seriality” of their
58
existence in renderings by various translators – axiological/ideological and aesthetic

difference from the dominating discourses and ability to yield multiple interpretations – is
the most crucial feature of authors entering this phase.9 In the case of John Ashbery, this
phase was initiated by his next appearance in Literatura na świecie, eight years later, in the
issue 9 (158)/1984. The very cover of the magazine seems to be symbolic: not only is it
intensely red, but also contains surrealist details, such as the image of a winged nib, which –
like a bird of prey – tries to destroy the word “literature” in the magazine’s title. This is
exactly how the phase of conflict functions: the author chosen for translation – very often
controversial, but at the same time enjoying critical acclaim and readers’ approval – enters
into a struggle between the ideology represented by his texts and the ideology of the literary
culture, dominating in the receiving language. The translator’s main goal is initiating and
sustaining the above conflict, which is a means of critique – and in a broader perspective a
change – of his or her own literature and its ideological undertone. Here, translation is a tool
whose aim is a transformation of the domestic system of values, determining the
relationship between literature and social life.
On the back cover of the 1984 “red” issue of Literatura na świecie, the reader finds names
of the most important contributors to the magazine, all of them in fancy fonts, resembling
autographs: Harry Mathews, John Ashbery, Raymond Federman, Ronald Sukenick, and
Gilbert Sorrentino. The most significant contrast between the phase of mimicry and the
phase of conflict consists in the fact that, in the latter, the format of the translated author
has already been recognized and he or she has been placed in the proper literary and critical
contexts. In the case of John Ashbery, it was the context of postmodern avant-garde in
American visual arts and literature, initiated in the 1950s by abstract expressionists and the
New York School poets. Ashbery met Harry Mathews in 1956, in Paris, and together they
edited an experimental literary magazine Locus Solus (Ashbery & Ford, 2003, p. 57). Later,
Mathews became a member of an experimental literary group OuLiPo (Ouvroir de littérature
potentielle usually translated into English as Workshop of Potential Literature), which was a
loose association of mainly French writers founded in 1960 by Raymond Queneau and
9
I understand the concept of “series of translations” after Agnieszka Adamowicz-Pośpiech as a form of
“retranslation” (Adamowicz-Pośpiech, 2013, p. 38). The difference between the two notions is that “series”
implies simultaneous analysis of all of its constitutive elements while “retranslation” focuses the reader’s
attention on the last element of the series, treating it as the aesthetic peak. Thus works existing in “translation
series” invite the reader to a special kind of interpretation, focusing on stylistic variety.
59
François Le Lionnais. Its most famous members included Marcel Duchamp, Georges Perec,
and Italo Calvino. As for Raymond Federman and Ronald Sukenick, both of them were
unconventional writers, often very radical in their formal endeavors. Gilbert Sorrentino was
most versatile of them, writing novels, poems, and criticism.
Thus, the ideological attack performed by the 1984 issue of Literatura na świecie seems to
have been extremely violent: it entailed poetry, fiction, and critical writing, and it aimed at
re-evaluating cultural and literary hierarchies of contemporary Polish literature, using the
anti-bourgeois shock tactics of the historical avant-garde. In Poland, in the mid-1980s,
literary values were very conservative on both sides of the political barricade. Literary
productions propagated by Jaruzelski’s regime – as it used to be from the 1949 convention
of ZLP (Polish Writers’ Union) in Szczecin when the Soviet social realism was announced the
only legitimate aesthetics – were controlled by the Party’s Central Committee. The most
important writers belonged to the informal group called “Kolumbowie rocznik 20”
(Columbuses born in the 1920s): they were shaped by World War II, during which they
fought for their country’s freedom and socialist future. The group included Jerzy Putrament,
who published his 13 volumes of collected works from 1979 to 1988; Roman Bratny, who
published 18 novels during the decade, most of them bestsellers, in editions of hundred
thousand copies; and Bohdan Czeszko, whose Collected Works, Vol. 1-3, came out in 1983.
However, the object of the attack of the Warsaw-based monthly was not the ideology of
the socialist state based on the idolatry of the Soviet Union – the state, which was already
shaking in its foundations. The true enemy of the American avant-garde was the model of
literature propagated by the Polish samizdat, sponsored by the western governments and
various human rights foundations – the so-called “drugi obieg” (second circulation). The
Polish samizdat published authors living in Poland, such as Andrzej Kijowski, Andrzej
Szczypiorski, Jan Józef Szczepański, Kazimierz Orłoś, or Julian Stryjkowski, but also émigré
writers, including Czesław Miłosz, Gustaw Herling-Grudzinski, Adam Zagajewski, Stanisław
Barańczak, or Zbigniew Herbert. It would be difficult to find a common denominator for all
the above authors, but it seems that they belonged to the post-romantic tradition of
symbolic realism, rooted in the values of Roman Catholicism and based on the scenic style,
which was – as Charles Altieri has it – “a reaction against the Enlightenment strategies for
idealizing reason” (Altieri, 1984 p. 11-12). The post-romantic provenience of the samizdat
authors was due to the fact that an effective critique of communism required a full
60
understanding between the writer and the reader on the socio-cultural level, rooted in the
experience of oppressive reality. In the sphere of ideology, the samizdat authors were not
superficially anti-communist, but they were Roman-Catholic transcendentalists. The writer
as a sage and servant of his nation was connected with the mystical reality of the Creator,
and he got involved in the public sphere, fighting for his nation’s freedom. This tradition was
the real target of the 1984 issue of Literatura na świecie. The presentation of radically
innovative writers, representative of American postmodernism, was an act of dissidence,
aimed at initiating an artistic revolution at home. Polish poetry of the 1980s lacked anti-
illusionistic lyricism, showing how the rhetoric controls the reader. American avant-garde
authors could help Polish writers redefine the primary social role of literature, which should
– according to Altieri – “offer concrete experience and plausible worlds that foster individual
powers of self-reflection without tying the individual to one of the explanatory schemes
competing to dominate the political marketplace” (Altieri, 1984, p. 21).
The presentation of Ashbery’s poetry was quite large for a content of a literary magazine,
and it included seventeen poems. Two of them came from the poet’s most famous volume
The Self-Portrait in a Convex Mirror and were translated by Piotr Sommer: “As One Put
Drunk into the Packet Boat” and “Worsening Situation.” The remaining fifteen poems were
rendered by Bohdan Zadura: six from Houseboat Days (1977), eight from Shadow Train
(1981), and one from As We Know (1979). All those texts represent Ashbery’s middle period
when he sounded almost like a classic, and he perceived reality as a collective experience,
rooted in history, whose mechanism was essentially explainable. Yet, even those mildly
experimental poems must have been shocking for Polish readers in 1984.
First of all, the earliest Polish collection of Ashbery’s poems lays bare an artificial
character of dignified, moralizing diction, being synonymous with valuable poetry in Poland,
in the 1980s. For the New York poet, the most important aspect of the poem was “play,”
which also meant a more relaxed attitude towards writing. Ashbery describes the working of
the play in one of his most often anthologized poems “Paradoxes and Oxymorons,”
translated in the magazine by Bohdan Zadura:
This poem is concerned with language on a very plain level. …
What’s a plain level? It is that and other things,

Bringing a system of them into play. Play?
Well, actually, yes, but I consider play to be
61
A deeper outside thing, a dreamed role-pattern,

As in the division of grace these long August days
Without proof. Open-ended. And before you know it
It gets lost in the steam and chatter of typewriters.
It has been played once more. …

The poem is you (Ashbery, 2008, p. 698).
The “deeper outside thing” is an aesthetic strategy of being lighthearted about writing, as if
the composition of a poem were a game, with the reader not as a rival but an ally, whose
attentive presence is crucial for the poem to succeed. Succeeding here means giving sense
to “the division of grace these long August days/Without proof,” which is a metaphor that
cannot be simply rationalized but has to be accepted and lived through by reading. The
Ashberian play has also a more frolicsome dimension because he – as much as other New
York School poets – invests his poetry with masquerades, parodies, eccentric juxtapositions,
and pseudo-scientific profundities. He and other New York School poets favor verse forms
that are, as David Lehman has it, “at base arbitrary... You could cull lines at random from
books. Or you could scramble the lines in an already written poem to produce a disjunctive
jolt. … Poems didn’t have to make sense in a conventional way; they could discover their
sense as they went along” (Lehman, 1999, p. 4). The variety of the play’s registers also
includes play of sounds, signifiers, and references, whose goal is, to use Roger Gilbert’s
phrase, “to frustrate hermeneutic expectations” (Gilbert, 2007, p. 200). Ultimately, the play
becomes a sense-generating device, working very much like a procedural form, such as
sestina, canzone, or pantoum, which broadens the scope of the poem to include elements
that evade commonsensical logic.
Quite unexpectedly, this type of poetry read extremely well in Polish translations. First,
the poetics of indeterminacy was totally new in the Polish language and that is why
Ashbery’s poems had a mysterious aura around them, sounding like texts of a supereloquent
madman or a supermodern Rimbaud. Second, there were no critical works on Ashbery
available at that time, and readers were quite helpless trying to interpret the author of Self-
Portrait. Third, the earliest Polish translations of Ashbery’s poems were simply great
renderings, containing a decorative tapestry of semi-confessional riffs, self-referential
lucidity, which helped the poem achieve a distinctive form of ethical autonomy and – above
62
all – rebellious irony. Bohdan Zadura’s translation of the above quoted “Paradoxes and
Oxymorons” could serve as a good example of Ashbery’s poetic excellence in Polish:
Ten wiersz zajmuje się językiem na bardzo prostym poziomie. …
Co to jest prosty poziom? To jest to i coś innego,

Co cały system wprowadza do gry. Gry?
No więc w zasadzie tak, ale mam grę za coś
Głębszego a zewnętrznego, wyśniony wzorzec roli,

Jak w tym podziale łaski w długie sierpniowe dni
Bez uzasadnień. Z otwartym końcem. Nic o tym nie wiesz,
A już przepadła w parze i szczebiocie maszyn do pisania.
Rozegrało się jeszcze raz. …

Ten wiersz to ty (Zadura, 1984, p. 179).
Below, I give a word-for-word translation of Bohdan Zadura’s rendering :
This poem deals with language on a very simple level. …
What is a simple level? It is this and something different,

Which the whole system brings into play. Play?
Well, strictly speaking yes, but I consider play to be something
Deeper, yet external, a dream pattern of role-playing,

Like in a division of grace during those long August days
Without justification. With an open end. You know nothing about it,
And it is gone in the steam and chirp of typewriters.
Someone played it once again. …

The poem is you.
Zadura’s translation is faithful, and it preserves all major senses of the original. The most
important meaning in the text is produced by the personification of the “poem,” which talks
to its addressee, and finally metamorphoses into him, making the conditions of speaking its
central thematic concern. What does it mean to “speak” in a text? How does speaking in a
particular text affect other texts? What is the most basic relationship between the text and
the reader? Trying to answer these questions, Ashbery’s poem is “concerned” with language
on a very “plain” level indeed – a level that was rarely an object of poetic exploration or
critical scrutiny in the Polish literary tradition. On top of that, the poem’s aesthetic
dimension is strikingly alluring in Zadura’s translation, not only because it has a very peculiar
title, which is somehow in opposition to its content, but because it does not sound very
much like poetry, using prosaic sentences. Moreover, the text addresses the reader very
63
intimately, like a love poem written for him or her, due to the supremely elastic pronoun
“you,” which functions as a point of entry into the poet’s stunning lyrical patterns. Yet,
“Paradoxes and Oxymorons” is totally anti-romantic: the poem mentions neither communist
dictators, nor oppression of those who fought for freedom, nor the end of humanism, and
yet it says something profoundly important. There was nothing like that in the allegorical
Herbert, the metaphysical Miłosz, the paradoxical Szymborska, the Buddhist Krynicki, or
Zagajewski, who was looking for Lwów. Ashbery’s poems were interstellar aesthetic objects
coming from beyond the Polish literary galaxy.
The peak of the phase of conflict was the very next issue of Literatura na świecie
containing Ashbery’s poems, from July 1986, the so-called “blue” number, entirely devoted
to the New York School of poetry. In comparison with the previous Ashbery issue of the
magazine, now other members of the New York School were introduced. Frank O’Hara was
represented by twenty six poems rendered by different translators – mostly by Piotr
Sommer – and the reader could have a feeling that O’Hara was the blue number’s main
protagonist. Apart from his poems, the number contained two essays by O’Hara:
“Personism: A Manifesto” and “American Art and Non-American Art,” and a long interview
he gave to Edward Lucie-Smith a year before he died, in 1965. Moreover, five critical texts
were devoted to O’Hara, including an essay by Piotr Sommer “O krok od nich” (“A Step away
from Them”), which was published as an afterword to Sommer’s collection of O’Hara’s
poems in Polish under the same title the following year.10 The blue number also contained
poems of less known members of the New York School, such as Kenneth Koch (six
translations), James Schuyler (nine translations), and Kenward Elmslie (five translations).11
The next difference was that he red number presented both poetry and prose, and its
scope was the late twentieth-century American avant-garde, while the blue number
presented mostly poetry and criticism. Thus, the main purpose of the blue number was not
just to criticize the Polish post-romantic literary tradition, but also to correct the balance
between the two modes or “poles” of Polish poetry – bieguny poezji – as famous critic Jan
Błoński called them (Błoński, 1978, p. 200). By the “poles” of poetry, Błoński understood two
10
The title was borrowed from the 1956 poem by O’Hara, one of his greatest literary achievements, published
in the collection Lunch Poems (1964).
11
It seems rather strange that there were no poems by Barbara Guest, who was artistically most accomplished
of the whole group in the 1950s. Guest was also a visual artist, creating collages, and she was an editor of a
prestigious magazine devoted to art called ARTnews.
64
stylistic patterns typical of the two most influential Polish poets of the twentieth century –
Julian Przyboś and Czesław Miłosz. The first represented radical experimentation in the spirit
of the early twentieth-century avant-gardes; the second represented more traditional
“voice” poetics, rooted in post-romantic historiosophical symbolism. Towards the end of the
twentieth century, the balance between the two poetic modes was disturbed due to the
growing importance of Czesław Miłosz, culminating in his Nobel Prize in 1980. Also, political
situation in Central Europe privileged socially committed literature, which seemed an
effective means of fighting against pro-Soviet oppressors of political opposition and
apparatchiks who imposed Martial Law in Poland on December 13, 1981. In those
circumstances, the post-romantic and nationalistic poetry inspired by Miłosz dominated the
underground literary scene, and the blue number of Literatura na świecie was a precise
dissident operation, aimed at preserving a necessary balance between arrière-garde and
avant-garde in Polish literature.
The opening gesture of the blue number of Literatura na świecie was undoubtedly
meaningful: it was John Ashbery’s poem “And Ut Pictura Poesis Is Her Name” translated by
Piotr Sommer. By his reference to Horace’s Ars Poetica, Ashbery reminds us that
postmodernism’s goals and ideals, to a large extent, were inspired by visual arts, where
artistic revolutions occurred a decade or two earlier. Saying that poetry was like painting,
Horace stressed that both disciplines of art must be evaluated by the same criteria, and
painting should not be privileged as more suitable for serious topics. Ashbery’s
argumentation seems to be similar: poetry has to abandon safe paths of post-romantic
realism and express broader, metaphorical meanings, similarly to contemporary painting.
The blue number contains a glossy inset “Trzej malarze” (Three painters), with color prints of
the most important visual artists loosely connected with the New York School poets,
including Willem de Kooning, Fairfield Porter, and Larry Rivers. There are also several black-
and-white prints of the above painters in the magazine, illustrating critical texts or poems.
In one of his interviews Ashbery said that back in the 1950s and 60s “one got one’s
inspiration and ideas from watching the experiments of others” (Kostelanetz, 1976, p. 19-
20). Watching the experiments of others became even more important for the poet when, in
1960, Ashbery accepted Barbara Guest’s offer to replace her as an art critic for the Paris
edition of Herald Tribune. This started a career, in which for the next twenty-five years he
wrote art reviews for such distinguished magazines as Artnews and Newsweek. According to
65
David Bergman, while the career may have been accidental, “it has not been insignificant to
[Ashbery’s] development as a poet” (Bergman, 1989, p. xi). As for the presentation of
Ashbery’s writing in the blue number, it was his largest appearance in Polish so far: besides
thirty four poems, two of his essays were translated (“Introduction” to the Collected Poems
of Frank O’Hara and “Things As They Are” about Fairfield Porter’s painting), and an interview
he gave to Piotr Sommer during his visit to Poland in 1980. Additionally, Ashbery’s texts
were accompanied by critical analyses of scholars specializing in his poetry, including
Marjorie Perloff, the author of The Poetics of Indeterminacy: Rimbaud to Cage, and David
Shapiro, the author of the first monograph devoted to the New York poet, John Ashbery: An
Introduction to the Poetry, published in 1979. Ashbery’s poems were rendered into Polish by
a larger number of translators: beside Sommer and Zadura, there were a few new names,
including Agata Preis-Smith, Andrzej Szuba, and Jan Zieliński, while Ahbery’s prose was
translated by Andrzej Szuba and Magdalena Konikowska.
Piotr Sommer must have been aware of the destructive potential of the magazine for
readers on both sides of the political barricade, and he tried to soothe it by printing a brief
note “Układanie numeru” (“Arranging the Issue of the Magazine”) inside the back cover. It
seems that the note was added in the last moment before printing the issue. Probably,
Sommer wanted to assure censorship that the texts he was going to publish do not try to
propagate American capitalism. This was even more plausible because the magazine’s
editor-in-chief, Wacław Sadkowski, was a secret police agent.12 From Sommer’s note, we
learn that the current American issue of the magazine is, in fact, very similar to previous
issues devoted to poetry, especially the one with Chlebnikov’s poems, which were deeply
rooted in Polish literature and culture thanks to a great volume of translations by Anna
Kamieńska and Jan Śpiewak (Sommer, 1986, p. ii). If we cracked this code, it would tell a
simple message to cultural apparatchiks: the blue number simply presented literature, just
like all previous numbers of the magazine. Everything was under control: we still considered
the USA to be our greatest enemy, and Russian experimenters were far more revolutionary
than their American counterparts.
This line of thinking was completely wrong. In 1986, nothing could be controlled, neither
in the sphere of culture in the collapsing People’s Republic of Poland, nor in the Eastern Bloc,
12
Here I’m referring to Marek Nowakowski’s firsthand account published in the Polish edition of Newsweek on
July 22, 2007: http://www. newsweek. pl/kultura/wiadomosci-kulturalne/fakty-i-akta,10275,1,1.html
66
which was falling apart. On top of that, the blue number managed to achieve something
totally unpredictable: it won hearts of the youngest generations of readers, who were
twenty or thirty years old and just started their careers as poets, critics, and novelists. Many
of them contributed to the literary magazine bruLion, which rejected the model of the
socially committed literature. The new young writers included Marcin Świetlicki, Manuela
Gretkowska, Andrzej Stasiuk, and Olga Tokarczuk – the most important voices in the Polish
literature of the next decade.
4. The phase of diffusion
When the ideological conflict between the tradition/culture of the original and the
tradition/culture of the translation gradually subsides, a next phase of the translation’s
functioning starts – the phase of diffusion. The conflict ends because of a growing similarity
between the value systems represented by the original texts and their translations. In most
cases, the culture of the source language propagated by the translation gradually transforms
the culture of the target language. An important element of diffusion is appearance of
imitators and continuators of the translated author in the target language. Traces of
Ashbery’s influence were seen in the earliest poetry of his translators, very often
accomplished poets. Piotr Sommer’s volumes from the mid-1980s – Kolejny świat [The Next
World] (1983) and Czynnik liryczny [The Lyrical Factor] (1986) – bear clear resemblance to
the Ashberian dream poetics, where constituent sections of the text are often series of non-
sequiturs. Bohdan Zadura, on the other hand, in his collections Starzy znajomi [Old
Acquaintances] (1986) and Prześwietlone zdjęcia [Overexposed Photographs] (1990), makes
use of syntactical possibilities offered by the Ashberian poem, experimenting with
punctuation and employing lexical elements of the text so that its overall meaning could be
as broad and unprocessed as possible.
Usually, the phase of diffusion manifests itself with a more intense presence of the
translated writer on the book market of the receiving culture, which changes the readerly
perception of his or her works: no longer does the author sound foreign, but his or her style
resembles local developments and patterns of literary tradition. The Polish literary elites
absorbed the ideology and aesthetics of the New York School poets at the end of the 1980s,
and indeterminacy – an oscillation between reference and compositional game – was used
67
by a number of Polish poets as the most important meaning-generating strategy. However,

as Charles Altieri has it, for contemporary artists, “it is not enough to ‘make it new’; artists
must also make it culturally resonant” (Altieri, 1999, p. 638). Finding a broader cultural
resonance for his poems, which more and more often speak for contemporaneity, the Polish
Ashbery lost the allure of novelty for Polish readers and critics. Thus, the New York poet’s
later presentations – in Literatura na świecie and other literary magazines and anthologies –
went almost unnoticed.
The most important of Ashbery appearances in the Polish language after the collapse of
the Communist Bloc was the bibliophilic collection of his poems No i wiesz [And You Know]
(1993). The book contained forty-six poems chosen by Bohdan Zadura, and translated by
Bohdan Zadura, Piotr Sommer, and Andrzej Sosnowski. Additionally, Sosnowski wrote an
afterword to the collection, one of several texts he devoted to Ashbery’s poetry. In the
1990s and 2000s, Andrzej Sosnowski was one of the most important Polish poets, who
helped transform the idiom of contemporary Polish poetry from post-romantic realism
based on clarity and transparency towards non-representational, parodic, and
deconstructive poetics. Sosnowski’s poetry quickly gained a high literary status, and he
became a cult personality. This was reflected by numerous literary awards he received and
many editions of his poems churned out by wide-circulation publishers, including Dożynki
[Harvest Home], which came out in Biuro Literackie, in 2006. What is even more important,
Sosnowski’s style became a model for a younger generation of poets, whose presence in
literary magazines and critical texts finally altered the literary scene in Poland. On top of
that, Sosnowski published his own collection of Ashbery’s poems, Cztery poematy [Four Epic
Poems] (2012), which contained the previously published fragments of Ashbery’s longer
poems from his middle period, such as Three Poems (1972) and A Wave (1984).
Apart from the above collections, Piotr Sommer published two influential anthologies of
American poetry, presenting Ahbery’s poetry in a broader context, not only of the New York
School poets, but the whole twentieth century. The first of them was Artykuły pochodzenia
zagranicznego [Articles of foreign origin] (1996), presenting – besides Ashbery – Frank
O’Hara, E. E. Cummings, John Berryman, Robert Lowell, Allen Ginsberg, and Charles
Reznikoff. The second anthology was O krok od nich. Przekłady z poetów amerykańskich [A
Step away from Them. Translations from American Poets] (2006), and it contained all poems
from the previous anthology, plus seven texts from Ashbery’s more recent volumes,
68
including Can You Hear, Bird (1995) and Your Name Here (2000). The second of Sommer’s
anthologies seems to present a more appropriate context for Ashbery’s oeuvre, with texts
by Kenneth Koch, John Cage, and August Kleinzahler.
I would like to complete the list of Ashberian translations into Polish with my own humble
book Oni przybyli, żeby wysadzić Amerykę. John Ashbery i dwudziestowieczne awangardy
amerykańskie [They Came to Blow up America. John Ashbery and the Twentieth-Century
American Avant-Gardes] (2015). My study reads the poet through his complex relationships
with the twentieth-century artistic avant-gardes, casting him as a typical American
continuator of Rimbaudian indeterminacy. My monograph contributes to the corpus of
Ashbery criticism, but it also smuggles sixty-two poems by John Ashbery in a form of
appendix. Interestingly, the poetic appendix went totally unnoticed, and none of several
reviewers mentioned the fact that I published the largest selection of Ashbery’s poems in
Polish so far.
Many Polish poets making their debut at the beginning of the 1990s consciously used the
Ashberian model of the poem, which offered an alternative to the Polish literary tradition. In
the English language, the New York School poets subversively undermined the post-romantic
“scenic mode,” which in the contemporary context was not really poetry but a marketing
strategy colonizing the academy. In the 1990s, the poems of the most daring Polish young
poets, such as Andrzej Sosnowski, Marcin Sendecki, Darek Foks, or Tadeusz Pióro, played a
similar role to the poems of the New York School poets back in the 1950s. They questioned
illusionistic models of lyricism: they did not deal directly with experience, but rather with the
“experience of experience.”13 Transcendental closure was not the poem’s goal, but rather a
point of departure for redefining the self, which, in contrast to the fixed, specular self, was a
diffused nebula of rhetorical gestures. Moreover, linear, cumulative progress of meaning
was replaced with independent, sense-generating whirls—structural units like images or
metaphors—and instead of depth there was a mingling surface. Rather than developing
along a meticulously structured scheme, the poem followed a disorderly, conversation-like
itinerary. In a word, the Polish poem of the mid-1990s could finally do the same things as the
Ashberian poem from the issues of Literatura na świecie published a decade or two earlier.
The Polish poems inspired by John Ashbery, written by the above poets, multiplied the
aesthetics of the original texts, disseminating the ideology of the New York School avant-
13
The apt phrase comes from the title of A. Poulin Jr.’s interview with the poet (Poulin, 1981 p. 245).
69
garde. The phase of diffusion usually means the end of the existence of translation in the
target language – the existence understood as an inspiration and critique of the domestic
culture. Diffusing in the target language, the translation merges with its literature and
fertilizes its literary tradition. Nowadays, Polish translations of Ashbery’s poems belong to
the “pole” of Przyboś as much as original Polish poems by Karpowicz, Białoszewski, or
Sosnowski. However, Ashbery’s position within the polysystem of Polish literature is not
final, but based on stereotypes formed during the phase of conflict. First, the Polish Ashbery
significantly differs from his American original simply because we know only a fragment of
his oeuvre, which belongs mostly to his middle period. Second, we lack the sociopolitical
context of his poetry and we do not understand the specificity of his perception in the USA.
Accordingly, there is a chance that we rediscover Ashbery’s poetry in the Polish language in
the future and the cycle of his reception will get repeated.
6. Conclusions
In Poland, John Ashbery never became a cult figure like his friend Frank O’Hara, whose
volume Twoja pojedynczość [Your Singularity – the final line of O’Hara’s 1957 poem,
“Sleeping on a Wing”] in Piotr Sommer’s translation inspired crowds of imitators, whom
critics called “O’Harists” and who were soon very popular at the turn of the 1980s. Yet,
Ashbery’s poetry was important: it neutralized the ideological conflict between the “pole” of
Polkowski and the “pole” of Świetlicki, when anti-communist nationalistic impulses tried to
subordinate individual freedom to the struggle for political independence. 14 Also, it seems
that Ashbery’s influence on Polish poets was deeper than O’Hara’s and it lasted longer, and
it can be seen in anti-mainstream conceptual poetics gaining prominence today.
The history of Polish translations of John Ashbery’s works is, on the one hand, a history of
the fight for individual freedom in a totalitarian state; on the other, it is a history of the fight
for freedom from “freedom,” which means the superiority of individual’s rights over his or
her obligations in relation to a community. In Jean-Luc Godard’s movie Alphaville – one of
Ashbery’s favorite motion pictures – the main protagonist, agent Lemmy Caution, visits the
capital of the galaxy Alpha, ruled by the computer Alpha 60, which prohibited emotions. In
14
Here I refer to Marcin Świetlicki’s poem “Dla Jana Polkowskiego” [“For Jan Polkowski”] and the discussion it
started. The conflict between ideologies of Polkowski and Świetlicki was meticulously analyzed by Dariusz
Pawelec in his essay “Oko smoka” [“The Eye of the Dragon”].
70
each hotel room, there is the Bible, like today, but when Lemmy Caution accidentally opens
the book, it turns out that it is a dictionary. Surprised Lemmy asks Natasha von Braun, a
rebellious daughter of one of the engineers of totalitarianism, why he found a dictionary
instead of the Bible. Natasha answers: “I thought they were the same.” Ashbery’s poems
teach us that a dictionary is not the Bible: the history of Polish translation of Ashbery is also
a history of non-religious understanding of literature and reality, and it seems that the New
York poet’s critical potential in this sphere will be needed in Poland for a long time.
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Contributor’s Bio: Paweł Marcinkiewicz works as Associate Professor at the University of

Opole and the Higher Vocational School in Racibórz. His interests focus on American poetry
and translation theory, and he is also a poet and translator. Recently he has published a
monograph on John Ashbery’s poetry “Colored Alphabets’ Flutter.” John Ashbery and the
Twentieth Century American Avant-Gardes (Opole University Press, 2012). In 2014, the New
York publishing house Spuyten Duyvil printed his selected poems The Day He’s Gone,
translated into English by Piotr Florczyk. His honors include the Polish Cultural Foundation
Award and the Czesław Miłosz Award. In 2016, his volume of poems Panties Up, Panties
Down (2015) was shortlisted for the Wrocław Poetry Prize “Silesius.”
E-mail address: pmarcinkiewicz@uni.opole.pl
73
Sonja Kitanovska-Kimovska, Katarina Gjurchevska-Atanasovska
Ss. Cyril and Methodius University
The Norms at Play in the Macedonian Literary System: An Analysis of the

Role of Mihajlovski’s Shakespeare in Macedonian
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this paper is to examine the norms at play in the Macedonian target system
and the position of translated literature in the current Macedonian cultural, literary and
historical context. The corpus of the study consists of two of Dragi Mihajlovski’s
translations: “Hamlet” (2008) and “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” (2011). The analysis is
framed within Even-Zohar’s (1990/2004) polysystem theory and is based on Toury’s (1995)
methodology for descriptive translation studies. The methodology used in this study
follows the three-phase methodology developed by Toury (1995). In Shakespeare’s time,
the primary word-formation processes were affixation, conversion and compounding
(Nevalainen, 2001) and he used them all to a great extent. This study analyses the
relationship of words derived through the processes of conversion and compounding
between the target texts against their source text counterparts as well as the paratextual
and metatextual material. The results of the study suggest that following Shakespeare’s
model, Mihajlovski creates a number of neologisms through compounding and conversion.
That way Mihajlovski enriches the Macedonian language, whereas his translations serve as
a model for other translators and writers to follow. Together with the analysis of
Mihajlovski’s views on translation and the target socio-cultural, literary and historical
context, these findings suggest that the underlying concept of translation in the current
Macedonian system is that of adequate translation (Toury, 1995). We conclude that
Mihajlovski’s choices are driven by the need for new models in the target context, where
translation seems to occupy a central position in the Macedonian polysystem.
KEYWORDS
Mihajlovski, polysystem theory, Shakespeare, compounding, conversion
TranslatoLogica: A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature, 2 (2018), p.74-93

The Norms at Play in the Macedonian Literary System: An Analysis of the Role of Mihajlovski’s Shakespeare in
Macedonian
1. Introduction
In 2013, a volume of all Shakespeare’s works translated by Dragi Mihajlovski (37 plays and 154
sonnets) was published in Macedonian. Mihajlovski is a Macedonian writer and translator,
widely renowned for his monumental work on Shakespeare’s plays and sonnets. His
translations are highly regarded as ingeniously conveying the depth and nuance of
Shakespeare’s style and thought. For his colossal effort he has won the 2013 Grigor Prlicev
Translation Award. The purpose of this paper is to describe Mihajlovski’s translation product,
thus examining the norms at play in the target system and the position of translated literature
in the current Macedonian cultural, literary, and historical context. Our analysis is framed
within Even-Zohar’s (1990/2004) polysystem theory and is based on Toury’s (1995)
methodology for descriptive translation studies (DTS).
2. Background
According to the polysystem theory, translated literature operates as a system within the
literary polysystem assuming central or peripheral position, depending on the specific
constellation of the polysystem. When translation occupies a central position, it “participates
actively in shaping the centre of the polysystem” (Even-Zohar, 2004, p. 200), it is innovatory,
introduces new poetics and techniques and helps develop new models in the target culture.
When it occupies a peripheral position, it represents a peripheral system which follows
existing and conservative models and conforms to the norms of the target literature. From
the translator’s point of view, if translation occupies a central position, the translator’s main
concern is not to look for ready-made models in the home repertoire. Instead, he or she is
prepared to violate the home conventions. Under such conditions, the translation is close to
the original in terms of adequacy, reproducing the dominant textual relations of the original.
If the translation occupies a peripheral position, the translator’s main effort is to replicate the
existing models for the foreign text, and the result is non-adequate translation that is, there
is greater discrepancy between the equivalence achieved and the adequacy postulated. The
position that translation occupies in the target system (whether in the prestigious canonized
centre or in the margins) will determine how translations are produced and reveal power
relations between source and target cultures (Assis Rosa, 2010, p. 99). Even-Zohar (2004, p.
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200-201) outlines three social circumstances in which translation can maintain a central
position: when a literature is “young” or in the process of being established; when a literature
is peripheral (within a larger group of correlated literatures) or weak or both (this can happen
to smaller nations, like the Macedonian one, which are dominated by the culture of a larger
nation); and when a literature is experiencing a crisis, a turning point or is in a state of literary
vacuum.
In this approach, the focus is on the target text and the system in which it operates.
According to Toury (1995, p. 13), translations occupy a position in the social and literary
systems of the target culture and this position determines the translation strategies used. He
posits that translation studies should study what translation “DOES involve, under various sets
of circumstances, along with the REASONS for that involvement” (Toury, 1995, p. 15, emphasis
original). In other words, researchers should shift the focus to the broader picture in order to
get a better understanding of the type of relationship that translation (as product, process
and function) has with the sociocultural context in which it is produced. Therefore, according
to Toury, it is the context of the target culture that is framing a translation, and, as such, the
constraints and influences of such a target context shape the target text or demand changes
in the target system (Assis Rosa, 2010, p. 98). As a result, instead of comparing source and
target text, the study is shifted to the relations between target texts and between target texts
and their context (Assis Rosa, 2010, p. 99). This approach does not fully exclude the source
text, but it does shift the focus to the target text as product, to its function in the target culture
and to the process leading to its production. As such, it also shifts the emphasis to the trans-
lator as a target culture agent and how he negotiates target culture contextual constraints, in
the specific historical, geographical, social and ideological circumstances (Assis Rosa, 2010, p.
99). It is with these theoretical assumptions in mind that we discuss Mihajlovski’s translations
in the current Macedonian context.
Holmes (2004, p. 184) suggests that product-oriented descriptive translation studies
focuses on the description of individual translations, the comparative descriptions and
analysis of several translations of the same source text (either in the same language or in
different languages) and the description of larger translation corpora. This paper focuses,
mainly, on the description of individual translations and, marginally, on the comparison of
translations of the same source text done by different translators with the purpose of
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Macedonian
describing, understanding, and explaining the regularities that are representative of the
translational phenomena at hand.
3. Methodology and corpus
Building on polysystem theory, Toury (1995) presents a three-stage methodology for the study
of translations as cultural facts. Firstly, the text(s) considered to be translations should be
described and situated in the target culture system. Secondly, a comparative analysis of source
and target texts should be conducted by mapping target text segments onto source text
segments. Thirdly, regularities evidenced by translation shifts should be identified,
generalizations about norms of translational equivalence, defined as the translational models
in force in the target culture, should be formulated, and implications for future translation
work should be identified (Toury, 1995, p. 36–39, 102). The key to this model are the shifts
that the translator introduces in order to respond to the constraints or motivations in the
target context as well as the prospective function of the target text. In this sense, the
translator is viewed as a social-historical agent whereas the shifts are one of the most
important sources for the study of translational norms (Assis Rosa, 2010, p. 100).
Toury (1955, p. 55) defines norms as “the translation of general values or ideas shared by
the community – as to what is right or wrong, adequate or inadequate – into performance
instructions appropriate for and applicable to particular situations.” According to Toury,
translation activity is governed by norms and they “determine the (type and extent of)
equivalence manifested in actual translations” (1995, p. 61). Toury suggests three types of
translational norms: initial norms (favouring either adequacy, i.e. adherence to source culture
norms, or acceptability, i.e. a preference for target culture norms); preliminary norms
(governing translation policy on the selection of texts or text types to be translated, or
regarding the degree of tolerance to indirect translation); and operational norms (including
both matricial norms regarding the degree of fullness of translation, textual distribution and
segmentation, and textual-linguistic norms governing the choice of target textual-linguistic
material to replace the one found in the source text).
The methodology used in this study follows the three-phase methodology developed by
Toury (1995). First, we situate the target texts in their target culture systems. Second, we
compare source text (ST) and target text (TT) segments to identify their relationships. Finally,
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Macedonian
we attempt to draw some generalisations about the translation strategies employed and the
norms at work. Following Toury, in this step we use two sources of information: the texts
themselves and the explicit statements made about norms by the translator. We use
Mihajlovski’s theoretical views on translation, his prefaces to his translations as well as his
newspaper interviews for this purpose. Toury himself warns that such accounts may be
incomplete or biased, but we agree with Munday (2001, p. 152) that, even if such comments
are partial or biased, they can give a significant indication of the working practices.
The corpus of the study consists of excerpts of two of Mihajlovski’s translations: “Hamlet”
(2008) and “A Midsummer Night’s Dream” (2011). 1200 verse lines randomly selected from
the first, third and fifth act of each of the plays have been analysed. Following Munday (2001,
p. 121), we use two texts to avoid jumping to conclusions on the basis of a single isolated study
and to validate the findings. For the same reason, we have compared Mihajlovski’s
translations to previous translations of the same texts made by another translator (Bogomil
Gjuzel, 1985; 1989). Having said that, the scope of this paper is not to provide a description of
the position of translated literature as a whole in a given time period. The corpus used in the
study is not comprehensive enough for such an endeavour. First, it is made up of individual
texts rather than an extended body of translated literature over a certain period of time in
literary history. Second, it consists of excerpts of texts rather than of whole texts. Our aim
with this paper is to discuss Mihajlovski’s translation decisions in the light of the cultural and
literary context in which they are produced and we use DTS methodology to that end.
To make the task manageable, the analysis focuses on selected features of the TT and ST
texts rather than on every possible feature. This is a limitation of the study, but it is also the
only possible approach to take. In Toury’s model, ST and TT pairs are randomly selected. In
the case of Shakespeare, one of the striking features of his style concerns his lexical inventions.
According to Oxford English Dictionary, around 2200 words are used by Shakespeare for the
first time (Crystal, 2008). In Shakespeare’s time, the primary word-formation processes were
affixation, conversion and compounding (Nevalainen, 2001) and he used them all to a great
extent. This study analyses the relationship of words derived through the processes of
conversion and compounding between the target texts and their ST counterparts.
This analysis is not flawless particularly as to the selection of the lexemes and their
designation as neologisms. To be able to say that a particular word was indeed coined by
Shakespeare with a considerable degree of certainty, one would have to do a different type
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Macedonian
of analysis involving language history and word etymology. This would be feasible given the
amount of work that has been done on Shakespeare’s vocabulary and all the resources
available (e.g. Oxford English Dictionary and other specialized dictionaries of Shakespeare’s
words), but this is clearly outside the scope of this paper. Rather than making claims on the
originality of the words selected, the analysis assumes there are some prevalent word-
formation processes at play both at the time when Shakespeare wrote, in general, and in his
approach to writing and language, in particular, and these serve as a basis of an overall model
to be followed. This inevitably undermines some level of objectivity on the part of the
researcher, still it is with these considerations in mind that the analysis below is presented.
Having said that, it is not expected of the translator to know the detailed history of the English
language to be able to translate medieval works (including Shakespeare), but knowledge of
the processes leading to language change of the time would come in very useful, especially
because of the great temporal distance between Middle English and present day English.
Knowledge of Shakespeare’s writing style and the linguistic (lexical) mechanisms he used
would be necessary.
4. Analysis
Below we present the analysis of the data. The analysis was carried out in three layers: an
analysis of the place of the target texts in the target text cultural system, an analysis of the
texts themselves and an analysis of the available paratexts and metatexts.
4.1 TT’s place in the TT cultural system
The analysis of the preliminary data shows that both Mihajlovski’s TTs are presented and
accepted as translations. The translator’s name is published on the title page together with
the name of the original author. The cover page of the translation of “Hamlet” is more striking
in this respect because the translator’s name is what catches the reader’s eye first and
foremost. The name of the original author is so skilfully incorporated in the design template
both in terms of position and colour that it is hardly visible. It is on the page but it is in the
background, whereas the translator’s name is in the foreground. The original titles are not
given on the copyright pages. Both TTs are published in collective volumes each with three
other translations of Shakespeare’s plays (“Hamlet” in a collection of tragedies, and “A
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Macedonian
Midsummer Night’s Dream” in a collection of comedies). This may partly explain why the
original titles are not provided on the copyright pages. It would have been a rather
cumbersome as well as aesthetically inappropriate task to perform. In the comedies volume,
though, the original title of each play is given under the translated title on its respective cover
page preceding the text of the translation. Both TTs are direct translations from English and
this is clearly stated on the title page. The decision to translate these books is not surprising
given the popularity and significance of Shakespeare’s works in English and world literature.
It may be more surprising, however, because these are not the first translations of the plays
into Macedonian. Both plays have previously been translated by Macedonian writer and
literary translator Bogomil Gjuzel. To see how Mihajlovski’s translations differ from Gjuzel’s
translations, a description of the latter is in order. In Gjuzel’s translations, the title pages do
not make it clear that they are translations. The title pages contain Shakespeare’s name as the
author and the titles of the plays, respectively. It is only on the pages overleaf that the
translator’s name is mentioned and the fact that the plays have been translated from the
original English texts. Both Gjuzel’s translations provide the original English title and the
edition used as a source.
Table 1 Summary of TTs presentation

Mihajlovski Gjuzel
Clear statement that the book is a translation on Yes No
the title page
Translator’s name on title page Yes No
Original titles on copyright pages No Yes
Direct translation from English Yes Yes
4.2 Text-based analysis
Reading Mihajlovski’s translations one cannot but notice the numerous strikingly new words
he uses. Ranging from nouns and verbs to adjectives and adverbs, his translations of
Shakespeare are abundant in lexical inventions. He coins new words through conversion and
compounding following the English model, but he also combines them with affixation
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Macedonian
following Macedonian word-formation rules1. To avoid making impressionistic claims, we

have conducted a numerical survey of all the words which appear to be newly coined by
Mihajlovski and the figures support the findings of our qualitative analysis. Figure 1 illustrates
how much more prolific Mihajlovski is as opposed to Gjuzel.
Figure 1 Aggregate results for both translators
Aggregate results
100
80
60
40
20
0
Coversion Compounding
Gjuzel Mihajlovski
The analysis of words obtained through the process of conversion shows that in our corpus
Mihajlovski used 56 such words, whereas Gjuzel only 4. The analysis of words obtained
through the process of compounding demonstrates that where Mihajlovski used 76
compounds, Gjuzel used 16. This result already points to the different profile of the
translations. When compared against the English source, the picture becomes even clearer.
Not only does Mihajlovski put an effort to preserve Shakespeare’s lexical innovations where
Shakespeare introduced them, but he also adds new ones in places where they are not found
in the source text. As Figure 2 shows, he does this to a much greater extent than Gjuzel
(additions are marked with the plus (+) sign).
1
Due to the analytic nature of the Macedonian language, true conversion is not possible and all words derived
by nominalization, deverbalization or other conversion processes necessarily demand an affix.
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Macedonian
Figure 2 Results per type and translator
Results per type and translator

90
80
70
60
50
40
30 Shakespeare
20
10 Gjuzel
0
Mihajlovski
We provide several examples below as an illustration of the analysis2.

(1) “DEMETRIUS Well roared, Lion!
THESEUS Well run, Thisbe!
HIPPOLYTA Well shone, Moon! Truly, the moon shines with a good grace.
THESEUS Well moused, Lion!”
(MND V.i.249-253)
Gjuzel, 1985 Mihajlovski, 2011
„ ДЕМЕТАР: „Деметар. Добра риканција, лаве!
Добро рикна, Лаве! Тизба. Добра киданција, Тизба!
ТЕЗЕЈ: Хиполита. Добра светланција, Месечино!
Добро побегна, Тизбо! Стварно,
ХИПОЛИТА: Месечината свети многу пристојно.
Добро светна, Месецу! Навистина, месечинава
свети со добра милина. (Лавот го пофаќа шалот и излегува)
(Лавот го раскинува плаштот и излегува.)
ТЕЗЕЈ: Тезеј. Добра гризанција, лаву!“
Добро го грабна, Лаве! Ко мачка – глушец...“ (Шекспир, 2011: 192)
(Шекспир, 1985: 99)
2
The words in bold in all examples have been highlighted by the authors of this paper.
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Macedonian
(2) “HAMLET
…………………………………and make your
Wantonness your ignorance……”
(Hamlet III.i.139-140)
„ХАМЛЕТ „Хамлет
.............и развратни сте божем од недовет- ..............а
ност“ Сопствената распојасеност ја сокривате со
(Шекспир, 1989: 104) чедност.“
(Шекспир, 2008: 523)
Еxcerpts (1) and (2) illustrate Mihajlovski’s use of conversion (combined with affixation as is
necessary in Macedonian) to develop new words. In (1) he uses the roots of four verbs ‘рика’
(rika - to roar), ‘кидне’ (kidne - colloquial to run away), ‘свети’ (sveti - to shine) and ‘гризе’
(grize - to bite) and converts them into nouns adding the productive nominal suffix ‘–ција’ (-
cija), as opposed to Gjuzel, who uses the verbs in their usual form. The comparison with the
source shows that Shakespeare introduced one coined word derived through the process of
conversion, where a noun (mouse) is used like a verb (moused). In (2) Mihajlovski uses the
nominal suffix ‘– ност’ (-nost) to form nouns of unusual roots, converting a verb ‘распојаси’
(raspojasi - to take one’s belt away) into a noun ‘распојасеност’ (raspojasenost - the state of
having one’s belt taken away). The comparison with Shakespeare and Gjuzel shows that they
use no conversion in that part of the text. Therefore, such examples serve to demonstrate that
Mihajlovski does not only replicate the foreign model, but he also extends it to the fullest.
The following examples (3) and (4) portray the use of compounding as a very productive
word formation technique in Shakespeare and, in turn, in Mihajlovski. In (3) he uses the noun
‘страв’ (strav - fear) and the verbal adjective ‘ококорен’ (okokoren - with eyes wide open) to
form the compound adjective ‘страво-ококорени‘ (stravo-okokoreni - fear-goggled) and in
(4) the verb ‘љуби’ (ljubi - to love) and the noun ‘сок’ (sok - juice) are joined together in a
compound noun ‘љуби-сокот’ (ljubi-sokot - love-juice). (3) is a case where Mihajlovski follows
Shakespeare closely and reproduces the same compound, whereas (4) is a case where he
applies the model to a word choice of his own.
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Macedonian
(3) “HORATIO: ...............................................Thrice he walked

By their oppressed and fear-surprisèd eyes
Within his truncheon’s length, whilst they, distilled
Almost to jelly with the act of fear,
Stand dumb and speak not to him.”
(Хамлет I.ii.202-206)
„ХОРАЦИО „Хорацио
Им прошетал трипати пред очите ....................................................Трипати
Потиснати од страв ненадеен, Им мина пред нивните заџарени, страво-
Одалечен колку му е долга палката, ококорени очи
А тие пелтосани од ужас На дофат на скиптарот негов, дури тие,
Занемеле и таму стоеле без збор.“ стресени
(Шекспир, 1989: 40) Ко пивтија од неподносливиот страв,
Стоеја неми без да му се обратат.“
(Шекспир, 2008: 463)
(4) “OBERON This falls out better than I could devise.

But hast thou yet latched the Athenian’s eyes
With the love joice, as I did bid thee do?”
(MND III.ii.35-37)
„ОБЕРОН „Оберон. Подобро од што мислев ова ќе
Па тоа испаднало и поарно искочи. Но дали му капна на Атинчанецот в
Од јас што можев да го сторам, стварно. очи
А на Атинецот, му намачка ли очи Од љуби-сокот ко што ти реков да сториш?“
Со сокот љубовен, ко што ти срочив? (Шекспир, 2011: 152)
(Шекспир, 1985: 52)
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Macedonian
4.3 Metatext and paratext-based analysis
The meta-text analysis is based on examination of Mihajlovski’s theoretical views on

translation elaborated in his theoretical works, his newspaper interviews and prefaces as well
as paratexts to his translations. Mihajlovski’s views on translation are rooted in the formalist
and structuralist view of language and literature as well as Benjamin’s philosophical thoughts
on the task of the translator. The key concept in Mihajlovski’s theoretical discussions on
translation is defamiliarisation. Adopting the formalist notion of foregrounding in literature,
Mihajlovski believes that the role of literature is to defamiliarise language. The task of the
literary translator, in turn, is to identify all foregrounding features in the source text and to
transfer them “lovingly and in detail” (quoting Benjamin) in the target language text
(Михајловски, 2006). This means that the translators should not seek linguistic equivalence
but rather they should aim at achieving esthetic equivalence (Mihajlovski, 2015a). To this end,
he develops the concept of “translatability matrix” as the primary tool of the translator
(Михајловски, 1999). The “translatability matrix” consists of all foregrounding features
(deviations) in the source text and serves as a checklist for the translator to follow. For
instance, the “translatability matrix” of the two plays in our corpus would include all
neologisms coined by Shakespeare, including those derived through the processes of
compounding and conversion. The translator’s first step would be to identify them in source
text and then to transfer them into the target language so that they would assume the same
function and effect as in the original.
As his thought on translation develops, he also adopts polysystem theory. In an interview,
he states that the Macedonian polysystem, being a small polysystem, is greatly dependent on
translation as opposed to the English, Spanish or German polysystems, which are large and
turn to translations from more exotic languages only when in crisis (2013b). He makes clear
that one of the primary tasks of a good translator is “to introduce new ideas and new concepts
in our small Macedonian polysystem” and therefore “enrich our Macedonian literature”
(Mihajlovski, 2015a.). In another interview he states that his motto has always been: “we do
not work to show the English people who Shakespeare was; we work to enrich our literature
and our language with novel ideas and concepts” (Mihajlovski, 2013a).
The analysis of his newspaper interviews points to another important task that he believes
translators should meet: to nourish and nurture their own native language. Speaking of
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Macedonian
Macedonian, he says Macedonian experts are not the only ones who are responsible for the
Macedonian language. Rather it is the translators who are the guardians of the language, and
perhaps even more so than the linguists (Mihajlovski, 2015a). As was stated above,
Mihajlovski’s translations of Shakespeare are not the first translations of these plays into
Macedonian. Both plays have previously been translated by Bogomil Gjuzel at the beginning
of the 80s of the last century (“Hamlet” has also been translated before Gjuzel by Aco Shopov
from a Russian source). Mihajlovski rationalizes his decision to translate them again not only
by his desire to “have a crack at it,” but also by his attempt to identify if the modern
Macedonian language has developed and “grown” in the meantime together with its ability
to acquire the very best works of world literature (Mihajlovski, 2008, p. 8). In 2014, after
publishing his collective volume of translations of all Shakespeare’s works, Mihajlovski
remarks “a civilized nation like ours deserves to have Shakespeare in its own Macedonian
language” (Mihajlovski, 2014a). He goes on to say he has undertaken to transpose
Shakespeare not only as his own personal and creative challenge, but also driven by the
necessity to preserve “our small language on the world languages map and to ultimately affirm
it and to confirm its indisputable identity” (ibid.). With a long history of native literary tradition
as well as with the numerous translations of valuable works of world literary heritage (he
mentions Iliad, Odyseey, Gilgamesh, Beowulf, Shakespeare), “there is no reason to fear for
the survival of the Macedonian language,” he concludes (ibid.). According to him, no language
is poor. How much one works with it is what makes the difference (Mihajlovski, 2013b). In that
sense, the translations of the key works of world literature into Macedonian have helped
refute “all theories conceived of our external enemies and domestic sceptics about the
poverty of modern Macedonian and its incapacity to welcome the great works of world
literature” (Mihajlovski, 2014b, p. 11).
The analysis of the paratexts to the translations reveals that both Mihajlovski and Gjuzel
provide prefaces or afterwords to their translations. There are differences, however, in their
content. Gjuzel’s preface (“Hamlet”) and afterword (“A Midsummer Night’s Dream”) provide
abundant information on the source text, including its origins, reception and plot, but do not
contain any indication that the text in question is a translation or a reference to the
translator’s views on translation or to his translation strategy. The fact that it is a translation
is left obscure. On the other hand, Mihajlovski’s prefaces present data about the play and its
plot as Gjuzels’ ones do, but all of them, with no exception, make clear that the text at issue
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Macedonian
is a translation. The study brings out that the two translators differ in their use of footnotes
or endnotes, too. Whereas Gjuzel’s translations are rich in footnotes (“Hamlet”) or endnotes
(“A Midsummer Night’s Dream”), in Mihajlovski’s translations these are scarce. Gjuzel uses
footnotes or endnotes to clarify the meaning of words (as is widely known Shakespeare’s
words may have had different reference or connotation from modern English words) or to
illuminate some of Shakespeare’s allusions or intertextualities. Unlike Gjuzel, Mihajlovski
neither uses footnotes nor endnotes. In both his translations, there is only 1 example of a
footnote used aimed at clarifying a pun on a proper name (Mihajlovski, 2011, p. 190).
Table 2 TTs’ paratext comparison

Mihajlovski Gjuzel
Preface/afterword Yes Yes
Reference to translation in Yes No
preface/afterword
Footnotes/endnotes No Yes
5. Discussion and conclusions
As was presented in the analysis above, Mihajlovski’s translations make it apparent that they
are translations. They call for visibility, so to speak. With their title pages visibly stating the
translator’s name and clearly mentioning that they are translations from English, they are
obviously different from Gjuzel’s translations, where the translator’s name is mentioned only
inside the books rather than on the title pages. Such presentation on the Mihajlovski’s part
indicates his views on the translator’s position vis-a-vis the author. It is clear that in
Mihajlovski’s view the translator equals the author. In fact, the translator is an author in his
own right. His views on the translator’s task discussed above seem to confirm this conclusion
too. To be able to achieve aesthetic equivalence but also to have an active role in building his
own native literature and language, the translator must have the competencies and talents of
an author. This interpretation, however, cannot be made in Gjuzel’s case. The paratextual
analysis revealed differences between the two translators’ approaches, too. Whereas Gjuzel’s
preface and afterword provide information about the original English source only,
Mihajlovski’s prefaces add references to translation too. Gjuzel’s translations are also
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abundant in footnotes and endnotes, which are absent in Mihajlovski’s translations. Such
differences show the different aims of the translations and the reasons why they were
selected for translation in the first place. It seems that Guzel’s purpose was to introduce
Shakespeare into the Macedonian context with all his complex allusions and intertextualities.
His primary goal was to educate the Macedonian reader and to allow him/her to read
Shakespeare from the original English text because the existing translation at the time was
done from a Russian source (obviously a translation itself). In Mihajlovski’s time, Shakespeare
had already been known to the Macedonian readers (thanks to the previous translations).
Hence making them familiar with his works is not the primary purpose of the translation.
Rather, as was shown in the text-based analysis and the metatext and paratext-based analysis,
it is to enrich the Macedonian language and literary system through new models of literature,
that is to provide a model for exploiting existing word formation techniques.
The time when Mihajlovski’s translations are done is a time when Macedonian culture has
its own native literary tradition. There are a number of Macedonian writers publishing in their
native language. Some of them have even managed to cross the border and reach new
audiences not only in the neighbouring countries, but also throughout entire Europe, the USA
and other countries (Goce Smilevski, Venko Andonovski, Lidija Dimkova, to name but a few).
These facts, however, do not overshadow the fact that the majority of the literature published
by Macedonian publishing houses is translated (Cvetkoski, 2016). The number of books
originally written in Macedonian may be said to be insignificant compared to the number of
books translated from other languages. The balance has been shifted further in recent years
due to the Government-funded projects to translate foreign scholarly and literary works into
Macedonian so that they are available to Macedonian students, teachers and the public.
Under the “1000 books” project3, 1000 books have been translated over a period of seven
years. It is true that the project covered the translation of 130 books of Macedonian authors
into other languages, a separate series of Macedonian literature into English as well a series
of books on Macedonian revolutionaries published in Macedonian. However, the fact remains
that a large majority of the books published under the project have been translated into
Macedonian from other languages. This illustrates the situation in the Macedonian
polysystem. Macedonian language and culture are small and largely dependent on
3
Source: http://www.1000knigi.mon.gov.mk/index.php
88
Macedonian
intercultural communication and import of foreign concepts and ideas. Viewed in this
perspective, Mihajlovski’s translations only add to this landscape. Having said that, his
translations are not to be analysed in the same framework. Whereas there has been a lot of
public debate and controversy about the quality of the books published under the 1000
project (particularly about the first editions of the project), no one has yet disputed
Mihajlovski’s translation effort. In fact, he has won numerous national awards, among which
the 2013 Grigor Prlicev Translation Award, awarded by the Macedonia Writers’ Association,
and the 2018 State Award 11 October for Lifetime Achievement in the area of culture and arts.
Mihajlovski’s translations are obviously contextually-motivated. Apart from the literary
context, the wider socio-cultural and socio-economic forces may also have a role to play. In
view of the long-standing political instability and disputes with neighbours (some of whom
have even disputed the name of the country or the distinctiveness of the Macedonian
language and its status as a language in its own right), poor economic performance of the
Macedonian economy, high poverty and unemployment levels and the recent dramatic brain-
drain, it seems Mihajlovski has sought to provide a positive example, a push for greater
confidence and optimism in order to achieve broader social impact. The analysis of the TT,
complemented by the translator’s explicit statements on the function and purpose of his
translations, points to this conclusion. It appears Mihajlovski’s primary goal has been to do in
Macedonian what Shakespeare did in English. As Shakespeare made English sound at the same
time old and new to his Renaissance audiences, so too has Mihajlovski made Macedonian
sound old and new to his Macedonian audiences. Following Shakespeare’s model, he has
coined new words in Macedonian and that way presented a model for others to follow. The
word-formation techniques of compounding and conversion themselves may not be new to
the Macedonian language, but the manner and the extent to which they are used in
Mihajlovski’s work certainly open new avenues for Macedonian writers and translators.
Further research may address reader response and reception of these newly coined words,
how much they have travelled into the standard, everyday language or whether they have
remained as purely artistic legacy. The fact that Mihajlovski has been awarded one of the most
prestigious translation awards for his translations of Shakespeare indicates that the
Macedonian system is tolerant to interference and not only accepts but also welcomes foreign
influence. This also points to the prestige and power interplay between the English and the
Macedonian languages and cultures, where the former is a major and the latter a minor
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language and culture. In this light, our analysis seems to show that in the current Macedonian
polysystem, translated literature occupies a central position.
With regard to the norms, our data seem to indicate that the following norms were at play
in the TT system at the time when the translations analysed in this paper were published. At
the level of initial norms, there seems to be an inclination towards adequacy, i.e. adherence
to source culture norms. The fact that the translator follows the English source closely shows
that the target system is subject to source system norms. At the level of preliminary norms,
the current target system shows no tolerance for indirect translations. Both “Hamlet” and “A
Midsummer Night’s Dream” are direct translations, where the latter is the first one ever to be
done into Macedonian. Translation policy clearly favours canonical works and accepts
canonical text types, such as Shakespearian drama. At the level of operational norms, the
analysis shows that the translations are complete, closely follow the textual segmentation and
distribution, whereas the textual-linguistic norms display lexical items, phrases and stylistic
features which follow the source model. Having said that, a thorough description of the norms
goes beyond the scope of this paper. In fact, this is where one of the main limitations of this
study lies. To be able to uncover the norms and to formulate laws of translational behaviour
at this particular point of time in the Macedonian system, analysis of a much larger corpus is
needed. We leave this to future studies to address.
Finally, in the light of Toury’s call for explaining translational phenomena by analyzing the
interdependency of function, process and product (Toury, 1995, p. 11), this analysis has mainly
been product- and function-oriented. It would have been not only useful but also interesting
to supplement the analysis with information about the translation process. This could have
been done by interviewing the translators or by studying their personal or their publisher’s
archives or their correspondence, if these are available. We call for future studies to address
this as that information would help recover the translators’ conscious decision-making
processes or the reasons behind their selection of global strategies with greater certainty and
that way support or refute our description, contributing to better understanding of the
translational phenomena at hand.
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Studies Vol. 1, eds. Y. Gambier & L. Van Doorslaer, Amsterdam & Philadelphia, John
Benjamins Publishing Company, 94-104.
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London, Routledge, 199-204.
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англиската поезија (Докторска дисертација) [Defamiliarisation and Possible
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[Under Babylon: The Task of the Translator (Second edition)]. Скопје: Каприкорнус.
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Munday, J. (2001). Introducing Translation Studies. Theories and Application. London & New
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Nevalainen, T. (2001). Shakespeare’s New Words. In Reading Shakespeare’s Dramatic

Language. A Guide, eds. S. Adamson, L. Hunter, L. Magnusson, A. Thompson & K. Wales,
London, The Arden Shakespeare, 237-255.
Toury, G. (1995). Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John
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Shakespeare, W. (1984). A Midsummer Night’s Dream. Edited by R.A. Foakes. The New
Cambridge Shakespeare. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Shakespeare, W. (1985). Hamlet, Prince of Denmark. Edited by Philip Edwards. The New
Cambridge Shakespeare. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Шекспир, В. (2011). Луњата; Сон во ноќта спротив Иванден; Зимска прикаска; Како ви
е арно така, превод од англиски [The Tempest; A Midsummer Night’s Dream; Winter’s
Tale; As You Like It, translation from English], Драги Михајловски, Скопје: Каприкорнус
Шекспир, В. (2008). Кралот Лир; Макбет; Отело; Хамлет, превод од англиски [King
Lear; Macbeth; Othello; Hamlet, translation from English], Драги Михајловски, Скопје:
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Tragedy of Hamlet, the Danish Prince, translation from the original], Богомил Ѓузел,
Скопје: Култура
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Contributors’ Bios:
Sonja Kitanovska-Kimovska is Assistant Professor at the Department of Translation and
Interpreting at Ss Cyril and Methodius University (UKIM) in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia.
She holds an MPhil degree in English and Applied Linguistics from Cambridge University, UK,
and a PhD in Translation from UKIM, Skopje. Since 2010 she has taught English, Translation
Practice and Translation Tools courses. She is also a member of the Steering Board of the
Macedonian Translators and Interpreters Association (MATA). Her research interests include
translation and style and translator assessment.
Katarina Gjurchevska Atanasovska works as an Assistant Professor at the Department of

Translation and Interpreting at Ss Cyril and Methodius University (UKIM) in Skopje, Republic
of Macedonia. She teaches English for translators and interpreters, Translation and
Interpreting theory, Preparation for Translation and Interpreting and Liaison Interpreting. She
holds a PhD degree in Philology and has taken part in numerous domestic and foreign
conferences on translation studies, literary translation and cultural aspects of translation.
E-mail address: sonjakitanovska@flf.ukim.edu.mk

katarina.gjurcevska@gmail.com
93
Anna Dudek
University of Wrocław
Heart of Message. An Overview of Stylistic Devices Used by Jacek Dukaj in

Serce ciemności
ABSTRACT
The paper makes an attempt at evaluating the stylistic devices used in Serce ciemności
(2017), that is Jacek Dukaj’s adaptation of Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad (1899).
Conrad’s story-within-story novella, written over one hundred years ago, may now be
viewed as obsolete. Therefore, Dukaj decided to update Conrad’s cult classic, adapting it to
the needs of the 21st century Polish readership. It may be stated that Dukaj’s work shed
new light on the familiar narrative. As opposed to meticulous translators’ work done, for
instance, by Magdalena Heydel (2011), Serce ciemności focuses on the message itself,
severely distorting the original structure and vocabulary. Nevertheless, Dukaj avoids calling
himself a translator, claiming: “Nie jestem tłumaczem. Jestem autorem Josepha Conrada
piszącego Heart of Darkness dla dwudziestopierwszowiecznych polskich czytelników1”, [I
am not a translator. I am the author of the Joseph Conrad writing Heart of Darkness for the
21st century Polish readers], (Conrad 1899/2017, back cover). In order to examine the main
stylistic devices used in Serce ciemności, the paper compares Dukaj’s work to the source
text (1899) and Heydel’s translation (2011). Conclusions to the study consist of the research
summary and an attempt at answering the questions of the narrator’s and the 21st century
Polish reader’s identities.
KEY WORDS
Heart of Darkness, Serce ciemności, Joseph Conrad, Jacek Dukaj, Magdalena Heydel
1. Introduction
As it had been announced by Komisja Kultury i Środków Przekazu, [the Culture and Media
Committee], 2017 was a year to commemorate the prominent Polish-English writer, Joseph
Conrad. The Director of Instytut Książki, [the Book Institute], Dariusz Jaworski, stated that “rok
2017 będzie rokiem, w którym Conrad na dobre, miejmy nadzieję, wróci do Polski,” [hopefully,
1
All translations, if not otherwise stated, are mine: A. D.

Heart of Message. An Overview of Stylistic Devices Used by Jacek Dukaj in Serce ciemności
in 2017, Conrad is coming back to Poland for good], (Kowalczyk 2016, para. 1). Apart from
scores of cultural performances praising Conrad’s works, 2017 was marked by one more
memorable event. In October 2017, a Polish writer and translator, Jacek Dukaj, published his
own “Polonized2” version of Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1899). It was soon clear that Serce
ciemności, as the novella was entitled in its 2017 version, would become a subject of fierce
dispute.
2. Heart of Darkness (1899)
Conrad’s multi-layered novella with the unusual “Chinese box” structure was ranked by
Modern Library as one of the best 20th century English novels (“Modern Library. 100 Best
Novels,” 1998). As it may be easily guessed, the work has been translated into Polish
numerous times. Regretfully, the first ever transfer of Heart of Darkness, prepared by Conrad’s
cousin, Aniela Zagórska, has been criticized for an excessively bright and moderate style
stemming from the tradition of the Young Poland period. Zagórska’s work, along with the
subsequent 20th century translations (inter alia the one prepared by Jędrzej Polak), has been
frequently blamed for blurring Conrad’s message and discouraging young people from reading
the novella (“Jądro ciemności Josepha Conrada w nowym przekładzie,” 2011). In 2011, a new
translation, prepared by Magdalena Heydel, was published. In a period of just a few years, it
has gained the approval of the readership and is now considered the most faithful translation
of Heart of Darkness on the market. Nevertheless, Heydel’s work has not discouraged other
translators from making attempts at translating the novella. Consequently, in October 2017,
Dukaj’s Serce ciemności was released. The following part of this paper gives insight into Dukaj’s
literary achievements and style, provides his reasons for constructing Serce ciemności, and
outlines the main features of the reviewed work.
2
The term “Polonized” is used by Dukaj himself. This issue will be further elaborated in the subsequent parts of
this article.
95
3. Serce ciemności (2017)
Jacek Dukaj describes himself as a “Polish language writer,” operating “on the verge of
humanism, mind & language ... .” He was awarded with several literary prizes, for example the
2009 European Union Prize for Literature (“Jacek Dukaj – bio,” 2017). Dukaj stated that the
plans of constructing Serce ciemności occupied his mind for several years. Finally, in October
2017, he got his own way and published the novel. Nevertheless, it is not an easy task to
classify the 2017 work. In order to determine what makes Serce ciemności so unique, the
following paragraph aims at outlining the main features of a “good” piece of translation and
the mutual relations between the author and translator.
Since the very beginnings of Translation Studies as a discipline, the desirable features of a
translated text have been under discussion. As observed by Newmark (1991), “translation has
to be as accurate as possible, as economical as possible, in denotation and in connotation,
referentially and pragmatically” (p. 111). Venuti (1995), in turn, defines the notion of
“translator’s invisibility,” stating that “the more fluent the translation, the more invisible the
translator, and, presumably, the more visible the writer or meaning of the foreign text” ( p. 1-
2). The role of translator in the examined process is equally disputable. In line with Venuti’s
concept, translator should be an “invisible servant” of the source text and its “truth,” striving
to reproduce the meaning “as understood by the writer” (cf. Pym 1992/2010, p. 53; Venuti
1995; Kizeweter 2012, p. 444; Newmark 1991, p. 40; Nida & Taber 1982, p. 8). Nevertheless,
the translator may succumb to some kind of “temptation,” which encourages him to see
himself or herself as an equal of the source text author, turning the process of translation into
solicitation (Kizeweter 2012, p. 436). If that is the case, both the translator’s responsibility and
truth are on the decline. Consequently, one should view the author and the translator as two
separate entities. Delisle supports this idea, noting that “the translator is an author deprived
of an inspiration, who cannot be responsible for the content and thus in charge of the form”
(Delisle 1984: pp. 81-82 as cited in Pisarska & Tomaszkiewicz 1996, p. 90).
Consequently, just one glance at the work in question is enough to state that any
examination in terms of “translation” would be cumbersome. While constructing Serce
ciemności, Dukaj’s leading motto was the quotation of Conrad himself, who in his preface to
The Nigger of the Narcissus (1897) stated:
96
My task which I am trying to achieve is, by the power of the written word to make you hear, to make you feel
– it is, before all, to make you see. That – and no more, and it is everything. If I succeed, you shall find there
according to your deserts: encouragement, consolation, fear, charm – all you demand – and, perhaps, also
that glimpse of truth for which you have forgotten to ask. [Conrad 1897/1914, p. 14; the author’s emphasis]
Dukaj’s aim, who has taken on the same attitude, was to “spróbować oddziałać na
współczesnych polskich czytelników tekstem pisanym w analogiczny sposób, który
doprowadziłby do takiego samego stanu umysłowego, duchowego, w który wprowadzał
ówczesnych brytyjskich czytelników Conrad swoim tekstem,” [affect contemporary Polish
readers with a text written in an analogous way, which would put them in exactly the same
mental and spiritual state, as Conrad put his British readership in the times he lived in], (“Serce
ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). In order to achieve a similar effect, the
text – as noted by Dukaj – should not be translated at the word level, but rather “na poziomie
intencji autorskich,” [at the level of the author’s intentions], (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel,
Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). At first glance, this approach may correspond to the
aforementioned view of reconstructing the meaning as understood by the source text author.
Nonetheless, Dukaj avoids labeling himself as a translator. His statement from the back cover
of the 2017 book is a clear indication of that: “Nie jestem tłumaczem. Jestem autorem Josepha
Conrada piszącego Heart of Darkness dla dwudziestopierwszowiecznych polskich
czytelników,” [I am not a translator. I am the author of the Joseph Conrad writing Heart of
Darkness for the 21st century Polish readers], (Conrad 1899/2017, back cover). This opinion,
although eccentric, seems to be justified. As it is shown in the subsequent part of the present
article, Serce ciemności varies from the original text in terms of both structure and content.
Needless to say, Serce ciemności has given rise to great controversy among translators.
One of the events organized in the framework of the Conrad Festival 2017, to which both
Dukaj and Heydel were invited, generated a lively discussion. In reference to Serce ciemności,
the latter concluded that – in her opinion – it is a “niezwykle interesująca i ... bardzo odważna
koncepcja, z którą się kompletnie nie zgadzam,” [very interesting and ... bold idea with which
I completely disagree], (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). She also
stated that: “Jeżeli mielibyśmy się odwoływać do mózgów czytelników czy też do intencji
autorskich, to tak naprawdę jedynym dowodem, jaki mamy przed sobą ... jest tekst,” [if we
were supposed to appeal to the readers’ brains or the author’s intentions, then in fact the
97
only proof we possess ... would be the text itself], (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel,
Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). Therefore, Heart of Darkness should be, above all, translated
faithfully. Moreover, both of the translators seem to interpret the aforementioned The Nigger
of the Narcissus quotation in drastically different ways. Dukaj claims that it must have been a
great inconvenience for Conrad to use words as the only “experience-transferring tool,”
whereas Heydel notices a hidden affirmation of the power of written language. Worse still,
Dukaj – asked by Heydel who his narrator is – answered that, as long as the contemporary
readership understands the vital essence of Conrad’s message, he simply does not care about
it (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017).
The subsequent paragraphs list the main stylistic devices used in Serce ciemności. All the
examples are accompanied with the source text (1899) and its translation prepared by Heydel
(2011). Moreover, the present paper will make an attempt to answer the question of the 2017
narrator’s identity and to list the most distinctive features of the “21st century Polish reader,”
as assumed by Dukaj.
4. Comparative analysis
In the first place, a few general remarks on Serce ciemności will be made. As far as the front
cover is concerned, it seems striking that Dukaj decided to use the word “spolszczenie,”
[“Polonization”], instead of “przekład” [translation], (Conrad 1899/2017, front cover). This
may directly correspond to Dukaj’s statement mentioned above, portraying him more as an
“author of the 21st century Joseph Conrad” rather than a translator. What is more, both
Conrad’s and Dukaj’s names are written with exactly the same font size. This, is turn, may
suggest the equality of the authors within the literary works discussed here. Nonetheless,
these are not the only differences between the versions of Dukaj and Heydel. The following
paragraph outlines other structural discrepancies between these two works.
While turning over the pages, one may notice that Serce ciemności is definitely shorter
than the 1899 original text. Additionally, Dukaj attributed each of the narrators with
a different font style. Finally, the aforementioned “Chinese box” structure encouraged Conrad
to use long blocks of text, which he further divided into three parts. Finally, Dukaj decided to
construct thirteen “chapters,” the longest of which is a 31-page-long section, whereas the
shortest one has only three pages. Nevertheless, the most striking aspects of Serce ciemności
98
are the stylistic devices used by Dukaj. The following paragraphs aim at outlining selected
instances which make the 2017 work stand out among the other Polish versions published so
far.
Świerkocki stated that, as far as Dukaj’s work is concerned, one may come across
a couple of “bardzo fajne rzeczy” [very cool things], (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel,
Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017), which, for instance, are the “leśmianowskie” [Leśmian-like],
coinages intended to imitate Bolesław Leśmian’s, a prominent poet, style (“Serce ciemności.
Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). Table 1 shows three instances of such coinages:
Table 1 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Coinages
No. Conrad, 1899/2009 Conrad, 1899/2011 Conrad, 1899/2017

1. It [tumultuous and Wzmógł się [tumult i żałobny Aż wreszcie dookolny
mournful uproar: A. D.] hałas: A. D.] aż do nieznośnie jazgot gaśnie na
culminated in a hurried wysokiego kwiku … przeciągłym, solowym
outbreak of almost pisku.
intolerably excessive
shrieking.
2. They are simple people. To prości ludzie. Oni są prostodusze ludzie.
3. They waded waist-deep in Brodząc po pas w trawach … Brodzą po pas w zielonych

the grass ... trawiastościach …
It may be stated that Dukaj’s target text was greatly enriched by the applied neologisms. It
cannot be denied that “dookolny,” “prostodusze,” and “trawiastości” remind of Leśmian’s
style of writing. What is more, these expressions most probably lack their direct English
equivalents. This fact may significantly stimulate the reader’s imagination.
Another method frequently used by Dukaj throughout the text is adaptation. Few
instances are listed in Table 2 below:
Table 2 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Adaptation

4. I, Charlie Marlow, set the Ja, Charlie Marlow, zagnałem Karolek Marlow
women to work ... do roboty kobiety! wykorzystuje kobiety …
5. Gran’ Bassam, Little Popo Gran’Bassam czy Little Popo Bassum Większy, Małe
Popo
6. There was a vast amount Sporo czerwonego – I od razu dostrzegam sporo
of red – good to see at przyjemnie spojrzeć na taki naszej brytyjskiej czerwieni,
any time, because one kolor, bo od razu się widzi,
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knows that some real gdzie naprawdę solidnie serce rośnie … Na mnie
work is done in there ... pracują … Miałem się udać czekała belgijska żółć.
I was going into the tam, gdzie było żółto.
yellow.
In Poland, the procedure of adapting the first names to the target cultural environment
became obsolete several decades ago. Nonetheless, Dukaj decided to transfer the diminutive
form of “Charlie” to its Polish counterpart, emphasizing the hint of irony hidden in Marlow’s
words. The geographical names (Example 5), in turn, had taken on a trivial sound (which
corresponds to their further description3), whereas the explanatory comments (Example 6)
help to understand the history of colonialism.
Notwithstanding, examples of such “innocuous” transfer techniques seem to be in the
minority. One of the most striking procedures used throughout Serce ciemności is the
application of modern business vocabulary. Table 3 below gives insight into the matter:
Table 3 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Business vocabulary

7. You understand it was To było oczywiście Jest przecież ta firma,
a Continental concern, przedsiębiorstwo firma-moloch, Korporacja,
that Trading society. kontynentalne, rozumiecie, która prowadzi handel
Towarzystwo Handlowe. także tam na rzece.
8. There’s your Company’s Tam ma pan siedzibę swojej Proszę, filia pańskiej
station ... Kompanii. Korporacji.
9. [A]ll the book-keeping [W]szystkie księgi Całą biurokrację
was done at this station. prowadzone są na tej właśnie odprawiało się bowiem
stacji. właśnie tam na Stacji.
10. He had come out for a On sam wyszedł właśnie na – Och, wyszedłem na
moment, he said, ‘to get chwilę, by, jak się wyraził, moment zaczerpnąć
a breath of fresh air. The „zaczerpnąć świeżego świeżego powietrza. Jakby
expression sounded powietrza”. To po prostu odstąpił od
wonderfully odd, with its sformułowanie, sugerujące, że biurka w swoim kantorze
suggestion of sedentary wykonuje siedzącą pracę za w Londynie czy Brukseli.
desk-life. biurkiem, zabrzmiało
niesłuchanie dziwnie
11. [A] note to me in these [List] mniej więcej tej treści. Z takim memo mniej
terms ... więcej.
12. General Manager Dyrektor generalny Kurz CEO
13. And he wants to be I on chce być kierownikiem! I ten pajac chce wejść
manager! w menedżment!
3
“[N]ames that seemed to belong to some sordid farce acted in front of a sinister back-cloth” (Conrad 1899
/2009).
100
14. [T]he Company had the Kompania ma prawo do Korporacja jest prawnym
right to every bit of wszelkich informacji posiadaczem tych
information about its dotyczących jej „terytoriów”. informacji! Cała własność
‘territories.’ intelektualna
wypracowana na jej
terytoriach należy do
Korporacji!
It may be reasonably stated that the negative undertone of the term “Korporacja” (Example
7) allowed the reader to catch a general glimpse of what the enterprise in question actually
was (that is a company which was focused only on the gains from ivory trade and mercilessly
exploited its employees). In Serce ciemności, correlations of this kind can be found throughout
the text, giving the impression that the action takes place in the 21 st century (compare using
related modern terms, such as for example “filia” [branch], Example 8). However, as might be
expected, any suggestions of this kind are incongruent to Conrad’s times (like, for instance,
the words like “memo” and “CEO” in Examples 11-12, respectively, or the Polonized, English-
sounding term “menedżment” [management] in Example 13, which directly corresponds to
the modern trend towards the English business terms phonetic adaptation).
Examples 15-16, in turn, show an attempt at adapting non-standard speeches:
Table 4 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Adaptation of non-standard

speeches

15. ‘Catch ‘im,’ he snapped, “Złapać ich – warknął, – Wacz ich!
with a bloodshot obracając przekrwionymi – Dorwać? Dawać?
widening of his eyes and oczyma I pokazując ostre zęby – Nam! Nam!
a flash of sharp teeth – – złapać ich. Nam ich dać”. – Na co wam oni?
‘catch ‘im. Give ‘im to us.’ „Wam ich dać? – zapytałem. – Nam! Mniam!
‘To you, eh?’ I asked; – A na co wam oni?” „Żeby …
‘what would you do with zjeść!” …
them?’ ‘Eat ‘im!’ ...
16. ‘[P]erhaps you had better „[J]eśli tylko ma pan przyjaciół – Masz między nimi
go if you have any friends wśród okolicznych dzikich, to przyjaciół?
amongst the savages near lepiej, żeby pan sobie – O, mnogo, mnogo!
by.’ ‘Plenty,’ he said. poszedł”. „Mam, wielu” …
– odpowiedział …
In Example 15, Dukaj aimed at mirroring an English-based pidgin language used by the
headman of the cannibals. In the other example, in turn, the author reconstructed the peculiar
101
sound of the speech used by Kurtz’s devotee – a colonialist from Russia. It cannot be denied
that these processes, although captivating, resulted in a substantial distortion of the 1899
text.
One of the most outstanding features of Serce ciemności is the constant change of the flow
of the narrative. The following instances show the way in which the source text was
transformed:
Table 5 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: changing dynamics

17. They howled and leaped, Oni wyli, skakali, kręcili się Skaczą wyją wirują krzywią
and spun, and made w kółko i robili straszne twarze nie twarze …
horrid faces … miny.
18. I had a vision of him on … Powróciła do mnie wizja Kurtz unosi się na noszach
the stretcher, opening his Kurtza rozciągniętego na i otwiera usta, szerzej
mouth voraciously, as if to noszach, jak żarłocznie – pożre Ziemię –
devour all the earth with rozwiera usta, chcąc pożreć szerzej
all its mankind. całą ziemię, a wraz z nią – pożre ludzkość –
i ludzkość. szerzej, szerzej
– pożarł czas –
…
19. He [Kurtz: A. D.] On [Kurtz: A. D.] też walczył Jeszcze ze sobą walczył,
struggled with himself, ze sobą. Widziałem to. słyszałem, widziałem,
too. I saw it—I heard it. Patrzyłem na niepojętą jeszcze się szarpała, ta
I saw the inconceivable tajemnicę duszy, która nie dusza bestia wypuszczona
mystery of a soul that zna ograniczeń, nie zna wiary w nim na wolność
knew no restraint, no nie strachu, lecz na ślepo zero skrupułów
faith, and no fear, yet sama z sobą walczy. zero wiary
struggling blindly with zero strachu
itself. tylko
Kurtz.
20. Was looking after the Dozorował remont drogi, jak A cóż on tu porabia?
upkeep of the road, he mi oświadczył. – Drogi naprawiam.
declared.
21. I slapped him on the back Klepnąłem go w plecy Zachodzę … i łup kotlarza
and shouted, ‘We shall i zawołałem: „Dostaniemy w plecy
have rivets!’ He nity!”. Zerwał się na równe – Nity będą, nity!
scrambled to his feet nogi, wykrzykując: „Nie! aż podskoczył.
exclaiming, ‘No! Rivets!’ Nity!”, jakby nie mógł – Nie? Nity?
as though he couldn’t uwierzyć własnym uszom. – Nity!
believe his ears. Then in A potem dodał ciszej: „Czyli – Nity?
a low voice, ‘You... eh?’ pan… tego”. Nie wiem, – Nity.
I don’t know why we czemu zaczęliśmy się – Nity, mój Boże, nity!
behaved like lunatics. zachowywać jak wariaci. –Nity, nity.
I put my finger to the side Przytknąłem palec do nosa – No nie, naprawdę? nity?
of my nose and nodded i tajemniczo kiwnąłem – Ano nity.
mysteriously. ‘Good for głową. „Brawo!” – zawołał – Nity! Nity!
102
you!’ he cried, snapped i podniósłszy nogę, strzelił Wykrzykujemy,

his fingers above his head, palcami nad głową. Ja też podskakujemy, tańczymy ...
lifting one foot. I tried ruszyłem w tany.
a jig. We capered on the Wycinaliśmy hołubce po
iron deck. blaszanym pokładzie.
22. I found nothing else to do Nie przyszło mi do głowy nic Sięgnąłem do kieszeni
but to offer him one of lepszego jak dać mu i wręczyłem mu biszkopcik.
my good Swede’s ship’s herbatniki ze statku mojego On bierze ten biszkopcik:
biscuits I had in my poczciwego Szweda, które wyciąga powoli ramię,
pocket. The fingers closed miałem w kieszeni. Palce rozwierają się palce, palce
slowly on it and held – zacisnęły się na nich powoli dotykają biszkopcika, palce
there was no other i trzymały się zamykają –
movement and no other – żadnego innego ruchu czy Ma, ma biszkopcik.
glance. spojrzenia.
The imaginative play upon punctuation marks and style (Examples 17-19) is one of the most
distinctive features of Serce ciemności. In Example 20, the description has been converted to
a spoken dialogue, whereas in Example 21 the remarks exchange was enlivened by means of
hyphens and punctuation marks. Dukaj decided to “speed up” the action described in Example
22 by changing the tense from past to present. The author advocated this procedure in the
discussion with Heydel by stating that some time the speaker remembers the past events so
well that he or she simply starts narrating in the present tense (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj,
Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017).
What is more, the 2017 work is filled with various onomatopoeic expressions, a couple of
which are shown in Table 6:
Table 6 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Onomatopeias

23. The monotonous beating Monotonne uderzenia Mpomm!, dudni wielki
of a big drum filled the air w wielki bęben wypełniały bęben, i kolejny wstrząs
with muffled shocks and a powietrze stłumionymi idzie przez zgęstniałe
lingering vibration. wstrząsami ... powietrze ...
24. A great silence around Nad głową i wszędzie wkoło Wśród nocnej ciszy –
and above. Perhaps on ogromna cisza. Tylko czasem, bębny.
some quiet night the w ciche noce, dudnienie Bbbrummm, drżenie idzie
tremor of far-off drums, dalekich bębnów, to po skórze i drżenie po
sinking, swelling, a tremor zanikające, to wzbierające, ciemności, skądś z dali
vast, faint; a sound weird, drżenie raz potężne, raz niewidzialnej, dźwięk-
appealing, suggestive, and nikłe; dziwny dźwięk, dreszcz, dziwny,
wild—and perhaps with wciągający, sugestywny i hipnotyczny, obłąkany,
as profound a meaning as dziki – być może znaczący bbbrummm, przepływa po
równie wiele co dźwięk tobie, ogarnia cię, zaprasza
103
the sound of bells in a dzwonów na Boże – do czego? A czy dzicy

Christian country. Narodzenie ochrzczeni tymi bębnami
w chrześcijańskim kraju. rozumieliby w kraju krzyża
mowę dzwonów
kościelnych?
25. I steamed up a bit, then Podpłynąłem kawałek [T]ffuch!, podkręcam parę
swung down stream ... w górę, potem zawróciłem w maszynie i ruszam statek
z nurtem … z prądem …
26. I stood in the doorway, Stałem w drzwiach, Stoję jak głupi w drzwiach
peering, and the arrows wpatrując się w wodę, wokół kabiny, a ławice strzał
came in swarms ... The mnie chmary strzał … Busz zacinają z lewa prawa lewa
bush began to howl. zaczął wyć. …
Tkttt!, tkttt!
A dżungla wyje płacze
zawodzi.
Although this procedure makes Marlow’s story more reliable, it also deforms the character of
the narrator, ascribing him with a more vigorous manner of speaking than the one he actually
had.
Moving on to the next set of examples concerning the “dynamic” translation procedures,
it has to be noted that Kurtz’s every statement is written in capital letters. In similar fashion,
the references to the darkness – the most important aspect in the discussed novella – are
expressed by means of the capitalized word TO [it]. Finally, several lexical items in Serce
ciemności are spaced out. Examples 27-29 listed in Table 7 present the discussed procedures
in practice:
Table 7 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Capital letters and spacing out

27. ‘My Intended, my ivory, “Moja Narzeczona, moja – KOŚĆ MOJA! STACJA
my station, my river, my – kość słoniowa, moja stacja, MOJA! RZEKA MOJA! ONA
’everything belonged to moja rzeka, moje”... – MOJA MOJA MOJA!
him. wszystko należało do niego. Wszystko, wszystko
należało do niego.
28. It made me hold my Aż wstrzymywałem oddech, Gdyby TO mogło
breath in expectation of czekając na to, że dzika przemówić, pusty śmiech
hearing the wilderness puszcza wybuchnie nagle kosmosu hieny wykoleiłby
burst into a prodigious potężnym śmiechem, od księżyce gwiazdy planety …
peal of laughter that którego gwiazdy zatrzęsą się
would shake the fixed w swych niewzruszonych
stars in their places. posadach.
29. I listened, I listened on Nasłuchiwałem, Słucham z nadzieją na
the watch for the nasłuchiwałem pilnie, czy słowo zdanie wskazówkę –
sentence, for the word, padnie zdanie, albo choć co takiego jest w tej
104
that would give me the słowo, które wyjaśni opowieści, że przenosi

clue to the faint niepokój, jaki wzbudziła we mnie poza mnie? że czuję
uneasiness inspired by mnie ta opowieść … się nieswojo ?
this narrative ...
It may be observed that the lexical items that are consistently capitalized or spaced out
improve the readability of the target text. Additionally, in order to enliven the events even
more, Dukaj decided to use colloquial and vulgar expressions:
Table 8 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Vulgar and colloquial registers

30. Smoke? Where’s a sailor Pan pali? Gdzie znajdziesz … Tytoniu tytoniu dupa
that does not smoke? żeglarza, który nie pali? żeglarz co nie pali!
31. I felt weary and irritable. Byłem zmęczony Dwadzieścia mil w nogach,
Hang Kurtz, I thought. i rozdrażniony. Niech się ten czort jebał pana Kurtza.
cały Kurtz powiesi –
pomyślałem.
32. What! Another snag? Co, znów przeszkody? – Noż kurwa mać! –
I confess I swore Przyznam, że szpetnie W ostatniej chwili! –
shamefully. zakląłem. Następny pniak
rozpruwacz!
33. A deuce of a lot of smoke W górę wzbiły się masy … Podnosi się taki parawan
came up and drove slowly dymu, które z wolna dymu, że nie widzę już nic.
forward. I swore at it. powędrowały naprzód. – Pojebało was do reszty?!
Zakląłem.
It cannot be denied that the curses used in the dialogues listed above significantly enliven the
target text. Undoubtedly, the described events are more vivid than in the original piece of
literature. Finally, as far as the structure of Serce ciemności is concerned, several changes in
the order of the events can also be mentioned (for instance, in description of the attack on
the steamboat or the final dialogue between Marlow and Kurtz’s fiancée, in which Dukaj
interweaves the sailor’s recollections of Kurtz’s death).
Nevertheless, several of Dukaj’s decisions may raise controversies due to their
inconsistency. Tables 9 and 10 give insight into the matter:
105
Table 9 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Third language deletion

34. Ave! Old knitter of black Ave!, stara dziewiarko nad Ave, stara prządko, idący
wool. Morituri te salutant. robótką z czarnej włóczki. na śmierć pozdrawiają cię!
Morituri te salutant.
35. I let him run on, this Dałem mu gadać, temu Dałem mu gadać, temu
papier-mâché Mefistofelesowi z papier Mefistofelesowi z papier
Mephistopheles ... mâché … mâché …
For unknown reasons, the conventional phrases in Latin and French have been transferred to
their standard Polish counterparts. One may found this procedure puzzling – especially when
juxtaposed with the applied process of adding sophisticated, “bookish” vocabulary, as shown
in Table 10:
Table 10 Comparison of Conrad’s, Heydel’s, and Dukaj’s texts: Sophisticated vocabulary

36. They [the words: A. D.] Dla mnie jest w nich Była w nich [słowach: A. D.]
had behind them, to my [słowach: A. D.] potworna potęga profetycznego snu
mind, the terrific sugestywność słów, które …
suggestiveness of words słyszy się w snach …
heard in dreams ...
37. This [the spell: A. D.] Tylko ten czar bowiem, Powędrował ku naglącym
alone, I was convinced, o tym byłem przekonany, sygnałom ognia, w busz, ku
had driven him out to the przywiódł go na skraj lasu, ku źródłu fal inkantacji …
edge of the forest, to the buszowi …
Bush ...
38. I threw my head back to Szarpnąłem głową, gdy nagle [W] przebłysku ciszy coś
a glinting whizz that świszczący błysk przeszył wizgnęło skroś kabiny …
traversed the pilot-house, budkę ... kręcę głową na wszystkie
in at one shutter-hole and strony …
out at the other.
39. The side of his head hit Dwukrotnie uderzył głową Jeszcze mu skroń dwakroć
the wheel twice ... w koło sterowe ... zabębniła o koło sterowe ...
40. You are of the new gang – Pan jest z tej nowej gwardii, Jedna banda! Dobroć
the gang of virtue ... gwardii cnotliwych. O, niech & Miłość spółka
Oh, don’t say no. pan nie przeczy … z ograniczoną
odpowiedzialnością.
– Co?
– Będzie się mi tu
krygował! …
Example 40 requires further comment. On the one hand, the literary “gang of virtue,”
translated by Heydel to a lofty “gwardia cnotliwych” [Guard of the Virtuous], had been turned
106
into a business term referring to a limited liability company. On the other hand, the phrase
“don’t say no,” formulated in the standard variety of English, has been transferred to
a bookish “krygować się” [to preen]. Therefore, the juxtaposition of the registers resulted in
constructing a confusing target text structure. In the light of Dukaj’s words, in accordance to
which the overwhelming use of archaic vocabulary in Zagórska’s translation was constantly
making him irritated (“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017), the effect
shown in Table 10 may seem somewhat confusing.
To conclude the present part of the article, Serce ciemności provides a multiplicity of
instances falling into the categories discussed above. Regretfully, the 2017 work cannot be
discussed in further detail due to constraints of space. The final, fifth part of the paper aims
at drawing the general conclusions to what have been already stated.
5. Conclusion
In total, 40 lexical items were examined and presented in the form of 10 tables. In line with
the outcome of the present analysis, the following stylistic devices may be listed among the
ones used most frequently by Dukaj: adaptation (including omission of third language lexical
items, personal names adaptation, and non-standard speech transfer), techniques changing
the flow of the narrative (the use of business-related modern vocabulary, coinages,
onomatopoeias, vulgarisms, plays on punctuation, the use of capital letters, and spacing out)
and, occasionally, the application of sophisticated vocabulary. It appears that the discussed
transfer was intended to enliven the target text via the processes of reduction and
reformulation. Therefore, Serce ciemności is rendered in a form which facilitates readers’
comprehension by increasing the target text’s transparency and ensuring its optimal
readability. In a nutshell, all the techniques discussed in this paper resulted in constructing a
“reader-friendly” target text which, in fact, has little to do with the structure of the 1899
novella. On the one hand, one may list several gripping fragments, for example the previously
discussed transfer of the cannibal’s English-based pidgin language variety or the Leśmian-like
coinages. Unfortunately, the successfully transferred parts are in the minority. One has to bear
in mind that Conrad’s work is – first and foremost – a story-within-story novella. Waiting for
the turn of the tide, the crew of the cruising yawl listens to Charlie Marlow, a Buddha-like sea
dog, telling a story of his lifetime. His tale, although elevated and vigorous, remains a story of
107
an old sailor, told at a windless night. Regretfully, this feeling is irretrievably lost in Dukaj’s
work. Instead of a sailor’s tale, one gets an adventure story of vivid metaphors and fast-paced
dialogues, which structure and style has little to do with Conrad’s work. Worse still, the 2017
version has blurred Marlow’s personality traits. The references to the narrator’s aversion to
lying or to his famous saying: “By Jove!” are reduced to almost zero. Yet, the issue of the
narrator’s personality can be addressed. In the light of the above, one may reasonably state
that the complexities of interweaving language registers, bizarre sentence structures, and
skipping from one subject to another prevents the reader from conceiving a living person who
would be able to narrate in this manner. Dukaj’s “21st century Polish reader” seems to be a
graduate in Polish studies who simultaneously lacks fundamental knowledge of Latin or
French conventional phrases. Moreover, this kind of reader easily manages to understand the
message of the novel, at the same time failing to read chapters longer than 31 pages. In spite
of all the efforts, one simply cannot imagine a realistic picture of the 2017 work’s narrator and
receiver. Consequently, Dukaj’s theoretical assumptions seem to not have been realized in
practice.
To sum up, it is hard to deny that Dukaj’s work is based on a bold and innovative idea, and
hence should not be unambiguously evaluated as either good or bad. As stated by the author
himself “[J]a poszerzam spektrum zaoferowanych wersji Conrada [tj. tłumaczeń Heart of
Darkness: A.D.], a zarazem poddaję pod dyskusję samą metodę głębokiego tłumaczenia, czyli
tłumaczenia intencji, znaczeń, przeżyć” [I expanded the range of Conrad’s versions [meaning:
the translations of Heart of Darkness: A. D.], simultaneously putting up for discussion the
method of deep translation itself, that is the translation of intentions, meanings, feelings],
(“Serce ciemności. Dukaj, Heydel, Świerkocki, Pindel,” 2017). In 1899, Conrad wrote
a remarkable story-within-story novella. In 2017, Dukaj completed a “writer-within-writer”
project, striving to put on paper exactly the same words which would be written by “the
Conrad sitting in his head.” Nonetheless, the fact remains that Dukaj did not write the novella
entitled Heart of Darkness – it was Conrad who did it. Whether referred to as “translation” or
“Polonization,” a certain amount of faithfulness towards the source text should always be
required. The question whether this indispensable amount has been preserved in Dukaj’s
work, though, remains open for further considerations.
108
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Venuti, L. (1995). The Translator’s Invisibility. A history of translation. London: Routledge.
Contributor’s Bio: Anna Dudek completed her MA in English studies in 2015 at the University
of Wrocław. Her research interests include dialectology, the notion of untranslatability (both
in literary and audiovisual translation) as well as various aspects of Legal English and
theoretical linguistics. Apart from her main academic field, she shows interest in other foreign
languages as well, especially in German and Italian. Anna Dudek is currently working on her
doctoral thesis concerning Legal English, which will be prepared at the aforementioned
university.
E-mail address: anna.dudek.uwr@gmail.com
110
Giulia Magazzù
"Gabriele d'Annunzio" University of Chieti-Pescara
“Montalbano sono!” Conveying the Identity of Sicily Through Subtitles: The

Case of Inspector Montalbano
ABSTRACT
The dialogue found in the Montalbano saga (an Italian television series produced and
broadcast by RAI since 1999, based on the detective novels of Andrea Camilleri) is rich in
register variation, from the “macaronic language” of Catarella, with its linguistic jokes and
grammatical errors, to the use of the local dialect (adopted by peasants and lower
classes), to Montalbano’s mixed interlanguage used with a phatic function, to Livia’s
perfectly sounding Italian. The code-switching and code-mixing used by Camilleri
represent a great challenge for the translator who has to make specific choices in order to
render the translation intelligible to the target audience. Starting from Taylor’s (2000,
p.153) definition of subtitles as “conveyors of meaning and guardians of culture,” the aim
of this paper is to analyze the subtitling strategies adopted to translate into English the
dialect and regionalisms in two episodes of “Inspector Montalbano” broadcast on BBC4 in
2008 and 2012, focusing on the factors of transculturality and extratextuality (where the
former refers to how familiar the source and target cultures are and the latter has to do
with whether the concept to be translated exists outside the source culture) that affect
the choices of a translator when it comes to the transposition of a spoken,
sociolinguistically marked dialogue into a subtitle that should convey the meaning of the
source text.
KEY WORDS
AVT, dialect, culture-bound language
1. Introduction
An audiovisual text is a multilayered semiotic construct comprising several signifying codes

(mostly written, oral and visual) that operate simultaneously in the production of meaning.
The typology of a film, its genre, the way it is organized and the meaning of all its elements
result in a semantic structure that needs to be deconstructed as a whole by the spectator.

“Montalbano sono!” Conveying the identity of Sicily Through Subtitles: The Case of Inspector Montalbano
The translator's task thus is to master the functioning of all these different codes and to be
able to cope with the incidence of both linguistic and non-linguistic signs within a translation
(Chaume, 2004, p. 16-17). The peculiar nature of this complex text has deserved a specific
branch of the already-multifaceted field of Translation Studies. Screen Translation,
Audiovisual Translationand Multimedia Translation are all labels for a discipline that, unlike
literary translation, has to exclude many of the most common translation aids (explanatory
footnotes, glossaries, asterisks or asides), which may help the viewers understand what is
going on the screen (Ascheid, 1997, p. 34).
When foreign language television programmes are to be made available to a domestic
market, two main contemporary adaptation methods are favoured: voice dubbing or a
written dialogue summary in the form of subtitles (Ascheid, 1997, p. 32). Following
Jakobson’s tripartition, subtitling is the only type of translation that can enter all three
categories of translation: endolinguistic, interlinguistic and intersemiotic, shifting from the
oral to the written mode. Therefore, subtitling has every right to be regarded as a very
complex form of translation that has unsurprisingly received increasing attention from
scholars, researchers and practitioners over the past 20 years. The scope of research on
audiovisual texts encompasses uncovering multifaceted and complex procedures required to
conduct audiovisual translation and the idea of working under the burden of technical time
and space constraints1. Audiovisual translation is regarded as a multidisciplinary field that
owes a lot to Descriptive Translation Studies with a target-oriented approach, Discourse
Analysis, Pragmatics, Conversation Analysis, among others. Subtitles in particular stand out
as a text representing the “in-between,” a written code that tries to retain and transmit
elements of the spoken mode. The core question is well expressed by Díaz Cintas and
Remael when they underline that “subtitling, being a hybrid language form with its own
limitations, is therefore faced with a formidable challenge; how does one translate the
sophistication of spoken language variants into a regimented written form”(Díaz Cintas
&Remael, 2007, p.185)? Moving from this question, the aim of the paper is to focus on the
subtitling strategies used to translate dialect and culture-bound language in the English
1 In order to reduce the impact of subtitling on screen it is common practice to present a maximum of two
lines of 35 characters each. The length of a subtitle is also influenced by what it is supposed to be the average
audience reading speed. An average viewer can read a two-line subtitle in six seconds. Therefore it is possible
to work out a table of correspondence between duration of dialogue and number of spaces (Díaz Cintas &
Remael, 2007, p. 69-99).
112
version of “Il Commissario Montalbano,”2 an extremely successful Italian television series

based on the novels by Andrea Camilleri (see section 2).
Pedersen (2005) adopts the general umbrella term of extralinguistic culture-bound
references (ECR) and underlines that what affects the translator’s choice for strategies are
two main factors: transculturality and extratextuality. The former refers to how familiar the
source and target cultures are and the latter has to do with whether the concept to be
translated exists outside the source culture. Dialects are not simply a matter of lexicon, they
“are characterized by non-standard grammar, specific lexical features and a distinctive
accent”(Díaz Cintas & Remael, 2007, p.191). When it comes to translating dialect, both
factors of transculturality and extratextuality can be problematic. Furthermore, it is quite
straightforward that translating one dialect by choosing another one in the target language
will render translation unintelligible to the majority of the target audience. On the other
hand, in the globalised world, the current trend seems to be pushing towards localization
and a widespread use of language variation in audio-visual products. Taylor’s definition of
subtitles as the “conveyors of meaning and guardians of culture” (Taylor, 2000, p.153),
emphasizes the power of words through which the audience can get a general
understanding of the content without necessarily missing out on extralinguistic level thereof.
2. The Montalbano Saga and its language
The literary and media phenomenon of Il Commissario Montalbanohas made a significant

cultural impact in Italy. The success of Andrea Camilleri’s novels is global, with 25 titles of
the Montalbano series published in Italy, of which 16 have now been translated into over 30
languages. The TV adaptation by RAI, the national public broadcasting company in Italy,
began in 1999, and Montalbano was soon extensively discussed on the Internet and other
media, such as the press, radio, and even comic books. In Italy, the series has become the
nation’s favorite, while also receiving consistently high critical praise. The TV series were
subtitled in 16 countries. In the UK, the TV series were first aired under the title Inspector
Montalbano in 2008, and all 11 seasons and 30 episodes of the original RAI productions had
been broadcast by September 2017. A lot of the popularity of both novels and TV series rests
on the main protagonist, Salvo Montalbano, a fractious Sicilian detective who works in the
police force of Vigata, an imaginary Sicilian town, lives a single life, is a gourmet and a long-
2 Translated into English as Inspector Montalbano.

113
distance swimmer who owns a wonderful beach house. He is often confronted with criminal
puzzles that necessitate his wits and stamina. His exceptional ability of dealing with
bureaucratic and political matters allow him to to close the cases quickly and diligently
despite constantly being under pressure. Salvo Montalbano’s speech, in line with Camilleri’s
own literary jargon, is a mixture of standard Italian and Sicilian dialect, heavily imbued with
ironic remarks and tones.
2.1. Camilleri’s language
Those who come across any of Camilleri’s books are struck by the peculiarity of his language,
an idiolect which merges Italian and the Sicilian dialect of his childhood. In her article “La
lingua de ‘Il re di Girgenti’” (p. 37), the Canadian linguist Jana Vizmuller-Zocco (2004: 87-98),
describes the language used in the Inspector Montalbano novel as characterised by three
main mechanisms, which can be applied to the detective novels as well:
1) Code switching or functional alternation of codes when the communicative situation

and/or the participants change;
2) code mixing or juxtaposition of two different language systems;
3) Lexical hybridisms or italianisation of the regional dialect.This is an intermediate level
between Standard Italian and Sicilian. It can be considered as an “italianised Sicilian”
created by apposing Italian morphemes onto Sicilian lexis.
This analysis of the linguistic phenomena can be carried out perfectly by making use of
Vizmuller-Zocco’s list3 of the major linguistic variations interwoven in Montalbano’s novels:
1) Formal, bureaucratic Italian: spoken usually by government officials or politicians, it has a

negative connotation; it is very pompous and people who speak it are not appreciated by
detective Montalbano who despises them, in fact they are always parodied.
2) Standard Italian: Standard Italian is used in passages dealing with current affairs, in
socially relevant comments made by the narrator or in some formal dialogues between
characters of a higher social status or between characters who are not Sicilian, or for
instance, even between Montalbano and his girlfriend, Livia, who comes from Bocadasse
near Genoa.
3
Source: http://www.vigata.org/dialetto_camilleri/dialetto_camilleri.shtml(17/01/18)
114
3) Regional Italian: Camilleri’s texts contain phonetic and morphosyntactic traits typical for
the Regional Italian of Sicily. A typical phonetic trait of regional Italian in the texts is the
apocopation of proper names and nouns in general: Salvù, Dottò, Gelsomì, Catarè,
Montalbà.
4) Sicilian dialect: “pure”4dialect is normally used in dialogues taking place between locals,
in direct speech or in proverbs. It contains expressions specifically from Porto
Empedocle, where Camilleri was born in 1925. It is easy to detect these local words
because they contain the consonant cluster /ddr/ very common in the province of
Agrigento: picciriddru (kid), ciriveddro (brain), a pampineddra (slightly open), addritta
(standing, upright), gaddrina (hen), addrumare (to light).
An important notion is the so-called sicilianità of the Montalbano novels and TV series,
i.e.the marked presence of local cultural, literary and socio-political references and the
systematic foregrounding of the local dialect, which constitutes one of the major reasons for
Montalbano’s success both within Italy and internationally. It also forms the identity of the
main character, crucially through his peculiar use of the local dialect. The presence and
variations of dialect are suggestive of authorial intentions and narrative agendas, as much as
of translation and adaptation strategies. The translation of dialect is important insofar as it
affects individual character perceptions too. Thus, another matter this paper discusses is the
use of dialect as part of sicilianità. in the TV series, and the extent to which this dialect is
retained in the subtitles.
3. From the Novels to the TV Series
Much research has been carried out on the characterological changes in the protagonist
made between the novels and the television series. These changes were influenced by
audience expectations, economic constraints, and other extratextual factors. Marrone
described how Camilleri created a different character for the television series: “Montalbano
as a television character is visibly much younger and fitter than his literary counterpart, the
places where he lives and works are more beautiful and dramatic, and the people around
him are stereotypically more Sicilian” (Marrone, 2004, p.4).
4
Vizmuller-Zocco defined it as “pure” because it is not mixed with Italian words and expressions.
115
The differences between the literary and the TV versions of Montalbano point to the
hypothesis that there is no stable set of features that can be ascribed to the main character;
instead, there are translations and interpretations in which various forces and tendencies
are at play, including the tendency to domesticate or foreignise the original text. These two
notions, borrowed from Lawrence Venuti’s work on translation strategies, define the extent
to which the traces of the translation process remain visible in the translated text (Venuti,
1995). Domestication is the strategy of making text closely conform to the culture of the
language it is being translated into, which may involve the loss of information from the
source text. Foreignisation is the strategy of retaining information from the source text, and
involves deliberately breaking the conventions of the target language to preserve its
meaning. If this distinction is applied at the level of television adaptation, then choosing
between these two strategies would mean, among other things, deciding whether to
highlight the originally literary character of Montalbano, whether to resist the tendency to
follow TV detective series stereotypes about on-screen action, sex appeal of the protagonist,
attractiveness or the settings. For Venuti, it is ethically preferable to follow a foreignizing
attitude in translating (Venuti, 1995). For our purposes, however, the emphasis is not on
evaluation but on the identification of the strategy followed. To that effect, we examined
whether the use of dialect as a narrative device is evident in the adaptation of some
episodes of Inspector Montalbano. As the following example suggests, it is suppressed to a
considerable degree, indicating an effort to domesticate the audiovisual text, that is to make
it culturally and linguistically easier to process. Dialectal expressions are reduced, often
toned down and simplified in the dialogue, so as not to sound too exotic to an Italian
audience. The Italian viewer is not required to make as much effort as in reading the novels
but can clearly recognize the Sicilian intonation. In spite of considerable parts of Sicilian
dialect being eliminated, Italian audience can clearly understand the difference between the
linguistic variety Montalbano uses with his non-Sicilian girlfriend Livia (standard Italian), with
the long-time mafia boss Tano (stronger dialect and intonation), and with his boss, the police
commissioner (light dialect and intonation).
As in the book series, dialect is often used when conveying emotions. The linguistic
changes brought about by the medium shift could imply an intention to boost
comprehensibility at the expense of emotional depth, as we can see in the passage of the
116
death of Tano, where the dialectal terms and their translation are highlighted in italics (see
Table 1):
Table 1 From “The Terracotta Dog” (page 75 of the novel)

Novel Italian TV script
Tano: Mi scanto. Tano: Aio, aiopaura.
Montalbano: Non t’affruntari, non ti Montalbano: Non tivergognare a dirlo.
vergognare a dirlo. Magari per questo tu Tuttiabbiamopaura a questopasso.
sei un omo. Tutti ci scateremo a questo
passo.
English translation Literal translation of the script
-I’m spooked -I’m...I’m scared.
-You needn’t be ashamed to say so. It’s -Don’t be ashamed to say so. We’re all scared
one more thing that makes you a man. at this stage.
We’ll all be scared when our time comes.
The omission of most dialectal elements in the TV version of Il cane di terracottais

important, not only because this is an emotional story from the second book of the series, in
which Camilleri’s effort at building Montalbano’s identity is palpable. In addition to
emotional depth, the dialect in this scene suggests Montalbano’s connection at a human
level even with the Mafia, which Tano represents, based on belonging to the same linguistic
community.
There are, however, further issues that need to be taken into account here. Firstly, the
loss of emotional complexity during the linguistic transfer is at least partly compensated for
through acting and cinematography. In the scene discussed, emotions are conveyed through
close-ups, slow pace of dialogues, pitch and intonation, as well as by pauses and silence.
Secondly, even though the use of authentic Sicilian dialect in the series is less frequent than
in the book, Montalbano still uses regional Italian with the appropriate accent to convey
intimacy and emotion.
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4. The English Subtitles
As is well known, translation choices made in the process of subtitling are dictated not only
by linguistic and cultural criteria, but also by time and space constraints, that is, limitations
that have to do with the length of each subtitle line, and with the time that the subtitle may
stay visible on screen (Díaz Cintas & Remael 2007). Another limitation is the semiotic
context in which the subtitle occurs. The semantics, the aesthetics, and the position of each
subtitle have to respect the image on screen, while subtitles must also follow the visual
rhythm of the cinematography and the editing. These limitations create a specific set of
criteria outside of which it is not possible to evaluate interlingual subtitling strategies
(Ivarsson and Carroll, 1998). In this section, I discuss the translation of Sicilian dialect in the
English DVD subtitles.
Subtitles regularly employ the strategy of compensation when dealing with marked
language. In other words, a particular utterance is translated using a more strongly
connotated expression in comparison to the original version in order to compensate for the
loss of connotative tone elsewhere (Díaz Cintas & Remael, 2007). Sometimes, necessary
omissions of some parts are compensated by the introduction of idiomatic expressions in
some other parts of the target text where they can be inserted more appropriately. In
agreement with Moon (1999), who affirms that fixed expressions and idioms are employed
to give a pragmatic dimension to discourse, fostering interactions and textual organization,
the use of fixed marked language enhances the effort towards functional equivalence or, in
other words, a search for correspondence of usage in the two languages. As a matter of fact
in the following example, from the episode called August Flame, the fairly standard lines of
the original dialogue are converted in rather strongly connotated language. Here, Inspector
Lozupone is discussing with Montalbano what strategy to adopt with a criminal:
Table 2 From August Flame

Italian Script Back Translation English Subtitles
Lozupone:In conclusione, Lozupone:In conclusion, Lozupone:Spitaleri will get
Spitaleri si salva e tu e chi ti Spitaleri is free and you and off scot free…And you’ll get
ha dato il documento ve lo the person who gave you the your ass kicked.
pigliate in quel posto. document will get shafted
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Here in the first line, “sisalva/is free” is translated with an idiomatic expression and the
utterance “ve la pigliate in quelposto” is translated with the use of an idiom, which is more
explicit compared to the source dialogue.
On the other hand, in the following example (see Table 3), the meaning of the subtitle is
toned down in comparison to the original utterance where the dialect words are inserted in
the formality of standard Italian grammar enhancing the comic effect. In carrying out his
murder investigation, Montalbano is talking to Dr. Pasquano, the coroner, about a corpse.
They usually fight because Pasquano is a lazy person and doesn’t like working. . In the
subtitle the dialect word “gabbasisi” is translated in its correct but plain equivalent:
Table 3 From August Flame

Montalbano: Oh, dottor Montalbano:Oh, Montalbano: Pasquano, it’s
Pasquano, Montalbano sono. dr.Pasquano, Montalbano Montalbano.
Pasquano: Mi prudevano i here. Pasquano: My balls were
gabbasisi. Sentivo proprio la Pasquano: My balls were itching, I needed someone to
mancanza di qualcuno che itching. I definitely missed bust them for me.
me li venisse a scassare. someone that came here to Montalbano: You see, I knew
Montalbano: E ha visto? Io break them. that and here I am.
ho capito e ho provveduto! Montalbano: See? I
understood and I did it!
Part of the comic effect is retained in the contrast between the triviality of the dialogue and
the formality of the situation. Pasquano employs the word „gabbasisi”, very common in the
entire series, to convey a comic effect, even if the two characters are in a morgue, a place
that usually is not associated with humour . In the next example, strong dialect is present in
the novel, but it is not identical with the dialect used in the TV script. In the English subtitles,
dialect has been completely eliminated, and the dialogue has been translated using standard
English. Only the swearing is retained, though in a milder form, as presented in table 4:
119
Table 4 From „The Terracotta Dog”

Montalbano: Ma chi è? Montalbano: But who is it? Montalbano: Who is it?
Stranger: Chi è? È la tò Stranger: Who is it? It’s your Stranger: It’s your death,
morte. Nun te la passi liscia death. You’re not going to that’s who.You won’t get
curnuto d’un curnuto. Ma chi get away with it, you away with this, you
pinsavi di pigghiare pu’ culu asshole. But who did you bastard.Did you think that
co’ tutto sto tiatro che hai think you were getting by little show you and your
fatto col tuo amico Tanu? E the ass with all this theatre mate Tano put on could fool
pe’ questo la pagherai m’hai what you set up with your us?You’re going to pay for
caputo? friend Tano? And for this you that.
will pay, did you understand?
In this scene, Montalbano receives an anonymous phone call from an unidentified member
of the Mafia who threatens to kill him. Verbal confrontation and anger are expressed
through the use of swearing and dialect. In the English subtitles, swearing is retained for the
most part, but the dialect has disappeared, leaving only some traces of marked language.
There is a visible effort in the subtitles to convey roughness of expression and threat, for
example in the repetition “It’s your death, that’s who,” and in translating “curnuto” to
“bastard.” If we compare the information that each target audience receives from this
sequence, it is possible to argue that the Italian viewer of the TV program will be fully aware
of the seriousness of the threats, the caller's intentions to insult the detective and of the
special linguistic connection between him and Montalbano, immediately assuming that the
caller is a member of the Mafia. On the other hand, the viewer of the TV episode who relies
on the English subtitles will not associate the language with the Sicilian dialect and culture
and will not necessarily recognize the caller as a Mafioso. This viewer will also have to
surmise that this is an emotionally charged scene based on swearing and traces of marked
language in the subtitles, and, perhaps above all, based on the intonation and pitch of the
telephone conversation.
120
In the following dialogue between Montalbano and his deputy, Mimì Augello, the text of
the subtitles has been significantly condensed compared to the source language script due
to time and space constraints. The subtitles bear no trace of Sicilian dialect and non-marked
English language is used to translate the dialogue, while in most cases the swearing
disappears. In this passage, the writers use the technique of intradiagetic explanation of
dialect, as we can detect from the word “scantato” which is followed by the common Italian
expression “ti sei messopausa”, translated as “you got scared”.
Table 5 From „The Terracotta Dog”

Mimì: Salvo, ma dove ti sei Mimì: Salvo, where have Mimì: Salvo are you going to
andato a ficcare buttana di you been hiding, for fuck’s tell me where the hell you’ve
una buttana si può sapere? sake, if I may know? been hiding?
Montalbano: Eh. Ma che ti Montalbano: What’s got Montalbano: Mimì, what’s
piglia? into you? going into you?
Mimì: E che mi piglia, mi Mimì: What’s got into me, I Mimì: I got scared.
sono scantato, Salvù. got scared, Salvo. Montalbano: Scared? Of
Montalbano: Pecché ti sei Montalbano: Why were you what?
messo paura? afraid?
Here Mimì, Montalbano’s deputy, is worried because he couldn’t find Montalbano, but
finally he manages to reach him and confesses his frustration. This is a moment where Mimì
expresses fear, so the dialect is prominent. Mimì uses the Sicilian variation “Salvù” (instead
of Salvo, Montalbano’s forename) to invoke friendship beyond the professional context, and
perhaps also to express affection, as he fears for Montalbano’s life. Augello then uses the
Sicilian expression “Mi sonoscantato” (“I was scared”), which Montalbano explains in
standard Italian for the benefit of the Italian viewer. The English reader of the DVD subtitles
is not aware of these subtle transactions.
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5. Conclusions
In an article about the standardization of regionalisms in literary translation, Leppihalme
(2000, p. 264) stated that some of the main functions of regionalisms include creating a
sociocultural context, individualizing the characters, and adding humor. The same can be
claimed about the use of dialect in the Montalbano saga. Camilleri seems to agree with the
use of dialect as an individualization device when he states that “dialect, or dialects to be
more precise, are the true essence of the characters” (quoted in McRae, 2011, p. 73). In
this article, I have focused on the role of dialect in defining the true essence or authenticity
of the Montalbano series, however, based on a comparison of the presence and importance
of dialect in the transformations of Montalbano (the original dialogues and subtitles), it
seems that there is no single true essence of the character. When we examine Montalbano
as a network of literary and media translations through the prism of dialect, different
characterological profiles appear for the cultural product as a whole and for the main
character in particular. If we consider dialect as one of the implicit cues that convey
character information by inference (Culpeper, 2001), then this analysis points to the
following thoughts:
First of all, toning down the dialect in the TV series overall (and even more so in
thespecific cases of the subtitles analysed) results in a reduction and simplification of the
verbally conveyed emotions. If the way in which emotions are expressed plays a specific part
in managing the detective puzzles, then downplaying the complexity and intensity of
emotions in the adaptations could result in gaps in both understanding the storyline and
appreciating its density and refinement.
Another effect of toning down the dialect is the de-emphasizing of the sicilianità. Being
more than a natural or architectural background, in the novels Sicily constitutes a marked
cultural and anthropological context that provides narrative and aesthetic clues to the
reader. Avoiding implicit references to it through the use of dialect may result in Sicily
becoming an exotic décor of the action, during which known stereotypes about the food, the
Mafia, etc., are being confirmed. Montalbano’s identity is at risk of being impacted
accordingly.
The above remarks can only be considered as a contribution to a broader comparative
examination of contextual, intertextual, visual, and televisual parameters that we have
122
allowed for here. While I suggest that the reduction in dialectual features affects the
characterization of Montalbano in concrete ways, I also indicate that this reduction may be
compensated for through other means. For example, in assessing the effect of adaptation
and translation choices, the following elements should be taken into account: accent,
intonation, politeness strategies, facial expression, posture, kinesis, clothing and any
multimodal feature that can be found in the series. Mise-en-scène, cinematography and
editing also play an important role in compensating for the loss of emotion and local
reference in the processes of translation and adaptation.
Although the discourse of translation evaluation if often articulated in terms of loss and
compensation, examining translation networks, such as the polysemiotic network of
Montalbano, cannot be reduced to such simplifications. It is therefore not the purpose of
this paper to conclude with a judgment, however tentative, with regard to the quality of the
TV series or of the English subtitles. What the examples seem to indicate, however, is that
Montalbano’s multiple transformations do not contribute to his unique character profile.
These transformations do not necessarily point to a linear progression or to a central
narrative management of the character that can be attributed to a single authorial source.
On the contrary, we witness a series of agents, including the subtitlers and those involved in
the TV adaptation of the novel, who follow different norms and conventions and have
different priorities and commitments.
As far as the translation of dialect in subtitles is concerned, it has proved to be a rather
complicated matter and the lack of consistency and regulating norms does not make things
easier. I would like to indicate that the strategies of condensation and omission are much
more frequent when the presence of dialect is limited to a few words and scattered
sentences. When a given dialect dominates the original dialogue, the explicitation strategy is
most commonly adopted and the amount of omissions is considerably reduced. The general
tendency in subtitling is towards standardization that also contributes to the shift of the
audience’s attention to non-verbal dimensions.
This descriptive work is not able yet to provide quantitative data in support of these
conclusions, therefore I will try not to fall into easy generalisations. As Díaz-Cintas (2004)
reminds us, it is important to widen the area of contrastive analysis in order to present
stable norms that regulate the field of subtitling and in order to do this, the approach to the
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study of subtitling cannot be merely linguistic, but should work in a more interdisciplinary
perspective.
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Centro di semiotica.
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and Andrea Camilleri. Ph.D. Thesis. The University of Auckland. Retrieved from:
https://researchspace.auckland.ac.nz/handle/2292/6974
Moon, R. (1998). Fixed Expressions and Idioms in English. A Corpus-Based Approach. Oxford:
Clarendon.
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Scenarios: Conference Proceedings. Copenhagen: EU-High Level Scientific Conference
Series.
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culture. In Bosinelli, R.M., Heiss, C., Soffritti, M., Bernardini, S. (eds.), La Traduzione
Multimediale: quale traduzione per quale testo? Bologna: CLUEB.
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Palermo: Sellerio Editore.
Contributor’s Bio: Giulia Magazzù, PhD, works as contract lecturer at “Gabriele D’Annunzio”
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E-mail address: giulia.magazzu1@gmail.com
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Sylvia Liseling-Nilsson
KU Leuven, Catholic University of Leuven
A Diachronic Study of Polish Translations of the Swedish Verb säga in Two

Novels Written in 1957 and 2007
ABSTRACT
The paper is a diachronic study of renderings of a Swedish verb of speech säga (to say), in
direct speech, in the Polish translations of two children’s novels. The paper compares the
differences in rendering of säga in Polish translations during the time between 1957 and
2007. The Swedish originals are, Sandvargen (The Sand Wolf) written by Åsa Lind, and
translated into Polish as Piaskowy Wilk by Agnieszka Stróżyk, and Barnen i Bullerbyn
(Children of Noisy Village) written by Astrid Lindgren, and translated by Irena Szuch-
Wyszomirska as Dzieci z Bullerbyn. A comparison between the originals and the
translations reveals the variety of verbs used for the act of speech in the Polish translations.
In the translations, the verb säga is replaced by a considerable number of different verbs.
The stylistic and linguistic conventions of the culture receiving the translation, which do
not tolerate many frequent repetitions as appear in the original, cause a departure in the
translation process from Lindgren’s and Lind’s simple and repetitive style. The translators
use the stylistic richness of the target language and varies the text with synonyms for säga.
The study shows that the tendency of choosing lexical diversity and more emotional
vocabulary in the translations has shifted during the time and is less pronounced in the
later translation.
KEY WORDS
translation, children’s literature, verbs of speech, dialogs, lexical repetitions/diversity
1. Introduction
The article constitutes a diachronic study of rendering of a Swedish verb of speech säga (to
say), in dialogs in direct speech, in the Polish translations of two Swedish children’s novels.
The first novel, Barnen i Bullerbyn (Children of Noisy Village) was written by Astrid Lindgren
during the years 1947-1952. The Polish translation made by Irena Szuch-Wyszomirska and
came out in 1957 with a title Dzieci z Bullerbyn (Children of Noisy Village). The second Swedish

A Diachronic Study of Polish Translations of the Swedish Verb säga in Two Novels Written in 1957 and 2007
novel, Sandvargen (The Sand Wolf) was written by Åsa Lind in 2002 and was translated in
2007 by Agnieszka Stróżyk. The Polish title of the novel is Piaskowy Wilk (The Sand Wolf).
Previous research has shown that in Polish translations of Swedish children’s literature
written between 1947 until 1970 a significant number of verbs were used to render the
Swedish source text’s verb säga (Liseling Nilsson, 2012; 2014). Therefore, it seemed worth
exploring a translation of a recent Swedish children’s book translated into Polish and see, if
the tendency is still the same or if it has shifted during the time. The decision was made to
explore how this verb was translated in a novel written in 2007. Hence, there is difference of
fifty years between the first and the second analysed translation into Polish.
From the point of view of Polish linguistic conventions, the Swedish writers Astrid Lindgren
and Åsa Lind use the verb säga rather too often. Frequent repetitions of this verb, and lack of
lexical diversity in direct speech in Lindgren’s and Lind’s book is not considered an obstacle,
and it seems not offensive in Swedish stylistic convention. The frequent usage of this verb
seems to be common in Swedish and goes unperceived by readers.
2. State of the art
Contrary to Polish literary criticism, the Swedish critics adopt a positive attitude towards this
issue (Björck, 1983, p. 89-127; Gellerstam, 1996, p. 12-27). According to the Czech literary and
translation theorist Jiří Levý, the way in which verbs of speech are translated can be a result
of different stylistic conventions. In translations of English literature into Slavic languages such
us Czech and Russian, translators tend not to exploit the rich variety of synonyms available in
the target languages, preferring the overly simple verb to say. Levý (2011) claims that the
convention of English language allows frequent repetitions of the verb, but faithfulness to the
original and frequent repetitions of the same verbs in Czech deviates from the Czech stylistic
convention (p. 113). This is the result of the translators’ stylistic awkwardness or lack of
professional training (Chukovsky, 1941, p. 352; Levý, 2011, p. 113. Also, Maxim Gorki, a
Russian and Soviet writer (Chukovsky, 1941, p. 352), claimed that in the translations of English
literature into Czech and Russian, translators do not use the wealth of synonyms in the target
languages. Instead, they tend to use a simple verb to say as a rule.
Adamczyk-Garbowska (1998), a Polish translator and translation scholar, is negatively
disposed towards Polish translations of Alice in Wonderland, where the translators—Maria
127
Morawska, Antoni Marianowicz, Maciej Słomczyński, and Robert Stiller—adhere too closely
to the principle of faithfulness to the original (p. 6-60), thus often repeating the verb
powiedzieć (to say), in the dialogues. The frequent usage of this verb is typical of English and
goes unnoticed by readers of the original. The faithful recreation of such repetitions in the
Polish translation has the opposite effect and causes unnecessary disruptions. In Polish
translations of English children’s literature, the verbs of speech introduce a whole array of
extra, additional information, which is only implied by the original (p. 56-60). Using such verbs
is a result of the translators’ fears about conveying an impoverished language—hence the
numerous synonyms introduced into the translations, making the text more varied in the
translation than in the original (Adamczyk-Garbowska, 1998, p. 56-60; Liseling Nilsson, 2012,
p. 195-197; Liseling Nilsson, 2014, p. 204). Varying the vocabulary in Polish is strongly
recommended—by using synonyms and avoiding lexical repetitions, repetitions which are
regarded as stylistic errors (Dubisz, 1999, p. 108; Przybylska, 2003, p. 125).
Andrzej Polkowski, a Polish translator of Narnia and Harry Potter series remarks on the
“intrusive repetition of he said, she said” in the English texts. As Polkowski stated in an
interview with Dominika Pycińska, these frequent repetitions are a deficiency of the English
language and cannot be tolerated in Polish (Pycińska, 2010).
Krzysztof Sokołowski, a Polish translator of Stephen King and J.R.R. Tolkien, states in an
interview that during the process of translating from English into Polish one needs to use
“tricks” and to have a good “language hearing.” By tricks Sokołowski means a skilful use of
the right tools among which he lists avoiding he said, she said ‘the nightmare of English
dialogues’ (Miś, 2014).
The above-mentioned opinions show that there is a distinction between the view on lexical
repetition depending on which language the translators and literary theorists represent. The
ones working in the sphere of Slavic languages, such as Polish, Russian, and Czech, share the
opinion that translators should draw widely on the abundant lexical resources of these
languages. The Swedish theorists represent an opposed view on this debate This highlights
the different cultural codes and literary conventions governing various languages or groups
of languages.
Liseling-Nilsson, who also works from a Slavic language point of view, has shown that the
lexical repetitions should not always be regarded as the translator’s stylistic awkwardness,
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but rather as a necessity for adapting to conventions existing in the language and culture
receiving the translation. In this respect, she partially agrees with the Levý.
In her earlier analyses of Polish translations of Swedish works by Astrid Lindgren, Liseling-
Nilsson (2012) drew the attention to the problem of lexical diversity (p. 197–200). In the Polish
translation of the Barnen i Bullerbyn by Irena Szuch-Wyszomirska in the place of one verb
säga “to say“ in the past tense form sa “said“, which occurred in the original trilogy in direct
speech 436 times, the translator has used a varied vocabulary consisting of 55 different verbs.
In the translation of Emil i Lönneberga-trilogy by Irena Szuch-Wyszomirska and Anna
Węgleńska the same verb appeared in the source text 459 times and was replaced by 59 verbs
in the Polish translation. In Anna Węgleńska’s translation of Mardie and Mischievous Meg,
instead of one verb occurring 758 times in the original, 60 different verbs were used.
To investigate, if such a range of different vocabulary items could be a specificity of Polish
language, the translations of Astrid Lindgren into two languages–Polish and Russian were
compared (Liseling-Nilsson, 2014). As a study material Liseling-Nilsson used the Swedish
original Bröderna Lejonhjärta and its Polish translation by Teresa Chłapowska Bracia Lwie
Serce as well as the Russian translation by Ludmila Braude Братья Львиное Сердце. In the
Swedish original, the verb säga occurs 564 times in direct speech. In the Polish version it has
been replaced by 39 verbs, and in the Russian by 54. Liseling-Nilsson’s study has thus shown
that it is not only the specificity of the Polish language, and that the similar trend occurs in
the Russian translation. Therefore, it would confirm the hypothesis that the translators
working on Slavic languages are favorably disposed towards lexical diversity and they try to
amply make use of the lexical resources of these target languages.
Liseling-Nilsson has also examined translations from other languages. Even translations
from Dutch into Polish and Russian show the similar tendency of using a Dutch verb zeggen
(to say) in past tense form zei (said) in abundance in translated texts (2017, 2018). The
comparison of the dialogs in the Dutch and in the Swedish literature has revealed the same
frequency of occurrence of the verb to say. It is, however, not valid for the Dutch translations
into Swedish and English. Frequent lexical repetitions in Swedish and in Dutch are not
regarded as a factor which disturbs or disrupts the reading.
The result of performed analyses have led to the question whether such large and diverse
vocabulary in Polish translations may have shifted during the years. The Polish book market
has recently been exposed to a great number of translations from English and Scandinavian
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languages, and there is a significant number of translated fiction, children’s literature, fantasy,
crime and detective novels into Polish. The recent and substantial exposure to the texts
through the internet has as well led to a closer contact with the English language in which a
similar inclination of frequent use of the verb to say in dialogues is observed (Liseling-Nilsson,
2018). The knowledge of English among the Polish readers, who have lately been subject to
more exposure to English through media, might have increased. Therefore, I assumed that
reading English text in original could lead to an increased habit of seeing the lexical repetitions
in the texts. One could think that the present-day perspective on this matter would alter due
to more intense exposure to other languages, where the same inclination for repetition may
be observed. That development could have changed the view on the lexical repetitions in the
translations into Polish. To find the answer to this question, I have decided to compare two
short Swedish novels translated into Polish in 1957 and another novel translated in 2007.
There is a half century time span between the dates when these two translations were made.
3. Diachronic analysis
Now, I will present the ways in which the Polish translators, Irena Szuch-Wyszomirka and
Agnieszka Stróżyk, have rendered the verb säga from the Swedish source texts in their Polish
translations of Barnen i Bullerbyn and Sandvargen, and what effect their strategies have on
the overall shape of the translations.
In this presentation, I have applied my own classification used in earlier analyses (Liseling
Nilsson, 2012; 2017; 2018.). The classification includes the following three main groups, one
of which is further divided into three subgroups:
1. Neutral verbs describing an utterance: mówić, powiedzieć – (to say),
2. Semantically marked verbs, among which I have identified three subgroups:
• Verbs whose semantic content conveys the paralinguistic circumstances
accompanying the utterance, e.g. sounds, facial expressions, body movements,
dynamics: krzyknąć (to cry) or (shout), burknąć, (to snarl, to snap, growl), śmiać
się (to laugh), drzeć się (to bawl, to clamor), wybąkać (to burl out),
• Verbs transmitting feelings: dziwić się, (to be surprised), żalić się (to complain),
narzekać (to complain, to nag), uspokoić się (to calm down), cieszyć się (to rejoice),
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• Verbs conveying an aim or intention, or an attitude towards an utterance:

zaprzeczyć, zgodzić się, (to agree).
3. Verbs whose semantic content conveys dialogic functions: zapytać, spytać (to ask).
Placing the semantically marked verbs in subgroups is complicated by the difficulty of deciding
on the boundaries between them—boundaries which are fluid.
In the first analyzed Swedish original Barnen i Bullerbyn the verb säga occurs 436 times in
the past tense form sa (said). The below table shows the Polish translation of säga in Dzieci z
Bullerbyn from 1957.
Table 1. Translation of säga in the past tense form sa in Dzieci z Bullerbyn (1957).
Semantically marked verbs

Neutral verbs Dynamics, sounds, Feelings Attitude or Function –
facial expressions, aim/intention question
bodily movements
powiedzieć 213 zawołać 13 z/dziwić się 4 zgodzić się 4 spytać 43
odpowiedzieć 33 krzyknąć 8 pochwalić się 3 dodać 8 zapytać 12
odeprzeć 17 westchnąć 4 narzekać 2 poprosić 3
opowiedzieć 6 szepnąć 3 cieszyć się 1 zaproponować 3
mówić 6 za/śmiać się 3 dogadywać 1 wyjaśnić 3
twierdzić 3 burknąć 2 dopytywać się 1 poradzić 2
oświadczyć 3 dorzucić 1 niecierpliwić się 1 zaprzeczyć 2
stwierdzić 2 drzeć się 1 ostrzegać 1 potwierdzić 1
rzec 2 wołać 1 pochwalić 1 przypomnieć 1
odezwać się 2 wybąkać 1 pogrozić 1 przyznać 1
powtórzyć 1 wyśmiać1 poskarżyć się 1 zaklinać się 1
zaczynać 1 wzdrygnąć się 1 rozczulić się 1 zapewnić 1
zapowiedzieć 1 rozmarzyć się 1
rozzłościć się 1
zażartować 1
zlitować się 1
13 / 290 12 / 39 16 / 22 12 / 30 2 / 55
The table above shows the verbs that replace säga in the Polish translation as well as their
frequency according to the above classification. The 436 occurrences of one verb from the
original were replaced by 55 different verbs in the translation. The first number in the lowest
row of the table indicates the number of different verbs. The second number shows the
number of all occurrences of the verb in a group or subgroup.
In the second Swedish original Sandvargen the verb säga occurs 371 times in the past tense
form sa. The table below shows the Polish translation of säga in Piaskowy wilk from 2007.
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Table 2. Translation of säga in the past tense form sa in Piaskowy wilk (2007).
Semantically marked verbs
Neutral verbs Dynamics, sounds, facial Feelings Attitude or Function –

expressions aim/intention question
powiedzieć 211 zawołać 2 z/dziwić się 21 zastanowić się 3 spytać 38
odeprzeć 17 krzyknąć 2 pochwalić 1 dodać 2 zapytać 9
odpowiedzieć 13 wykrzyknąć 2 nie móc się liczyć 1
odezwać się 4 wrzeszczeć 1 nadziwić 1 obiecać 1
odrzec 2 zaśmiać się 1 żalić się 1 zaproponować 1
oświadczyć 1 przeczytać 1
rzec 1
oznajmić 1
8 / 250 6/9 4 / 24 4/8 2 / 47
The table above shows the verbs that replace säga in the Polish translation as well as their
frequency according to the above classification. The 371 verbs from the original text were
replaced by 24 different verbs in the translation. Unlike the first translation, in the second one
some of the verbs were not translated. The number of omitted verbs is quite significant and
amounts to 33 cases. As in the first table, the first number in the lowest row of the table
indicates the number of different verbs, and the next one specifies the number of all
occurrences of the specific verb group or subgroup.
The first aspect which attracts attention between the texts is a difference in the number
of occurrences of säga in the original text. In Astrid Lindgren’s original from 1947 there are
436 cases, and Åsa Lind’s original from 2002. It means that, in the later source text, there are
65 fewer occurrences of this verb.
The second aspect is the significant difference in number of verbs applied in the Polish
translations: 55 in the first translation from 1957 and only 24 verbs, in the second translation
from 2007.
The third aspect is the fact of applying the strategy of omitting the verb in the second Polish
translation from 2007. All the verbs from the first translation were translated into Polish,
while as far as 33 verbs were omitted in the second one. Applying the strategy of leaving out
verbs could be one of the ways that Stróżyk has used to avoid frequent lexical repetitions. By
not replacing säga in the translation by even more verbs than already applied Stróżyk
circumvented introducing more lexical diversity in her text.
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More comparative research on different translations needs to be done to draw certain

conclusions, but this analysis shows that we are observing a slight tendency towards a
reduction of lexical diversity in the translated children’s literature from Swedish into Polish.
The translator Agnieszka Stróżyk challenged the Polish stylistic convention and attempted
to use more lexical repetitions in her text. Not only adults, but also Polish children are
nowadays subject to greater exposure of English, a language in which lexical repetitions occur
frequently. Poles are today frequent users of media dominated by English. I assume that
hearing and reading English influences the perception of Poles’ own language and leads to
higher tolerance for lexical repetitions in Polish.
Let us now look at the verbs applied in these two translations. The number and the
character of the verbs show that the stylistic conventions of the culture receiving the
translations had the effect of making it depart from the simple and repetitive style of Astrid
Lindgren and Åsa Lind. This is especially valid for the first translation from 1957. Polish
traditions, linguistic conventions and stylistic norms do not allow for such frequent repetitions
as in the Swedish source texts.
The generous application of Polish vocabulary has both the lexical and stylistic
consequences in the translations, since it causes a change in the style of the works. The source
texts are typified by the simplicity of its language and by repetition, but they are transformed
in translations into sophisticated and stylistically richer works. The diversity of verbs used in
the target texts recalls the ideas of earlier researchers, as well as demonstrates the role of
convention in translation and adjustment to the stylistic demands of the target language.
The stylistic wealth of the translations, predominantly the earlier one, intensifies their
expressiveness and introduces additional information about paralinguistic communication
connected to utterances, for example the modification of the voice krzyczeć (to shout, to
scream), wrzeszczeć (to yell, to squall), burknąć (to grunt, to growl), mimicry śmiać się (to
laugh), increased emotionality as well as the distinct attitude of speakers responding to
utterance acts zastanowić się (to ponder over sth, to wonder), zaprzeczyć (to deny), zgodzić
się (to agree, to consent).
The considerable difference appears in the second group of semantically marked verbs –
verbs whose semantic content conveys the paralinguistic circumstances accompanying the
utterance, e.g. sounds, prosody, pitch, volume, intonation, facial expressions, body
movements, dynamics. In the translation of Astrid Lindgren from 1957 this group consists of
133
12 verbs with 39 occurrences in the text, whereas in the translation of Åsa Lind from 2007
there are six different verbs with only nine occurrences in the text. In the earlier translation
there are many verbs which emphasize the body movements and dynamics, for example
burknąć (to grunt, to growl), wzdrygnąć się, krzyknąć (to shout, to scream), drzeć się (to bawl,
to squall), wybąkać (to mutter).
Also, the group of verbs showing the attitude, aim and intention of the interlocutor shows
similar predisposition. In the earlier translation there are twelve verbs with 30 occurrences
and in the later six verbs with only nine occurrences.
In the group of verbs conveying feelings, we observe a significant discrepancy in the
number of verbs used, 16 in the translation from 1957 and only four in the translation from
2007. Yet the number of occurrences of these verbs is almost the same: 22 in the earlier text
and 24 in the later. This shows that the translator Agnieszka Stróżyk was trying to diminish
the lexical variety and was prone to use repetitions more often than her precedent Irena
Szuch-Wyszomirska.
In the third group of verbs conveying the interrogative function of the sentence there are
two verbs: spytać [to ask, to inquire, to question] and zapytać (to ask sb about sth). In both
translations there is a strong preference of using spytać instead of zapytać. Both verbs mean
to ask, but spytać has a wider semantic field. That could be the reason why it is used much
more often.
In both Polish translations the expressive aspect is often intensified by the introduction of
extra punctuation at the end of a sentence: an exclamation mark or question mark, which is
often not present in the original. Such interventions introduce changes to the personalities of
the protagonists, who, because of the paralinguistic information inserted into the target texts,
become more impatient, irritated, sneering or jolly, have more forceful temperaments or
suggest a more intense interaction with their interlocutors.
The increased frequency of marked verbs is the result not only of linguistic conventions
and fears about critics’ negative opinions, but also of the Polish cultural code. The strong need
in Polish culture for intimacy and goodwill as well as emphasis on the emotional side of human
interaction (Wierzbicka, 1992, p. 269-286; Liseling-Nilsson, 2012, p. 190–203.), find
expression in the expressive marking of characters’ speech and in the way, emotions are
expressed through the richness of an emotionally marked lexicon. The translation from the
134
2007 shows though that the tendency of using a large variety of verbs expressing feelings,
dynamics, sounds, facial expressions and body movements is not expressed that much.
The strategy of the translators, Agnieszka Stróżyk and Irena Szuch-Wyszomirska is to some
extent understandable because frequent repetitions in Polish of the same verb for the act of
verbal communicating, as is the case in the original works, would amount to a serious breach
of the Polish cultural code, and the texts would be felt as incompatible with accepted
conventions, would contradict linguistic tradition and convention, and would be an obstacle
to reading. As mentioned before, the Swedish critics do not consider the repetitive style of
Lindgren and Lind books to be an impediment for the reception by readers, but in the Polish
area of reception the frequent use of säga constitutes an obstacle.
The translators’ adaptations were therefore in part necessary and unavoidable. Too
faithful a rendering of the verb säga could have had a negative effect on the quality of the
translation. Failure to exploit the lexical possibilities of the Polish language could have
aroused negative reactions among readers of the work, which would have seemed to them
emotionally impoverished. This is especially significant in relation to young readers, who are
not always capable of interpreting an author’s style and are directed by their own
expectations—expectations that reflect their immersion in their own native culture.
The special emphasis put on sentence function in the target texts—by ending a sentence
with an exclamation mark, question mark or verb describing the function, when the neutral
verb säga appears in the source text without any punctuation—indicates, more distinctly than
is shown in the original, the intention of the articulator of a communication, who expects a
reaction from the addressee.
Such interventions illustrate how the text has been adapted to Polish linguistic convention.
The absence of question marks in interrogative sentences would have been a serious violation
of the linguistic and stylistic conventions of the culture of the translation. Adaptations of this
kind, in which the style of the original text is adjusted to the linguistic tradition of the language
of translation, is therefore understandable.
4. Concluding remarks
Comparing the source texts to the target texts reveals the contrast between the individual
language of Astrid Lindgren and Åsa Lind and Polish linguistic and stylistic conventions, under
whose influence their translators remained. Both translators, Irena Szuch-Wyszomirska and
135
Agnieszka Stróżyk, exploited the stylistic wealth of Polish. To avoid disrupting repetitions,
especially Szuch-Wyszomirska adapted her text by introducing a diversity of synonyms and
verbs that not always inform about the action of communicating in words. Such an approach
is reflected in the very nature of the Polish cultural code, in which a need exists to stress the
emotional aspect of interpersonal communication. Bearing in mind slightly less applied
vocabulary of semantically marked verbs in Stróżyk’s translation, this approach seems to
undergo a shift.
The lexical richness of the Polish translations of säga is a significant change compared to
the lexically simple language of the Swedish originals. The lexical diversity of the Polish
translations has made the target texts more semantically marked and has changed the style
of the translations. This has made the target texts more sophisticated and stylistically rich, as
they contain additional information about the paralinguistic aspects of the statements, such
as for example modification of the voice, body movements. The greater lexical diversity also
strongly emphasizes the emotional factor of the utterances (this is mainly the case for the
translation from 1957 and less for the one from 2007), clearly shows the attitude of the
interlocutors to the acts of speech, and represents a higher level than the original, with regard
to the writing style
The strategies used by the Polish translators altered the personality of the interlocutors.
The paralinguistic information in the translated texts has deepened the expression of the
utterances, has shown more clearly the feelings of the interlocutors’, and the interaction
between them. Also, this statement is particularly applicable to the first translation. Both
translators have, quoting the words of Levý (1981), treated ‘the translation as a decision-
making process’ (p. 291–303). Their decision has been adapted to the stylistic conventions of
the cultures receiving the texts.
This study confirms the assumption that in the Polish translations of Swedish children’s
literature more semantically marked verbs are used for rendering the act of verbal
communicating, it also shows that the tendency is changing. To fully confirm the assumption
that there is a slight proneness towards a reduction of lexical diversity in translated children’s
literature from Swedish into Polish still more comparative analysis is needed.
136
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polskiego i szwedzkiego przekładu „Minoes” Annie M.G. Schmidt. (Translation of the
Dutch verb zeggen. The case of Polish and Swedish translation of “Minoes” by Annie
M.G. Schmidt), Między Oryginałem a Przekładem, (Between the original and the
translation), 3 (37), 69-82.
137
Liseling-Nilsson S. (2018). Rendering direct speech in Polish and Russian Translations of Dutch
dialogues. In Pegasus. Boulogne, P., Coudenys, W (eds.), 28-39. Amsterdam (POES-
series).
Miś, M. (2014). Albo pięknie, albo wiernie – wywiad z Krzysztofem Sokołowskim [Either
beautiful or faithful – an interview with Krzszytof Sokołowski]. Retrieved from
http://spisekpisarzy.pl/2014/10/wywiad-krzysztof-sokolowski.html
Przybylska, R. (2003). Wstęp do nauki o języku polskim. Podręcznik dla szkół wyższych.
(Introduction to Polish Linguistics. Handbook for higher education). Kraków.
Pycińska, D. (2010). Siła kruchego słowa [The power of a fragile word] Retrieved from
http://www.miesiecznik.znak.com.pl/6642010z-andrzejem-polkowskim-rozmawia-
dominika-pycinskasila-kruchego-slowa/
Wierzbicka, A. (1992). Semantics, Culture and Cognition. Universal Human Concepts in
Culture-Specific Configurations. Oxford
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Contributor’s Bio: Sylvia Liseling-Nilsson is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Arts, KU Leuven,
Brussels Campus where she is responsible for the Polish program within the Applied
Linguistics Department. Her research interests include Children’s and Young Adult Literature,
and Swedish, Dutch and Polish literature in translation. She has published on the reception of
Astrid Lindgren in Poland, on different aspects of verbal and visual translation of Swedish
literature into Polish, Russian and French, and on translation of Polish literature into Swedish.
Her research interests further include also cultural transfers especially to and from the
Swedish and Polish cultures, but also cultural identity in literature.
Affiliation: KU Leuven, Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium
E-mail address: sylvialiseling@gmail.com
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Vanesa Cañete-Jurado
University of Nevada Las Vegas
TV Remakes of Contemporary Spanish Fiction in the United States:

Appropriation, Subjectivity, and Cultural Production
ABSTRACT
In recent years, U.S. production companies have adapted a number of popular Spanish TV
series for American networks. Contemporary Spanish fiction has drawn the attention and
interest of many producers, who have signed on to localize culturally esteemed formats
that have gone on to achieve a covetable and lasting success in the United States. Albeit
underutilized as a tool for critical analysis, these remakes always shed light on the
underlying dynamics of dissemination and influence of ideas in any given culture, since
factors of re-appropriation, dominance and self-awareness are always at stake. This study
aims to explore the phenomenon of TV remakes of contemporary Spanish fiction on a
practical level in order to critically analyze the challenges posed by processes such as
multiplicity, fragmentation, and repetition and to show how these processes subvert the
role of a subjectified viewer, especially in the context of the contemporary American
society.
KEY WORDS
Spanish television, TV Adaptation, Remake, U.S. fiction, Appropriation
1. Introduction
Even though the United States has enjoyed an advantageous and longstanding position as a
top exporter of TV shows to the rest of the world, in recent years the number of foreign
productions being remade and adapted for American audiences has seen a small yet steady
increase (Bielby & Harrington, 2008; Straubhaar, 2007). Despite the obstacles that the
distributors of shows produced abroad face when they attempt to expand their presence into
the United States, cultural reproduction (in the form of sequels, remakes, or adaptations) lies
at the center of the American screen life now more than ever. In the current audiovisual
climate, in which innovative strategies of globalization and localization are radically changing

TV Remakes of Contemporary Spanish Fiction in the United States: Appropriation, Subjectivity, and Cultural
Production
the media markets all around the globe, Spanish production companies have become
influential stakeholders with an ever-increasing profile among U.S. networks. The emergence
of new distribution channels and video on demand (VOD) platforms such as Netflix, Hulu, or
Amazon Video, has been gradually tipping the balance in favor of including foreign shows in
mainstream U.S. programming (Forrest & Martínez, 2015; Levisalles, 2004; Mirrlees, 2013). As
a result, the number of Spain-produced television shows made available to American
audiences has experienced a surge in the last decade.1
While there has been a tendency to contextualize the number of Spanish-language shows
that are being broadcast in the United States “within the broader milieu of market growth,
management strategies and regulatory environment” (Wilkinson, 2015, p. 5), not much
scholarly attention has yet been paid to the case of television series that were originally aired
in Spain but later have been recreated (with new sets, casts, and scripts) specifically for the
U.S. market. This is mostly because this phenomenon is quite novel. Although there have been
some instances of Spanish TV remakes in other European countries since 2005 (Diego &
Grandío Pérez, 2018), the first explicit instance in the United States dates back only to 2012
(Table 1).
Table 1 U.S. remakes of Spain-produced TV fiction series

Spanish Title Year(s) U.S. Title Year(s)
Física o química 2008 – 2011 Relaciones peligrosas 2012
Los misterios de Laura 2009 – 2014 The mysteries of Laura 2014 – 2016
Polseres vermelles 2011 – 2013 Red Band Society 2015 – 2016
El Ministerio del 2015 – 2017 Timeless 2016 – present
Tiempo2
Motivos personales 2005 Personal motives In development
(ABC/Calamity Jane)
1
At the time of publication, Casa de papel (Money heist), a Spanish television series originally developed by
Álex Pina, was considered “the most watched non-English series on Netflix ever” (Netflix, 2018, p. 3).
2
The inclusion of Timeless as a remake of El Ministerio del Tiempo is not exempt of controversy. In September
2016, El Ministerio del Tiempo’s producers filed a copyright infringement lawsuit against NBC’s Timeless,
claiming that the American executive producers had “ripped off” their idea (Pedersen, 2016) after negotiations
had stalled. The lawsuit was eventually dismissed in May 2017 when both parties agreed to settle out of court
(Patten, 2017). The information provided by the plaintiffs in the lawsuit complaint, however, gives enough
ground to consider the unusual degree of similarity and affinity between the two productions despite the lack
of legal recognition.
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El barco 2011 – 2013 Magellan In development

(WBTV)
Gran Hotel 2011 – 2013 Grand Hotel In development
(ABC/UnbeliEVAble)
El chiringuito de Pepe 2014 – 2016 In development (20th
TV)
Los Serrano 2003 – 2008 In development (20th
TV)
Cuéntame cómo pasó 2001 – present Remember when Rights sold to New
Media Vision
Velvet 2014-2016 Rights sold to
Lionsgate
The level of transformation of the shows listed in Table 1 differs significantly from one title
to another; however, they all share the common interest to adapt socio-cultural specificities
of the source production to the target culture. This tendency has been at times perceived as
“glocalization” (Robertson, 1992; 1995), which can be understood as “the interpenetration of
the global and local resulting in unique outcomes in different geographic areas” (Ritzer, 2004,
p. 77). When it is accomplished, the series’ origins are masked so well that viewers in the
United States are unlikely to even notice that a show in question is a remake of a product
created in Spain.
Although a fair amount of scholarly interest has been dedicated to the notion of
transnational remakes (paying special attention to the particular case of U.K.-produced
fiction), the phenomenon of interlingual TV remakes as an object of study within audiovisual
translation remains largely unexplored in spite of its significant implications for our
understanding of the discipline:
The double categorization of translation as a textual and an institutional category mirrors that of remakes.
Remakes, then, and especially interlingual remakes that involve a movement between languages, are
conceptually similar to translations. Both show a repetition of narrative, though there may be variation in
that narrative. Both are recognized by readers or viewers as offering a full scale reworking of a previous text.
(Evans, 2014, p. 306)
While some translation scholars insist on distancing themselves from many of the debates
around the distinction between translation and rewriting, adaptation, or recreation, others
have wholeheartedly embraced the notion of remake as a subcategory of translation
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(Mazdon, 1996; Evans, 2014). In this vein, Grindstaff (2002, p. 277) states that, despite the
fact that remakes “are not translations in any conventional sense, U.S. adaptations of foreign
films certainly raise many of the same concerns about fidelity, superiority, and appropriation
as do literary translations of foreign texts.” If we consider the intricate dynamics of the
decisions involved in the many stages of the TV development process, “[r]emakes suggest
another way of reading translations, as a form of rereading across languages that can offer a
deeper interaction with the text, enhanced by the extra dimensions of the target language”
(Evans, 2014, p. 310).
The purpose of this study is, therefore, to explore the emerging television remakes of
contemporary Spanish fiction for U.S. audiences in order to critically analyze the challenges
posed by processes such as appropriation, multiplicity, fragmentation and repetition, and how
they subvert the role of the viewer as a passive observer. As a process and a product, the
remake-as-translation can be used as a wide-ranging methodological tool to conceptualize the
complex dynamics of alterity at play. Such a comparison of contemporary Spanish TV shows
and their American counterparts will further expand our understanding of audiovisual
translation by (a) underscoring the ways in which remakes, as cultural artifacts, appeal directly
to their audience's emotions, their desires and fears, and to their often-unexamined attitudes
and beliefs; and (b) analyzing Spain-produced TV shows and their remakes in the U.S. through
a multidisciplinary lens that moves beyond the notions of fidelity and derivation.
The idoneity of remakes as research tools will be explored through an analysis of two recent
remade productions: Los misterios de Laura/The mysteries of Laura, and El Ministerio del
Tiempo/Timeless. The complexity of these shows will illustrate how remakes may repeat and
echo the narrative structures of their source productions on the surface while considerably
varying from their counterparts in the realm of ideology.
2. Remakes and market expansion
Despite the fact that “each act of translation carries Western civilization across,” (Vieira, 1998,
p. 175), the role of translation in the American TV market has failed to attract mainstream
attention over the past decades:
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[T]he presence of translation is ubiquitous in audiovisual media, even though this fact often goes unnoticed:
audiovisual products are often transnational productions borne between cultures, in translation, and which
not only portray, but which also negotiate and translate a credible image of certain cultural and social
identities for a given audience; they also involve translation in the sense of rewriting and transformation of
previous texts across genres, media and cultures. (Martín Ruano, 2016, p. 265)
Such invisibility was put into question by Los misterios de Laura as soon as the U.S. remake
had been confirmed and promotional materials started circulating (Andreeva, 2013). Despite
the United States’ long tradition of detective fiction, the show was able to produce a “bidding
war” because it rescued and modernized a genre that had been forgotten for decades in Spain-
produced TV fiction. The very favorable reception of the show set a precedent for female-led
fiction both in Spain and in Europe before the idea was marketed to U.S. distributors.
2.1. Los misterios de Laura (2009-2014)
Although Los misterios de Laura, a series created by Carlos Vila and Javier Holgado, produced
by Boomerang TV, and broadcast by the Spanish public service network Televisión Española
(TVE), was canceled after only three seasons, the production became an interesting
phenomenon of audience engagement and fandom in Spain (Crisóstomo, 2016, p. 109).
The premise of the show is grounded on redefining female archetypes and the cultural
values embedded in family and institutional networks. Conceived as a procedural comedy-
drama, the series is centered around a seemingly clumsy and distracted Laura Lebrel (played
by María Pujalte), who constantly struggles to balance her personal (as a single mother of
rebellious twins) and professional life (as a police detective), especially after her recent
divorce from Jacobo Salgado (Fernando Guillén Cuervo), chief officer in Laura’s police station.
However, her Sherlock Holmes-like powers of observation and attention prove to be essential
to successfully solve crimes at the end of each episode in ways that are reminiscent of crime
procedurals such as Columbo or Murder, she wrote. Indeed, Elsa Moya and Ana Illana,
scriptwriters of the show, emphasize the role of the viewer as an active participant in the
unfolding of the narrative:
There are time we have chosen the classic scheme of Agatha Christie where there is a murder and four
suspects that Laura interrogates and, in the end, she gathers everyone to reveal them who is the killer and,
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sometimes, we have chosen Colombo’s scheme where the viewer watches from the start who the killer is,
but not how the crime what committed nor why. (Quoted in Diego & Grandío Pérez, 2018, p. 837)
In a major departure from other examples of the detective fiction genre, female bonding and
relationships play a predominant role in both character and plot development. Laura’s
antithesis in the police station is Lydia Martínez (Laura Pamplona), who relentlessly follows a
scientific and systematic methodology. The juxtaposition of these two characters usually
involves a slow build-up of tension: “cold, intelligent and scientific Lydia should be the winner
of all unspoken professional duels with Laura, but very much to our pleasure she is not” (Louis,
2016, p. 186). The other female figure in the story is Laura’s mother, Maribel del Bosque
(Beatriz Carvajal). Although it could seem that Maribel plays only a marginal role in the overall
narrative, she is usually the one who sets the resolution of the crime in motion (directly or
indirectly) by supporting Laura in her endeavors:
Laura has always found her master in her incomparable mother, for it is she who always drives the detective
work forward. The mother’s function is that of an innocent bystander outside the police station, who
approaches the mystery with nosy nonchalance and is, thus, the closest to the viewer’s own position, when
we watch the series trying to guess what is going to happen next. (Louis, 2016, p. 186)
2.2. The mysteries of Laura (2014-2016)
Following the success of Los misterios de Laura in Spain, and joining the ranks of other remakes
in Russia, Holland, and Italy, The mysteries of Laura was picked up for development by NBC in
2013, with Jeff Rake as the showrunner. In the American remake, the plot closely resembles
that of the Spanish production: Debra Messing stars as Laura Diamond, an overwhelmed NYPD
homicide detective who has difficulties managing her cases, her twin boys, and her unhelpful
and flirtatious soon-to-be ex-husband Jake Broderick (Josh Lucas).
While discussing the potential impact of The mysteries of Laura on American culture, Rake
admitted in an interview that the show aimed “[to] celebrate and acknowledge the everyday
heroism of a working parent, and in particular working moms,” since Laura could be
considered “an everyday hero in the sense that –like all the millions of working parents out
there– she just manages to get through the day” (Schwartz, 2014). Yet early reviewers
criticized the show’s inability to convey such a message to modern audiences:
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Mysteries‘ real problem is its irritating, relentlessly hammered premise: that it’s not just challenging for Laura
to be both a mother and a detective, but that it’s downright staggering, even absurd. Laura is not a mom and
a cop and an alien, secretly preparing the planet for colonization by her species. She’s not a mom and a cop
and a hundred tiny ducks wearing a Debra Messing costume, in order to pursue their collective dream of
fighting crime and raising human children. (Poniewozik, 2014)
The dissonance was also mirrored by the other female character in the main cast. Meredith
Bose (Janina Gavankar), Lydia’s counterpart, is initially introduced as Laura’s rival in the
precinct due to her uptightness and rigid procedural methods. Despite her effectiveness and
progressive acceptance of Laura’s character, viewers fail to empathize with Meredith (and
Laura, by extension) because of her failure to present a complex a multidimensional depiction
of female empowerment on screen. Most importantly, Laura’s mother has been totally erased
from the narrative, disembodying Laura from any collective attachment beyond the space she
has created with her children.
As a compensation, viewers are constantly exposed to constructions and reproductions of
subjectivities in the form of race and diversity not anticipated in the Spanish production.
Leaving aside the potential negative images and stereotypes that could emerge as a result,
the choice of New York City as a locus of multiculturalism in constant motion paves the way
for a higher exposure to alterity. Besides the push for a more diverse casting, Laura’s partner
Billy Soto (Laz Alonso) alternates between English and Spanish depending on the
communicative context. The implications of this are manifold: not only is this a demonstration
of more openness to alterity on the part of a non-Spanish-language broadcaster, but also acts
as a reminder of the “heritage” of the show (Schwartz, 2014) in a time when the invisibility of
culture (Adler, 1983, p. 361) as well as translation/adaptation (Venuti, 1995) remains
uncontested in the American imaginary.
3. Time, memory, and temporality
Both The Ministry of Time and Timeless underscore a forceful and idiosyncratic notion of
transformation versus preservation, of fidelity versus reinvention. Their exercise of continual
construction, invention, and manipulation allows for an examination of translation (as a
process and product) from different perspectives.
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Despite the fact that Timeless has not been legally recognized as a derivative work (see
Footnote 2), the strong structural similarities between the two bring questions of
representation, memory, and preservation of meaning to the fore. According to Evans (2014,
p. 304), “remakes could include all [products] where there are elements of narrative repeated
from other[s], whether or not they could legally be considered derivative.” A closer analysis
will reveal how viewers can be challenged to react to different reworkings and iterations of a
text, since the same overarching meta-narratives lie at their core: the construction of memory
(and meaning) through the television experience, the (im)possibility of representing faithfully
the past as external time, the ethical implications of altering or manipulating memory (and
meaning).
3.1. El Ministerio del Tiempo (2015-2017)
El Ministerio del Tiempo, created by Javier and Pablo Olivares and produced by Onza Partners
and Cliffhanger, started broadcasting in 2015 on TVE. The series follows the adventures of a
squad working for the fictional Department of Time, a government institution tasked with
preventing any major disruptions associated with time travel. In each episode, the three
protagonists (a female intellectual, a paramedic, and a soldier; all hailing from different time
periods) are entrusted with a mission to thwart a villain’s plans to shape history for his or her
own benefit. Thus, the goal of the eponymous organization is to “serve as a historical guardian,
hiding an intricate network of doors in its basements that permit travel to the past to prevent
that past from being modified” (Rueda Laffond & Coronado Ruiz, 2016, p. 88).
The show takes the viewers on a tour to revisit many significant events of Spanish history,
portraying major cultural icons and key figures in a new and unexpected light. As a result,
Queen Isabella, Christopher Columbus, Cervantes, and even Napoleon Bonaparte, are
demythologized and depicted as ordinary individuals, thereby constructing “a new image of
these figures, different from that included in textbooks but still emphasizing certain canonical
meanings for the sake of national affirmation” (Rueda Laffond & Coronado Ruiz, 2016, p. 88).
The narrative structure is rather consistent in every episode. In the opening part, a
disruption sets in motion a chain of events that threats to alter history as we know it: Picasso’s
“Guernica” is at risk of not being delivered to Spain, Cervantes has failed to submit on time
the manuscript for his famous Don Quixote… Such unexpected interferences with the course
of history motivate the trio of protagonists, Amelia Folch (Aura Garrido), Julián Martínez
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(Rodolfo Sancho), and Alonso de Entrerríos Fresneda (Nacho Fresneda), to come up with
inventive ways to preserve the world as we know it.
This potential diversion from and eventual preservation of history operates not as a mere
substitute for a narrative set in the present day, but as a way to (re)present and (re)construct
collective memory. By presenting on episodes of historical magnitude and political caliber for
audiences who share a common past, the viewers become active participants in the unfolding
of their own historical narrative. This emotional dimension is strengthened by the insertion of
archival footage whenever possible to blur the distinction between historical fact and
narrative fiction. By constructing and representing both real and imagined events, viewers
gain, not only a better understanding of the fictionalized accounts, but also of themselves.
Balibar (1991) agrees that all communities claiming a shared national identity are imaginative
constructs, given the fact that they rely on a particular textualized conceptualization of
collective memory: through a potentially translatable language, members of the community
create and reinforce a national imaginary. Thus, in order to imagine a nation, individuals have
to invariably construct a fictionalized account of a shared memory, which reinforces the
feeling of belonging to a “community.”
As past and present merge on screen, spectators are left only with the possibility of an open
future to be shaped by their will. Through both emotional identification and the distancing
that encourages critical reflection and judgment, the fundamental attitudes and beliefs of the
audiences toward Spanish history are put to the test. The construction of a collective memory,
therefore, must comprise a process of selection and textual mediation, which inextricably links
an imagined community to a constructed past or to put it briefly “a past that has never been
present, and which never will be” (Derrida, 1982, p. 81).
3.2. Timeless (2016-present)
Timeless is a series created by Eric Kripke and Shawn Ryan that has been broadcast by NBC
since October 2016, although it found itself on the verge of being cancelled multiple times due
to low ratings (Andreeva, 2017). The plot of this TV series is built around the idea of a time
travel machine being invented by an engineering genius named Connor Mason (Paterson
Joseph) – a character inspired by Elon Musk, a tech mogul and the co-founder of Tesla. When
Garcia Flynn (Goran Višnjić), a former NSA asset, steals the machine with the intention to stop
a secret organization called Rittenhouse, the Department of Homeland Security intervenes
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and brings together a team (a female history professor, a scientist, and a soldier) to prevent
Flynn from rewriting American history through time travel.
Similarly to El Ministerio del Tiempo, Timeless operates at the intersection between
historical consciousness and collective memory, but with a major difference: in the Timeless
universe, any intervention in past modifies the course of history. Hence, the main characters,
Lucy Preston (Abigail Spencer), Wyatt Logan (Matt Lanter), and Rufus Carlin (Malcolm Barrett),
need to double check how official history has been altered in each episode. For example, as a
result of the interventions that happen during the show, Elliot Ness is not able to prosecute Al
Capone on tax-evasion charges, Alice Paul dies before making her speech in defense of the
suffrage movement, and John Wilkes Booth does not assassinate Lincoln. This alternate
timelines have direct implications for individual memories as well. In the series pilot episode,
the team, unaware of the consequences, manipulates the events surrounding the Hindenburg
disaster in 1937 and saves most of the victims. Upon her return from the mission, Lucy learns
that her cancer-stricken mother is healthy, and that her sister, Amy, never existed. Lucy
becomes the only one capable of navigating between all these different representations of
individual and collective memory, thus becoming a de facto interpreter between history (real
or alternate) and the viewer.
This strong revisionist tendency is also manifested in the efforts to rewrite American
history with the audience’s consent. Although plotlines are developed around easily
recognizable political and cultural events, significant efforts are made to highlight the role that
marginal or forgotten figures played in history by placing them in the forefront. Eric Kripke
himself stated that “[s]o much of history, as we know, is the history of rich white dudes, and
yet there is so much untold history from a minority perspective and from a female
prospective” (N'Duka, 2016). Consequently, the show has a predisposition to emphasize the
role of social and ethnic groups that have a history of being discriminated against, such as
African-Americans, Asians, Native Americans, or women in the making of the United States.
This emphasis on disenfranchised individuals could be considered a way of “creating a new
kind of history in which [they] feature as a collective ensemble and ongoing presence, rather
than a discrete set of isolated and related, marginalized individuals who are viewed as a
supplement to American history” (Herwitz, 2017, p. 12).
This ethical dimension serves to illustrate how cultural memory can be seen as a fluid
process (Erll & Rigney, 2009; Hoskins 2011). Rothberg (2009, p. 3-4) coined the expression
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“multidirectional memory” to characterize the “productive, intercultural dynamic” underlying

“a series of interventions through which social actors bring multiple traumatic pasts into a
heterogeneous and changing … present.”
4. Conclusions
With the advent of the 21st century and the implementation of new paradigms of distribution,
Spain has become one of the top five exporters of TV fiction formats in the world
(MIPTV/MIPCOM, 2014, p. 11). The quality and universal appeal of its productions have
managed to secure international agreements for direct broadcast or adaptation (Smith, 2017).
In this context, the dissemination of Spanish fiction (whether in the form of marketing
recontextualization, reworking, or remaking) brings to light questions of appropriation and
displacement and reveal the far-reaching implications of cultural mediation as an unavoidable
symbol of our time. In the particular case of the U.S. market, the ubiquity of remakes as the
preferred form of distribution of foreign language productions for non-specialized audiences
could initially be perceived as an echo of Venuti’s (1998, p. 82) preconized translation ethics
of sameness:
Institutions, whether academic or religious, commercial or political, show a preference for a translation ethics
of sameness, translating that enables and ratifies existing discourses and canons, interpretation and
pedagogies, advertising campaigns and liturgies –if only to ensure the continued and unruffled reproduction
of the institution.
In the same vein, remakes have been stigmatized as non-original, or unfaithful: “[a]ccording
to some cultural critics, remakes accomplish nothing more than to cheapen filmic discourse.
From this perspective, film remakes are seen as mere copies that are derivative” (Lukas &
Marmysz, 2010, p. 1). As such, the scholarly studies on the role of the remake in the target
culture have largely been limited to notions of “originality” and “creativity,” since remade
productions come to be seen as inferior to the so-called originals. However, new approaches
and conceptualizations have revealed the importance of remakes as cultural artifacts that
underscore an intricate network of multiplicity and reproduction characterized by
“intertextuality and plural meanings” (Mazdon, 2004, p. 10). The seemingly dissimilar cases of
Los misterios de Laura/The Mysteries of Laura and El Ministerio del Tiempo/Timeless serve to
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illustrate this point, since each iteration of a TV production is inevitably laden with historical,
cultural, and ideological values, which become more prominent through repetition and
multiplicity:
These forms of multiplicity volatilize the original by underlining its insufficiency, by announcing that there is
a “more” that the urtext does not contain and likely does not anticipate, in the process revealing that there
is a desire for continuation or repetition that the original cannot satisfy. (Klein & Palmer, 2016, p. 4)
Albeit underutilized as a tool for critical analysis, remakes always shed light on the underlying
dynamics of dissemination and influence of ideas in any given culture, given that factors of
reappropriation, dominance and self-awareness are always at stake. The interlingual aspect
adds an interesting dimension to the comparative analysis of remaking strategies, since it
draw more scholarly attention to the phenomenon of retranslation by identifying the factors
that are at play when a previously U.S.-remade show finds its way back to Spain via dubbing,
subtitling, or adaptation.
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Production
Contributor’s Bio: Vanesa Cañete-Jurado is an Assistant Professor of Spanish Translation at

the University of Nevada Las Vegas. She studied Translation and Interpreting at the University
of Málaga (Spain). After gaining master’s degrees in Comparative Literature and Italian
Studies, she obtained a PhD in the field of Translation Studies from SUNY Binghamton. Her
scholarly interests include adaptation studies, contemporary cultural production and critical
theory.
E-mail address: v.canete-jurado@unlv.edu
155
Andrea Götz
Károli Gáspár University
Measuring Explicitation: The Hungarian Polarity Marker -e in Translation*
ABSTRACT
This paper examines the optional use of the Hungarian interrogative polarity marker -e in
in a corpus of translated Hungarian fiction and a comparable corpus of non-translated Hun-
garian fiction, in order to investigate the effect of explicitation on translated texts. Recent
criticism of explicitation (Becher 2010, 2011) has emphasized the importance of cross-lin-
guistic differences, and target language norms in governing linguistic choices made by trans-
lators. However, this criticism of the inconsistencies of the theoretical conceptualization of
explicitation, and the methodological shortcomings of explicitation research, has not yet
been complemented with an improved methodology. This paper introduces a novel way to
measure frequency by exploring average occurrence rate of a particular item relative to the
number of suitable linguistic environments that can feature it. This ensures that frequency
data is contextualized properly with respect to textual make-up, providing a more nuanced
way of interpreting frequency. The findings of this study indicate that translated Hungarian
fiction does not use the optional polarity marker -e more frequently than non-translated
Hungarian fiction, thereby not supporting explicitation.
KEY WORDS
corpus-based translation studies, translation universals, explicitation, pragmatic markers,

polar questions, the Hungarian polarity marker -e
1. Introduction
Explicitation is a simple concept in translation studies, yet it has inspired a considerable

amount of controversy since it has become an object of study. Explicitation as a technique
describes the act of clarifying in the target text what is implicit linguistically, but clear
*
Supported by the ÚNKP-17-3 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry of Human Capacities

Measuring Explicitation: The Hungarian Polarity Marker -e in Translation
contextually in the source text (Vinay & Darbelnet, 1958). This can be done either by adding
new information to the target text that is absent from the source text, by making it explicit in
target text what is implied or present as a presupposition in the source text, or by lending more
importance to a piece of information that is less emphatic in the source (Séguinot 1988, p.
108).
As a tendency, explicitation describes a regularity of translation behavior to perform explic-
itating shifts. Therefore explicitation can be thought to be a universal of translation behavior
(Blum-Kulka, 1986/2000), or a universal feature of translation (Baker, 1993). While the under-
lying reasons (cognitive in Szymor, 2018, communicative in Becher, 2010, norm-based or prob-
lem-solving in Englund Dimitrova, 2005) why explicitation may occur have never ceased to be
controversial, it is increasingly being questioned whether it is indeed a characteristic property
of translated texts, alongside other translation universals (Becher, 2010).
This study does not weigh in on the theoretical questions surrounding the status of explici-
tation as a translation universal. Instead, it introduces a novel method of probing frequency as
it contributes to explicitation. This is necessary, since methodological shortcomings are at the
center of the criticism leveled against explicitation (Becher, 2010, 2011). Since frequency
serves as a common basis for examining explicitation in corpus-based translation studies, fine-
tuning it for measuring the relevant occurrences of lexical items under examination can help
to base claims about explicitation on more reliable empirical basis.
The present study examines explicitation as it manifests itself in the overt marking of inter-
rogative polarity in translated Hungarian. The usual methodology for such an examination in-
volves comparing frequencies between translated and non-translated texts. This, however, is
not sufficient, as the frequency of any item is dependent on the frequency of those linguistic
environments that accommodate its use. Texts providing more opportunities for the occur-
rence of certain lexical markers, regardless whether they are translated or not, could support
higher frequencies.
This investigation therefore uses relative frequency to explore the use of the Hungarian
polarity marker -e in translated and non-translated fiction. This measurement of frequency
relates the overall occurrence rate to the number of linguistic environments that support the
use of this marker, including grammatical and pragmatic properties. Additionally, analyses are
157
carried out on fiction corpora composed of literary and popular fiction components, which
ensures that the findings reflect the linguistic properties of a more diverse population of texts.
2. Criticism of explicitation as a translation universal
Explicitation as a translation universal (Baker, 1993, 1996) is thought to characterize the lan-
guage of translations. In this sense, explicitation is a linguistic preference observed universally
in translated texts, favoring more explicit solutions as compared to source texts, and to non-
translated texts in the same language (Baker, 1993). However, criticism has been steadily
mounting against the very concept of translation universals in general (House, 2008, Becher,
2010), and against the idea of explicitation in particular. This has lead to translation universals
being re-conceptualized as translation tendencies (for example Bernardini & Zanettin, 2004,
Chesterman, 2010). Framing translation universals as tendencies allows for limiting their scope
(Chesterman, 2004), and introducing the idea of probability into their concept. This, of course,
raises the question whether there is even a need for the concept itself. As Pym (2008) argued,
Baker’s (1996) universals can be reconciled as various expressions of Toury’s laws (1995).
Additionally, empirical evidence with regard to the difference between translated and non-
translated language rarely has been consistent and conclusive, save for a few early landmark
studies (for example Øverås, 1998, Laviosa, 1998, Olohan & Baker, 2000), some of which have
garnered criticism (see Becher, 2010). Conversely, other studies did not yield straightforward
results, finding certain items and properties to be more frequent, and others to be less fre-
quent in translated as opposed to non-translated language (for example Mauranen, 2000,
Puurtinen, 2004, Tirkkonen-Condit & Mäkisalo, 2007). Others still emphasize that, although
translated language displays properties unique to it, these also vary with the language pairs
examined (Mauranen, 2004, Eskola, 2004).
Recent criticism of translation universals underscores the role of the cross-linguistic aspect
of translation, that is the contrast between the linguistic, stylistic, register and genre related
conventions of the particular source and target languages. As a result, the investigation of mul-
tiple genres and registers of translated texts have become more prevalent (De Sutter, Delaere,
& Plevoets, 2012; Delaere & De Sutter, 2013; Delaere, De Sutter, & Plevoets, 2013). This
158
empirical issue also relates to a deeper theoretical controversy about the origins of the char-
acteristic properties of translated language, namely whether they are engendered by the com-
municative event of translation (Blum-Kulka, 2000; Baker, 1993), or by cognitive processes,
which are an integral part of the translation process but are not specific to it (Halverson, 2003).
In this view, it is the diverging cognitive structuring of the source and the target languages that
take form in translation-specific linguistic tendencies (Halverson, 2003). More recently, this
cognitive basis of translation universals has been further scrutinized, prompting researchers
to distinguish between universal cognitive processes, and linguistic behavior that is specific to
translation (Szymor, 2018).
3. Methodological issues of measuring explicitation
Studying the language of translated texts involves three different kinds of analyses: to the tra-
ditional comparison of (1) source and target texts, corpus-based translation studies has added
the comparison of (2) translated and non-translated texts, which overtime has been comple-
mented with the comparison of (3) different translated texts with each other (Chesterman,
2010, p. 39). This typology of the linguistic data compared applies to the study of translational
explicitation as well.
Originally, explicitness in translated language is compared between source and target texts.
Although Blum-Kulka’s (2000) explicitation hypothesis predicts only that cohesive explicitness
grows between source and target texts, this prediction has been extended to non-translated
as well by Baker (1993), in her formulation of explicitation as a translation universal. However,
as far as the language of translation is concerned as it compares to non-translated texts, it is
irrelevant whether target texts are more explicit than their source texts or not. Blum-Kulka
(2000, p. 300) emphasized that only those differences are relevant to the investigation of ex-
plicitation that are not engendered by the given language pair’s cross-linguistic grammatical
and norm-related differences. Similarly, Séguinot (1988, p. 108) clarified that the explicitness
of translated texts can only be interpreted relative to the regular level of explicitness preferred
by the particular target language. Only this kind of comparison could reveal whether texts truly
become more explicit in translation, beyond the differences traceable to cross-linguistic
159
differences between source and target texts. However, without reference to source texts, it is
not clear whether target text solution are motivated by the language of the source text or not,
and could be perhaps caused by interference.
Becher (2010) criticized the methodology of Olohan & Baker (2000) from this perspective,
as their examination of the frequency of the optional that in reporting expressions does not
include source texts. However, there is a more poignant line of criticism, one that relates to
target language norms. It is known that more formal registers tend to retain that (Biber &
Conrad 2001, p. 180), therefore a higher use of that could be attributed to the effect of nor-
malization (Baker, 1996), or standardization (Toury, 1995), or simply put, norm-compliance.
This suggests that the linguistic tendencies of translated texts can only be meaningfully inter-
preted with reference to both the source and the target language norms. Consequently, lin-
guistic items and structures that are affected by norms should be evaluated with view to norm-
compliance when studied in translated texts.
This problem reveals three methodological shortcoming of conventional research on explic-
itation. Firstly, the effect of norm-compliance on explicit target text solutions can only be
measured when the normal rate of using explicit solutions is known in the given language for
the particular text type, register or genre. Secondly, the rate at which a particular kind of trans-
lated texts complies with a specific norm can only be understood as more or less frequent
when it is seen in comparison to how other kinds of translated texts comply with it. For exam-
ple, some genres could possibly neglect a norm, while others aggressively implement it, there-
fore no automatic generalization can be made about translated language per se without a
cross-genre or cross-register. analysis. Thirdly, the same linguistic solutions could be caused by
different factors, that is a higher level of explicitness in translated texts could be due to explic-
itation, norm-compliance (as in the case of the optional that) or even due to interference, in
which case the target text transferred the explicitness of the source text, without, for example,
adjusting it to the normally lower level that is desired in the particular genre or register of the
target text. Although the latter point, that is the claim that the same linguistic phenomena
could be attributed to various translation universals, has been raised early on in translation
universal research (Baker, 1996, p. 180), it has not yet been resolved.
160
This point ties into the controversy around what the underlying reasons of explicitation are.
Becher (2010, 2011), in his criticism of the explicitation hypothesis, objects to the idea that
explicitation occurs in target texts due to translation-inherent reasons, and argued that explic-
itations are caused instead by a cross-linguistic contrast in language norms. This, however, is
not a completely novel reservation. In fact, many facets of Becher’s criticism (2010, 2011) have
been around in the literature since the original formulation of the explicitation hypothesis.
In the original formulation of explicitation hypothesis, as mentioned before, Blum-Kulka
(2000, p. 300) states that a rise in explicitness can only be taken as evidence for explicitation
if it is additional to changes caused by cross-linguistic differences. Blum-Kulka (2000, p. 300—
302) also attributes explicitation to the cognitive tasks involved in translation (for example
source text comprehension), and also communicative reasons, such as mediation. Blum-Kulka
(2000, p. 313) also emphasizes that translated texts can be expected to show three patterns
of cohesion: (1) they can either resemble the cohesive patterns of the target language, or that
of (2) the source language, or show (3) a distinct pattern that resembles neither, and therefore
could be shaped by explicitation. Furthermore, the differences and similarities between the
particular language pair can affect which pattern is likely to emerge. In other words, the im-
portance of cross-linguistic differences is not a new consideration when it comes to explicita-
tion research. This also shows that the theoretical uncertainties around the concept of explic-
itation can muddle the interpretation of empirical findings.
Another issues that can influence the conceptualization of explicitation, and thus research
on explicitation, is the kind of linguistic item or linguistic property that is studied. From a ty-
pological point of view, explicit linguistic solutions can be classified as lexicogrammatical (that
in reporting phrases in Olohan & Baker, 2000), lexicosemantic (more variety in speech verbs in
Klaudy & Károly, 2005), and the topic of this paper, lexicopragmatic. Studies analyzing transla-
tion shifts examine explicitations that fall into these categories as well. However, not all of the
above linguistic phenomena are the same likely to respond to the effect of the translation, and
as a result, to explicitation. Some might be governed by target language norms more perva-
sively than others, while the use of some items (for example pragmatic items) might be less
automatic than the use of others (for example conjunctions like that, that is lexicogrammatical
items). These norms could potentially enhance or oppress a tendency to explicitate.
161
Taking all these issues into account, explicitation could be conceptualized as linguistic ex-
plicitness observed in translated texts that exceeds the normal level of explicitness of corre-
sponding (genre, register, and so on) non-translated texts. Before the question why explicita-
tion occurs can be addressed, it needs to be answered whether explicitation at all exists in this
sense. For the time being, the latter question has not yet been definitely answered. And until
then, the question of why cannot be narrowed down from a complex amalgam of many factors
(such as risk aversion see Pym, 2015, hyper-correctness in terms of norm-compliance, profes-
sional translatorial norms of seeking clarity, interference or lack of familiarity with target lan-
guage norms). Therefore the most pressing question of explicitation research is whether we
can devise ways to reliably measure linguistic explicitness, and on these empirical grounds the
remaining questions can be answered.
4. The polar particle -e
The marker -e is an interrogative clitic attached to the verbal or nominal predicate of the sen-
tence. As an interrogative particle, it exclusively appears in questions, more specifically, in po-
lar and alternative questions. The use of -e is incompatible with wh-questions.
The marker -e can appear in both dependent and independent clauses. In dependent
clauses, -e is required for grammaticality according to standard grammar (for example. É Kiss,
2002, Schirm, 2011, Gyuris, 2016), although exceptions in spoken language can occur. In inde-
pendent clauses, the marker -e is optional. In other words, it is not required for grammatically
well-formed utterances. In these questions, the motivation for the use of -e is pragmatic, and
not grammatical. And while the absence of -e in independent clauses — that could accommo-
date it but do not feature it — does not lead to pragmatically ill-formed utterances, the pres-
ence of -e in those questions that do not pragmatically invite it, would lead to pragmatically,
contextually ill-formed questions.
Examples (1–3) demonstrate the use of -e. In Example (1), the use of -e is required for gram-
maticality as the marker occurs in a dependent clause.
162
(1) Azon tűnődtem, te képes lennél-e rá.

I was wondering you would be capable of it
I was wondering if you could do it.
In Example (2), however, the use of -e is optional. The question in (2), in this form, can be in-
terpreted in two ways: it either represents a genuine question, or it expresses the speaker’s
doubt about the proposition encapsulated in the interrogative.
(2) Te képes lennél rá?

You capable would be of it
Could you do it?
Example (3) contains the marker -e. With -e present, the question is less likely to be interpreted
as a genuine question, although it can be. The presence of the polarity marker -e can support
interpreting the question as a statement to the opposite effect. This rhetorical use is frequent
and strategically deployed in rhetorically charged speech situations, such as parliamentary
speeches (Schirm, 2011).
(3) Te képes lennél-e rá?

You capable would of it
Could you do it?
As both (2) and (3) could be interpreted in the same way, the presence of -e is highly depend-
ent on the speaker’s intended meaning. However, a few linguistic contexts are known in which
the use of -e in independent interrogatives does not convey or clarify pragmatic meaning. In
teacher-to-student exchanges (Gyuris, 2017), and in courtroom interactions (Varga, 2015) -e
does not carry an additional pragmatic content. In these contexts, the use of -e could help to
emphasize that the particular utterance is indeed a question to which the speaker expects an
answer. Since in Hungarian, as opposed to English, word order is the same in interrogatives
and in declaratives, inserting the polarity marker -e could help comprehension in spoken dis-
course.
163
5. Research design
5.1 Corpora
The present paper uses two corpora: (1) Translated Fiction Corpus (TFC)and (2) Non-translated
Fiction Corpus (NFC). Both corpora are made up of two register components: (a) highly formal
literary one, and (b) a popular fiction one, with the number of texts and the total word count
being balanced between the two. This ensures both the representativity of the corpora, and
the comparability of results between them. Table 1 shows the size of the corpora.
Table 1 The size of the translated and non-translated corpora
Corpora Register components Word count No. of texts
(1) Translated Fiction Corpus (TFC) 787,064 10
(a) Highly formal translated fiction 386,395 5
(b) Popular translated fiction 400,669 5
(2) Non-translated Fiction Corpus (NFC) 780,275 10
(a) Highly formal non-translated fic-

384,941 5
tion
(b) Popular non-translated fiction 395,334 5
164
In addition to the corpora, this study assembled two samples of independent polar questions
in order to measure the average frequency of the marker -e in independent polar questions.
The samples, drawn from both corpora, consist of the first hundred independent polar ques-
tions of each text, producing altogether one thousand independent questions per corpus. Ta-
ble 2 demonstrates the amount of independent polar questions that can accommodate the
polarity marker in the samples, as these form the data for certain frequency analyses.
Table 2 The make-up of the translated and non-translated samples
Samples (1000-1000 independent Ratio and number of potential -e questions

polar clauses)
(1) Translated fiction 16.2% (162)
(2) Non-translated fiction 13.7% (137)
The ratio of independent questions that can facilitate the marker -e is similar in the two sets
of independent questions, although it is higher in the translated sample, the difference is not
significant (t-value 0.67, p-value 0.26 at p ≤ .05). This suggests that the pragmatic properties
of the questions are similar in the two corpora. This is important since a larger amount of
potential -e-questions in and of itself could support an overall higher frequency of the marker
-e, without its frequency being increased by any effect originating from the translation process.
5.2 Analyses
The present study examines the distribution and the frequency of the polarity marker -e. Dis-
tribution relates to whether the tokens of -e are found in independent or dependent polar
clauses. This analysis gives an idea of the overall use of the marker in the corpora. If the clausal
distribution of the marker differs between the corpora, it can be assumed that translated and
non-translated texts use the marker differently, possibly due to influence from the source
texts.
165
The frequency of the marker is assessed by two analyses: (1) normalized frequency (fre-
quency per 10,000 words), and (2) relative frequency (the frequency of the marker in inde-
pendent polar questions that can potentially feature it). Normalized frequency captures the
overall occurrence rate, irrespective of the pragmatic properties of polar questions. Relative
frequency, on the other hand, specifically measures the ratio of potential -e-questions that
feature the marker. This informs about the tendency texts display to deploy the marker -e in
environments in which its use is possible. In case translated texts are affected by explicitation,
this tendency can be expected to be higher in translated fiction.
6. Results
6.1 Distribution
Table 3 shows the clausal distribution of the polarity marker in translated and non-translated
corpora. The clausal distribution of the polarity marker -e is almost identical between the cor-
pora. This points to an overall convergence in the way -e is used in translated and non-trans-
lated texts.
Table 3 The clausal distribution of -e
Corpus Independent Dependent
TFC 14.2% (93) 85.8% (562)
NFC 14.81% (121) 85.19% (696)
at p ≤ .05 t is -0.46, and p is 0.33
Although the NFC features more -e tokens in independent clauses, this difference is not signif-
icant.
166
6.2 Frequency
6.2.1 Normalized frequency
Frequency data is shown in Table 4. The overall frequency of the marker -e is higher in the NFC,
however the difference is not significant.
Table 4 The absolute and normalized frequency of -e
Corpus Absolute frequency Normalized frequency (per

10,000 words)
TFC 655 8.322
NFC 817 10.471
at p ≤ .05 t is -0.902, and p is 0.189
A closer look at the frequency of optional and obligatory -e tokens reveals the source of the
discrepancy in the frequency of the marker between the corpora. Table 5 shows the normal-
ized frequency of -e tokens according to whether they occur independent or dependent
clauses.
Table 5 The normalized frequency of -e in independent and dependent clauses
Corpus Independent clause tokens Dependent clause tokens
TFC 1.182 7.14
NFC 1.551 8.92
at p ≤ .05 t is 3.518, and p is 0.001
167
In both cases, the frequency of -e is higher in non-translated texts. However, the difference is
only statically significant for optional -e tokens, that is. for tokens in independent clauses. This
suggests that the use of -e in independent clauses deserves further attention.
6.2.2 Relative frequency
As discussed before, relative frequency in this case measures the ratio of independent polar
questions that feature the polarity marker -e, compared to those independent polar clauses
which support the use of it. This ratio gives an idea about the propensity texts or corpora ex-
hibit to use explicit linguistic forms, putting normalized frequency data into perspective.
Table 6 shows the data regarding the independent polar question samples from the cor-
pora: the sample size, the number of potential independent -e-clauses, the amount of realized
independent -e-clauses, and the relative frequency of -e.
Table 6 The properties of the independent polar question samples
Sample Potential independent - Independent -e-clauses Relative frequency

e-clauses
TFC
16.2% (162) 3.2% (32) 19.75%
100% (1000)
NFC
13.7% (137) 6% (60) 43.8%
100% (1000)
at p ≤ .05 t is 0.668, and at p ≤ .05 t is -0.992, at p ≤ .05 t is -1.325, and

p is 0.256 and p is .167 p is 0.101
Despite the TFC sample consisting of a somewhat larger percentage of potential independent
polar questions, a lower percentage of its independent polar questions contains the marker -
e compared to the NFC sample. Neither difference is statistically significant.
168
Relative frequency is over twice as high in the NFC sample than in the TFC sample. This
means that polar independent questions in non-translated sample are twice as likely to deploy
the polarity marker -e in environments that can accommodate it than in the translated sample.
Contrary to expectation, this suggests that independent polar clauses in translated texts, as
measured in the samples, do not show a more pronounced tendency for using -e, and hence
for more explicit linguistic solutions.
7. Discussion
Based on the frequency analyses carried out in this study, translated texts do not display a
greater propensity to use explicit linguistic solutions than non-translated texts. This claim,
however, is limited to the corpora of Hungarian translated and non-translated fiction examined
here, and to the explicit marking of independent polar questions by the optional polarity
marker -e. As the overall frequency of any item is largely dependent on the number of linguistic
environments that allow for the use of the particular item in question, frequency — normal-
ized or absolute — alone may be misleading about the overall linguistic tendencies of texts,
translated or otherwise. In this case, source texts that contain more polar clauses, will offer
more opportunities for the use of the polarity marker -e in translation as well, whether the use
of -e in the given clause is optional or obligatory. Relating the frequency of items to the number
of environments that can accommodate them, and not, for example, to word count, could
offer a way to gauge frequency as reflective of linguistic tendencies and not the textual make-
up of translated or non-translated fiction.
The frequency difference in the optional use of -e, i.e. in independent clauses, has been
found to be lower in translated as opposed to non-translated texts. However, without putting
this frequency into perspective, it is not clear whether this is caused by a linguistic tendency
preferring explicit solution, or by an overall higher amount of independent polar clauses,
providing more opportunity, to begin with, for the use of -e. As relative frequency is found to
be over half as high in translated texts than in non-translated texts, this frequency difference
can be attributed to a less pronounced linguistic tendency for the use of -e, rather than textual
make-up providing few opportunities for it.
169
As the polarity marker -e has an optional use, and it cannot be motivated by the source
language, nor is it governed by grammatical or usage norms in Hungarian, it seems an appro-
priate candidate for testing explicitation in translation. The less frequent use of -e in translated
texts could be interpreted as counter-evidence, or at least as a lack of evidence for the trans-
lation universal of explicitation. However, another translation universal, the translation univer-
sal of unique items (Tirkkonen-Condit, 2004) could also explain the findings. The unique items
hypothesis claims that items which are unique to the target language in a particular language
pair will be less frequent in translated texts, as the source language cannot trigger their use by
providing a clear input in the form of a parallel source text item.
The ease with which empirical findings can be cast as evidence, or not, for any translation
universal, is one of the theoretical pitfalls of the translation universal paradigm. However,
there is conflicting evidence in the case of unique items as well, as they have been found to be
more frequent in audiovisual translations than in fiction (Tirkkonen-Condit & Mäkisalo, 2007).
It is worth mentioning that finding evidence for explicitation in some, but not in all aspects of
an investigation is not rare. Marco (2018) found some connectives to be more frequent in
translated texts, but not others, as did Zufferey & Cartoni (2014).
The fact that even the same linguistic phenomena could support several universals (Baker
1996, p. 180) also means that there is a certain circular argumentation that keeps the idea of
translation universals alive, even when the evidence does not support it: if the findings do not
substantiate explicitation, they will unique items, or vice versa. Empirical evidence seems to
have obscured, not clarified the nature of translation universals. This suggests that rather than
insisting on making sense of the empirical data within the framework of translation universals,
corpus-based translation studies should aim for producing claims with a more limited scope,
but a more detailed empirical basis.
8. Conclusion
This paper investigated the use of the Hungarian polarity marker -e in translated and non-
translated fiction, thereby attempting to test the translation universal of explicitation. It also
proposed a measurement — termed here relative frequency — for measuring linguistic
170
explicitness based on the frequency of lexical items relative to the number of environments
which support their use.
By the findings of this study, translated Hungarian fiction does not use the marker -e more
frequently than non-translated texts, and deploys it considerably less frequently its optional
use. According the relative frequency analysis, translated texts use the optional -e at an ap-
proximately 20% rate, while non-translated texts use it over 40% of the time in suitable envi-
ronments. This explains the overall frequency difference between the two corpora.
However, in light of the theoretical and methodological issues surrounding explicitation and
translation universal research, this study does not deliver definitive evidence against the idea
of explicitation, to the same degree it does not lend support to it.
171
Appendix: Properties of the corpora
Corpus/Text No. of words No. optional -e tokens Relative frequency (%)
TFC 787,064 93 19.75
Literary fiction 386,395 54 21.79
Text 1 63,626 9 0
Text 2 54,281 4 35.71
Text 3 82,679 32 41.38%
Text 4 79,700 7 0
Text 5 106,109 2 0
Popular fiction 400,669 39 17.86
Text 6 64,782 3 11.76
Text 7 110,886 7 18.18
Text 8 63,771 6 37.5
Text 9 105,437 19 8.7
Text 10 55,793 4 17.65
172
Corpus/Text No. of words No. -e optional tokens Relative frequency (%)
NFC 780,275 121 43.80
Literary fiction 384,941 109 59.38
Text 1 46,948 9 0
Text 2 54,622 4 35.71
Text 3 51,757 32 41.38
Text 4 82,432 7 0
Text 5 149,182 2 0
Popular fiction 395,334 12 7.32
Text 6 91,449 3 11.76
Text 7 85,096 7 18.18
Text 8 37,414 6 37.5
Text 9 131,076 19 8.7
Text 10 50,299 4 17.65
173
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E-mail address: gotz.andrea@kre.hu
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A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature

Published by the Department of Translation at the Institute of English Studies, University of

TranslatoLogica. Institute of English, University of Wrocław, Kuźnicza 22 , 50-138 Wrocław

Translation and Transcultural Creativity: A Comparison of Chinese Authorized Subtitling and

Measuring Explicitation: The Hungarian Polarity Marker -e in Translation .................................. 156

Level of Familiarisation and Practical Use of Translation Tools by Translation

Translation tools, translator training, survey, CAT tools, terminology database

Generally speaking, translation is an energy-consuming and time-consuming process, which

TranslatoLogica: A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature, 2 (2018), p. 2-25

2. Subject and Aim of Research

3. Methodology and Questions of the Research

4. Reference Documents and Translation Tools Definition

5. Results of the Research

Figure 1 Students’ opinion on the importance of browsing and information mining

Figure 2 Main focus of information mining

Official titles, Specialised

Figure 3 Main sources of information

reference materials), encyclopaedias, grammar books, various textbooks and translation

Figure 4 Ability to use terminology management and translation software

Figure 5 Types of dictionaries and glossaries used

Figure 6 Format of dictionaries and glossaries used

Figure 7 Consulting translation forums

Figure 8 Consulting other foreign languages

6. Conclusions and Recommendations

I. INFORMATION MINING ABILITY

2. What kind of information do you personally search for when translating?

3. Do you search for online information?

II. USE OF CAT-TOOLS

6. Do you use terminology management software in the translation process?

III. USE OF OTHER TYPES OF TRANSLATION TOOLS AND RESOURCES

9. Do you search for terminology in online/electronic glossaries and dictionaries?

Newton J. (2002). Computers in Translation: A practical Appraisal. Routledge.

Contributor’s Bio: Milena Sazdovska-Pigulovska, Ph.D. is an assistant professor at the

E-mail address: milena.sazdovska@gmail.com

Translation and Transcultural Creativity: A Comparison of Chinese

subtitling, officially released subtitles, fansubbing, creativity

TranslatoLogica: A Journal of Translation, Language, and Literature, 2 (2018), p. 26-48

1.1. Authorized Subtitling

- denies the basic principles determined by the constitution

- affects the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of China

- leaks classified information threatening domestic security

- encourages hatred and discrimination among ethnic groups

- violates ethical cultural norms and principles

- propagates cults and superstitions

- disturbs social order and threatens social stability

- depicts pornography, gambling, violence, or abets people to commit crimes

- humiliates or defames others, or damages the lawful interests of others

- compromises social morality or traditional cultures in China

In light of this, fansubbing will be discussed in relation to its creativity as it represents a

1.3. Comparison between Authorized Subtitling and Fansubbing in the Context of

1.4. Creativity in Translation

When considering creativity, fansubbing as an activity can be connected to the idea of

1.5. Contextualization of Notting Hill (1999)

3. Key Examples by Comparing Authorized Subtitles and Fan-generated Subtitles in Notting

3.1. Subtitling Humor

She works in the Contracts Department.

Can you recall a bit

3.2. Subtitling Wordplay