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What do we know about early sport

specialization? Not much!
a b b a
Joseph Baker , Stephen Cobley & Jessica Fraser‐Thomas
a
School of Kinesiology and Health Science , York University , 4700
Keele St., Toronto, ON, M3J 1P3, Canada
b
Carnegie Research Institute , Leeds Metropolitan University ,
Room 124, Fairfax Hall, Headingley Campus, Leeds, LS6 3QS, UK
Published online: 05 Jun 2009.

To cite this article: Joseph Baker , Stephen Cobley & Jessica Fraser‐Thomas (2009) What do
we know about early sport specialization? Not much!, High Ability Studies, 20:1, 77-89, DOI:
10.1080/13598130902860507

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 High Ability Studies
Vol. 20, No. 1, June 2009, 77–89

What do we know about early sport specialization? Not much!

Joseph Bakera,b*, Stephen Cobleyb and Jessica Fraser-Thomasa
a
School of Kinesiology and Health Science, York University, 4700 Keele St. Toronto, ON, M3J
1P3, Canada; bCarnegie Research Institute, Leeds Metropolitan University, Room 124,
Fairfax Hall, Headingley Campus, Leeds LS6 3QS, UK
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High
10.1080/13598130902860507
CHAS_A_386222.sgm
1359-8139
Original
Taylor
102009
20
bakerj@yorku.ca
JosephBaker
00000June
Ability
and
&Article
Francis
(print)/1469-834X
Francis
2009
StudiesLtd (online)

In November 2005, the International Olympic Committee’s Medical Commission

issued a statement on Training the elite child athlete recommending that “more
scientific research be done to better identify the parameters of training the elite
child athlete”. This paper focuses on a specific issue related to training the child
athlete: early specialization. While associations between early specialization and
expertise development are highlighted, much research also suggests early
specialization is associated with a range of negative consequences affecting
physical, psychological, and social development. Alternately, some researchers
have proposed that an early diversification approach does not disadvantage
athletes in acquiring expertise, and is important for the development of intrinsic
motivation and skill transferability. However, this review suggests that inadequate
evidence exists to resolve the issue in favor of either approach.
Keywords: athlete development; expertise; skill; deliberate practice

Introduction
In November 2005, the International Olympic Committee’s Medical Commission
issued a statement on Training the elite child athlete (International Olympic Committee
[IOC], 2005). The IOC’s paper outlined a number of significant issues for the successful
development of elite young athletes. Among their recommendations was that “more
scientific research be done to better identify the parameters of training the elite child
athlete” (p. 3). To this end, this paper presents research on one issue related to training
young athletes – early specialization.1 Below we review existing research on early
specialization in sport, as well as research on an alternative approach – early diversi-
fication – which some researchers have advocated as a superior means of nurturing
athletic ability. Based on these reviews, we highlight several key areas for future
research.
Wiersma (2000) proposed that early specialization occurs when children limit
participation to a single sport on a year-round basis, with a deliberate focus on training
and development in that sport. Consistent with Wiersma’s (2000) definition and past
research in the field (e.g., Baker, Côté, & Abernethy, 2003; Fraser-Thomas, Côté, &
Deakin, 2008; Wall & Côté, 2007), we suggest that early specialization includes four
specific parameters: early start age in sport; early involvement in one sport (as opposed
to participating in several sports); early involvement in focused, high intensity training;

*Corresponding author. Email: bakerj@yorku.ca

ISSN 1359-8139 print/ISSN 1469-834X online

© 2009 European Council for High Ability
DOI: 10.1080/13598130902860507
http://www.informaworld.com
 78 J. Baker et al.

and early involvement in competitive sport. We discuss these four parameters in the
literature review that follows.

Early specialization and expertise development

Taken at face value, the support for the underlying assumptions of early specialization
is quite compelling. One of the most robust relationships ever identified in behavioral
science is the positive relationship between time spent practicing and level of achieve-
ment (see Newell & Rosenbloom, 1980, for a detailed review of this relationship). The
strength of this relationship is so strong and consistent that some researchers have
argued that attention to adequate training is all that is required for the development of
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expert-level achievement (e.g., Ericsson, Krampe, & Tesch-Romer, 1993). In their

classic study of chess expertise, Simon and Chase (1973; Chase & Simon, 1973) first
suggested the notion that inter-individual variation in performance could be explained
by quantity and quality of training. This hypothesis was based on findings indicating
that differences between expert (grandmaster) and lesser skilled (master and novice)
players were attributable to the ability to organize information in more meaningful
“chunks” rather than the possession of a superior memory capacity. Moreover, this
capability was domain-specific (i.e., only found for chess patterns that had a meaning-
ful structure), supporting the notion that it was learned, not innate. Since then,
researchers examining expert and novice differences have found no reliable differ-
ences on static, physical capacities such as visual acuity, reaction time, or memory,
but consistent differences for learned, domain-specific, information-processing strat-
egies (see Starkes, Helsen, & Jack, 2001 for a review). Simon and Chase (1973) also
introduced the notion of the “10 year rule”, a general criterion of expertise grounded
in evidence that 10 years was a sufficient period of time to amass the level of knowl-
edge necessary to become an expert in chess. This “rule” has since been observed in
several domains including sport (e.g., Gustin, 1985; Hayes, 1981; Kalinowski, 1985;
Sosniak, 1985; Wallingford, 1975).
The theory of deliberate practice developed by Ericsson and colleagues (1993;
Ericsson & Charness, 1994) advanced the general concept of expertise development
through focused training over time with one major stipulation. They suggested that it
was not simply any form of training that differentiated individual performance, but the
engagement in a specific form of training they termed “deliberate practice.” By defi-
nition, this type of training involved practice activities that were effortful, low in
inherent enjoyment, and purposefully designed to address current areas of weakness.
Ericsson et al. (1993) also argued that it was not simply the accumulation of deliberate
practice hours that led to superior levels of performance, but that the accumulation of
such hours must coincide with crucial periods of biological and cognitive develop-
ment (i.e., childhood). Finally, they argued that early specialization was important for
future success because the earlier one starts adhering to a strict training regime, the
quicker one will attain their desired level of skill. More specifically, someone starting
a deliberate practice routine at a later age would be unable to “catch up” to a performer
who started earlier, all other things being equal.

Physical and psychosocial costs of early specialization

The deliberate practice approach has been criticized by psychosocial researchers in
sport. Concerns have focused primarily on associations between early intensive
 High Ability Studies 79

training (i.e., deliberate practice) and negative developmental consequences. Below,

we review some of the negative consequences associated with the early specialization
approach to athlete development.

Physical consequences
Early intensive training has been linked to several negative physical outcomes. There
is evidence to suggest intensive training at early periods of development can increase
an athlete’s risk of specific types of injury. In a review of overuse injuries in adoles-
cents, Dalton (1992) indicated that during crucial periods of biological development
(i.e., childhood), excessive forms of training could have serious costs. During matura-
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tion, bones grow rapidly and can lead to tightness and inflexibility around joints
because muscles and tendons have not increased in length at the same rate as bones.
This creates an imbalance and under periods of intense physical training, increased
stress is applied to the joints and connective tissues. These imbalances increase a
youth’s susceptibility to osteocondrosis, a group of diseases involving degeneration of
the ossification where tendons attach to bones (Kulund, 1982). This group of diseases
includes Osgood–Schlatter disease, Sinding–Larson-Johansson syndrome, and
Sever’s disease, all conditions related to overuse injuries in the leg, whose common
etiology is repetitive microtrauma such as that resulting from stressful training.
Despite the consistency of this research, cause and effect cannot be established
without examination of longitudinal data. A recent study by Law, Côté, and Ericsson
(2007) used retrospective methods to examine training patterns of elite gymnasts
throughout development. Early specialization among elite gymnasts was related to
reductions in self-reported overall health. Further, the Training of young athletes study
(TOYA; Baxter-Jones & Helms, 1996; Baxter-Jones, Maffulli, & Helms, 1993) in the
United Kingdom examined training and physical injuries over a two-year period
during childhood and adolescence in 453 athletes from soccer, gymnastics, tennis, and
swimming. Just over 50% of these athletes reported a total of 492 injuries directly
attributable to training and competition with the highest incidence in soccer (67%)
followed by gymnastics (65%), tennis (52%), and swimming (37%). Moreover, just
under a third of these injuries were classified as overuse injuries, often requiring a
longer period of recovery. Interestingly, a 10-year follow up with the group (n = 203;
Maffulli, Baxter-Jones, & Grieve, 2005) found that athletes competing at higher levels
of performance reported more injuries than athletes at lower levels.
Early intensive training has also been associated with a slower rate of maturation
among female athlete populations; however, the empirical basis of this relationship is
equivocal. Some researchers (e.g., Caine, Lewis, O’Connor, Howe, & Bass, 2001)
hypothesize that intensive training in young females (e.g., gymnasts) leads to compro-
mised development as there is consistent data indicating that elite female gymnasts are
later maturing and have a later age at menarche (Malina, 1994). Other researchers
suggest that delayed maturation may be related to specific sport-selection factors (cf.,
Baxter-Jones, Maffulli, & Mirwald, 2003; Caine, Bass, & Daly, 2003) given data indi-
cating that elite gymnasts are shorter than average before starting systematic training
and have shorter than average parents (e.g., Peltenburg et al., 1984).

Psychosocial consequences
With regards to emotional, psychological, and social outcomes, a general concern is
that early specialization leads to decreased sport enjoyment (Boyd & Yin, 1996; Law
 80 J. Baker et al.

et al., 2007) and is associated with disappointment and discouragement, as children

and youth often experience a sense of failure if they are unable to meet their goals after
investing so heavily (Hill, 1988). Wankel and Mummery (1990) suggest that in many
sport contexts, children often feel excessive pressure to win, perceive themselves as
having poor abilities, and feel vulnerable in the presence of team mates, experiences
that lead to low self-confidence and low self-esteem (Martens, 1993; Wankel &
Kreisel, 1985). Additional psychosocial concerns linked to early specialization
include compromised social development, sport dropout, burnout, and eating disor-
ders (e.g., Gelfand & Hartmann, 1982; Hill, 1988).
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Compromised social development

Some studies suggest that participation in intensive training at early ages can limit the
development of social skills. For instance, studies have shown that athletes highly
involved in training and competition demonstrate less helping and sharing behavior
(Barnett & Bryan, 1974) and greater antisocial tendencies (Gelfand & Hartmann,
1982) than other athletes. There is also data proposing intense involvement in sports
such as ice hockey may promote aggressive and violent behavior in the sports envi-
ronment (Smith, 1978; Vaz, 1972) and in nonsporting situations (Scott, 1978).
Further, early specializers have cited social isolation, rivalry, a sacrificed lifestyle, a
lack of free time, and missed social opportunities as consequences of their sport devel-
opment path (Farinha, 1992).

Dropout
A growing number of studies are making an association between early sport special-
ization and attrition in youth sports. Wall and Côté (2007) studied dropout in high-level
youth hockey players (Bantam AAA) and found that dropout athletes participated in
more off-ice training and began this training at a younger age than hockey players who
stayed involved. These findings are corroborated by studies of elite young swimmers.
Fraser-Thomas et al. (2008) compared the developmental paths of 25 dropout and 25
engaged Canadian competitive age-group swimmers and found that initial involve-
ment, training camp involvement, dryland training, and peak performance all occurred
earlier in dropout swimmers. Barynina and Vaitsekhovskii’s (1992) study of Russian
national team swimmers found similar trends; national team swimmers who special-
ized earlier took more time to reach international status, did not stay on the national
team as long, and retired younger than later specializers. Interestingly, almost half of
the respondents in the TOYA study described in the previous section were no longer
involved in their sport at the 10-year follow-up (Maffulli et al., 2005).

Burnout
Burnout, defined as the “psychological, emotional, and at times physical withdrawal
from a formerly pursued and enjoyed activity” (Smith, 1986, p. 37), is becoming
increasingly prevalent in youth sport settings. It has been suggested that athletes in indi-
vidual sports such as tennis and competitive swimming are particularly susceptible to
burnout (e.g., Seppa, 1996). This could be related in part to athletes’ tendency to special-
ize early in these sports. With assistance from the United States Tennis Association,
Gould and colleagues (Gould, Udry, Tuffrey, & Loehr, 1996a; Gould, Tuffrey, Udry,
 High Ability Studies 81

& Loehr, 1996b) conducted quantitative and qualitative studies with 30 burnout and
32 comparison high-ranking junior tennis players, and found that burnout athletes were
more likely to have “played up” to a higher age division, were less likely to have been
involved in the design of their training program, and perceived higher parental expec-
tations and more parental criticism than comparison athletes. In follow-up qualitative
interviews, burnout athletes identified unfulfilled expectations, lack of enjoyment
because of pressure, and low motivation as factors leading to their burnout. A study
of junior tennis players in New Zealand (Harlick & McKenzie, 2000) reported similar
findings. The findings of both studies reinforce that burnout experiences are often asso-
ciated with early intense training and competition situations.
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Eating disorders
Much literature suggests that the prevalence of eating disorders is higher in athletes
than in the general population (Beals & Manore, 1994; Brooks-Gunn, Warren, &
Hamilton, 1987). Further, athletes in sports that have an aesthetic requirement (e.g.,
dancing, gymnastics, figure skating) seem particularly susceptible to disordered
eating, as they are often “deselected” from teams if they fail to meet their ideal weight
or body composition (Hamilton, Brooks-Gunn, & Warren, 1986; Pierce, Daleng, &
McGowan, 1993; Smolak, Murnen & Ruble, 2000). Given that aesthetic sports also
tend to have earlier “peak” ages, particularly among female athletes, early specializa-
tion is often more common in these sports. For example, in a recent study of adoles-
cent ballet dancers and nondancers with disordered eating patterns, Anshel (2004)
found that dancers were more at risk of developing eating disorders and had a greater
pre-occupation with their weight than nondancers. Other recent literature suggests that
athletes are becoming concerned about their body image at increasingly early ages
(Davison, Earnest, & Birch, 2002). Thus, there appears to be a growing risk of eating
disorders in young athletes, particularly those involved in aesthetic sports that tend to
follow an early specialization model.

Diversification as an alternative approach

Increased push for early specialization by sport governing bodies, practitioners,
coaches, and parents is likely related to the assumptions that early specialization is the
most efficient means to skilled performance, and that early diversification is of mini-
mal benefit. However, the empirical basis of these assumptions has been criticized
(Baker, 2003).

A focus on play
Researchers examining early sport participation trends in elite athletes (e.g., Côté,
1999; Hill, 1993) have found that early specialization is not an essential component of
elite athlete development. In developmental investigations of sport expertise, retro-
spective accounts by elite athletes often indicate an extensive engagement in play-like
games during the “sampling years” (Côté, 1999; Côté & Hay, 2002) or “early years”
(Bloom, 1985) of sport participation. Specifically, elite athletes in these studies partic-
ipated in a wide range of activities prior to investing in one or two sports during mid-
adolescence. These activities often included backyard/street games that resembled a
sport, but lacked formalized structure or instruction and placed minimal emphasis on
 82 J. Baker et al.

skill development and competition (Bloom, 1985; Côté, 1999). Termed “deliberate
play” by Côté and Hay (2002), these activities have been suggested to stimulate inter-
est and intrinsic motivation because of the inherent enjoyment and fun associated with
participation.

Involvement in diverse activities

In addition to this play-like involvement, elite athletes also report involvement in a
range of different sports prior to specialization (Baker et al., 2003; Côté, 1999; Hill,
1993; Soberlak & Côté, 2003). In their study of Australian national team athletes,
Baker et al. (2003) found that the number of practice hours needed to attain national
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team status was inversely related to the breadth of the initial sporting experience. In
other words, less deliberate, domain-specific practice was necessary for expertise if
athletes experienced and practiced a range of activities throughout their development.
Baker et al. (2003) inferred that athletes gain ancillary benefits via some mechanism
of transfer from engagement in nondomain activities requiring similar skills (or at
least possessing relevant physical and/or cognitive attributes), to those in their domain
of expertise.
Partial support for this proposition has been forthcoming. For example, expertise
in triathlon has been associated with both late specialization (i.e., 16–20 years of age)
and extensive early engagement in other sports (e.g., soccer, basketball and running;
Baker, Côté & Deakin, 2005).2 Similarly, Cobley and Baker (2005) reported differ-
ences in the patterns of diversification in national and varsity-level female rugby
players. Between the ages of 5 and 19, elite players accumulated almost double the
amount of training in sports with high physiological (e.g., athletics, cross-country) and
movement-perceptual (e.g., soccer, hockey) resemblance to rugby, compared with
their nonelite counterparts. During early phases of growth and maturation, diversifi-
cation may stimulate generic physiological and cognitive adaptations, which lay the
groundwork for specialized physical and cognitive capacities necessary for later
expertise (Baker & Côté, 2006).

The issue of transfer

The notion of transfer across sports – an underpinning principle of the diversified train-
ing approach – is appealing. However, initial research in sport expertise is contradic-
tory, with many studies suggesting that cognitive skills such as pattern recognition are
nontransferable and domain specific (Allard & Starkes, 1991). Elite athletes’ accounts
of early diversification have led to further examinations of the mechanisms influencing
transfer across sport domains. Using a transfer paradigm with skilled and less skilled
players in soccer, field hockey and volleyball, Smeeton, Ward and Williams (2004)
found that skilled soccer and field hockey players responded equally well in recogniz-
ing attacking game-play across respective sports, indicating successful transfer across
similar perceptual demands. In contrast, volleyball players were less able to recognize
game-play in soccer or field hockey, requiring longer durations of video exposure prior
to recognition. Similarly, Abernethy, Baker, and Côté (2005) examined the ability of
expert and less-skilled players in netball, field hockey, and basketball to recall struc-
tured and unstructured patterns from offensive and defensive plays. In their respective
sports, experts recalled more accurately than experts from related sports (e.g., in
basketball, basketball experts recalled more accurately than field hockey experts).
 High Ability Studies 83

However, the experts from other sports were consistently more accurate in their recall
of defensive positions when compared with nonexperts (e.g., in basketball, field
hockey experts were superior to basketball nonexperts), supporting the notion that
some generic aspects of the ability to recall defensive structure were transferable across
similar sports.
While further research is needed, particularly with less skilled samples (see
Abernethy, Thomas, & Thomas, 1993), these preliminary findings suggest transfer in
fundamental cognitive skills can occur, but is likely dependent on the degree of percep-
tual and information processing similarity between sports. An ability to “read the
game” is only likely to transfer and benefit a specific sport if players are engaged in
other sports with “structurally” similar perceptual and processing demands (Smeeton
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et al., 2004). Similar visual search patterns of player movement and pattern configu-
rations may help to explain this selective transfer between sports (Abernethy et al.,
2005). Additional research in this area would assist in determining the type of sports
that promote generic transfer, identify sub-domain tasks which hold potential for
specific transfer (e.g., throwing movements in cricket and baseball), and the mecha-
nisms by which these occur.
Research from the field of “cross-training” supports the conclusion that elements
of physical conditioning can transfer across similar sports (e.g., Loy, Hoffman &
Holland, 1995). Over the past three decades, exercise physiologists have spent consid-
erable time examining the transfer of cardiovascular and peripheral training effects
across similar and dissimilar modes and have typically found that cross-training
effects are more likely to occur between sports that share similar modes of activity
than between dissimilar modes of activity. For example, research (Flynn et al., 1998;
Mutton et al., 1993) indicates that short-term interventions of combined run-cycle
training, which share similar muscle groups (i.e., similar modes), are as effective as
running alone in increasing physiological parameters such as aerobic capacity while
combined run-swim training have not been as effective (Foster et al., 1995).

Considering early diversification

Researchers advocating early specialization in athlete development propose that the
volume and intensity of specialized training, coupled with the pressure to perform in
developmental structures of elite sport are key factors contributing to youths’ detri-
mental experiences. An alternative diversification approach focuses on enjoyment in
a variety of playful sporting activities during childhood presumably without the phys-
ical and psychosocial costs associated with early specialization. Early diversification
is thought to lead to sport expertise because of the intrinsic motivation that stems from
the fun, enjoyment, and competence children experience through their sporting
involvement (Côté & Hay, 2002). It has also been suggested that the skills and phys-
iological conditioning developed through diversified childhood sport involvement
may be transferable to athletes’ later sport of specialization (Baker, 2003).
However, available evidence (see Baker & Côté, 2006, for a review) suggests diver-
sification alone is unable to nurture elite athletes in the long-term. If athletes are to
maximize the ancillary benefits from diversification, the way in which diversification
occurs appears influential. Broad and extensive involvement during the sampling years
in sports with similar information processing and physical demands appears to augment
skills within a primary sport, mediating the duration of domain specific training
required to attain expertise. Further, progressive, domain-specific deliberate practice
 84 J. Baker et al.

is ultimately required to achieve expertise, whereby optimally designed training loads

maximize physiological and psychological adaptations to performance requirements.
From this perspective, the determination of optimal timing and scaling of specialized
training, alongside purposeful diversified training, must be considered relative to peak
age and performance demands of the sport in question.
At the heart of the diversified approach is the notion that early diversified partici-
pation, even for a brief amount of time, is beneficial rather than disadvantageous to
skill development. However, it appears that early diversification is most beneficial
when children begin their involvement in organized sports and are learning new skills,
as performance improves primarily because of rapid improvements in general capabil-
ities (Newell & Rosenbloom, 1981). Once these general adaptations have been made,
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training adaptations become much more specific in nature (e.g., increases in the
number of capillaries in specific muscles of endurance athletes; Rowell, 1986) and
more difficult to attain. At this time, training should become more specific and delib-
erate; however, until then, there may be equal benefit from engaging in both types of
training. A recent examination of the effects of diversified training in triathletes
(Baker et al., 2005) found that diversified training was valuable only during early
phases of development, but further work is necessary to confirm these results in other
populations.

Limitations of previous research and directions for future work

Proponents of both early specialization and early diversification have presented clear
positions regarding the value of these approaches in athlete development but there are
significant limitations in the research conducted to date. Based on these limitations as
well as other issues that remain unresolved, we have identified several areas of future
research. These areas provide a fertile ground for researchers examining skill acquisi-
tion and youth development in sport.
First, there is a need to determine what specific parameters of early specialization
are harmful for children’s physical and psychosocial development. Consistent with
Wiersma’s (2000) definition, we highlighted four specific parameters of early special-
ization: early start age in sport, early involvement in one versus several sports, early
involvement in intensive, focused training, and early involvement in highly competi-
tive sport. Further research is necessary to determine which of these factors is associ-
ated with negative youth sport outcomes, and whether interactions and mediating
factors are contributing to associations. For instance, individuals with certain person-
ality traits may be better suited to either specialized or diversified involvement and
would thereby buffer the overall association between specific types of training and
developmental outcomes. Moreover, researchers have typically examined the extreme
rather than moderate approaches to early sport involvement; for instance, it is
currently unclear whether an early, focused involvement in a single sport with an
emphasis on “playful” participation is superior for the development of sport-related
skills than traditional early specialized or diversified involvement (or lack of involve-
ment, for that matter).
Second, more research is required to examine associations between early special-
ization, early diversification, and specific physical and psychosocial outcomes. For
example, given that few studies have used longitudinal research designs, little is
known about the specific nature and direction of relationships. Systematic examina-
tions of injury and/or motivation profiles across athletes’ careers would be extremely
 High Ability Studies 85

helpful in understanding the costs and benefits associated with specialized and diver-
sified approaches. Research to clarify other long-term physical and psychosocial
outcomes would also be beneficial. A recent study of Master athletes by Baker, Côté,
and Deakin (2006) found that early sport involvement focused on sampling and play-
ful participation, suggesting a positive association between early diversification and
long-term adult sport participation. Future research examining the relationship
between youth involvement in sport and adult patterns of physical activity would have
significant social relevance and contribute to a comprehensive model of physical
training, skill development, and health across the lifespan. Further, a good deal of the
research focusing on physical and psychosocial outcomes occurred in the 1970s and
1980s. Sport and social structures have changed significantly since this time (e.g.,
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talent identification and development programs have become more structured; Gulbin,
2008), making more contemporary investigations a necessity.
Third, this paper highlighted expertise development as one positive outcome of
early specialization, but focused primarily on the costs associated with this approach.
In order to understand this issue fully, it would be useful for researchers to consider
other benefits of early specialization that would not result from the diversified
approach outlined in this paper. For example, if early specialization were found to
advantage athletes in specific sports by fostering unique qualities, then the philosoph-
ical issue of whether children should be exposed to this environment would require re-
examination. Related to a separate issue, early specialization is already associated
with resource commitment (i.e., time, effort, and finances) both by young athletes and
their immediate families, most notably parents. However, engagement in early diver-
sification is also likely to increase resource demands substantially. Thus, while diver-
sification may be preferred and beneficial, the ability for athletes and their families to
engage in such activities may be constrained. On this basis, socio-economic status
may mediate or inhibit the ability to correlate diversification with long-term attain-
ment through resource availability (cf., Kay 2000; Rowe, Adams & Beasley, 2004).
Existing research has not directly examined these issues.
Fourth, a comprehensive evidence-based framework is necessary to determine
whether the diversification approach applies to all sport types (team and individual),
in all sport contexts (school, club, community), for all skill levels (recreational and
expert), and across all cultures and ethnicities. An empirically based model could
expand on current conceptual models of athlete development (e.g., Balyi, 2001; Balyi
& Hamilton, 2004; Côté, Baker, & Abernethy, 2007; Côté & Fraser-Thomas, 2007).
As a valid model of early athlete development becomes clearer, intervention research
should be conducted at a programming level (i.e., through National long-term athlete
development programs), to further our understanding of the specific means by which
program design can facilitate intrinsic motivation, skill transferability, and other posi-
tive developmental outcomes.
Fifth, preliminary findings suggesting transfer in fundamental cognitive skills and
physiological conditioning merit particular attention. If the transfer of cognitive skills
is dependent on the degree of perceptual and information processing similarity
between sports, an ability to “read the game” is only likely to transfer and benefit a
specific sport if players are engaged in other sports with “structurally” similar percep-
tual and processing demands (Smeeton et al., 2004). While visual search and scanning
patterns of player movement and pattern configurations may help to explain this selec-
tive transfer between sports (Abernethy et al., 2005), further research in this area would
assist in determining the type of sports that promote transfer and the mechanisms by
 86 J. Baker et al.

which this occurs. To add, in this paper we have generally only discussed the issue of
transfer between sport domains; as yet there has been limited direct investigation of
within sport or sub-domain transfer. For instance, understanding whether learning and
mastering different forms of dance or gymnastics in early stages of development
compliments long-term expertise in specific forms of dance or gymnastics is unknown.
Moreover, essentially nothing is known about the transfer and influence of less-
tangible psychological traits such as motivation, perseverance, and resiliency, or
psychological skills such as the ability to effectively use arousal regulation strategies
to maximize performance. Examinations in this area would be particularly helpful.
Despite decades of research in this area, the costs and benefits associated with
early specialization in athlete development are still not clear. Specialization–diversi-
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fication should not be viewed as a dichotomy but rather as a continuum. Coaches are
advised to consider carefully the large array of influential factors in determining
which types of training are most appropriate for their sport and population. Some
factors to consider – although not an exhaustive list – include the nature of tasks and
skills that need to be acquired, the degree of variability and stability in performance
of such tasks, and the specific competitive performance demands (i.e., physical and
cognitive) of the activity under consideration. Resolution of the issues raised in this
paper would promote the optimal development of athletic skill and ensure that elite
athlete development does not come at the expense of athletes’ physical and psycho-
logical health.

Notes
1. A systematic search for articles dealing with costs associated with early specialization was
performed using the search engines PSYCHINFO and SPORTDISCUS and the search
terms “early”, “specialization/specialisation” “youth/child” and “sport”. Search results
were limited to English, peer-reviewed academic journals. Once a core list of articles was
generated, reference lists of these articles were explored to generate a more exhaustive list
of studies examining this phenomenon.
2. In contrast, a study by Hodges, Kerr, Starkes, Weir, and Nananidou (2004) found that
involvement in other forms of training had a negative effect on performance; however,
their study considered current involvement rather than involvement over the athletes’
career.

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