1969 so not until degol was replaced that the negotiations resumed

1973 the ul joined the eec on january 1st

yet the uk now had to face existing structures and future projects
that had been elaborated without it,
1975 renogotiating terms first referendum
labor 1974 election manifesto commited to allow people the
opportunity to decide
wether britain should stay in a common market on terms to be
renegotiated or leave it entirely
referendum » do you think the uk should stay in the european
community ( common market) on terms to be negotiated » ?
june 1975 67 % voted yes

C/ Margaret Thatcheer and European integration

Late 1970's : France & Germany rpessed for a directly elected

European Parliament and monetary union.

Britain's reaction has been slow and obstructive (mostly on the

sovereignty question)
Delayed the first European elections in 1979

They wanted to pass legislation in their own parliament (declined

to participate in the structures that would prepare the way for a
common European currency.

The UK declined to take part in the discussions about a common

currency (even before Thatcher's election.)

She came to power in may 1979 and one of the major problems
that remained was that of UK's share of contribution to the
European budget, which would become a bone of contention
between the U.K and its European partners for the next 10 years.
Thatcher did not feel that close to other european leaders (she felt
closer to Ronald R. in the U.S).

For the majority of the EEC budget, it is derived from tariffs,

custom duties, plus levies taken on the VAT of the national
government.

As a consequence, because they received little from common

agricultural policies (having no farmers) they paid more money
than they received. The communal culture policy represented
almost half of the EEC's budget.

The U.K did not have any interest in this common agricultural
policy.

For most petitions in the U.K, it meant that it contributed more in

percentage terms than it should have given it's size and economy.

It was in this concept that Thachter started working on the

question of the budget. She saw it as a personal battle that
involved defending the interest of Britain in Europe. Her goal was
to force the comission to agree to a new system of rebate. She
wanted U.K contribution to be much reduced.

Her message was, repeatedly « I want my money back ». It lead to

a downturn with other Europeans country, particularly when the
U.K began to block all other EEC business to force them to listen
to their cases and to put pressure on the commission.

Compromises were reached in 1980, and even more so in 1984 on

the occasion of the summit of Fontainebloy when she finally
settled for a rebate (a huge one) worth 66% of the U.K net
contribution.

Thatcher's style was irritating for other European leaders as it

made it seems she cared more for Britain's interest than for
Europe.

Tensions increased as the commission pushed their plan for

greater European integration, which went far beyond previous
deregulation. It was to be a more federal Union. Something that
was not only based no trade but which meant a common political
structure. This move towards a federal Europe (by Fr and Ger)was
rejected by the UK.
What made the battle even more personal was when in 1985, the
president of the European commission changed, and Jacques
Delors. He believed that the move towards a single European
market for goods, capital, for people and labour, would necessarily
be accompanied by a stronger social role for Europe.

For patriotic British right wingers, it was unthinkable (fear of a

Federal Europe). To them it meant a loss of sovereignty. (And
supremacy of parliament is core to U.K politics). It is something
that has always been extremely difficult for British people to
accept.
Thatcher was however a model for the Euro-sceptics who became
increasingly numerous after her 1988 speech in Bruges.

College of Europe : High ranking education institute (extremely

selective) that will form the elite of European institutions.
(equivalent to France ENA)

Conservatives, after the speech, were divided between Euro-

sceptics conservative and pro European union. This lead to
Thatcher's downfall. In the same direction than the Bruges speech
came another one that responded to Jacques Delors. She replid
with a decisive: no no no.

Aside from her tyrannical behaviour in her cabinet, she was

getting on the nerves on her fellow conservatives. Euro skepticism
at the time.

There were regularly headlines, scary stories about what Europe

would impose on the U.K.

E/ John Major and Maastricht.

It was under John Major that Britain negotiated its position as

regard the Maastricht treaty

1993 : The Maastricht Treaty sought to :

Strenghten the supranational political institutions of the new EU

-encourage the development of a common monetary, social and

even foreign policy

Britain ratified the treaty but negotiated its position&secured for

Britain 2 key derogations : The UK
-was allowed to opt out from the “social chapter” of the
Maastricht Treaty.
-chose not to participate in the planned monetary union.

For John Major, this was clearly a success, but in fact the
Maastricht treaty proved even more divisive among the
conservative party. For some it was going too far in the direction
of Europe, for others it was too shy.

Major replaced Thachter in 1990, and the conservatives were

reelected in 1992. In 1997, putting an end to 18 years of
conservative rule came New Labour.

F) Blair and Europe

Before the 1990's, the Labour party was opposed to Europe.

Opposition to the EEC was formed on an umber of issues
including:
The loss of sovereignty
The risk of weakening the link with the Commonwealth,
The wish to maintain a transatlantic alliance.
They feared that the EEC and the European unions would lead to
greater competition and higher unemployment for British workers,
and with this to a fall in industrial production. They also criticised
the budget (the British share of the EEC budget was too high).
And they shared the conservative's point of view on Agricultural
policy.

One argument that was not common with the conservative party
though was that the labour party, throughout the 1980 underwent a
very strong move towards the left. (drifting from the post war
consensus, Keynesians policies)

Conservatives became neo-liberal, labour became socialist. From

the 1970's, labour argued in favour of an alternative economic
policy, which to them implied widespread nationalisation, so as to
be able to have the government manage industry, that implied a
great centralisation.
To them, this programme could not be implemented if some of
these decisions came from Europe.

Part of their plan implied protectionism (which was not possible

with Europe.)

These views culminated in 1983 with the commitment to

withdraw from EEC. On that occasion, the labour party promised
that if they were elected they would withdraw from the EEC.

Tony Benn, key figure at the time : I loathe the Common Market.
It's bureaucratic and it's centralised, there's no political discussion,
officials control Ministers, and it just has a horrible flavour about
it. But of course it is really dominated by Germany.

What contributed to change the point of view on labour by Europe

was the fact that Jacques Delors became the president of the
European Commission, and therefore work towards a social
dimension for the European community. In 1998 he spoke in front
of the trade union congress, and got an ovation when saying the
EEC should benefit every citizens. He wanted to improve working
conditions of workers in Europe, which corresponded to Labour's
ideas.

It was under Tony Blair that the party became more solidly pro
European and one of Tony Blair's first action was to accept the
Social Chapter of the Maastricht Treaty that the conservatives had
previously rejected.

Labour was more pro European, but was however not ready to
accept everything. Tony Blair negotiated for the working time not
to be totally applied to the U.K (48 maximum) so as to protect the
competitiveness of the workforce.

From the very beginning, the U.K always negotiated a special

position, menu, choosing what to adopt, and what not to adopt.
Obviously, among the most significant developments were the
article of the Maastricht treaty was the creation of a common
currency (was to be created 1st January 1999), and Britain had
already obtained an out of this currency.

Blair's position might have been a little more hypocritical, as he

stated (before becoming PM) that the U.K was not ready for a
common currency.

Under Blair, the UK still appeared to be a country that found it

difficult to wholeheartedly support institutions and reforms that
might be perceived as taking its sovereignty or status away.
Blair promoted the image of the UK as a potential bridge between
the USA and the countries of the EU

“Whenever they are divided, the forces of progress, the values of

liberty and democracy, the requirements of security and peace,
suffer. We can indeed help to be bridge between the US and
Europe and such understanding is always needed.”