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TOURISM
TOURISM
CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES
GEOFFREY WALL and ALISTER MATHIESON

This new text builds upon the success of the classic Mathieson & Wall original Tourism:
economic, physical and social impacts to provide a comprehensive and rigorous examination of
the consequences of tourism. The authors address the nature of tourism and tourists and the
economic, environmental and social impacts that result from their activities. It provides a unique
blend of theoretical principles and practice for a balanced approach to tourism.

CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES

KEY FEATURES GEOFFREY WALL
new approaches to impact assessment are considered
as well as a rethinking of tourism impacts ALISTER MATHIESON
uses international case studies and models to illustrate
key concepts
wide range of examples from both the developing
and developed world
incorporates the latest insights and literature
contains new chapters on frameworks for analysis and
sustainable developments
contains an extensive bibliography and subject, place
and author indexes to permit easy access to information
TOURISM
CHANGE, IMPACTS AND OPPORTUNITIES
This text will be essential reading for students, academics
and practitioners of tourism, leisure, hospitality, geography,
management, business studies and the wider social sciences.
Geoffrey Wall is Professor of Geography at the University of

MATHIESON
WALL and
Waterloo, Canada.
Alister Mathieson is Dean, School of Hospitality, Recreation
and Tourism, Humber College Institute of Technology and
Advanced Learning, Toronto, Canada.

Cover image ©
www.pearson-books.com
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Tourism: change, impacts

and opportunities

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Tourism: change, impacts

and opportunities

GEOFFREY WALL AND

ALISTER MATHIESON

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Pearson Education Limited

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First published 2006

© Pearson Education Limited 2006

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Contents

List of figures viii

List of tables ix
Preface x
Acknowledgements xii
Publisher’s acknowledgements xiii

1 Introduction 1

Organization 3
Some research issues 4
Impact studies 5
Relationships between leisure, recreation and tourism 8
Definitions of tourism 11
Describing tourism: implications for impact assessment 15
Commentary 17

2 Frameworks 19

The dynamic element 22

The destination element 33
The consequential element 38
Tourist decision-making 39
Purchasing tourist products 42
The tourist profile 44
Spatial relationships 49
Summary and implications 50

3 Understanding change 52

Evolving perspectives 54
Spatial and temporal factors 57
Destination characteristics 61
Types of tourism 62

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Contents

The state of knowledge 62

Factors contributing to and mediating impacts 65
Summary 67

4 Economic consequences 68

Economic characteristics of the tourism industry 73

Tourism and economic development 77
Advantages of tourism 83
Conditions for development 85
The realities of tourism and economic development 88
Economic benefits and costs 89
Tourism and the balance of payments 90
Currency flows 102
Tourism and national economic growth (Gross Domestic Product or GDP) 106
Economic multipliers 109
Income generation and the distribution of tourist spending 120
Tourism and employment 125
Tourism and entrepreneurial activity 136
Tourism and economic structure 141
Economic impacts of special events and specific tourist industry activities 143
The economic costs of tourism 145
Economic indicators of the future of tourism 150
Summary 152

5 Environmental consequences 154

Tourism–environment relationships 157

Tourism and the environment: a symbiotic relationship 160
Tourism and environment in conflict 168
Impacts of tourism on ecosystems 187
Impacts of tourism on built environments 195
Tourism and competition for resources: tourism in rural areas 213
Conclusions 217

6 Social consequences 220

Tourist–host interrelationships 223

Social impacts of tourism 226
Framework for the measurement of social impacts 227
Tourism and social change: euphoria to xenophobia 232
Tourism and moral conduct 242
Tourism and religion 250

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Contents

Tourism and language 253

Tourism and health 255
Summary 258
Cultural impacts 259
Tourism and cultural change 263
Intercultural communication 267
Culture as a commodity 271
Authenticity of the tourist experience 271
Tourism and material forms of culture 272
Tourism and non-material forms of culture 280
Conclusions 284

7 Sustainable developments 288

Sustainable development 289

The status of tourism planning and management 293
Points, lines and areas 296
Impact assessment and monitoring 298
Analysis versus involvement 306
Community-based tourism, stakeholders and partnerships 307
An evaluation triangle 308
Conclusions 311

8 Conclusions 313

Planning for tourist impacts 316

Impact research and planning 317
Summary 324

References and bibliography 328

Index 390

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List of figures

2.1 A conceptual framework of tourism 20

2.2 Determinants of tourism demand 23
2.3 The new consumers 31
2.4 The travel decision-making process 41
4.1 Tourism GDP share by industry 108
4.2 Distribution of the tourist dollar in Florida 1968 123
4.3 Measures of tourism employment 130
4.4 Tourism employment by industry 132
4.5 Tourist-generated entrepreneurial activity 138
4.6 Stages of entrepreneurial activity 139
5.1 Theoretical accommodation zones in a coastal resort 201
5.2 Tourism and environment 218
6.1 Host attitudinal/behavioural responses to tourist activity 229
6.2 A cultural tourist typology 268
7.1 A framework for conceptualizing and evaluating ecotourism 309

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List of tables

3.1 Common relationships between accommodation types and other

aspects of tourism systems: a perspective from Bali 66
4.1 Structure of the balance of payments 91
4.2 Hypothetical example of the relationship of the travel account and
tourism balance to the balance of payments 95
4.3 Economic significance of tourism: TSA measures 100
4.4 Import propensities by type of establishment 103
4.5 Estimated contributions of tourism to GDP (as %) 108
4.6 Tourism income multipliers from selected destinations and regions 114
4.7 Local income coefficients – Edinburgh 116
4.8 Tourist multipliers in Gwynedd, 1973 117
4.9 Income multipliers of Gwynedd, Lothian and Skye 117
4.10 Total income generation for Edinburgh 120
4.11 Total income and output generated within Gwynedd by
tourist expenditure: 1973 (June–Sept.) 121
4.12 Edinburgh: Total employment multiplier at the city level
(per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) 128
4.13 Edinburgh: Components of the employment coefficients at the
city level (per £1,000 of visitor expenditure) 129
4.14 Labour compensation and productivity (1992) 132
4.15 Direct and indirect incidental costs of tourism to a community –
alternative life-quality costs and fiscal cuts 146
5.1 A summary of impact indicators associated with construction
of mountain resorts from Australian environmental impact
statements 193
5.2 Applications of visitor management techniques 210
6.1 Index of tourist irritation 228
6.2 Social impacts: future research priorities 286
7.1 Some measures to control the character and intensity of
recreational use to meet desired management objectives 295
7.2 Eight challenges in undertaking EIAs for tourism 304

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Preface

It is now more than twenty years since we produced our first collaborative work
on tourism (Mathieson and Wall 1982). We are grateful that this work was well
received and are somewhat surprised that it has stood the test of time so well and
is still widely used and quoted. This is both encouraging and disappointing. It is
encouraging because it suggests that we were able to articulate ideas that have
retained their relevance for almost a quarter of a century. It is disappointing in
that, in spite of the voluminous literature on tourism that has been produced
since, there appear not to have been major breakthroughs that have invalidated
our earlier work. We believe that the resilience of the earlier work is rooted in
part in the simple three-fold division into economic, physical and social impacts
which, although not perfect, has served well as an organizing framework. This
feature is retained in the present volume.
However, much has happened since the preceding volume was published – in
the world, in tourism and in academia – and, of special relevance here, the volume
of both published and unpublished material that is now available on tourism has
grown exponentially. In preparing this volume, we wanted to build upon the suc-
cess of the preceding book and, from this perspective, this work can be viewed as
a new edition of its predecessor. However, we believe that it is more than this.
We wanted to update not only the literature but also the ideas, and in this we
have been successful to the extent that it is a new book with a new title. In some
cases original tables have been retained because they still illustrate fundamental
points and have not been superseded in the literature by publications using
more recent data. At the same time, the original work was published prior to the
availability of materials on satellite accounts, the tourism cycle of evolution, eco-
tourism, sustainable development and other such concepts. Our own ideas have
also evolved in the intervening years. For example, while we still use the word
‘impacts’ frequently, for a variety of reasons that are explained in the text, we now
often discuss ‘consequences’, for destination areas and their residents are not
simply ‘impacted’, they actively seek tourists and investors. In order to reflect the
evolving state of knowledge, we have not only incorporated new materials in the
key economic, environmental and social chapters, we have also included two new
chapters on ‘Understanding change’ and ‘Sustainable developments’.
In preparing this volume, we hope that we have drawn attention to the far-
reaching implications of tourism so that the great significance of tourism can be

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Preface

better appreciated, so that more informed decisions can be made concerning

its planning and management, and so that the benefits of travel can be shared
more equitably between those who visit and those that live in the places that
are visited.

xi

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Acknowledgements

Many individuals have unwittingly contributed to this book through sharing

their ideas with us as colleagues, students, practitioners, tourists and residents of
destination areas. They are too numerous to thank individually and, indeed, it is
not possible to isolate exactly their specific contributions. Nevertheless, we are
acutely aware that this work incorporates the insights that numerous people have
shared with us over a long period of time. In particular, we wish to recognize the
University of Waterloo and the Humber College Institute of Technology and
Advanced Learning, which have been our institutional homes during the cul-
mination of this endeavour. We acknowledge that we have worn out the patience
of a number of editors who have continually urged us to complete this book.
Perhaps they can take some satisfaction in knowing that we did finally produce
another manuscript. We thank the editorial staff at Pearson for their encourage-
ment and efficiency when we finally gave them something to work with. We take
pleasure in knowing that when we attend another international conference, work-
shop or event and are asked when the next edition will be forthcoming, we can
say truthfully that our manuscript has been completed.

xii

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Publisher’s acknowledgements

We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material:

Figure 2.2 from The determinants of tourism demand: a theoretical perspective
The Economic Geography of the Tourist Industry pp. 79–97, edited by D. Ioannides &
K.G. Debbage, published by ITPS Ltd (Uysal, M. 1998); Figure 2.3 from Progress in
Tourism, Recreation and Hospitality Management, Vol. 1 edited by C. Cooper, © John
Wiley & Sons Limited. Reproduced with permission (Poon, A. 1989); Table 3.1
in Journal of Sustainable Tourism, Vol. 1 (1) pp. 38–47, published by Multilingual
Matters/Channel View Publications (Wall, G. 1993); Table 4.3 from Tourism
Satellite Accounts: Credible Numbers for Good Business Decisions, published by the
Canadian Tourism Commission (2002); Table 4.8 and Table 4.11 from Tourism in
Gwynedd: An Economic Study, published by the University of Wales press (Archer,
B.H., Shea, S. & Vane, R. 1974); Figure 4.3 in Tourism Economics Vol. 5 (4) p. 394,
© 1999 IP Publishing Ltd, reproduced by permission (Heerschap, N.M. 1999);
Table 4.15 reprinted from Practical Tourism Forecasting Frechtling D.C. © 1996 with
permission from Elsevier; Table 5.2 from Integrated Heritage Management, repro-
duced by permission of The Stationery Office Ltd (Hall, C.M. & McArthur, S.
1998); Table 6.1 from Heritage Canada, Vol. 2 (2) pp. 26–27, published by the
Heritage Canada Foundation (Doxey, G.V. 1976); Figure 6.2 from Cultural Tourism:
The Partnership Between Tourism and Cultural Heritage Management Fig. 9.1 p. 140,
© 2002 The Haworth Press Inc. (McKercher, R. & du Cros, H. 2002); Figure 7.1
reprinted from Ross S. and Wall G. Ecotourism: towards congruence between the-
ory and practice, Tourism Management Vol. 20 (1), 123–132 © 1999 with permission
from Elsevier.
In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material,
and we would appreciate any information that would enable us to do so.

xiii

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1 Introduction

Tourism is the temporary movement of people to destinations outside their normal

places of work and residence, the activities undertaken during their stay in those
destinations, and the facilities created and services provided to cater to their
needs. The study of tourism is the study of people away from their usual habitat,
of the establishments which respond to the requirements of travellers, and of the
impacts that they have on the economic, environmental and social well-being of
their hosts. It involves the motivations and experiences of the tourists, the ex-
pectations of and adjustments made by residents of reception areas, and the roles
played by the numerous agencies and institutions which intercede between them.
Tourism is a luxury and a voluntary activity. Until recently, participation was
restricted to the select few who could afford both the time and money to travel.
Increased leisure, higher incomes and greatly enhanced mobility have combined
to enable more people to partake of tourism. Improvements in transportation,
the proliferation of accommodation, and the growth of inclusive tours and other
forms of relatively cheap vacation travel have further extended the opportunity
to travel for pleasure. Today the majority of people in the developed world and
increasing numbers in developing countries are tourists at some time in their lives.
Tourism is no longer the prerogative of a few but is an accepted and accustomed,
even expected, part of the lifestyles of a large and growing number of people.
Tourism is of major economic and social significance. More than 720 million
tourists spend $480 billion (US) annually in places outside their own countries
(World Tourism Organization 2004) This is one of the largest items in the world’s
foreign trade. With a world growth rate in international visitor arrivals of approx-
imately 5 per cent per annum, tourism has been one of the fastest growing eco-
nomic activities globally and it has proven to be resilient to political violence and
natural disasters, rebounding quite rapidly once these have passed. It is the most
important export industry and earner of foreign exchange in many countries.
The significance of tourism has been recognized in both developed and devel-
oping countries. This can be seen in the establishment of sophisticated and well
resourced government departments of tourism, widespread encouragement and
sponsorship of tourist developments, and the proliferation of small businesses and
multinational corporations contributing to and deriving benefits from the tourism
industry. There is widespread optimism that tourism might be a powerful and

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Introduction

beneficial agent of both economic and social change, some even advocating that it
might be a force for world peace. Indeed, tourism has stimulated employment,
investment and entrepreneurial activity, modified land use and economic struc-
ture, and made a positive contribution to the balance of payments in many coun-
tries throughout the world.
At the same time, the growth of tourism has prompted perceptive observers
to raise many questions concerning the social and environmental desirability of
encouraging further expansion. Do the expenditures of tourists benefit the residents
of destination areas? Is tourism encouraging prostitution, crime and gambling?
Does tourism rejuvenate or erode the traditional arts and crafts of host cultures?
Do governments direct their development priorities to satisfy the needs of tourists
rather than residents? Are residents financing expensive tourist facilities through
their taxes? Is tourism contributing to the destruction of the very resources which
initially attracted the tourists? Are there saturation levels beyond which further
growth in tourist arrivals creates more problems than benefits? What is being
done to calculate these levels and to ensure that they are not exceeded? As the
impacts of tourism appear to be inevitable, what strategies are available to plan
and manage these, mitigating the negative effects and maximizing the positive?
The unprecedented growth of tourism that occurred in the second half of the last
century has prompted a host of such questions, and answers are only now begin-
ning to emerge. As tourism continues to expand, questions concerning associated
economic, environmental and social effects will continue to become more press-
ing. Adequate answers to such questions are predicated upon systematic and rigor-
ous research which also continues to grow.
Although university study programmes on tourism have grown substantially in
number, research on tourism has been highly fragmented, with researchers follow-
ing separate and often divergent paths and often confined specifically to single
disciplines. Impact-oriented research has been equally specialized, emphasizing
specific types of impact to the exclusion of others and usually lacking multidiscip-
linary approaches and analyses. The value of such studies would be enhanced if
they could be placed in a broader context.
There have been few attempts to integrate the findings of the diverse studies of
the impacts of tourism, yet any assessment of the costs and benefits of tourism
requires a full consideration of all the likely consequences. This volume, a revised
and expanded version of the authors’ earlier work (Mathieson and Wall 1982), is
a bold attempt to synthesize the findings of research on the impacts of tourism
and to present them to the reader in a systematic fashion. The strengths and weak-
nesses of existing approaches to tourism impact studies will be identified, and
topics which have yet to receive detailed examination in the literature will be
pointed out. The materials assembled in this book are largely taken from published
sources and emphasize the impacts of mass tourism in resort areas as opposed
to the less apparent, scattered effects of individuals travelling in areas lacking a

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Organization

reputation for tourism. However, the selection of materials is guided substantially

by the authors’ considerable collective experiences in tourism education, tourism
planning and the operation of international tourism businesses. The value of this
book will not lie in the originality of the ideas which are presented (although the
conventional wisdom will be challenged in some places), for it will be necessary to
draw heavily upon the work of others; rather, as one of the most extensive attempts
to access and collate the numerous studies of the consequences of tourism, it is
hoped that this work will provide a balanced introduction to the topic. By draw-
ing attention to the diversity and complexity of these impacts and the conceptual
and methodological difficulties inherent in their measurement, alternative frame-
works have been developed by the authors that now require more detailed empir-
ical analyses for testing and validation (see Chapter 2). An objective evaluation of
the consequences of tourism is required if government agencies, planners, devel-
opers and businessmen are to appreciate the full implications of their actions. If
some of the myths concerning the nature of tourist impacts can be dispelled, then
the way should be open for a re-examination of the true potential of tourism as a
contributor to the economic, environmental and social well-being of reception
areas. Thus, it should be possible to encourage types of development which con-
fer many of the ‘blessings’ of tourism without the associated ‘blights’.

ORGANIZATION
Widely accepted procedures for investigating the impacts of tourism have yet to
be established and few studies attempt a comprehensive examination of a broad
range of types of impact. In economics, frameworks and impact methodologies
have been applied to tourism with some consistency but in the measurement of
social and environmental impacts, procedures for investigation are more diverse,
and widely accepted common methodologies and frameworks have yet to emerge.
For the purposes of this work, the consequences of tourism are grouped into three
major categories: economic, environmental and social. This distinction is some-
what artificial for, in reality, the boundaries between the categories are indistinct
and their contents merge. For example, money may be spent in an attempt to
reduce unacceptable environmental change. This, in turn, may have repercussions
for the availability of jobs and, hence, on social well-being. Similarly, tax revenues
earned as a by-product of tourism expenditures may be spent to promote more
tourism, to clean up the environment or to improve social services. Ultimately,
therefore, this threefold division must be justified pragmatically. However, most
studies of the consequences of tourism focus primarily on only one of these three
types of impact so that the organization into three major impact domains reflects
the present status of research.
Just as there is overlap between the impact domains, there is also little con-
sensus as to what should be included within them. For example, some economic

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Introduction

studies focus upon income generation; others stress the creation of employment,
whereas many reports are devoted to balance of payments questions. Such vari-
ations in emphasis hamper the comparison of findings of different investigations,
frustrate the establishment of a body of theory, and contribute to inconsistency
and contradiction in study conclusions.
For this study, environmental impact assessment checklists and social and
economic indicator tables were consulted as a guide to the allocation of subject
matter to each impact domain. This procedure also enabled topics favoured by
researchers to be distinguished from those which are largely unstudied. However,
while a three-fold division into economic, environmental and social impacts con-
stitutes the major organizing framework of this book, it is not rigidly imposed.
There are occasions when, for the sake of clarity and in tune with the multi-faceted
nature of tourist phenomena, aspects of one type of impact will be mentioned in
conjunction with those of another impact domain.

SOME RESEARCH ISSUES

Rapid growth of tourism has given rise to increasingly pronounced economic,
environmental and social effects. However, until recently, attention concentrated
on the more obvious economic impacts with comparatively little consideration
being given to the environmental and social consequences of tourism. In part, this
was caused by the difficulty in quantifying the environmental and social impacts
which, in turn, has hindered the establishment of widely accepted methodologies.
The relative neglect of these latter topics has occurred in spite of increasing anxiety
about environmental problems evolving from the continued manipulation of
the environment, and in spite of expanding awareness of the increasing signific-
ance of tourism. The economic emphasis of much early research is a reflection of
the optimism with which tourism was generally viewed in the 1960s. Great inter-
est was expressed in the potential of tourism to contribute to economic develop-
ment. Tourism was widely acclaimed as generating a multitude of beneficial effects
upon such economic indicators as balance of payments, income, employment and
tax revenues. While there is an element of truth in this perspective, and some
types of tourism may stimulate environmental preservation and benefit residents
of destination areas, contemporary tourism, however, is on a massive scale, which
may pose substantial environmental and social risks and costs.
Recognition of the far-reaching consequences of modern tourism has prompted
a reorientation of tourism research. There has been a noticeable shift towards
a more balanced perspective incorporating a critical examination of the costs, or
negative impacts, of tourism. An increasing number of such studies adopt an
environmental and, particularly, a social or cultural perspective but the major-
ity of such investigations are of relatively recent vintage. The potentially serious
psychological, social and cultural effects of tourism were given prominence in

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Impact studies

the seminal works of Young (1973) and Turner and Ash (1975). Following these
pioneering statements, a number of other authors illuminated some of the nega-
tive impacts of tourism (Cohen 1978, Graburn 1976, Pizam 1978, Smith 1977). These
have included the modification of traditional cultures, increases in prostitution
and crime, and the pollution of beaches. The literature has proliferated in the last
quarter of a century but much of the work has reinforced earlier insights and new
breakthroughs in knowledge have been difficult to achieve.
As tourism has grown in volume and diversity, the consequences of tourism
have become increasingly complex and contradictory. For example, the commer-
cialization of culture, through the marketing and sale of artifacts, may revive
traditional art forms or modify them so that they are scarcely recognizable. The
associated influx of money into a local economy may distort occupational stability
and contribute to a breakdown in family and community cohesion. On the other
hand, the commercialization of culture may lead to the creation of a ‘phony folk
culture’ but, at the same time, create jobs and thereby alleviate existing unemploy-
ment problems. These early, largely negative perspectives on tourism have also been
challenged, leading to more nuanced interpretations and a need to rethink what the
impacts of tourism might be (Wall 1996c). Residents of tourist destinations often
want tourists to visit, and destinations seek and promote tourism development.
They want to enhance their lifestyles through acquisition of better jobs, higher
incomes, higher tax revenues and other spin-offs of tourism, and they may accept
that there will be some adverse social and environmental consequences. Thus
trade-offs are likely to be involved and these will vary with each destination and
the circumstances of its residents, and with the varying types of tourism develop-
ment and tourist activities. This balanced perspective has been discussed by such
authors as Wall (1996c), Van Lier and Taylor (1993), Butler (1996), Archer, Cooper
and Ruhanen (2005) and Glasson, Godfrey and Goodey (1995). It will, therefore,
be necessary for assessments of tourism to increase in breadth, depth and sophisti-
cation as the forms of tourism proliferate and as the diversity and intricacy of
impacts are magnified.

IMPACT STUDIES
Evaluations of the impacts of tourism reflect the status of impact research in gen-
eral. Recent environmental legislation, and demands by society for environmental
impact statements for projects which significantly affect the environment, and
the introduction of such concepts as sustainable tourism development have stimu-
lated interest in impact research and emphasized the need for the development of
sound analytical procedures. Given the varied requirements of impact assess-
ments and their recent rise to prominence, it should not be surprising that there is
a paucity of methodological guidelines or frameworks for undertaking investiga-
tions of the impacts of tourism.

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Introduction

Environmental impact statements of any kind are extremely difficult to make

(Wall and Wright 1977: 3–5). Five reasons for this can be highlighted. First, human
beings have been living on and modifying the earth for thousands of years so that
it is extremely difficult to reconstruct the environment before the intervention of
humans and, hence, to establish a base level against which to measure changes. In
many tourist destination areas public use has existed for long periods of time so
that it is now almost impossible to reconstruct the environment minus the effects
induced by tourism. However, failure to establish baseline data will mean that it
will be impossible to fully assess the magnitude of changes brought about by
tourism.
A second difficulty concerns the problem of disentangling the role of humans
from the role of nature. Even without the intervention of humans, the environment
would not be unchanging, but would be in a perpetual state of flux. This leads to
further difficulties in defining a base level. The problem is compounded because
many impacts of tourism result from normal environmental processes whose
actions are speeded up by the intervention of humans. For instance, weathering
and erosion are natural processes but they can become major problems when
exacerbated by human activities. The processes remain unchanged but the flows
of energy are radically altered.
A related problem is the difficulty of differentiating between changes attri-
butable to pre-existing processes and changes induced by the influx of tourists.
Tourism has emerged as a forceful agent of change and creates impacts which are
clearly the product of tourist developments: resort landscapes, the construction of
theme parks and the generation of related employment and income are obvious
examples. In many cases, however, it is exceedingly difficult to isolate the prin-
cipal causes of change. It may be difficult to determine whether changes are
directly attributable to tourist development or whether tourism is only one among
a number of agents of change. In Tonga, for example, the increased demand for
imported foodstuffs has resulted from an increasing population, inadequate agri-
cultural production to feed the people, and demands imposed by international
tourism. The extent to which tourism has contributed to the deep-seated social
and economic problems emanating from this situation is not accurately known.
Tourism, undoubtedly, has been one important contributing factor but it may
also be a highly visible scapegoat for problems which already existed prior to
the advent of modern tourism. It certainly is easier to blame tourism than it is to
rectify the problem through addressing the conditions of society and environment.
Thirdly, the complex interactions of tourism phenomena make total impact
almost impossible to measure. Many of the impacts of tourism are manifested in
subtle and often unexpected ways. In other words, primary impacts give rise to
secondary and tertiary impacts and generate a myriad of successive repercussions
which it is usually impracticable to trace and monitor. Cross-impacts are a direct

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Impact studies

result of the interactive nature of economic, environmental and social phenomena.

Interactions between components of each of these impact domains induce further
changes which reverberate through the system, creating a complex array of impact
flows. For example, organized safaris to national parks in Africa can modify the
feeding and breeding habits of wildlife. Preservation of wildlife may be in the inter-
ests of tourism developers and may have economic benefits to countries endowed
with this resource. However, the establishment of national parks has forced the
rapidly growing African population to farm in areas of low fertility where agricul-
tural production may be barely sufficient to feed the population. Special impacts
occur to particular groups of people, such as racial or cultural minorities, or to
unique types of wildlife or vegetation. The distinctive characteristics of such groups
and environmental components can make them extremely attractive to the tourists
but also highly vulnerable to impacts from tourism activity.
A fourth obstacle stems from spatial and temporal discontinuities between cause
and effect. For instance, erosion in one location may result in deposition else-
where, destruction of key elements of an animal’s habitat may lead to population
declines throughout its range, or development of new facilities may divert tourist
traffic away from existing locations. A considerable time may elapse before the
full implications of an activity are apparent. Thus, there are great difficulties in
establishing both temporal and spatial constraints for undertaking impact studies.
A fifth methodological issue is the selection of impact indicators. What indi-
cators should be used and what do they really mean? For example, what is the sig-
nificance of prostitution and an increased crime rate when compared with traffic
congestion or an expanded tax base? In other words, it is a challenge to identify
the variables that best indicate the changing situation and, in consequence, of what
to measure. A related problem is the assigning of weights to the selected indicators,
as indicators of impact vary in their significance to the impacted system, and
devising means of combining disparate measures into a composite index of the
magnitude of impact is fraught with difficulty.
Problems such as those which have been discussed above have restricted the
scope and accuracy of research results and have encouraged investigators to nar-
row the focus of their research. There has been a tendency to examine impacts
from selected activities, in particular regions or destinations, in isolation from the
broader tourism phenomena of which they are a part; to concentrate on primary
impacts to the exclusion of secondary and tertiary impacts; to measure the more
tangible, quantifiable impacts, such as economic impacts, to the neglect of the
less readily measured social and environmental impacts; and to stress positive
impacts or benefits, and to overlook undesirable consequences or costs (although
the emphases may be changing and differ between groups as governments and
industry representatives continue to stress the benefits whereas academics often
highlight the costs). Future examinations of the consequences of tourism for host

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Introduction

communities will continue to be concerned with the types and magnitude of impact
and whether they are predominantly beneficial or costly to the destination area.
In addition, it will be necessary to give greater attention to the scale of impact,
for the spheres of influence of tourist development vary and their consequences
may be viewed differently depending upon whether they are assessed from a
local, regional, national or international perspective. At the same time, it will be
appropriate to give greater attention to the assessment of who gains and who
loses. Costs and benefits of tourism are not evenly distributed. What may be a
benefit to one group or individual within a community may be a cost to the neigh-
bours. Investors in tourist developments and associated service industries may
gain at the expense of other residents of the destination area, who may suffer
increased crowding, congestion, noise, pollution and modified lifestyles. Further-
more, tourism is dynamic, and impacts and their significance are constantly
changing owing to modifications of the goals of both the tourists and their hosts,
fluctuations in the processes shaping the economic and physical environments,
and technological changes and other developments in the tourist industry itself.
This implies that impacts will change through time and space, and periodic mon-
itoring will be desirable.

RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN LEISURE, RECREATION

AND TOURISM
Discussions of recreation and tourism are plagued by imprecise terminology.
Although there is a considerable body of literature which attempts to clarify the
meanings of such terms as recreation and leisure, universally acceptable defini-
tions have yet to be derived. The problem is compounded by the indiscriminate
use of words such as pleasure, fun, spare time and enjoyment which are often
used as synonyms for recreation and leisure and as substitutes for each other. In
the interests of clear thinking it is desirable to make a distinction between the
meanings of leisure and recreation. Leisure can be regarded as a measure of time:
it is time remaining after work, sleep and necessary personal and household
chores have been completed. It is the time available for doing as one chooses for
enjoyment, well-being and personal growth and satisfaction. Leisure may thus be
defined as ‘discretionary time’. Recreation embraces the wide variety of activities
which are undertaken during leisure. Outside of professional circles, there has
probably never been one word or phrase in common circulation to describe that
time which we think of as leisure. People talk about concrete, discrete activities,
such as watching television, skiing or going to the cottage, and not about tourism,
recreation or leisure. Leisure, recreation and tourism are abstractions from com-
mon experience, abstractions which only those who stand aside from that experi-
ence can perceive. The language is that of the academic and the planner rather
than the participant (Cunningham 1980).

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Relationships between leisure, recreation and tourism

The simple distinction between leisure as discretionary time and recreation as

activity is difficult to implement, for many activities include both obligatory and
discretionary components. For instance, without food we would die and eating is
a necessity; it is also a popular form of recreation from which many people derive
great pleasure. Similarly, gardening and attending conventions are activities which
can be both enjoyable and a chore. Such difficulties have prompted some authors
to argue that leisure and recreation are states of mind and that they are best
defined in psychological terms (Driver and Tocher 1974). While one can be sym-
pathetic to this viewpoint and can acknowledge that individuals recreate for
a wide variety of reasons and may even derive different satisfactions from the
same activity, psychological definitions have their own inherent difficulties. The
designation of areas for excitement, danger or relaxation is uncommon among
recreation and tourism planners and site managers, who usually operate on the
basis of activities, designating areas for camping, skiing or hunting. However, the
psychological definitions do serve to remind us that opportunities to recreate are
not provided in and for themselves; they are made available to enable participants
to achieve a wide range of satisfactions.
Tourism, recreation and leisure are not the prerogative of any one discipline.
Recreations in the home, such as reading and watching television, are probably
best studied by sociologists and psychologists, although economists may be inter-
ested in associated spending patterns. While recognizing that other disciplines
have important roles to play, it is suggested that the geographer is in a position to
make a distinct and significant contribution to the understanding of tourism and
outdoor recreation. Tourism and outdoor recreation are land uses. They are in
competition with agriculture, forestry, mining, housing, industry and a variety of
other functions for the same scarce resources of land and water. Tourist and recre-
ation facilities such as ski areas, resorts, parks and swimming pools have service
areas comparable to those of stores or ports, and tourism and recreation create
patterns of movement analogous to those associated with commuting or migra-
tion and susceptible to analysis by similar methods. From these examples alone it
should be evident that the concepts and methods of the geographer are appropri-
ate to analyses of tourism and recreation and have the potential to further the
understanding of these phenomena.
Tourism and outdoor recreation have three basic aspects: the supply of facilities,
the demand for participation, and the intervening distances that must be over-
come to bring the consumer to the place of production. Supply and demand interact
to produce the pattern of tourism and outdoor recreation, which may be defined
as the spatial and temporal incidence of tourism and outdoor recreation. These
patterns have associated economic, environmental and social impacts and give
rise to planning and management problems and opportunities.
Interactions between supply and demand occur at a variety of scales reflecting
the time available for tourism and outdoor recreation and the distances that

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Introduction

can be traversed during that time. When only short periods of time are available,
as, for example, in the evening, recreation, of necessity, takes place in or relatively
close to the home. In contrast, during vacations, when several days of leisure may
be juxtaposed, it is possible to travel long distances. There is thus a continuum
from recreation in the home to recreation at considerable distances from the home
base, the latter often being associated with the acquisition of temporary accom-
modation. It follows that tourism can be regarded as an extreme form of recre-
ation which is distinguished by relatively long lengths of stay away from home
and relatively large distances travelled (Britton 1979). The literature generally
focuses on either recreation or tourism but, it is argued, they are aspects of the
same phenomenon which can usefully be considered together: after all, recre-
ationists and tourists may be found together at the same sites doing similar things.
The existence of the recreational time–distance continuum draws attention to the
fact that the temporal distribution of leisure may be as significant as its quantity.
If, for example, the working week were reduced by several hours, it would make
a great deal of difference to patterns of recreation if these hours were distributed
evenly across the week, added to the weekend, or accumulated towards a longer
vacation. Other things being equal, the larger the size of the unit of leisure, the
smaller are the distance constraints, and the greater is the freedom of locational
choice of the potential participant. However, such time–distance relationships are
further modified, particularly on long journeys, by the availability of money, for
wealthy travellers may increase their time at a destination by substituting fast but
expensive air travel for cheaper but slower ground transportation.
The difficulties of distinguishing between tourism and other forms of recreation
have been recognized by most recreation and tourism texts and are succinctly
summarized by Shaw and Williams (2002). Distinctions between tourism, recre-
ation and leisure which may once have existed are fading in the post-modern
world. It is difficult to isolate the activities and demands of tourists as opposed to
those of participants in other forms of recreation. Tourism and recreation often
share the same facilities and compete for space and finance: facilities, such as theme
parks, may be established to attract tourists and also to cater for recreationists;
local demand for new recreational facilities (for example, artificial ski slopes) may
be prompted by experiences gained as tourists abroad; measures adopted to
improve the environment and to conserve and restore national park landscapes
and historic monuments benefit both recreation and tourism. The demands and
effects of recreation and tourism are, therefore, closely interrelated. Burkart and
Medlik (1974: 10) described the confusing situation as follows:
tourism represents a particular use of leisure time and a particular form of recreation but
does not include all uses of leisure time nor all forms of recreation. It includes much
travel but not all travel. Conceptually tourism is, therefore, distinguished in particular
from related concepts of leisure and recreation on the one hand, and from travel and
migration on the other.

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Definitions of tourism

Attempts to differentiate between recreation and tourism on the basis of motiva-

tions, activity types, modes of travel and distances travelled have met with mixed
success. One way of classifying tourism and recreation is through the examination
of the availability and use of leisure. According to Lawson and Baud-Bovy (1977:
4) leisure is of four types:
1. Daily recreation uses facilities in close proximity to one’s home or place of work
and for short periods during the day.
2. One-day recreation encompasses excursions to the fringes of urban areas or
further into the countryside but within easy reach of home. No over-night stay
is required.
3. Weekends and short holidays may be spent with some frequency relatively
close to one’s residence in second homes or other temporary accommodation.
4. Long holidays involve fewer distance constraints and may be taken in one’s
own country or abroad.
From this perspective, tourists would be included in the ‘long holiday’ and ‘week-
ends and short holiday’ classifications, although not all people assigned to these
groups would, of necessity, be tourists.
Tourism, then, is but one of a range of choices or styles of recreation expressed
either through travel or a temporary short-term change of residence. Tourism, on
its modern scale, is a relatively new use of leisure. Marked and rapid changes in
technology and in social, political and economic systems have enabled people to
pursue new and different forms of recreation and have magnified the import-
ance of tourism. Tourism is an evolutionary development in the use of leisure and
represents an expanded opportunity for the exercise of choice in the selection
of recreational activities.

DEFINITIONS OF TOURISM
Before one can examine tourism phenomena and assess their effects on economic,
environmental and social environments, it is necessary to devise appropriate defi-
nitions. Frechtling (1976: 59) stated that definitions for tourism research should:
1. Be discrete and unambiguous and must clearly define one activity or entity as
distinct from all others, i.e. there should be no confusion over what is included
in or excluded from a category;
2. Facilitate measurement as much as is consistent with other objectives;
3. Follow established usage as closely as possible. In other words, in developing
definitions reference should be made both to major travel studies and to every-
day language. This should facilitate comparison of results with those of other
studies, aid continuity in research and permit a cumulative body of knowledge
to be developed.

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Introduction

The above principles have been poorly adhered to in the research which has
been undertaken to date. In fact, in early research there were almost as many
definitions of tourism as there were studies of the phenomenon (Cohen 1974). An
early survey of eight travel and tourism studies conducted by Frechtling (1976)
yielded forty-three different definitions for the three terms of traveller, tourist and
visitor. Such results indicate the lack of coordination in travel research and ham-
per comparisons between travel research data. Commentaries on the difficulties
and implications of definitional inconsistencies have been presented by Theobald
(2005a), Chadwick (1994), Shaw and Williams (2002) and Smith (1990).
In measuring and assessing impacts of tourism, it is fundamental to define tour-
ism and its major component: the tourist. ‘Tourist’ is derived from the term ‘tour’
which, according to Webster’s International Dictionary (1981: 2417), means: ‘a journey
at which one returns to the starting point; a circular trip usually for business,
pleasure or education during which various places are visited and for which an
itinerary is usually planned’. Similarly, the Oxford English Dictionary (2005: avail-
able online) defines the tourist as: ‘one who makes a tour or tours; especially one
who does this for recreation; one who travels for pleasure or culture, one who
visits a number of places for their objects of interest, scenery or the like’.
Dictionary meanings of the term ‘tourist’ have been expanded and complicated
with the rise of tourism research. Ogilvie (1933) was one of the first to incorporate
additional meaning through use in social science research. He described a tourist
as any person whose movements fulfil two conditions:
1. That the person’s absence from home was for a relatively short period;
2. That money spent during absence is money derived from home and not earned
in the destination visited.
Cohen (1974: 529) commented that Ogilvie’s definition: ‘translates the contention
found in other definitions, namely that the tourist is a traveller for recreation or
pleasure, into economic terms: the tourist is, economically speaking, a consumer
and not a producer’.
In his analysis of definitions, Frechtling (1976: 60) outlined four basic criteria
used in their formulation:
1. Purpose of trip;
2. Mode of transportation used;
3. Length of stay;
4. Distance travelled.
It is generally agreed that the former two criteria, on their own or together, are
insufficient for practical contemporary definitions and attention has been concen-
trated on the latter criteria. Length of stay is a principal component of the United
Nations definition which requires that tourists stay in excess of twenty-four hours
but less than twelve months. The 1963 United Nations definition will be discussed

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Definitions of tourism

in more detail below. Some definitions are dominated by a distance criterion. For
example, the National Tourism Resources Review Commission (NTRRC) defined
a tourist as: ‘one who travels away from his home for a distance of at least 50 miles
(one way) for business, pleasure, personal affairs or any other purpose except to
commute to work’. The US Census Bureau has settled for a similar definition but
has extended the minimum distance to 100 miles, and Statistics Canada and the
Canadian Tourism Commission use 80 kilometres.
Cohen (1974) has also reviewed the literature which attempted to define the
‘tourist’. He identified six major dimensions: permanency, voluntariness, direction,
distance, recurrence and purpose. He defined the tourist as: ‘a voluntary, tempor-
ary, traveller, travelling in the expectation of pleasure from the novelty and change
experienced on a relatively long and non-recurrent round-trip’ (Cohen 1974: 533).
This definition has the merits of being both concise and comprehensive but for
the collection of data it is necessary to be even more explicit, and precise time and
distance constraints must be established.
In 1963 the United Nations sponsored a conference on travel and tourism in
Rome. The conference recommended definitions of ‘visitor’ and ‘tourist’ for use in
compiling international statistics. For statistical purposes the term ‘visitor’ describes
any person visiting a country other than that in which they have their usual place
of residence, for any reason other than following an occupation remunerated from
within the country visited. This definition covers:
1. Tourists who are temporary visitors staying at least 24 hours in the country
visited and the purpose of whose journey can be classified under one of the
following headings:
(a) Leisure (recreation, holiday, health, study, religion and sport);
(b) Business, family, mission, meeting.
2. Excursionists who are temporary visitors staying less than 24 hours in the coun-
try visited, including travellers on cruise ships (International Union of Official
Travel Organizations [IUOTO] 1963: 14). It is a practical definition based on
duration of stay rather than tourist motivations and in that regard is more easily
measurable and more objective. Although not perfect, the growing standard-
ization and acceptance of this definition has made comparison of tourist flows
and tourist expenditures between jurisdictions less difficult. This has encouraged
the development of cumulative data sources, international and inter-regional data
banks and the beginnings of longitudinal and comparative research analysis.
In 1968 IUOTO (now the World Tourism Organization) approved the 1963
definition and has encouraged countries to use it. Leiper (1979: 393) noted that
one consequence of this definition is that statistical data on international tourists
include trips for purposes beyond the popular use of the word. For example, most
people do not consider business trips as tourism. Nevertheless, the United Nations
terminology has received widespread acceptance and, in the context of this book,

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Introduction

it has proved useful in locating literature specifically pertaining to tourism. A main

feature of this operational definition was its provision for internationally accepted
categories to which expenditures could be attributed so that economic comparisons
between countries and regions could be made. According to the United Nations
definition, a tourist may be classified, in the terminology of Lawson and Baud-
Bovy (1977), in both ‘weekend and short holiday’ and ‘long holiday’ recreation.
‘Daily’ and ‘one day recreation’ participants can be grouped under the ‘excursion-
ist’ category. However, this differentiation fails to distinguish between impacts of
tourism as opposed to impacts of other forms of recreation because both leisure
groups may be participating in similar activities at the same locations. As contem-
porary tourism is a mass phenomenon and is highly concentrated in particular
destinations, its effects are likely to be more pronounced than those of excursion-
ists, although the impacts of the latter are likely to be very similar in kind.
The 1963 definition has been the standard for a long time although not all
countries have applied it and therefore there has not been a standard language of
tourism statistics. During the 1990s, a number of organizations including Eurostat,
the WTO, OECD and UN Statistic Division, realizing the problem, commissioned
a task force to attempt to find a standardized solution and redefine the original
technical definition. Their work culminated in 2000 with the adoption of the
UN Standardized Commission of the Tourism Statistic Account: Recommended
methodological framework (Eurostat et al. 2001). After ten years of scientific
and intellectual cooperation, consensus emerged on the development of Tourism
Satellite Accounts including a reformulation of the technical definition of tourism,
which has now been accepted worldwide:
Tourism comprises the activities of persons traveling to and staying in places outside
their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business and
other purposes not related to the exercise of an activity remunerated from within the
place visited.
where the persons referred to in the definition of tourism are termed ‘visitors’, a
visitor being defined as:
Any person traveling to a place other than that of his/her usual environment for less
than twelve months and whose main purpose of trip is other than the exercise of an
activity remunerated from within the place visited.
Other terms which require definition are ‘international tourist’ which includes
those individuals travelling across an international border and who remain away
from home for at least twenty-four hours, and domestic tourists who are those
individuals travelling within their own country but who remain away from home
in excess of twenty-four hours. Statistical definitions of the tourist in a domestic
setting (travelling within the country of residence) have varied among countries
and regions, but have generally included three major elements: distance, purpose
of travel and length of stay.

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Describing tourism: implications for impact assessment

The above discussion is undertaken from a demand-side perspective. In other

words, tourism is defined on the basis of who is to be counted as a tourist. In con-
trast, tourism can also be defined from a supply-side perspective, in terms of the
establishments that cater to tourists. This is an important perspective that is touched
on below in the discussion of tourism as an industry and is returned to in Chapter 4
where it is the basis of recent economic studies of national tourism accounts.

DESCRIBING TOURISM: IMPLICATIONS FOR IMPACT

ASSESSMENT
As noted earlier, the demand-side definition of the World Tourism Organization
is now widely accepted (Gilbert 1990) and they have also supported the develop-
ment of national tourism accounts through the application of supply-side defini-
tions. In the growing body of literature on tourism impacts, other more holistic
approaches have also been used to describe or define tourism. As with previous
operational definitions, these have also generated much debate within academic
circles. Although the debates continue, these approaches have highlighted the com-
posite and complex nature of tourism which has been mirrored in the methodo-
logies used and conclusions drawn in tourism impact studies. These viewpoints
are discussed briefly below.
Views of tourism as a phenomenon, as an industry or as an institution have
been advocated by various researchers (Chadwick 1994, Gilbert 1990, Lundberg,
Stavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995, Smith 1988). Such definitional debates are
further testimony to the complexity of tourism and its components, their inter-
relationships, their dynamism and the imprecision of boundaries. Most agree that
tourism encompasses travellers (tourists) away from home, the businesses and
the people serving or providing goods and services to tourists, and the complex
interactions and the consequences that occur throughout the entire travel experi-
ence (from pre-trip through to post-trip). However, different aspects of the pheno-
menon are emphasized in the approaches that follow.
First, tourism is an activity in which people travel away from home, primarily
for business or pleasure, and stay overnight. Goods and services are provided to
the tourists by a multitude of businesses and receive the expenditures of travellers
in return for those goods and services. The tracing and measurement of tourist
expenditures throughout the economy and their impacts on incomes, tax revenues
and employment have been widely proposed.
Secondly, tourism can be viewed as an institution involving millions of inter-
actions. It is an institution with a history, a body of knowledge and a constituency
of millions of people who feel they are part of the institution (Lundberg, Stavenga
and Krishnamoorthy 1995: 5).
Thirdly, conceptualizing tourism from the supply side has led to the common
practice of regarding tourism as an industry. Although not an industry in the

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Introduction

conventional sense (with an homogeneous product or similar activity produced

by a group of independent firms, with a common production process and loca-
tionally confined markets), it may be described at least as a composite industry
beginning with primary inputs (land, labour and capital), a transformation into
intermediate inputs (physical plant such as resorts, parks, etc.), further processing
to create intermediate outputs (guided tours, festivals and cultural performances)
and final consumption by the tourist, with a final output: experiences (Davidson
2005, Smith 1998). Smith (1988: 183), using a supply-side definition, described
tourism as an aggregate of all businesses that facilitate business, pleasure and
leisure activities away from the home environment. Smith’s (1988, 1998) approach
is echoed in the definitions of tourism lodged by the US Senate Committee on
Commerce, Science and Transportation (1978: 217 in Smith 1998: 31) and by
Powell (1978 in Smith 1998: 31) that describe tourism as both an industry and a
response to a social need where the amalgamation of businesses, organization,
labour and government agencies combine to produce goods and services to create
the tourism consumers’ experiences.
The literature on tourism as an industry has a strong technical orientation. This
is because it is necessary to define tourism in a way that is consistent with national
accounting procedures so that it can be measured in the same way from time to
time and from place to place, and to facilitate comparison between tourism and
other sectors. Other sectors are not defined on the basis of the characteristics of their
consumers but, rather, in terms of the attributes of their producers. The designa-
tion of tourism as an industry was strongly supported by businesses involved in
supplying goods and services to tourists. The resulting definitions strive to be
consistent with the definition of ‘tourists’ proposed by the World Tourism Organ-
ization and discussed earlier in this chapter but focus on the supply side. The aim
is to permit relatively easy measurement of the magnitude of the industry, to track
trends and to compare performance with other sectors.
According to Davidson (2005: 26), additional advantages of an industry designa-
tion include the following:

1. It provides political legitimacy of tourism and its role in economic develop-

ment, suggesting that it should be considered at the same level as other indus-
tries in the budgeting, funding and planning processes.
2. It allows for the establishment of a sound framework to create, analyze and
publish accurate economic data on tourism. As a result, the performance of tour-
ism and its relative contribution to the economy can be taken more seriously.
3. It enhances the self-identity of those involved in tourism by specifying their
clear association.

Davidson also cautioned that the designation of tourism as an industry has asso-
ciated limitations. Firstly, many planners and policy makers know tourism does

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Commentary

not fit well the traditional definition of an industry and this may be used to dis-
credit those who suggest that it is an industry. Secondly, many of the traditional
methods of measurement and analysis used in other industries do not have applic-
ability in tourism. Thirdly, many businesses receive income from both tourists
and non-tourists and disentangling the total receipts to determine the proportion
that is tourist expenditure is impossible, although guidelines can be made to facil-
itate the making of consistent estimates. Given the composite nature of tourism, it
is still difficult, therefore, to provide accurate results that state the size, benefits
and impacts of the tourist industry per se. A further caution of the use of an indus-
try designation, which is really the reverse of one of the main advantages, is the
narrow focus. Public funding is often not limited to one industry, and attempts to
secure funding by tourism in competition with other areas, such as public health
or education, are often unsuccessful. Tourism can, therefore, usefully be viewed
as being a ‘sector’ that is connected to and has impacts upon many industries.
Nevertheless, the supply-side approach does have its merits, particularly since
many economic impact studies adopt this perspective when examining the impacts
of tourism on a destination, particularly at the national level.
Finally, tourism as a phenomenon: this approach to tourism is based on the
premise that attempts to describe tourism as an activity, an industry or even a
product have been too narrow in focus. Critics of these approaches have argued
that owing to the complex nature of tourism, its widespread distribution and its
far-reaching consequences, it is more realistic to regard tourism as a phenomenon.
Tourism involves the tourists, the destination and its people, and the routes and
means by which they are brought together. Tourism is both an economic and
a social phenomenon that is an agent of change in these areas as well as for the
environment. Although this approach lacks precision and has fewer immediate
practical or technical applications, it contextualizes more accurately the con-
sequences of tourism as being the result of a complex array of relationships and
interactions.
Since the focus of this book is on the consequences of tourism for destination
areas, it is necessary to define the domain in which impacts occur. A ‘destination
area’ is a place having characteristics which are known to a sufficient number of
potential visitors to justify its consideration as an entity, attracting travel inde-
pendent of the attractions of other locations. The natural and human-made features,
infrastructural characteristics, economic structures, and the attributes of the host
populations of destination areas are of interest here.

COMMENTARY
The objective of this book is to assess the consequences of tourism for destination
areas. The book is partly descriptive in that it presents some of the viewpoints and
findings of other authors, partly remonstrative in that it criticizes the approaches

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Introduction

and methods frequently employed in tourist impact research, and partially caution-
ary as it draws attention to the lessons to be learned from existing tourist develop-
ment and discusses possible means for their amelioration. The book is divided
into eight major chapters. Following this introduction, the second chapter outlines
conceptual frameworks for the tourism phenomenon and tourist decision-making.
It is suggested that the magnitude and types of tourist impacts are outcomes of
the items presented in these frameworks. The third chapter provides additional
broad insights into the challenges that face those who wish to understand the
consequences of tourism. The next three chapters constitute the major part of the
book and successively examine the economic, environmental and social impacts
of tourism. Each of these chapters examines relationships between tourism and
components of the sub-system in question. The penultimate chapter is concerned
with what might be done about the consequences of tourism. The discussion is
placed in the context of sustainable development and considers some of the plan-
ning and management implications of the materials in the preceding chapters. The
final chapter presents broad conclusions and recommendations derived from the
preceding discussions.

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2 Frameworks

Tourism is a multi-faceted phenomenon that involves movement to and stay in

destinations outside the normal place of residence. A conceptual framework of
tourism is presented below. This framework emphasizes some of the major com-
ponents of tourism and also places the consequences of tourism into a broader
context.
Tourism is composed of three basic elements:
1. A dynamic element which involves the decisions to travel to a selected destina-
tion or destinations and the multitude of social, economic and institutional factors
affecting these decisions;
2. A stay in the destination, including interaction with the economic, environ-
mental and social systems of the destination;
3. A consequential element, resulting from the two preceding components, which
is concerned with effects on the economic, environmental and social sub-systems
with which the tourist is directly or indirectly in contact.
Thus, tourism is a composite phenomenon that incorporates the diversity of
variables and relationships to be found in the tourism travel process. Some of the
major variables and their interrelationships are presented in a conceptual frame-
work (Figure 2.1).
Impacts of tourism are viewed as being more than the results of a specific tour-
ist event, activity or facility, although there a number of studies that have meas-
ured the economic effects of specific staged events or specific tourist activities (see
Chapter 4). Impacts emerge in the form of altered human behaviour, which stems
from the interactions between the agents of change and the sub-systems on which
they impinge.
Certain reservations are in order in considering the conceptual framework. It
has not been devised as a tool for predicting demand or for developing strategies
to promote and market tourism products. The purpose of devising a framework,
as has already been stated, is to illuminate tourism as an amalgamation of phe-
nomena and their interrelationships. All variables within the framework will not
assert the same degree of influence (i.e. have equal weighting) nor can they all be
readily quantified. Nevertheless, the framework has sound conceptual assump-
tions from an impact perspective because it explicitly recognizes:

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Fig. 2.1 A conceptual framework of tourism

(Source: After Mathieson and Wall 1982)

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1. Sets of variables and their interrelationships and the ways in which they influ-
ence the nature, direction and magnitude of tourist impacts;
2. That impacts linger and interact with each other;
3. That impacts operate continuously and may be cumulative, changing through
time with changing demands of the tourist population, with structural and
developmental changes in the tourist industry itself and with the destination’s
abilities and strategies to market and manage tourism;
4. That impacts result from a complex process of interchange between tourists,
host communities and destination environments;
5. That assessment of impacts should encompass all phases of the travel experi-
ence, including initial preparations, the journeys to and from the destination,
the stay, and post-trip recollections;
6. That tourism impacts are often artificially abstracted from the broader system
for analysis for pragmatic reasons but are actually linked to a number of other
agents of change impacting the destination (Wall 1996d);
7. That studies of impacts may yield contradictory findings, with the saliency of
impacts varying according to the perspectives held on the role that tourism has
in the destination;
8. That tourism impacts will undoubtedly involve a series of aggregated and dis-
aggregated measures with different types of impacts being measured in differ-
ent ways. It is therefore unlikely that a single summary measure of tourism
impact will be attained.
The framework also recognizes that impacts result from processes of change.
Impacts of tourism are not point events which result from a specific, identifiable
cause, such as a particular tourist facility, service or event. Although the establish-
ment of hotels, souvenir shops, ski trails, theme parks and game reserves are events
in that they are created at a particular point in time and have certain immediate
consequences, they actually represent only a part of the broader processes of the
changing uses of leisure and destination development. Impacts of tourism refer to
the net changes brought about by the process, or sequence of events, of tourist
development.
There is no inevitability in the tourist development process as it can stop, change
direction, modify its character and produce outcomes that are unexpected and
difficult to predict. Changes may be stimulated from within the tourism system,
owing to changes in the motives, attitudes, knowledge and aspirations of tourists
or residents, or from alterations in the tourist plant. On the other hand, changes
may be precipitated by outside forces over which those involved in tourism have
little control. Such factors increasingly include the political and economic stability
of home and destination areas, energy requirements and availability, exchange
rates or even variations in weather and climate. With the advent of the 2003 Iraq

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war, and global terrorism activities and epidemics, some writers have turned their
attention to the effects of these on demand and the subsequent recovery strategies
adopted by the impacted destinations. The literature, as noted by Sonmez (1998:
417) has several foci, including terrorists’ motivations for targeting tourists, the
impacts of terrorism on demand, and the possible behaviours of tourists to min-
imize their risks from extreme events.
Tourism is dependent upon the expenditure of discretionary time and money,
and any variations in the availability of these will have repercussions for the tour-
ism industry. Since individuals exercise their choices in varied ways, the tourist
market is highly fragmented and the impacts at particular destinations are diverse.
However, the diversity of tourist impacts must be identified and the types of tour-
ism stimulating change and the contexts in which these changes occur must be
assessed if a greater understanding of the impacts of tourism development is to be
achieved. The following sections will address the characteristics of the dynamic,
static/interactive and consequential elements of tourism, indicate interrelation-
ships between them, and show the significance of those relationships for impact
research and sustainable tourism policy development. Furthermore, understanding
the dynamics and complexities of tourism in the context of this framework will per-
mit longitudinal comparisons and improve greatly the quality of impact analyses
and their utility in policy-making.

THE DYNAMIC ELEMENT

Demand
The demand for tourism is the total number of persons who travel, or wish to
travel, to use tourist facilities and services at places away from their places of work
and residence. Like recreational demand as a whole, the demand for tourism con-
sists of three major components:
1. Actual or effective demand is used synonymously with participation and refers
to those people who currently possess the wherewithal and willingness to
travel to tourist destinations and use their services and facilities.
2. Potential demand includes those persons motivated to travel but who are
unable to do so because of temporal or financial constraints.
3. Deferred demand includes those people who could travel, if motivated, but
they do not do so because they either lack the knowledge of opportunities, facil-
ities, or both.
Potential and deferred demand may be considered together as suppressed demand.
The subject of demand has received considerable attention in the literature on
tourism but, unfortunately, the terminology is often used imprecisely. Suppressed
demand is extremely difficult to measure and, in consequence, is often ignored.

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Fig. 2.2 Generic determinants of tourism demand

(Source: After Uysal 1998)

Authors frequently use the word demand when they are considering only effective
demand, participation or consumption. Great care, therefore, should be taken in
interpreting the literature on the demand to participate in tourism.
Many writers have noted the economic and social influences on demand
(Fridgen 1996, Johnson and Thomas 1993, Martin and Mason 1987, Schmoll 1977,
Smith 1990, Middleton 2001) whilst others have designed and used sophisticated
models to forecast demand (Archer 1994, Frechtling 1996, Quandt 1970, Song
and Witt 2000). Most tourism, being a particular form of recreational behaviour,
is largely influenced by the same determinants of demand as outdoor recreation.
These have been well documented in the literature and are predominantly eco-
nomic, social and technological in nature. A multi-disciplinary summary of these
factors is provided in Figure 2.2. The main determinants include:
1. Rising per capita incomes, higher purchasing power and greater disposable
incomes have enabled people to engage in more expensive forms of recreation,

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including tourism, and allowed them to travel greater distances from their homes
or, in other cases, to acquire more frequent travel experiences. The growth in
leisure time and, in particular, in structured paid holidays and dual family
incomes have created a greater propensity to travel but have also posed schedule-
coordinating challenges for families. The result has been a growing trend for
shorter but multiple vacations in a year.
2. The desire to escape the pressures of everyday urban living, to experience a
change of environment is best achieved by a physical change of place.
3. Increased mobility: sophisticated developments in transportation, particularly
the automobile and the aeroplane, have made travel easier, faster and more
comfortable. This has meant that distant tourist destinations have become more
accessible to larger numbers of people.
4. Higher levels of education have increased the desire of people to see and ex-
perience new things, people and places, and has also increased their awareness
of the means of doing so. A liberalization of attitudes towards leisure has been
associated with this trend so that the ability to travel is now considered to be an
integral part of modern lifestyles and consumption patterns. Furthermore travel
contributes to an individual’s intellectual and sociocultural outlook and status.
As a result travellers are more worldly and experienced, pursuing new and
varied forms of tourism opportunity.
5. Demographic changes, particularly ageing populations and mature ‘baby
boomers’, coupled with better health care and longer life expectancies, will see
expanded travel opportunities for these two affluent market segments. The new
elderly population will not be similar to previous generations of older people.
It will be a generation of wealthier, healthier, better educated and extensively
travelled individuals. This new group will be unlikely to accept the ordinary or
familiar but will seek alternative types of tourism activity and will likely place
additional pressure on more fragile destinations and communities. Plog (1991)
and Butler (2003: 226) have provided detailed discussions and useful conclu-
sions on the implications of these projections.

Changes in the above generic determinants of demand have enabled more people
to spend their leisure more freely and have been responsible for the rapid growth
of tourist arrivals by extending the opportunity to travel.
Increased tourist demand has also been stimulated by a number of more specific
factors. These include:

1. The development and increasing use of multi-dimensional distribution channels,

particularly travel agents and tour operators and their abilities to innovatively
and competitively package and price a wide range of travel options for con-
sumers. This removed much of the planning responsibility away from the tourist

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The dynamic element

and reduced overall pricing as a result of bulk buying volume contracts. The
rapid onset and increasingly widespread availability of the internet are also
making it easier for customers to plan and purchase their own itineraries, and
changing the roles of intermediaries such as travel agents.
2. The growth of chartered air travel, airline consolidators, budget airlines and the
continued evolution of a globally deregulated airline industry. Deregulation in
Europe and North America has blurred the distinction between scheduled and
the chartered air travel. With further deregulation, expansion of global alliances,
increased privatization of the industry and burgeoning competition, travel con-
sumers will have a greater range of choices in destinations and product offerings
(Morley 2003, Fayad and Westlake 2002).
3. The development of new and more sophisticated tools to sell the tourist prod-
uct. The extensive use of the package tour has been particularly noteworthy. The
marketing of travel, accommodation, food and sightseeing opportunities as a
package has eased the planning concerns of the less experienced traveller, reduced
costs through the acquisition of bulk rates and, thereby, greatly increased the
volume of effective demand (French 1998). At the same time the growth of the
package tour has tended to concentrate tourists into specific localities at specific
times of the year, as is evident in such places as Hawaii, the coasts of Spain,
Florida and the Caribbean.
4. Greater organization, sophistication and competitiveness within the tourist
industry itself and its continued change as an increasingly important part of the
global economy. This has occurred through the efforts of travel intermediaries,
international tourist organizations, national and regional tourist boards, and
the vertical and horizontal integration of companies involved in the travel and
accommodation sectors. The tourism industry itself continues to undergo signi-
ficant metamorphosis in response to changing consumer needs and preferences,
technological innovation and market competition. Trends of horizontal and vert-
ical integration in a globally competitive environment continue to dominate the
industrial structures of the developed world. Further business consolidation is
to be expected with the trend spreading to the less developed tourist destina-
tions. In recent years, many of these sophisticated marketing organizations have
placed a greater emphasis on ‘new’ forms of tourism where a greater focus has
been placed on consumers’ interest, quality, innovation, distribution channels
and strategic positioning. Again, the advent of the internet and sophisticated
information and communication technologies have also widened consumers’
purchasing options and, at the same time, have stimulated organizations to re-
engineer their own marketing and distribution systems. These evolving devel-
opments continue to be characteristic of the global tourism industry and will
be significant influences on the patterns of demand and corresponding impacts
accruing to destinations.

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The above factors, collectively, have stimulated the growth of the tourist indus-
try. They have enabled suppressed demand to be converted into effective demand.
People are able to travel further and faster, more frequently and more cheaply.
This has increased the volume of tourist traffic, stimulated the creation of new
destinations, contributed to the rise and fall of others and concentrated people
into existing resorts where saturation levels may have been reached or exceeded.
The evolution of mass tourism and its characteristics have been well documented
in the literature. But what will happen in the future? It is likely that the patterns
of demand will change, and that growth will likely stabilize and its magnitude
and distribution will be different. With these changes, there will also be new and
varied consequences and new challenges in establishing sustainable patterns of
development. Poon (2002: 9) saw future demand as being internally driven (new
consumers and new technologies) and externally controlled or mandated (limits
to growth and the establishment of new global best practice). New or alternative
forms of tourism are already emerging – forms of tourism designed to be flexible,
individual-oriented, promoting social and cultural understanding, and sustain-
able. Simultaneously, the industry is also evolving and adopting emerging best
practices such as total product management, including customization and cus-
tomer relationship management, segmentation, revenue management, quality
management, employee empowerment and global strategic alliances. The ability
of organizations and destinations to foster these ‘new’ tourism ideologies will
undoubtedly bring new consequences.
The development and use of new and rapidly evolving technologies will influ-
ence the ways in which these opportunities are embraced. Relationships between
tourism and evolving technology have received considerable attention from
researchers (O’Connor 1999, Poon 2002, Sheldon 1999) and the topic has become the
focus of a new journal: Information, Technology and Tourism: Applications, Methodo-
logies and Techniques. Under the umbrella of e-tourism, the University of Surrey in
the United Kingdom has introduced degrees exclusively in this subject area.
Sophisticated information and communication technologies have unquestionably
facilitated the globalization of the industry, modified patterns of demand and
both challenged and facilitated the suppliers of tourism services to match their
output with the needs of their customers. On the one hand, technology has con-
tinued to encourage the trend towards mass tourism, reinforcing the effects of air-
line deregulation, vacation packaging, mass marketing and mass production of
services. On the other hand, it has also provided greater flexibility to individual
consumers, and it will continue to create new and more desirable forms of tourism.
The impact analyses covered in this book are largely the results of mass tourism
as seen in the last three decades. Although tourism is dynamic and its manifesta-
tions will change, lessons from the recent past can provide useful insights for
destinations and policy makers as they adapt to and get involved in the newer
forms of tourism.

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Forms of tourist travel

Different tourists have different preferences, different behaviours and different

interactions with a destination and its resources. In view of the often-posed ques-
tion of whether tourism is, or may be a sustainable activity, Wall (2001a) advocated
that we should ask: ‘What form or forms of tourism and in what circumstances
might tourism be sustainable?’ These are questions that will be reiterated later in
this work. Wall argued that adequate answers to such questions are dependent
upon understanding the types of tourism, their relationship with other activities
and their economic, sociocultural and environmental impacts.
There have been numerous attempts by academic researchers to define tourist
types and to conceptualize the processes of tourists’ behaviours and their acquisi-
tion of experiences. A series of tourism typologies have been developed based on
tourist motivations, their traits and their characteristics (Cohen 1972: 167–8, Plog
1974, Smith 1977: 2–3, Wahab 1975: 2–3). Lowyck, Van Langenhove and Bollaert
(1992) and Shaw and Williams (2000) have reviewed some of these and others,
and have made suggestions as to their utility. Similarly, Swarbrooke and Horner
(2001) have examined these typologies and practitioners’ attempts to adapt them
in market segmentation analyses.
A review of the most widely documented and discussed typologies will be pro-
vided. They come from two basic directions that, unfortunately, seldom meet.
Thus, for example, the valuable categorizations of Cohen (1972) are not illustrated
by data, and the market segmentation studies based on large amounts of data
matched by data sets are usually informed by statistical theory rather than theo-
ries rooted in the social sciences. Unfortunately, the two types of study, which
have as their main objective the categorization of tourists into meaningful group-
ings, do not often inform each other.
Typologies based on purpose of trip as the main segmentation variable have
been established by Wahab (1975: 2–3). Wahab produced a five-fold classification,
which included recreational tourism, cultural tourism, health tourism, spot tour-
ism and conference tourism, although distinctions between the categories are not
always clear. Smith’s typology included Wahab’s first two categories plus histor-
ical tourism, ethnic tourism and environmental tourism (often now referred to as
ecotourism). Cultural tourism, for example, informs tourists about other countries
and peoples, their lifestyles, customs and languages. Historical tourism encom-
passes visits to ancient monuments, archaeological digs and other places of his-
torical interest such as museums and battlefields. Again, there is overlap between
components of the typology and, in many cases, the semantic differences do not
appear to relate to real differences in the structure or content of tourism.
The typologies of both Wahab and Smith assume that tourists travel to destina-
tions for a narrow range of specific reasons. However, motivational research has
shown that tourists may choose a destination for more than one reason and their

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on-site behaviour may not entirely reflect their initial travel motivations. The cat-
egories in these typologies do not reflect well what tourists themselves perceive
to be their travel motivations, or their activities as indicated in the literature. For
example, Smith’s cultural tourism category includes considerably more than the
understanding of the vanishing lifestyles of traditional societies. As Ritchie and
Zins (1978: 257) noted, cultural tourism also includes the acquisition of knowledge
about peoples of contemporary societies, observed through art and crafts, work,
religion, language, traditions, food and dress. Categories based on single travel
motivations do little more than indicate very general tendencies in the choice of
travel destinations. They do not explain the nature of tourist phenomena.
Cohen (1972: 167–8) suggested a classification of tourists based on the assump-
tion that tourist experiences combine varying degrees of novelty with elements
of the familiar, the excitement of change mixed with the security of accustomed
habits. Cohen’s typology recognizes the importance of individual motivations
and also assumes that the degrees to which familiarity and novelty are experi-
enced are influenced by tourist preferences and the institutional setting of the
trip. He developed a four-fold classification of tourist experiences and roles as
follows:

1. The organized mass tourist. This role is typified by the package tour in which
itineraries are fixed, stops are planned and guided, and all major decisions are
left to the organizer. Familiarity is at a maximum and novelty at a minimum and
the safety and companionship gained from travelling with others is paramount.
2. The individual mass tourist. In this role, the tour is not entirely planned by others
and the tourist has some control over their itinerary and time allocations. How-
ever, all of the major arrangements are made through a travel intermediary.
Like the organized mass tourist, the individual mass tourist remains largely
within the ‘environmental bubble’ of home country ways and mixes little with
members of the host community. Familiarity is still dominant.
3. The explorer. Explorers usually plan their own trips and try to avoid highly
developed tourist attractions as much as possible. In spite of the desire to mix
with members of the host community, the protection of the ‘environmental
bubble’ is still sought. Novelty now dominates but the tourist does not become
fully integrated with the host society.
4. The drifter. Drifters plan their trips alone, avoid developed tourist attractions
and live with members of the host society. They are almost entirely immersed
in the host culture, sharing its shelter, food and habits. Novelty is dominant and
familiarity disappears.

Each of the four tourist roles represents one stereotypical form of tourist behavi-
our and an associated organizational setting. Because each role is associated with
tourist groups of different sizes and with different degrees of integration with

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residents of the host community, the classification has implications for the impacts
of tourism. The impacts of tourism research considered in this book are primarily
the results of institutionalized tourism, or the combination of Cohen’s first two
categories. Little is known of the effects of interactions of host society members
with non-institutionalized tourists, i.e. explorers and drifters, as they are generally
not dependent on specialized services provided by the destination. However,
some specialized services may eventually appear as even drifters follow the sug-
gestions of the same guidebooks, and local entrepreneurs respond by providing
cheap accommodation and internet access (Cukier 2000). Tourists of the institu-
tionalized type were described as ‘sightseers’ in a later article by Cohen (1974:
544). Sightseers normally only visit a destination once and visit a variety of places
within the confines of one trip. The emphasis of sightseers is strong on travel and
weak on sojourn. This tends to be the opposite of non-institutionalized tourists
whom Cohen (1974: 544) called vacationers.
Cohen’s typology has more apparent implications for destinations than that of
Wahab or Smith. Institutionalized, mass tourism imposes considerable demands
for the supply of facilities and services with which the tourist can readily identify.
The standardization of facilities, the transformation of natural attractions, and the
construction of artificial ones produce an ‘environmental bubble’ similar to the
tourists’ accustomed surroundings. The claim of the Holiday Inn chain that patrons
of their establishments will have ‘no surprises’ caters to the conservatism of many
mass tourists. The development of similarity, even uniformity, in the tourist experi-
ence has important economic, cultural and infrastructural effects on destinations.
It tends to encourage homogeneity in tourist landscapes. The extents to which
the roles of tourists and hosts are pre-defined and social expectations are made
known also largely determine the manner in which tourists interact with mem-
bers of the host society. In mass tourism, social contacts tend to be both limited in
number and superficial in content.
Similar types of tourism will have different types of impact depending upon
the nature of the societies on which they impinge. Although Cohen’s typology
emphasizes the motivations and travel arrangements of tourists, it also implies that
destinations respond differently in accordance with different forms of tourism.
This classification is seemingly rigid in its boundaries, at least in terms of the polar
opposites in which it is grounded, and does not account for the varying nature of
experiences that are occurring with the increasing diversity in vacation types and
also for the fact that tourist behaviour may not always be consistent.
Other more recent typologies are worthy of consideration (Plog 1994,
Westvlaams Ekonomisch Studiebureau 1986) and have been reviewed by Lowyck,
Van Langenhove and Bollaert (1992). Although the various typologies have dif-
ferent names for tourist groupings and also vary in number of categories proposed,
similar characteristics appear in each of the types profiled: looking for adventure,
new cultural experiences, variety versus the routine of daily habits, the importance

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attributed to nature and authenticity, and seeking relaxation, sun, sand and sea.
Similarly, Plog (1994) identified categories which covered the main dimensions of
earlier typologies – venturesomeness, pleasure-seeking, self-confidence, playful-
ness, masculinity, intellectualism and people orientation. Typologies developed
over the past two decades have all attempted to group together tourists based on
their preference for a particular vacation experience. These classifications have
consistently been based on tourists’ choice of destinations, behaviours during
their stay and the level of ‘institutionalization’ (independent or package holiday)
of travel arrangements. In many cases, they characterize specific trip types, rather
than tourist types for individual tourists may fall into different categories on dif-
ferent vacations, or even on different days of the same trip.
Notwithstanding the considerable debate over their empirical and conceptual
validity, tourism typologies are useful in determining how and why people differ
in their tourist behaviour. Typologies can be helpful in matching tourist types
to destination choice and can have implications for decisions concerning the allo-
cation of resources, the desirability of extending facilities and services within a
destination, and the marketing segmentation strategies adopted by a destination.
Clearly, the needs of tourists vary, as identified by the typologies, and they place
correspondingly different demands on the resources of a destination.
Although not formalized into a typology per se, Poon’s (2002) discussion of
so-called new tourism versus the older mass tourism is rooted in the changing
dynamics of tourists’ preferences for and potential behaviours in destinations
and the ways that destinations and the tourism industry is responding to such
changes. Such behaviours and responses are also reflected in a growing body
of literature on alternative and niche tourism (Newsome, Moore and Dowling
2002, Swarbrooke, Beard, Leckie and Pomfret 2004, Shaw and Williams 2004,
Higginbottom 2004a, Hall, Sharples, Mitchell, Macionis and Cambourne 2003, Hall,
Sharples, Cambourne and Macionis 2004, Hudson 2003). It implies that under-
standing and managing tourism impacts cannot now be undertaken adequately in
the sole context of traditional mass tourism. A broader perspective is required
involving the convergence of five interrelated forces that Poon identified as:
consumers, technology, management techniques, production practices and frame
conditions (legislative or institutional factors).
The characteristics of the so-called new tourist, Poon’s consumers, are repres-
ented in Figure 2.3 and these are fundamentally different from those characterized
as mass tourists and they also differ in the features identified by the earlier typo-
logies. The new tourist is the most important driving force of a new ‘alternative’
tourism. Old mass tourism was characterized by largely identical tourist behavi-
ours and was a product of the industry itself in rigidly packaged holidays, shaped
by the economics of mass production and consumption (Middleton 1991). Against
the backdrop of changing demographics, changing lifestyles and changing values,
the forms that new tourism takes will be largely dictated by the tourist themselves

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Fig. 2.3 The new consumers

(Source: After Poon 2002)

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and their behaviours (Cook 1993). Figure 2.3 presents six key attributes of the
newly emerging tourists:

1. They are more experienced travellers, more discerning purchasers and willing
to seek novel, adventurous and niche-related activities.
2. They have changed values reflected in a desire for authenticity, a concern for
environmental quality and a search for personal fulfilment.
3. They have changed lifestyles manifested in healthy living, flexible work hours,
higher household incomes and travel is a way of life.
4. They are products of changing population demographics with an ageing popu-
lation, smaller households, couples without children and those whose children
who have left home.
5. They are more flexible and are characterized by spontaneous and more frequent
travel purchases, less planning, less rigidity and markedly changed booking
behaviours and specialized or niche product purchases.
6. They are more independent and need to be more in control of their travel
decisions and want to embrace their own individuality.

The above list emphasizes the growing diversity of contemporary tourists, their
demands, motivations and consumption behaviours. It also provides a new plat-
form from which to explore the relationships between tourist consumption and
the social, economic and cultural fabric of the destination.
The other four of Poon’s forces (technology, management techniques, produc-
tion practices and frame conditions) will lead to the creation of an industry that is
designed and managed to embrace and respond to the profile of the new and
changing tourist:

1. Information and communication technological advances within the tourism

industry have dramatically increased and broadened the travel choices for
tourists and the means by which the industry and destinations are able to man-
age and market.
2. Production practices of industry will be characterized by a number of specific
developments – the market will be dominated by a smaller number of tourism
organizations (a function of the global trends of vertical, horizontal and diagonal
integration), product design will be increasingly environmentally conscious,
more flexible and individually customized, and increased competition will
necessitate industry providers to be more sophisticated in segmentation, mar-
keting and distribution.
3. Management techniques of industry suppliers will evolve to emphasize quality
experiences, focus on customer loyalty and individual tourist needs and tastes,
and be focused on maximizing yields and the mix of customers. The management

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focus of destinations will be on visitor management techniques maximizing the

sustainability of the destination and tourism simultaneously.
4. The frame conditions refer to the political, social and economic environments
that surround the tourism industry, including such factors as consumer protec-
tion laws, airline deregulation, immigration processes, global best practices,
and growth and impact thresholds.

This brief discussion of the dynamic element of the conceptual framework has
identified some of the factors that have contributed to the growth and patterns
of tourism. It has also examined different types of tourist travel arrangements
and indicated that they have implications for the impacts of tourism, largely those
of mass tourism. However, it is also important to note that impacts of tourism in
the future will be different and will be the result of new forms of tourism. Impacts
of tourism are not restricted in their causes to the dynamic elements, which have
been discussed. They are also the outcome of the destination elements. They are the
result of the interaction of the tourists with the destination area and its residents.

THE DESTINATION ELEMENT

Carrying capacity

Carrying capacity is the maximum number of people who can use a site without
an unacceptable alteration in the physical environment and the social, cultural
and economic fabric of the destination and without an unacceptable decline in the
quality of the experience gained by visitors. There is now an extensive literature
on the physical or environmental carrying capacity of recreational areas but this
is not the place to review it for this has been done adequately elsewhere (for
example, Mitchell 1979: 176–200; O’Reilly 1986 has provided specific definitions
and discussions of physical, social and economic carrying capacity). However,
several points merit emphasis. The concept appears to be applicable to natural,
human-modified and built environments, although it has been largely applied to
the former. There is an extensive literature on the topic, particularly with respect
to recreation, although there is only a limited number of examples of the applica-
tion of the concept in studies of tourism. While seemingly an attractive and use-
ful concept, great difficulties have been experienced in its practical application,
resulting in its partial abandonment and replacement by concepts such as limits
of acceptable change and a variety of visitor and impact management systems.
Carrying capacity remains an elusive concept and much debated concept.
In discussions of sustainable tourism development it is recognized that tourism
generates negative impacts, and carrying capacity has been cited as a useful
framework within which these issues can be addressed (O’Reilly 1986, Williams
and Gill 1994). Conversely, others have suggested that alternative, more flexible

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frameworks should be used (Lindberg, McCool and Stankey 1997). Butler (1999)
argued that the definitions of sustainability and carrying capacity are intrinsically
linked with the former, involving meeting the needs of the present without nega-
tively affecting the needs of future generations, while the latter contains the notion
of limits of use before there is significant decline in the quality of the resources
or the experience of the user (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of sustainable
development). Discourse on the carrying capacity concept has directed attention
to the need for clear and precise statements of goals, and assessments of the extent
to which those goals are being realized. Fundamentally, a recreation site or tourist
resort does not have one set carrying capacity. The capacity will reflect the goals
that have been established for the site or resort, and these should specify the
nature of the experiences to be provided and the level of environmental modifica-
tion which is unacceptable. These may be influenced by such factors as capital
availability and managerial involvement.
Measures of capacity in tourist areas can relate to approaching routes, to the
resort area and its attractions as a whole, or to individual services and facilities
(Hall 1974: 392). In each of these cases, capacity has economic, physical and social
attributes which may be measured. Each capacity type will vary for different
destinations depending upon the physical characteristics of the destinations, the
types of use, and the goals that they are expected to satisfy. Each type of capa-
city will have a tolerance limit for each destination or facility. This limit marks a
threshold of change beyond which tourist activity induces effects that are judged
to be primarily negative. If such tolerance limits are not exceeded, then the effects
of tourism will generally be positive.
Capacities exist for each of the economic, physical (or environmental) and
social sub-systems of the destination. Finding space for souvenir shops, restaur-
ants, hotels and car parks may mean the appropriation of land occupied by busi-
nesses, shops and specialist functions catering primarily to the local market. On
the publication of our previous work (Mathieson and Wall 1982), the second
author received an unsolicited letter from the mayor of an historic town with a
burgeoning tourism industry, bemoaning the fact that the town had three stores
selling fudge, but no store selling shoes! Thus, the notion of economic carrying
capacity – the ability to absorb tourist functions without squeezing out desirable
local activities or dramatically increasing the costs of goods and services for local
residents – can be developed. The wear and tear on historical buildings and the
contamination of beaches by untreated sewage are examples of tourism impacts
than can pass the physical carrying capacity. It is well known that host people’s
levels of tolerance for the presence and behaviour of tourists has been surpassed
in some locations, where visitors have been greeted with hostility: in such situ-
ations the social carrying capacity has been exceeded.
As Wagar (1964: 21) has pointed out, carrying capacity is not an end in itself
but a means to an end. Changes to tourist destinations are inevitable. Application

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of the concept of carrying capacity has the potential to be useful in assessing the
acceptability of the degree and direction of change that are occurring. In this form,
it is usually recognized that there is not one capacity than can be approached
with impunity and exceeded at peril. Rather, capacity is a managerial judgement,
and assessments of the appropriateness of such judgements will vary among
stakeholders. However, decisions can be informed and potentially improved by
the undertaking of research, and the need to modify decisions can be checked
through the establishment of monitoring systems.
Capacity levels and associated thresholds of change are influenced by two
major groups of factors:

1. The characteristics of the tourists and the quality of their experiences;

2. The characteristics of the destination area and its population.

Tourist characteristics

The characteristics of tourists which have implications for carrying capacity and
the nature of impacts include the following:

1. The socio-economic and psychographic characteristics of visitors. These include

age and sex profiles; income levels; availability of spending money; motivations,
attitudes and expectations; perceptions of resource quality; racial and ethnic
backgrounds, overt behaviours, and others identified earlier in the discussion
on demand determinants. Together, these variables contribute to interpersonal
style;
2. The level of use. Number of visitors, their distribution in space and time and,
hence, visitor density are of obvious importance;
3. The lengths of stay and the seasonality of visitation;
4. The types of tourist activity;
5. The levels of tourist satisfaction.

Each of the above visitor characteristics is important because they all influence
the magnitude, frequency and kind of interaction with the physical attributes of
the destination and its people. It is important to recognize that it is not simply a
matter of numbers. If carrying capacity is viewed in this way, then the only man-
agement option is to manipulate the volume of use. However, it is often a matter
of the types of activities that are undertaken and conflicts between users with dif-
ferent expectations rather than numbers per se, and this means that the range of
management options is not confined to restricting the volume of use.
Notwithstanding the limitations of the carrying capacity concept, tourism does
generate impacts, both desirable and undesirable, and these impacts can reach

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thresholds which are unacceptable to either the tourist or the destination and its
residents, or both (Buckley 1999c).

Characteristics of the destination area and its population

Characteristics of the destination area and its residents that influence carrying
capacity and tourist impacts include:
1. Natural environmental features and processes. These include topography; moun-
tains, lakes, rivers and sea; soil, vegetation, flora and fauna; sunshine, temper-
ature, precipitation, photosynthesis, erosion and other environmental processes.
2. Economic structures and economic development. This includes the level of economic
development, the diversity and the interdependence of the economic base,
the spatial characteristics of development, patterns of investment, the import–
export characteristics of the revenue of the destination, and the costs required
to deliver and manage tourist products and services.
3. Social structure and organization. This category includes the demographic profile
of the host population; the strength of local culture; availability and quality of
public amenities; the availability and utility of community facilities and services;
patterns of social organization; the roles of women; religious affiliations; moral
conduct; levels of health and safety; perceptions, attitudes and values towards
tourists; language; traditions; and gastronomic practices.
4. Political organization. The political structure of the host country and of particular
resorts is important. Such factors as the existence of capitalist or socialist prin-
ciples; planning and zoning regulations; incentives and constraints; and the roles
of national, regional and local tourist organizations influence tourist impacts.
5. Level and type of tourist development. This encompasses the degree of local
involvement in the tourist industry; stage and rate of development; nature and
diversity of attractions; types and quality of accommodation and local trans-
portation; entertainment and eating facilities; and the role of travel intermediaries
and local suppliers in the delivery of tourist services and experiences.

Discussion
The capacity of a destination to absorb the demands imposed upon it by tourists
and the tourist industry depends upon the interrelationships of the numerous,
complex factors itemized above, particularly the characteristics of tourists and
of the destination area and its people. For example, host irritations caused by
the presence of tourists may be intensified in cases of concentrated use, such as
package tours, by long periods of stay, by the continued demonstration of the
material superiority of visitors when compared with permanent residents, and by
the selection of activities which bring the host and guest into close contact. Host

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resentment is likely to be high in locations with a highly developed tourist indus-

try but with only limited local involvement.
Given the multiplicity of factors which influence the nature of capacities, it is
difficult, if not impossible, to calculate absolute values for tourist carrying capa-
cities. As a result, there have been few attempts to measure the carrying capa-
cities of resort areas, particularly before they have been reached. Nevertheless, the
concept is of importance because it suggests that both natural and human systems
can be stressed by tourism. As such, it has implications for the planning of destina-
tion areas and for the regulation of visitor activities. Certain sub-systems may have
low tolerance levels to tourist activity while others may be exceedingly tolerant.
Identification of these, and knowledge of the consequences of exceeding tolerance
levels, could lead to the implementation of preventative management controls and
maintenance policies. Destination areas have limitations in the volume and inten-
sity of tourist development which can be absorbed before deterioration becomes
a major problem.
The following important considerations are relevant to the use of the concept of
carrying capacity in the search for sustainable tourist development:

1. Capacities change over time with changing goals and technologies and they will
vary with different forms of tourism and for different types of tourist products.
2. Agreement on the type of desired environmental, social and economic condi-
tions, and the indicators of each and the acceptable level of impact on each must
be determined.
3. There needs to be a known relationship between the level and type of use and
the impacts produced if capacity is to be used as a useful input to planning and
management.
4. There must be a political, financial and legal framework as well as the desire on
the part of the local planning agencies to place limitations on types of volumes
of use.

In the chapters which follow, it will be seen that some tourist areas have been
unable to absorb tourist demands, and capacities have been exceeded. If this
occurs, the very resources which attracted the tourists initially can deteriorate and
in some cases be destroyed. However, it has been argued strongly that it is not
realistic to regard capacity solely as an absolute unchanging number that is an
indicator of the maximum acceptable level of use. It is more complicated than this.
Nevertheless, there should be acknowledgment that the desire to adopt growth
strategies should be tempered by the realization that tourism imposes stresses,
particularly on environmental and social systems, and management of the result-
ing pressures on a destination will be required: this would be a fruitful outcome
of the carrying capacity debate and a useful perspective on the assessment and
management of impacts.

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THE CONSEQUENTIAL ELEMENT

The concentration of tourists and associated facilities and services in destina-

tion areas gives rise to a variety of impacts. Impacts of tourism can be viewed as
arising from the type or types of tourism, the characteristics of the tourist, the
characteristics of the destination and its communities where tourism is taking
place and the nature of tourist–host relationships (Wall 1999b). Economic impacts
encompass the monetary benefits and costs that result from the development and
use of tourism facilities and services. Environmental impacts include alterations
to the natural environment, including air, water, soils, vegetation and wildlife, as
well as changes in the built environment (Wall and Wright 1977). Social impacts
are the changes in the way of life of residents of destination areas. Carrying capa-
city levels differ between the economic, environmental and social sub-systems
of destination areas and also vary among the components of each of these three
sub-systems. Therefore, a tourist activity can be economically desirable while also
being socially and environmentally damaging. For example, a tourist activity may
create jobs and income for residents but working hours may be such that family
life, social behaviour and recreation are adversely affected. Tourist developments
may be environmentally damaging but may also bring in considerable revenue,
which, in turn, can be used to ameliorate pollution. The links between each category
are so close that the measurement of and planning for tourist impacts is rendered
complex and difficult.
The development and implementation of measures which will mitigate the
negative impacts of tourism and, at the same time, enhance its positive effects will
undoubtedly involve trade-offs. In reaching such decisions, knowledge of the
dynamics of tourist impacts and how these vary with different levels of use, dif-
ferent tourist activities, and tourist areas with different characteristics is impera-
tive. Such information is not yet readily available in a systematic form and, as a
result, planning for tourist impacts has usually been rudimentary.
Recognition of the need to plan for or manage tourist impacts has arisen largely
from the existence of negative impacts or crisis situations and has often only
occurred when carrying capacities have been greatly exceeded. In some cases it
has been necessary to restrict the use of tourist facilities, and barriers have been
erected preventing access to points of interest. Stonehenge is a good example of
this situation. The stones were beginning to suffer from visible wear and tear. This
was not due primarily to wilful damage but, rather, was the result of the cumula-
tive effects of thousands of feet trampling the foundations and thousands of hands
touching the stones, particularly the shallow carvings. Faced with the dilemma
brought about by the success of Stonehenge as a tourist attraction, it was decided
that preservation was more important than complete freedom of access and, in
May 1978, fencing was erected and a new system of viewing was introduced.
Visitors are no longer allowed within the stone circle. They are free to wander

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around the outside of a perimeter fence and must keep to a pathway if they wish
to get a closer look at the stones (Bainbridge 1979).
The range of measures for modifying the impacts of tourism is large. Finance
may be made available to rehabilitate historic sites and it is also necessary to repair
more modern facilities suffering from the effects of over-use. Zoning regulations,
building codes and design standards may be employed to ensure that new structures,
such as hotels, are constructed in appropriate locations and are of acceptable
appearance. However, to date such measures have usually been employed after
the damage has been done. They have often been site-specific rather than reflections
of an imaginative, general policy. They have usually been reactionary, discour-
aging unsightly developments, rather than positive and promoting excellence in
design. Planning and management in the context of sustainable development will
be considered further in Chapter 7.
The organizational framework which has been presented in Figure 2.1 is an
attempt to summarize some aspects of the dynamics of tourism. It stresses the
linkages between tourist use, carrying capacities and the impacts of tourism. It
recognizes that impacts in a destination change with time and with different
forms of tourism and changes in tourist–host interactions. Furthermore, change
associated with tourism may also be cumulative and only be of consequence on
an aggregate and cumulative basis. For example, small enterprises may be devel-
oped but they may have little impact in isolation but, as part of an overall struc-
ture, they will likely have broader effects. They could even be the straw that breaks
the camel’s back! Thus, destination areas have tolerance limits and this means that
reactionary planning and management measures, though better than nothing,
should ideally be replaced by preventative planning and growth strategies.

TOURIST DECISION-MAKING
The conceptual framework that has been presented addresses some of the more
important factors and relationships influencing impacts of tourism. Impacts of
tourism result from the behavioural outcomes of the tourist decision-making pro-
cess. Such impacts, ultimately, stem from the multitude of individual decisions
to visit particular places and to participate in specific activities. It is appropriate,
therefore, to give some attention to the decision-making processes and behavi-
ours of travellers. This aspect of travel research has enjoyed considerable progress
over the last decade. A number of earlier works adopted normative perspectives,
which aimed at predicting visitor volumes and the overall impact of travel to
a particular destination. Several models of this type are referred to by Jeng and
Fesenmaier (2002). Recent developments in research on travel decision-making
have adopted a more comprehensive and less static view of travel decision-
making than previously and these perspectives will be introduced in the follow-
ing discussion.

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The vacation travel market has become highly competitive and the range of
travel options from which tourists choose is immense. Increased discretionary time
and money have given the potential tourist flexibility in choice. Tourist destinations
have responded by becoming more competitive in both the prices and qualities of
the facilities and services which they provide. As a result, the factors influencing
tourist decisions have become increasingly more complex. Early approaches to
the study of decision-making were based on the concept of ‘economic man’. This
approach assumed perfect knowledge and economic rationality in decision-making.
In the case of tourism, this would mean that tourists would arrange themselves
in space and time to optimize the benefits of travel within the constraints of the
amounts of time and money available. However, tourist travel involves elements
of uncertainty. For instance, the climatic conditions of destinations may not be
fully appreciated and weather may be variable. The quality of services and facilit-
ies may be different from what was expected. Furthermore, tourist experiences
are constrained by the characteristics of the destination and these may not be fully
appreciated by visitors, particularly if they are visiting for the first time.
The deficiencies of the normative, economic man, approach stimulated its replace-
ment by a behavioural, or satisficing, perspective (Simon 1957). It was assumed
that tourists, still acting rationally but on the basis of limited information, seek
satisfactory rather than optimal experiences. Behavioural decision-making models
reflect this different emphasis and recognize that decision-making behaviours are
more complex, dynamic, sequential and multi-staged, and, according to Rostron
(1972: 38), Gnoth (1997) and Mansfield (1992), are more able to replicate how peo-
ple reach decisions and act upon them. A behavioural decision-making frame-
work is presented for travel and tourism in an attempt to identify, understand and
illustrate the factors influencing tourist decisions and behaviour (Figure 2.4).
The studies in this area are scattered across many interdisciplinary journals
and, until recently, it was not easy to get an overall perspective in this area. How-
ever, Pizam and Mansfeld’s (2000) state-of-the-art text draws together many of
these studies into a comprehensive book that examines the relationships between
travel motivation, destination choice and travel behaviour. The body of work in
this area of tourism research can be categorized as follows:

1. Tourist motivation and motivational typologies as major determinants of

tourist behaviour;
2. Destination choice and spatial behaviour models;
3. Examination of consumer characteristics and how they individually and collec-
tively influence travel choices;
4. The perceptions, attitudes and expectations of tourists as decision-making vari-
ables and the satisfactions of tourists with tourist products and activities;
5. Destination image formulation, the factors influencing this and the correspond-
ing influences on destination choices.

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Tourist decision-making

Fig. 2.4 The travel decision-making process

(Source: After Mathieson and Wall 1982)

To date, research on travel consumer behaviour has largely focused on

motivations, tourism typologies, destination choice and the components of the
decision-making process itself. Although this body of work has significant aca-
demic importance, there are challenges in using it in a marketing context or as
part of a visitor management strategy. The remainder of this chapter summarizes
the work done to date and presents a behavioural framework which recognizes
that tourism impacts are the consequences of tourist decisions and their under-
standing can be used to provide marketing direction for destinations that wish to

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move in the direction of sustainable development. But first, some of the distinctive
features of tourist products will be pointed out.

PURCHASING TOURIST PRODUCTS

If viewed in economic terms, the tourist is engaged in a buying decision, spend-

ing money to gain satisfaction. In typical consumer product purchases, the buyer
usually expects predominantly tangible returns. Furthermore, the decision is largely
spontaneous and involves only a small part of the consumer’s assets (Wahab,
Crampon and Rothfield 1976: 74). The buying decisions of tourists are unusual in
several ways:

1. There is virtually no tangible return on the investment. Exceptions to this state-

ment arise from business travel where contracts may be signed and financial
transactions may take place. Tourists purchase souvenirs and gifts on their trips
but these usually represent only a small proportion of total expenses. The tourist
product is an experience rather than a good and the experience itself varies
with the phases of decision-making – the anticipation phase prior to a trip will
yield different experiences from both the consumption phase and the post-trip
memory phase (Van Raaij 1986).
2. Expenditure is often substantial and may even be the emotional highlight of the
year. The purchase of a tourist package involves much larger monetary outlays
than most consumer purchases and involves a commitment to something that
cannot be readily inspected prior to purchase.
3. Purchases are not usually spontaneous. Trips are normally carefully planned,
particularly in terms of expenditure. Small purchases, such as gifts and souvenirs,
may often be spontaneous but these usually have relatively little cost. Choices
of destination, type of accommodation and mode of travel are usually much less
spontaneous because of their considerable financial implications and because
they are not decisions that are made frequently.
4. Unlike the cases of many other products, in the case of tourism, consumers
visit the site of production, rather than the good being transported to the user.
Distance is usually regarded as a disutility in most economic transactions but
in the case of tourism there is often an interest in going the extra mile to see
something new or exotic. Clearly, not all tourists are distance minimizers. In
such circumstances, notions of intervening opportunity and distance decay
may need qualification (Wall 1978).
5. Furthermore, the product is not consumed in the sense that most products are
destroyed in their use, although the cumulative impacts of visitors may mean
that the nature of the tourist product may slowly change. Unlike many products,
which can be stored and sold at a later date, the tourist supplier has a highly

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perishable product which usually cannot be stored: if a hotel bed is not occu-
pied on a particular night the rental opportunity is lost and cannot be replaced.
6. Vacation decision-making will likely also involve a multitude of many smaller
often sequential sub-decisions reflecting the connectivity and multi-faceted
nature of the tourism industry and the range of motivations of the members
of the travelling party. Decisions on such matters as accommodation, mode
of transport, entertainment and sightseeing are often made as independent
decisions particularly with the advent of the ‘new’ consumer and their beha-
vioural traits as noted earlier in this chapter (Dellaert, Ettema and Lindh 1998,
Hyde 2004, van Raaij and Francken 1984). Some of these decisions are made in
the place of residence while others will be made at the destination itself.
7. Tourism decisions also include widely varying degrees of perceived risk. Satis-
faction with travel experiences is often determined by the quality of products
and services that are delivered by a destination or supplier over which the
tourist has no direct influence. The level of perceived risk is therefore closely
related to the level of tourist involvement in and control over travel decisions.
External forces beyond the control of the tourist and supplier such as war,
terrorism and health scares can also alter decision-making and purchasing
behaviours.
The decision-making process that is outlined in Figure 2.4 involves five prin-
cipal and interacting phases:

1. Felt need or travel desire. A desire to travel is felt and reasons for and against
meeting that desire are weighed.
2. Information collection and evaluation. Potential tourists consult travel intermedi-
aries for information, study advertisements and brochures, and talk to experi-
enced travellers or friends and relatives and search web sites. Information is
evaluated against constraints such as the time and money available, the costs
of alternative trips, the accessibility of possible destinations, and domestic or
home circumstances, and evaluated in accordance with the tastes, values and
experiences being sought.
3. Purchase or travel decisions. The decision to travel precipitates a series of sub-
sequent decisions, including choice of destination, mode of travel, length of
stay and type of accommodation. The images of potential destinations are
important to these decisions. The quality and range of services may be similar
in a number of destinations but their images may differ. These differences may
be decisive factors in the choice between travel opportunities. The images of
destinations may differ greatly from reality. The larger the difference between
image and reality, that is between expectations and satisfaction, the more likely
is the tourist to be dissatisfied with their experience. Therefore, information
made available to the tourist should have a firm basis in reality.

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4. Travel preparations and travel experience. Bookings are made and confirmed, funds
are organized, clothing and equipment are arranged and, eventually, travel
begins.
5. Travel satisfaction evaluation. During and following the travel and stay phases of
the trip, the experience is evaluated and the results of these evaluations will
influence subsequent travel decisions.

Models of consumer behaviour have been adapted by tourism researchers and

applied to tourism decision-making (Mayo and Jarvis 1981, Moutinho 1987). These
and other approaches have been reviewed by Pizam and Mansfield (2000), Hudson
(2000) and Swarbrooke and Horner (2001). Bearing in mind that the tourist prod-
uct and its purchase may differ in some ways from other commercial transactions,
it is now appropriate to turn to a more detailed discussion of the factors which
influence travel decisions. With the exception of Middleton (1996) the model pre-
sented in Figure 2.4 is the only example attempting to link consumer decision-
making to ways of understanding impacts of tourism that we are aware of. This
is a descriptive model and requires further empirical validation.
The components that are itemized in the framework and their interrelationships
influence each of the five decision-making phases described above. The frame-
work identifies a number of sub-decisions and the dynamic interactions between
cognitive and behavioural processes. Cognitive processes generate a need to travel
and create motivations, beliefs and attitudes towards travelling to meet these needs.
The behavioural processes are those action-oriented decisions such as information
search, destination image formulation and trip option evaluations linked against
the backdrop of the tourist propensity to travel. In order to more fully compre-
hend these phases and their implications for travel behaviour, it is necessary to
examine the framework in more detail. To facilitate this, the framework will be
considered under the following headings: the tourist profile, needs, motivations,
attitudes, trip features and destination attributes, travel awareness and informa-
tion search, and spatial relationships.

THE TOURIST PROFILE

The tourist profile can be viewed under two major categories: the tourists’ socio-
economic and behavioural characteristics.

Socio-economic characteristics of tourists

Age, education, income, occupation, family size and family life cycle and previous
experiences influence attitudes, perceptions and motivations and affect decisions.
The individual characteristics of the household member play an important role in
decision-making. Individual family members may value a vacation differently.

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This is particularly relevant in the socio-economic environment of working par-

ents with more discretionary income and less time with their children or when
children have left home. Family vacations and the role of family and children in
vacation decision-making are important considerations in determining purchas-
ing behaviour and the experiences gained in the destinations (Cullingford 1995,
Myers and Moncreif 1978, Nichols and Snepenger 2000, Nickerson and Jurowski
2001, Zalatan 1998). Obviously, individuals with low disposable incomes are less
likely to pursue travel arrangements that involve first-class airfares, expensive
hotels and costly restaurants, than those who are wealthier. Few elderly travellers
are likely to participate in mountain climbing or visit nightclubs. Relationships
between socio-economic variables and participation in recreation and travel are
well documented in the literature and no further consideration of them will be
provided here. However, it should be noted that such relationships do not really
explain recreational behaviour: it is not possible to predict what people will do
merely from knowledge of their socio-economic characteristics.

Behavioural characteristics of tourists

Mayo and Jarvis (1981) argued that as tourism can be considered as purposeful,
planned and motivated behaviour, it can also be claimed that the internal forces
of the person are the most influential on travel decisions. Assessing who is involved
in the decision and when, and the influences on the decision makers are central
to an understanding of travel behaviour and its potential relationship to impact
analysis. The motivations, attitudes, needs and values of tourists are of crucial
importance in contributing to their decision-making processes. Motivations to
travel are related to expectations, needs and wants. These, in turn, reflect tourists’
personalities and socio-economic profiles. Although highly interrelated, for the
sake of simplicity, these factors will be discussed separately.

Needs
The need of an individual is a cognitive condition that arises from the lack of
something, which, if present, would likely further the well-being of that individual.
Needs may be emotional, spiritual or physical. Collectively, they are determinants
of tourist motivation. An individual’s need for change, new experiences, adven-
ture and aesthetic appreciation may all be satisfied by travel and tourist activity.
From a tourist’s perspective, travel is a response to felt needs and acquired values
with temporal, spatial, social and economic parameters. Once these needs or
values have been translated into a vacation image, the motivation generated will,
in turn, determine a behavioural response and, ultimately, the level of satisfaction
(Gnoth 1997). Initial decisions of whether to vacation or not are also clearly related
to the socio-demographic factors noted above but this aspect of travel behaviour
is not well researched (Van Raaij and Francken 1984).

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Motivations
The question of why people travel was given little attention until the research
undertaken by Lundberg (1971), Mercer (1976a, b), and McIntosh (1977). Wahab
(1975: 44) and Plog (1974) described travel motivations as: ‘one of the most basic
and indispensable subjects in tourism studies. Ignoring it or passing lightly over
it would defeat the whole purpose behind tourist development plans’. In early
times, people travelled for reasons which were more easily identified than the
reasons inducing current tourists to travel. These included the search for food,
water and shelter, for economic and territorial gain and religious devotion. Few
people travelled for sheer pleasure. Modern tourists travel essentially for pleasure
but may do so for a number of additional reasons. Crompton (1979), Dann (1977),
Mannell and Iso-Ahola (1987) and Krippendorf (1987) have argued that, as a start-
ing point, motives may be categorized into two dimensions:

1. Push factors that make one want to leave home, such as the desire to escape the
daily living and working environment and the pollution and traffic congestion
of cities;
2. Pull factors that influence where and how one travels and the behaviours within
the destination, such as the attractions of the destination, to visit friends and
relatives, or to play or watch sport.

A number of early researchers provided more detailed classifications of tourist

motivations (Gray 1970, McIntosh 1977, Thomas 1964). However, there was little
agreement concerning the relative significance of each motivational component.
Thomas (1964: 65) listed eighteen factors and Lundberg (1972: 128) listed twenty.
Both inventories drew heavily upon the attributes of tourists’ personalities and
personal value systems. Gray’s (1970) categorization was far less explicit. He
dichotomized travel motivations to be either ‘sunlust’ or ‘wanderlust’. The former
referred to the seeking of locations containing better amenities to those available
at home. ‘Wanderlust’ referred to the experience of seeing new places, meeting
new people and engaging in new and different activities.
Over the past decade considerable attention has been paid to the motivations
of tourists (Gnoth 1997, McCabe 2000, Ryan and Glendon 1998, Witt and Wright
1993). Tourist motivations are complex and there are many potential motivations
influencing a person to travel and choose a particular destination or holiday
arrangement. Some motivations may be predetermined, such as visiting friends
and relatives or attending religious festivals or for health reasons. Furthermore it
is likely that a tourist will be influenced by multiple motivations and these may
not always be compatible. Motivations may be shared with other members of the
family or a travelling group and they may have different weightings dependent
on age, gender and social and cultural influences (Ryan 1997). Notwithstanding the
multi-dimensional and subjective nature of tourist motivations and the associated

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difficulties in measuring them, Fridgen (1996) has identified common themes run-
ning through several academic attempts to classify or list tourist motivations. The
common themes that he identified are as follows:

1. The need to escape – a trip is change from routine;

2. Travel motivations involve social exchanges;
3. Travel motivations involve social and personal comparisons;
4. People travel in search for novelty and exploration.

Although this is not an exhaustive list of travel motivations it does summarize

those most commonly identified in the literature. These have also been discussed
in the tourist typologies noted earlier in this chapter.

Attitudes
Attitudes of tourists provide indications of the attractions of travelling and visit-
ing distant places (Fridgen 1996, Murphy 1975: 216). Attitudes and behavioural
intentions can be of value in predicting travel behaviours (Murphy 1985). They
reflect past experience (Neulinger and Breit 1971: 108). For example, a visit to Rome
to participate in the Easter celebrations at the Vatican may have been marred by
large crowds, the commercialization of what the visitor hoped would be a mean-
ingful spiritual occasion, and by language difficulties. The experience may have
induced a negative attitude towards subsequent trips to Rome, particularly at
Easter, and to religious festivals in general. This may deter the traveller from
participating in similar trips in the future. Furthermore, tourists’ attitudes about a
destination and residents’ attitudes towards tourist have considerable bearing on
the nature of the interactions between them and the corresponding social impacts
of tourism on a destination.

Trip features and destination attributes

The combination of trip features and destination attributes constitute the informa-
tion base upon which decisions concerning destinations, modes of travel and activ-
ities are formulated. Generation point characteristics (see below) place constraints
upon these decisions. (For ease of presentation, trip features and generation point
characteristics have been combined under the former heading in Figure 2.4.)
A number of possible destinations may appear to satisfy the personal require-
ments of the potential traveller. Each alternative is evaluated according to its com-
patibility with a number of criteria. These criteria are presented below under the
three broad headings of generation point characteristics, trip features and destina-
tion resources:

1. Generation point characteristics. Attributes of the place of residence, or generation

point characteristics, include motivators or constraints regarding home, work
and family. They might encompass willingness to leave work unfinished around

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the house, the responsibilities of taking children travelling, selecting destina-

tions which all members of the family will enjoy, and making arrangements for
the care of pets, for job replacements and for the welfare of family members
in the absence of the traveller. Travellers may not select destinations at great
distances because of these deterrents, nor will they stay very long if their
jobs demand their services.
2. Trip features. These include such factors as distance, duration of stay in one
or more destinations, time constraints, trip cost and value for money, types of
holiday and packaging options, perceived risk and uncertainty at the destina-
tion, and confidence in the travel arrangements, travel intermediaries and dis-
tribution channels.
3. Destination resources. The features of potential destinations play an important
role in the assessment of alternatives and in the final choice of one or more
destinations. These include types of attraction, the expected availability and
quality of services, environmental conditions, and the attributes of the host popu-
lation and their political organization. In addition, the potential tourist is likely
to consider the practical barriers of entering a destination (customs, immigration
and security inspections), the accessibility of the destination and of other com-
plementary attractions, and host attitudes towards tourists. As most of these
features were considered in an earlier conceptual framework (Figure 2.1), it is
not necessary to examine them in detail here.

Travel awareness and information search

Potential tourists may be motivated to travel but unless they are informed of what
opportunities are available, they may be unaware of the means of meeting their
requirements. Awareness of destinations, facilities and services depends upon the
availability and timing of information received and the credibility of its source.
Information on the tourist product is transmitted to potential tourists through both
formal and informal sources. Formal sources include magazines, travel brochures,
advertisements on radio and television, and discussions with travel intermedi-
aries. Informal sources refer to comments obtained from relatives, friends or other
travellers. Nolan (1976: 7) noted that travel information received from relatives
and friends was the most informative, but it ranked lowest in credibility. Informa-
tion obtained from guide books, government tourist offices and automobile club
trip-planning services ranked highly both in terms of quality and credibility. Crotts
(2000) recognized that prospective tourists making decisions used two informa-
tion sources, namely internal and external. Internal information is simply retrieved
from memory based on prior experience with a destination or travel arrangement.
In addition, it is likely that tourists will access external sources of information,
which are similar to the formal sources identified above. The combined set of
psychological variables (such as needs and motivations) and non-psychological

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Spatial relationships

variables or external factors (such as destination attributes and perceived costs

of travel products) will contribute to the formation of cognitive images of desti-
nations and tourism products. An image or impression is conjured up from the
information, and influences subsequent decisions, as interpreted according to per-
sonal and behavioural characteristics, including aspects of perception, memory
and personality (Gilbert 1991, MacKay and Fesenmaier 1997, Sirakaya, Sonmez
and Choi 2001).
The effects of image on tourist decision-making have received some research
attention although many more equivalent studies have been undertaken for the
marketing of other consumer products. Images and the variables that influence
them have been described (Ashworth and Goodall 1988, Chon 1991, Ehemann
1977, Font 1997) but only a few researchers have attempted to relate these to vaca-
tion choice (Baloglu and McCleary 1999, Papatheodorou 2001, Perdue 2001, Um
and Crompton 1992). The interrelationships between information, image creation,
the decision-making process and spatial behaviour are largely unstudied from the
perspective of understanding tourism impacts. Mansfeld’s (1992) theoretical syn-
opsis is a useful summary of the sequential process of decision-making described
above and the relationship of motivations to destination choice. As he noted, con-
siderable theoretical and methodological advancement, building upon existing
studies, is still needed in this area.
After returning from the trip, tourists recollect and evaluate their total travel
experiences. These experiences provide the bases for subsequent travel decisions,
whether to the same destination or another. These decisions, and the resulting
behaviour, give rise to impacts on destination areas which are the concern of
much of the remainder of this book.

SPATIAL RELATIONSHIPS
Tourism, by definition, involves the movement of people from their places of
permanent residence to new locations. This means that decisions made in one
location have implications for other places which may be far removed from the
locations in which the decisions are made. The preceding discussion has concen-
trated upon the decisions made by tourists. However, numerous other people also
make decisions concerning the deployment of tourist resources. In addition to the
individual tourist who has to decide when and where to participate, and what
forms participation should take, there are numerous agencies with a responsibility
for monitoring, regulating and providing tourism and recreational opportunities.
Other groups, such as travel intermediaries and advertising agencies, influence
decisions. Governments and multinational corporations make most major invest-
ment decisions. The homes of most tourists, the head offices of most hotel chains
and transportation companies are in the major cities of the developed world, and
this is where the majority of crucial decisions concerning tourism are made.

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The concentration of decision-making in the large cities of the developed world

has caused some authors to view tourism, both international and domestic, as
involving metropolitan demands being met by peripheral supply and to suggest
that the core–periphery concept could be of utility in tourist studies (Britton 1980,
Christaller 1963). It has prompted charges of economic imperialism as the major
decisions affecting the economies of destination areas are made in places beyond
their control. These charges will be examined in more detail later. However, not
all tourism is of the core–periphery type. In fact the major cities of the world
constitute principal sources of tourists and are important destinations in their
own right. Such cities as Paris, London and New York are among the world’s
most popular tourist destinations. Most big cities are multi-faceted tourist attrac-
tions. They possess a wide range of facilities, including museums, art galleries,
theatres, cinemas, restaurants, specialized shopping facilities, public buildings,
sports stadiums and parks, which tend to be clustered in relatively small areas.
Many of these are high-order functions which require large numbers of people for
their sustenance, and which have difficulty surviving in areas of low population
density. Large cities are also centres of communication. They are the foci of road,
rail and air transport networks, which channel travellers in their directions, and
the transportation and accommodation infrastructure which is required for the
functioning of any city is also necessary for tourism. Tourism does not dominate
the economies of big cities as it does in resort areas, but hotels are an increasingly
important component of big city landscapes and are a sign of their significance for
tourism (Hutchinson 1980, Page and Hall 2003, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson
1998, Vetter 1975, Wall and Sinnott 1980).

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS

The two frameworks indicate that impacts of tourism are the outcomes of the
interrelationships of a complex array of phenomena. The first framework is much
more general than the second. It shows that impacts of tourism are the result of
interactions between tourists and the destination area and its population. The
economic, environmental and social sub-systems of the destination area have
carrying capacities and the magnitude and direction of tourist impact are deter-
mined by the tolerance limits of each. Positive impacts are present until limits are
exceeded when impacts become negative.
The second framework is more specific than the first and focuses upon one
important component of the former: the tourists and their decision-making pro-
cesses. The decision-making process outlined in Figure 2.4 indicates that impacts of
tourism are, in large part, the consequences of the decisions of tourists. It recognizes
that impacts of tourism are dynamic, changing with corresponding changes in
destination features, trip characteristics, and the personal and behavioural attri-
butes of tourists. There is a spatial discontinuity between cause and effect, as most

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of the decisions are made in the urban areas of the developed world, and many of
the consequences occur in the pleasure periphery.
Preferences for destinations change. Accurate forecasting of travel patterns
requires an understanding of the features of destinations that are appealing and
stimulate people to visit. By recognizing and targeting the factors influencing
tourist travel decisions, tourists that are likely to fit well with the goals and objec-
tives for particular destination areas may be attracted and the costs of mitigating
the negative effects of tourist development can be reduced or avoided.
It has also been suggested that carrying capacity can be used and even manip-
ulated as an approach to controlling the effects of tourist development. A decision-
making framework has been presented in the belief that parts of the planning and
management processes can be directed at tourists and the factors that govern their
travel decisions. Middleton (1996) argued that visitor management will be needed
to achieve a balance between multiple visitor segments, destination resources and
residents. Furthermore, he suggested that it is necessary for managers to under-
stand market forces and the power of marketing to influence the behaviours of
tourists and businesses. Effective marketing management will therefore need to
be informed by data on customer choices and the factors influencing such choices,
segmentation, product design and quality controls. An understanding of decision-
making processes may be used as an aid in planning in four ways as summarized
by Schmoll (1977: 60):
1. Through marketing: through promotional schemes, tourists’ decisions may be
directed in favour of particular destinations, accommodation types, modes of
transportation and travel services. Traffic may be diverted away from areas that
have reached saturation point by encouraging potential tourists to select alter-
native destinations;
2. Through the identification and manipulation of the factors that have a bearing
on travel decisions, leading to the reinforcement of positive influences and the
counteraction of undesirable influences;
3. Through the identification of areas requiring more research: improved know-
ledge should lead to more informed planning and management decisions;
4. Through the determination of criteria by which target markets, or market seg-
ments of special interest and value to a tourist enterprise or destination, can be
identified.
The later chapters, on economic, environmental and social impacts, provide a
detailed examination of the consequences of tourist decisions on each of these
sub-systems in destination areas.

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3 Understanding change

This book is about changes that occur in destination areas as a result of tourism.
In contrast to the preceding work (Mathieson and Wall 1982) that forms a basis for
this volume, the words ‘change’ and ‘opportunities’ have been added to the title,
alongside ‘impacts’. There are a number of reasons for this. First, although the
impacts of tourism are both positive and negative, they may be evaluated differ-
ently by different people and there may be considerable disagreement as to what
is actually desirable or undesirable. Furthermore, it is often the negative impacts
that attract the most attention and the word ‘impacts’ often has a negative connota-
tion. However, change is desired by almost all stakeholders involved in tourism,
whether it is a break from routine on the part of tourists, enhanced life opportu-
nities through jobs and incomes on the part of residents, larger tax receipts by
governments, or greater resources for preservation by heritage advocates. While
change is often wanted and tourism is often embraced because of the benefits that
it may bring, there is often, at the same time, fear of change. Thus, the word ‘con-
sequences’ is used to refer to the changes that follow in the wake of tourism in the
belief that it is a more neutral term than ‘impacts’. However, in line with common
practice, the word ‘impacts’ and ‘consequences’ will be used interchangeably in
ths book. ‘Opportunities’ is added in recognition that tourism can also be bene-
ficial if harnessed with foresight.
This book examines the consequences of tourism for the people and places
which are visited. Of course, there are other consequences in addition to those
which occur in destination areas. For example, tourism has implications for the
tourists themselves, for the organizations such as travel agencies and tour operators
which cater to their needs and wants, for investors who may live a long way from
the locations in which tourism takes place, and for governments at all levels that
may attempt to gain revenues through direct and indirect taxes on tourism. Thus,
this is a partial discussion of the consequences of tourism. It focuses upon the
repercussions of tourism that are manifest in destination areas.
On the other hand, there has been a retreat from a focus solely on the impacts
of tourism, although this continues to be the major theme of this book. There are
several reasons for this. First, as indicated above, the word ‘impacts’ has come to
have a negative connotation and is often associated with a focused and short-term
perspective, as in the case of many environmental impact assessments of specific

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tourism projects. On the other hand, it is becoming recognized increasingly that

balance, compromise and trade-offs between competing interests will need to be
sought. Furthermore, there are cumulative impacts and a longer-term perspective
may be desirable, involving the monitoring of changes.
Secondly, communities seek to attract tourists and tourism developers so that
tourism development is often actively sought rather than being imposed on com-
munities by external actors. Furthermore, residents of destination areas are not
passive recipients of tourism. Rather, they may choose to take advantage of the
opportunities that tourism may bring or be active in their opposition to tourism
development.
Thirdly, impacts are both direct and indirect. This is most clearly articulated
in economic assessments where visitor spending, perhaps in a hotel, is viewed
as ‘direct’; the expenditures of the hotel on supplies to meet tourist demands is
termed ‘indirect’; and changes in purchasing patterns resulting from the direct
and indirect expenditures are called ‘induced’. Total impacts in this scheme are
the sum of direct, indirect and induced impacts (see Chapter 4 for more details
on economic multipliers and leakage). Similar phenomena occur in the environ-
mental and social domains as initial impacts ripple through the respective systems
and give rise to additional associated consequences. However, it is a Herculean
task to trace all of the myriad direct and indirect, short-term and long-term con-
sequences of tourism.
Fourthly, tourism takes many forms and the communities in which it takes place
have diverse characteristics. This means that the consequences of tourism are highly
contingent, reflecting the specific forms and locations in which it occurs. This
creates major challenges for generalization and suggests that it is important to
consider both the type of tourism and the characteristics of the community before
speculating what the consequences of tourism might be.
Finally, a wide variety of initiatives is implemented to influence the impacts of
tourism. These include planning, marketing, visitor management and the intro-
duction of codes of conduct. These and other means of modifying the consequences
of tourism will be examined in more detail in Chapter 7.
Interest in sustainable development has drawn attention to economic and envir-
onmental impacts and to the frequent situation that economic gains often accrue
at the expense of environmental costs (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of sustainable
development). Proponents of sustainable development have often drawn atten-
tion to the need to consider both economic and environmental dimensions of impacts
but the significance of sociocultural consequences has often been overlooked in
discussions of sustainable development. If tourism, or any other phenomenon,
is to contribute to sustainable development, it is necessary that initiatives be eco-
nomically viable, environmentally sensitive, and socially and culturally acceptable.
It follows from the preceding points that there are many factors that intercede
between tourism as an agent of change and the outcomes that are felt by members

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Understanding change

of the communities in which it occurs. Many of these have been addressed in

preceding chapters, largely viewing them as factors that intercede between the
decisions of tourists and the resulting consequences for destination areas. The
purpose of this chapter is to address these complexities further but from a more
general perspective that questions the assumptions and approaches that com-
monly underpin studies of the consequences of tourism.

EVOLVING PERSPECTIVES
Wood (1980) suggested that much tourism research on impacts has adopted
an inappropriate paradigm which he called the ‘billiard ball’ assumption. Under
this perspective, tourism is viewed as an external force which impinges upon a
static community. The latter is then transformed into a new state, much like the
balls on a table put in motion initially by the strike of a cue. Eventually, a new
equilibrium is reached when the balls have stopped rolling. All of the above
assumptions can be questioned. Tourism is not simply an external force, for
tourists and investors in tourism are actively sought by destinations. Further-
more, communities are not static but are in a continuous state of flux. Many of the
forces of globalization appear to have similar repercussions to tourism so that it
is extremely difficult to determine what changes are attributable to tourism and
what should be ascribed to other phenomena. Since these forces are acting at the
same time in the same places, it is actually artificial to try to separate them, and
Lanfant (1995) has argued that tourism is now so pervasive in some communities
that it should be considered as an inextricable part of them rather than something
apart.
A further criticism of the billiard ball assumption is that residents are not pas-
sive in the face of tourism but respond in a wide variety of ways which influence
the specific outcomes of tourism development. Dogan (1989), for example, iden-
tified five possible responses: resistance (associated with enmity and aggression
against tourists); retreatism (avoidance of contact with outsiders, revival of tra-
ditions, and increasing cultural and ethnic consciousness as opposed to active
resistance); boundary maintenance (the establishment of a well-defined boundary
between external and local cultures and presenting the local traditions to out-
siders in a different context so that the effects of the latter on the local culture
are minimized); revitalization (traditions, customs and institutions formerly dis-
appearing are revived and accorded new meaning when they have become tourist
attractions); and adoption (new cultural expressions introduced through tourism
are accepted and adopted by local people).
Some early discussions of the impacts of tourism, such as that of Doxey (1976),
attempted to categorize communities’ attitudes towards tourism. Thus, Doxey,
on the basis of work conducted in Canada and the West Indies, suggested that
communities go through a predictable series of stages as the volume of tourism

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increases. These stages are euphoria, apathy, irritation, antagonism and a final
level when the community is undermined and its formerly attractive features
destroyed. While simple and plausible as a possible, even common, circumstance,
such ideas have received increasing criticism for two main reasons. First, the
inevitability of the sequence of attitudes moving from positive to negative has been
questioned, the opposite also being a possibility. Secondly, it may be misleading
to view communities as having attitudes, even dominant attitudes, for most
communities consist of people with varying views and these views may change
over time. Bjorkland and Philbrick (1972, in Mathieson and Wall 1982: 139) sug-
gested a useful four-fold classification of individuals who may be positively or
negatively disposed to tourism, and who may be active or passive in the promo-
tion of their views. Thus, four positions are acknowledged: actively for, passively
for, actively against and passively against. Individuals may change categories
over time as issues and circumstances change. This appears to provide a fruitful
and dynamic way of moving from the simplistic classification of communities to
incorporate the differences which exist within communities. However, although the
framework has been available and cited in the tourism literature for many years,
few researchers appear to have actually employed it in empirical studies. There is
a need to test the utility of this framework in field situations.
As implied in the preceding discussion, even if changes associated with tour-
ism could be identified with certainty, they will not necessarily be regarded in a
similar manner by different people with different values and different types of
involvement in tourism. Thus, large numbers of visitors may be welcomed by the
business community but resented by individuals who are searching for peace and
quiet. Similar impacts may be ascribed different meanings or degrees of import-
ance (salience) by different individuals in the community, or even by local people
and researchers from elsewhere. For example, there is a tendency for some aca-
demics to bemoan changes occurring in the lifestyles in traditional communities
while their residents may be seeking to enhance their quality of life and to enjoy
the trappings of modernity. Thus, there may be insider (emic) and outsider (etic)
perspectives on impacts and these may be different (Berno 1996, Brislin 1993).
It may be useful for researchers to share their findings with their subjects, not
merely because they deserve to be able to benefit from the research, but also
because their interpretations of significance and cause–effect relationships may
sometimes differ from those of the researcher who brings different life experiences
to the situation.
Somewhat similarly, many surveys show that a majority of residents of destina-
tion areas recognize that increased tourism will likely result in more litter. Fewer
respondents will spontaneously mention changes in land values and, even if they
do, it may not be clear whether land values will rise, perhaps because of increased
business opportunities, or decline because of congestion or declining environmental
quality. Furthermore, it may be wrong to suggest that litter is a more important

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problem than changing land values merely because more people acknowledge it
in a survey. Litter is certainly an easier problem to deal with than land values from
planning and management perspectives.
A brief example of a change which has taken place in Bali, Indonesia, will pro-
vide an example of the difficulties in understanding the importance of specific
changes. Balinese families make offerings to the gods three times per day. This is
a task which is undertaken by women. The offerings ideally should consist of six
flowers of different colours plus a small amount of rice and perhaps meat. The
flowers would usually be picked from plants growing in the family compound
and the offering is contained in a small tray made from parts of a banana leaf. It
is placed on the family temple or on the ground in front of the family compound
or business, or even on the dashboard of a car. Many people now purchase their
offerings rather than make them themselves. This trend appears to have occurred
since the rapid growth of tourism in Bali. However, it is not clear that it is a direct
consequence of tourism. Perhaps it is a reflection of a rising standard of living so
that money is now available to purchase offerings whereas it was not previously.
The availability of offerings for sale has saved time for some women who would
otherwise have had to prepare the offering. The change has created jobs for other
women who make offerings on a commercial basis. Is the offering less valuable and
the individual less religious because they have purchased the offering? If offerings
are purchased routinely, then it is less necessary to grow a variety of plants in the
family compound. Does the purchase of offerings have implications for ecological
diversity?
Many young Balinese now wear jeans rather than sarongs, although they still
may wear a sarong for ceremonial purposes. Also, if they work in the tourism
industry, they may spend much of their time speaking Indonesian or English
rather than Balinese. Some people are unable to escape the fixed hours of tourism
employment, so that they may be unable to attend village (banjar) meetings. They
may choose to send money instead, thus acknowledging their obligation and
maintaining ties with their village. It is not clear, even after discussions with
Balinese friends and colleagues, which of these changes is most significant from a
Balinese perspective. It is certainly vital to maintain one’s links with the home
community, for cremations are organized through the banjar and, if one is not
cremated properly, the prospects for future lives are not very good!
Where change is occurring but the complex cause and effect relationships are
incompletely understood and the significance of the changes are unclear, then the
management of impacts and the provision of mitigation strategies and remedial
measures are far from straightforward. It is suggested that there is a substantial
difference between a fairly narrow focus upon mitigating impacts (although there
is not a large literature on this topic in the context of tourism and few have
returned later to assess whether or not mitigative strategies have been successful)
and the more complex, iterative process of monitoring and managing change.

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SPATIAL AND TEMPORAL FACTORS

The distribution of tourists is highly uneven in both time and space. It follows,
therefore, that the consequences of tourism are similarly unevenly distributed.
Some brief comments will, therefore, be made with respect to temporal and spatial
scales to illustrate this.

Temporal factors

Tourism occurs on many different timescales with the distribution of tourists

varying markedly depending upon the time of concern. For example, in a twenty-
four hour period, there will be times when many tourists will be participating in
recreational activities, others when many will be eating and still other times when
most will be asleep. In cruise destinations, peak visitation may last no more than
a couple of hours when a large vessel disgorges literally thousands of passengers
for brief shore experiences before gathering them together again to resume their
journey onboard. Such periodicities have implications for the facilities that tourists
patronize, their detailed local expenditures, the labour that is required to meet
their needs, the settings in which they are to be found and their likelihood of inter-
acting with local people.
On a slightly longer timescale, many destinations have a weekly use pattern,
with peak demand at weekends and on public holidays. It is at the weekends that
traffic congestion is likely to be most serious and when parking lots are most likely
to be full to capacity. These are also the times when the number of visitors may
greatly exceed the number of residents, making the latter a minority in their own
community. On the other hand, these are the times when most money is spent.
Most destination areas also experience an annual cycle of activity with a peak
season and an off-season which are separated by two shoulder seasons. Sometimes
the seasonality is so marked that tourism facilities may actually be closed in the
off-season and the operators may leave the community for other places, perhaps
to take their own vacations. Climate is a major factor contributing to seasonality
but it is not the only one. The incidence of school holidays and prescribed seasons,
as for hunting and fishing, are others. Even in tropical locations that are warm
year-round, there is seasonality because of the existence of wet and dry seasons,
periods with greater storm frequency and, particularly, because of seasonality in
areas of demand. Thus, for example, demand for vacations in tropical areas such
as Florida, from northern latitudes such as Canada, is greatest in the northern
winter when days in the latter are short and cold. However, tourism facilities in
large cities often experience less seasonality than rural and resort areas because
they are also patronized by local residents and business customers and because
many of their attractions, such as museums, theatres and many sports events, are
indoors and sheltered from the weather.

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Destination areas often attempt to reduce seasonality, particularly by attempt-

ing to stimulate greater activity in the shoulder seasons. They do this by reducing
prices, attempting to attract visitors, such as senior citizens who have more flex-
ible schedules, and by developing special events. Most of the effort so far has been
placed on manipulating the supply side in an attempt to make destinations more
attractive in off-peak periods. However, little is known about the willingness
of potential visitors to switch their activities to such times. Such initiatives may
reduce seasonality somewhat but they are unlikely to eliminate it completely.
The various periodicities that are briefly outlined above are superimposed upon
each other and the daily, weekly and seasonal trends interact in complex ways
(Yan and Wall 2003). Thus, for example, operators of summer campgrounds in
northern latitudes may make most of their income in about ten weekends in
the year and may suffer badly if too many of these weekends are wet. In so far as
the consequences of tourism are linked with levels of use, some regular temporal
variations in the consequences of tourism may be expected. Thus, attractions and
accommodations may be filled to capacity at weekends but underutilized in mid-
week, and campgrounds that are heavily utilized and degraded in the summer,
may be able to recover somewhat during the off-season (LaPage 1974). Should
one design for peak periods recognizing that this may be inefficient and facilities
may be underused at other times, or risk the bad publicity that may result from
degraded experiences and an inability to cope at the busiest times? Residents of
resorts may require the incomes from the peak periods for economic reasons but
may relish the slower pace of life that they enjoy at other times of the year. Such
peaks and troughs are introduced here to emphasize that the impacts of tourism,
whether economic, environmental or social, may vary greatly on a diversity of
timescales that are often overlooked.
Expanding the temporal frame of reference even more broadly, although tour-
ism is often regarded as being a youthful area of study when compared to many
others, it actually has a long history. Tourism has grown substantially in volume,
particularly in the second half of the last century, and is expected to continue to
grow. Recreational travel has now become an integral part of the lives of most
westerners, and the middle classes of the developing world are increasingly avail-
ing themselves of the opportunity to travel. Thus, there have been longer-term
trends in tourism than those just described above that also have implications for
the consequences of tourism. Not only have the numbers of domestic and interna-
tional visitors risen substantially, transportation systems, particularly the invention
of the wide-bodied jet, have allowed tourists to travel farther, faster and to pene-
trate even the most remote locations. Space tourism may even be on the horizon
(Collins, Kanayama, Iwasaki, Ohnuki and Hanayama 1994). In terms of construc-
tions, the sizes of theme parks, the number of rooms in hotels, and the capacities
of planes and cruise ships have increased enormously. At the same time, the num-
ber of pristine beaches, remote locations and isolated cultural groups has shrunk,

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putting greater pressure for development on those that remain. Partly as a reaction
to such situations, forms of tourism have changed and may be expected to continue
to evolve. Package tours and independent travel coexist, boutique hotels comple-
ment the offerings of the large chains, mass tourism still dominates but competes
with an expanding array of alternatives, more people are booking through the
internet and the market is said to be becoming increasingly fragmented. Interna-
tional borders that were, until recently, becoming more permeable are now becom-
ing more difficult to cross (Timothy 2001) and climate change may be modifying
many of the natural resources on which tourism depends (Hall and Higham 2005,
Wall 1992, 1993c). All of these trends have implications for who will go where, for
how long and for what they will do and, consequently, for the impacts of tourism.
From the perspective of particular destinations, Butler (1980) has suggested that
resorts go through a particular sequence of circumstances akin to a product life
cycle. Thus, he identified a series of stages, from ‘exploration’ through ‘involvement’,
‘development’, ‘consolidation’ and ‘decline’ or ‘rejuvenation’. The driving force,
according to Butler, is the number of visitors but, in association with this, the types
of visitors, their length of stay, the ownership of tourism businesses, the archi-
tecture and environment, and resident attitudes and involvement may also be
expected to change. Weaver and Lawton (1988) suggested that this is only one
possible temporal sequence and Keller (1987) and Krackover (1985) have suggested
consistent variations in the role of government, accessibility and length of stay as
remote areas are developed for tourism. These studies are introduced here to draw
attention to the fact that the consequences of tourism are likely to vary greatly
with the stage of development. In a pristine setting at the onset of tourism, it may
be reasonable to examine the impacts of tourism, and the consequences of tourism
may be fairly clear at that point in time. In contrast, in a place like Niagara Falls
which has been involved in tourism for approximately two centuries, it is difficult
to imagine the place in the absence of tourism and, in consequence, it is particu-
larly challenging to address the impacts of tourism and to determine what the place
would be like in its absence. On the other hand, it may be feasible to assess the
impacts of a particular new tourism initiative, such as a casino, in such a location.
The studies that have been mentioned in the preceding paragraph are attempts
to generalize concerning the trajectories that tourism tends to take. In contrast, few
would deny that tourism is operating in an increasingly turbulent environment.
Natural hazards (Mazzocchi and Montini 2001), wars, terrorism, health epidemics
(see Chapter 6), aided by electronic media that spread the news almost every-
where instantaneously, are modifying flows of tourists and impacting the well-
being of tourism destinations markedly and at short notice, making generalization
and prediction increasingly difficult. Farrell and Twining-Ward (2004) have been
highly critical of tourism researchers for their tendency towards linear thinking.
Using an ecological analogy, they suggested that the systems that we are examin-
ing are not linear, that the stochastic nature of complex systems should be better

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appreciated, that thresholds of change need to be better understood, that different

processes operate at different scales, that the consequences of change at one scale
need to be considered at other scales, that surprise may be the norm, that risk
assessments need to be undertaken and, in short, that most tourism researchers
are operating on an outdated paradigm. Although, for example, it has long been
recognized that there is no simple relationship between levels of use and environ-
mental impacts (Liddle 1997), that increased levels of use and associated economies
of scale may make new management strategies viable (Parker 1999), and some
tourism researchers have used such notions as catastrophe theory in their studies
(Faulkner and Russell 1997, Russell and Faulkner 1999), Farrell and Twining-Ward
have articulated an important challenge. What is to be done when the past may
not be a good guide to the future, and much of the research may be based on
untenable assumptions?

Spatial factors
Tourism is a global phenomenon. With more than 700 million international
travellers recorded annually and many more domestic tourists, tourism is clearly
a force which is of global significance and it can be viewed as being an important
instigator of global change. The economies of many coastal areas, such as the
Mediterranean littoral, and mountain areas such as the Alps, are now dominated
by tourism and there are few areas of the world that are beyond the reach of tour-
ists and are thus unaffected by tourism. Even the Antarctic, for example, attracts
tourists and there is a growing literature on the implications of tourism for Antarctic
ecosystems and the cultural relics left by the early explorers (Hall and Johnston
1995, Smith and Splettstoesser 1994).
At the same time, tourism is very unevenly distributed and many, perhaps most,
of the consequences of tourism are concentrated in destination areas. Thus, for
example, while national statistics on numbers of visitors and their expenditures
are frequently cited, in reality the bulk of these usually occur in a limited number
of places where tourists congregate. Almost fifty years ago, Christaller (1963) viewed
cities as core areas of demand and peripheral areas as locations in which these
demands could be met. This view is perhaps somewhat simplistic, for the major
cities of the world are among its most important tourism destinations as well as
being the places of origin of many tourists. However, the significance of tourism
in such places may be masked somewhat by the multiplicity of activities that
occur there when compared with resort areas with economies that are dedicated
to tourism.
At the scale of the individual destination, there are ‘front regions’ where most
tourists are to be found and back regions where few tourists penetrate and life
may go on largely unchanged (MacCannell 1973). Even individual tourism enter-
prises, such as theme parks, hotels and restaurants, have ‘front regions’ where

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Destination characteristics

interactions between visitors and employees occur and ‘back regions’ which may
be off-limits to tourists. This will be considered further in the section which follows.

DESTINATION CHARACTERISTICS
In large cosmopolitan urban areas, tourists may simply blend in and it may not be
immediately obvious who is a tourist and who is a permanent resident. In con-
trast, in small communities, particularly those that cater to international tourists
of a different race, ethnicity and language from the residents, then tourists may be
more immediately recognized. Similarly, the same increment of tourism may have
more far-reaching consequences in a small, rural community that is new to tour-
ism than in a large, urban area or resort with a long history of tourism involvement.
Hosts and guests bring different expectations to the interactions which occur
between them and the areas on which tourism impinges may respond in different
ways to the threats and opportunities which accompany it. Thus, the local con-
sequences of tourism may vary from place to place. In fact, Smith’s (1977) catchy
‘hosts and guests’ terminology hides the fact that not all residents of destination
areas are true or willing hosts and, for some, tourists may be unwelcome intruders
rather than invited guests. Residents and visitors are less emotive terms, and con-
cepts such as entrepreneurs and customers or, more generally, producers and con-
sumers, may reveal more about the economic or instrumental relationships which
are often involved.
When viewed from the perspectives of the tourists, destination areas are com-
monly places in which pleasure is sought. But the motivations of tourists are
diverse and their expectations of and commitment to the places which are visited
are likely to differ from those of permanent residents. While for some purposes it
may be appropriate to count business travellers as tourists, most tourists are likely
to be seeking leisure experiences while temporarily away from home. In contrast,
for residents of destination areas, the communities which are visited are places
of home, work and retirement. Even remote wilderness areas are commonly the
sources of livelihood of indigenous peoples and have spiritual significance for
them. Thus, tourists and residents bring different expectations to their involve-
ment with the destination community and use it in different ways.
Interactions between residents and visitors are concentrated spatially in the so-
called ‘front regions’ and occur in specific settings such as transportation termini,
hotel lobbies and places of amusement. In contrast, few tourists penetrate the ‘back
regions’ of the community where life goes on largely in the absence of tourists
(MacCannell 1976). For tourists who may have saved up for much of the year to
be able to afford to go away on holiday, the experience of being a tourist is a spe-
cial one and they are likely to behave differently than when at home, often getting
up and going to bed later, eating and drinking more, dressing differently and
possibly feeling more sexually liberated. In contrast, for many residents, interactions

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with tourists may be routine and often occur in what is a work setting for them.
Interactions may be fleeting, lack spontaneity and may be carefully managed. The
resident may be employed in servicing the needs of the tourists who may be oper-
ating in an unaccustomed environment. Thus, the interactions which do occur
may be unequal and unbalanced, and embedded in complex power relationships.
They also may be mediated by cultural brokers such as tour books or tour guides
(see later in this chapter and Chapter 6). Such relationships have implications for
the consequences of tourism.
It may be useful to view tourism as involving the interaction of three types of
cultures: the destination culture, the cultures of the visitors’ origins and a tourist
culture reflecting the fact that tourists of diverse backgrounds often use common
facilities, visit similar sites and exhibit many behaviours that are common to most
tourists even though their cultural origins may differ. None of the three types of
cultural expression is homogeneous and, furthermore, they interact in a diversity
of ways.
In addition, destination communities are not homogeneous: there are male and
female, young and old, newcomers and long-time residents, those employed in
tourism and those who are not, and the powerful and the powerless. Thus, tour-
ism does not impact all members of a community equally and there are some who
are in a better position to take advantage of the opportunities than others.

TYPES OF TOURISM
Just as communities vary greatly in their characteristics and involvement in tour-
ism, tourism itself takes many forms and, in fact, many have argued that the
market for tourism has become increasingly fragmented into a wide variety of
niches, each with its own clientele, desired locations, forms of organization and
associated impacts. So-called mass tourism to coastal resorts and, to a lesser extent,
to mountain areas for annual vacations, although still the dominant pattern, has
diversified into multiple trips, of varying duration, to undertake a wide range of
activities, both active and passive, in diverse environmental settings, with varied
consequences. Ecotourism, cruise tourism and heritage tourism have each been
suggested by various observers as being the fastest growing type of tourism, often
on the basis of slender evidence.

THE STATE OF KNOWLEDGE

The complexities associated with temporal and spatial scales, destination types
and types of tourism that have been introduced in the previous sections mean that
generalizations with respect to the consequences of tourism are difficult to make
and exceptions are common. They are also the reasons why conclusions may dif-
fer from study to study.

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The state of knowledge

Two broad types of studies exist concerning the impacts of tourism: objective
and subjective. No measures are truly objective, for observers always have to
decide what is of interest and of relevance, how changes are to be recorded, and
what the significance and implications of changes might be. Nevertheless, two
main research emphases can be identified: measurement of the phenomena that
may have changed as a result of tourism, and perceptions of the changes that have
occurred according to the perspectives of those who have been affected by them.
Thus, for example, in the case of environment, measurements using standardized
techniques can be made of biochemical oxygen demand in watercourses or of
species diversity or, on the other hand, residents can be asked if the quality of their
environment has changed. Similarly, economic studies can be undertaken of visitor
expenditures and associated economic multipliers and leakage, or residents can
be asked if they are better off as a result of tourism.
Although there are a large number of academic studies of the impacts of tour-
ism, many of which are reported in this volume, the body of knowledge is less
insightful and useful than might be hoped. First, there is often a lack of multi-
disciplinary perspectives. Not only are most investigations concentrated on one of
economic, environmental or sociocultural impacts, they are often highly focused
within these broad domains. The result is that the work is fragmented with only
few attempts to paint a complete, or even a broad, picture. Many pieces of the
puzzle exist but they do not fit together well: there is no apparent strategy for
putting the pieces together and only a limited vision of the overall scene to which
they might contribute.
Secondly, there is often an inadequate specification of the types of tourism
which are involved and the characteristics of the community in which impacts
occur. If one researcher is discussing tourism on a beach, another is examining
downhill skiing and a third is investigating visits to historic sites, it is no wonder
that the results are different. It is an over-generalization to extend the findings to
tourism as a whole. Failure to specify details of the precise nature of the tourists –
their numbers, distributions, activities and other characteristics, as well as the
settings in which tourism takes place – results in communication failures among
researchers and between researchers and policy makers.
Thirdly, most studies of the impacts of tourism are backward-looking: they
examine the consequences of tourism after they have occurred. If measures of
human dimensions of tourism are available, such as the numbers of tourists, their
spatial and temporal distributions and their activities, such investigations can
provide useful information on the relationships between levels of use and magni-
tudes of change. Unfortunately, many studies only measure the impact and not
the phenomena which have caused the changes, reducing their managerial utility.
Furthermore, such studies look at changes which have already occurred whereas
the managers and policy makers are more likely to be interested in predictions of
possible impacts so that undesirable consequences can be avoided or mitigation

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strategies put in place. The backward-looking perspective of academic researchers

often gives rise to lack of practical relevance from the perspectives of the policy
makers or practitioners.
Where mitigation strategies have been adopted, there have rarely been efforts
made to measure their effectiveness. In fact, surprisingly few efforts have been
made to evaluate the effectiveness of tourism plans and other tourism initiatives
of any kind, perhaps because public agencies often work to a political agenda
and their masters may not wish to risk the embarrassment of learning that their
policies and programmes have, with the benefit of hindsight, proven to be less
than satisfactory.
The results of the above emphases have considerable implications for the under-
standing of tourism impacts. Numerous studies are case studies which are not
well embedded in a broader context so that knowledge is less cumulative than it
might otherwise have been. Also, there may be a tendency to overgeneralize from
specific cases to tourism as a whole with misleading consequences. For example,
work in wilderness situations is often based on the assumption that the quality
of visitor experiences will decline with increasing numbers of visitors (see the
discussion of carrying capacity in Chapter 2). However, in urban situations, or in
the case of special events such as festivals and sports extravaganzas, there may be
considerable tolerance for high densities of use and large numbers of other parti-
cipants and a festive atmosphere may contribute to enhanced satisfaction, crowd-
ing and deteriorated experiences only occurring at extremely high levels of use.
One topic which has received surprisingly limited attention among tourism
researchers is the role of culture brokers in influencing the behaviours of tourists
and, consequently, their impacts. Travel agents, guide books and tour guides, for
example, have substantial influences on where people go and what they do, par-
ticularly for package tourists, both at the macro-level of the entire trip and at the
micro-level of specific sites. As such, they play a major role in determining the
sizes and locations of expenditures, i.e. economic impacts, including leakage and
commissions. Similarly, they influence the places which people visit, the environ-
ments in which they spend time and their activities in them, i.e. environmental
impacts. They also mediate between visitors and visited, with social and cultural
consequences. Given the potentially far-reaching implications of culture brokers
in tourism, it is surprising that their roles have not received more attention from
researchers attempting to explain current impacts and from policy makers wish-
ing to ameliorate future negative impacts or enhance positive ones.
A final deficiency of impact research which will be reiterated is the lack of atten-
tion to saliency, or the importance to be accorded to specific changes that are iden-
tified. For example, researchers of cultural change may comment negatively on
particular changes which may be acceptable to those undergoing them and vice
versa. As pointed out in the Bali case earlier in this chapter, the meanings of changes
may in fact be obscure and difficult to determine, even for those experiencing them.

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Factors contributing to and mediating impacts

The above discussion suggests that there is much yet to be done if researchers’
knowledge of the impacts of tourism is to be enhanced substantively and the
utility of findings to decision makers expanded. Yet in spite of this situation,
the knowledge of ‘experts’ is used in various processes (such as in benefit–cost
analysis and environmental impact assessment: see Chapter 7) in an attempt to
improve decision-making and, ultimately, the quality of development. There is a
gap between the level of knowledge and the requirements of the applications
for which that knowledge is needed. This will be discussed in more detail in
Chapter 7.

FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO AND MEDIATING IMPACTS

Although we have been critical of the state of impact research, it is not difficult
to identify in very general terms, some of the factors of relevance to the con-
sequences of tourism. Indeed, some of these factors have been mentioned in the
preceding chapters. At the broadest level, three groups of factors are suggested
that are likely to be associated with consequences of different magnitudes and
types but which are relevant across economic, environmental and social domains.

1. Types of tourism. It is evident that the numbers of tourists, their personal char-
acteristics, their lengths of stay and the activities which they engage in have
implications for destination areas. Using accommodation types as a proximity
for types of tourism, Table 3.1 illustrates features commonly associated with
different accommodation characteristics and, hence, types of tourism.
2. Community characteristics. The characteristics of the destination area are likely
to modify impacts as well as the acceptability of similar impacts, because of
such factors as resource base, level of development, availability of alternative
economic opportunities and extent of local control, both actual and perceived.
As an example, a relatively large number of visitors can blend into a large,
cosmopolitan, urban area as compared with a similar number in an isolated
village.
3. Nature of host–guest interactions. The frequency, locations, seasonality and spon-
taneity (or lack thereof) of interactions between residents and visitors are also
relevant, as are the roles of culture brokers.

Even in seemingly similar situations as identified by the three groups of vari-

ables just discussed, impacts may be modified by a variety of temporal factors. For
example, places at different stages of development, whether identified by general
measures of development or those related specifically to tourism, such as those
associated with Butler’s (1980) tourism cycle of evolution, are likely to have dif-
fering abilities to accommodate and tolerate tourists. In many tourism locations
it is the cumulative effects of many small developments and decisions, which

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Table 3.1 Common relationships between accommodation types and other aspects
of tourism systems: a perspective from Bali

Systems components Five-star hotels Guest houses

Visitor characteristics
Group type Many packages Varied
Origin Many foreigners Varied
Length of stay Short Long
Activities/motivations Recreation Varied
Income High Varied
Economic factors
Size Large Small
Economies of scale Large Small
Capital requirements Large Small
Backward linkages Small Large
Multipliers Small Large
Employment – formal Large Small
Employment – informal Small Large
Foreign-exchange Variable Variable
Cultural factors
Migration stimulus High Low
Host–guest interaction Low, formal High, informal
Degree of local control Low High
Harmonious scale Rarely Often
Environmental factors
Land High needs Low needs
Water High needs Low needs
Energy High needs Low needs
Waste disposal High needs Low needs

Source: Wall 1993b

build upon each other and gradually change the characteristics of places and the
lives of their residents, that may be of more concern than the attributes of any
specific initiative. Also, a rapid pace of change may be as significant as the specific
changes themselves for speed results in greatly constrained opportunities for
residents to adjust and for planners to prepare themselves, their clients and their
communities.
Of course, tourism seldom takes place in a planning or policy vacuum and it
must be assumed that such tourism plans and policies have implications for the
manifestations of tourism although, as indicated above, there have been surpris-
ingly few evaluations of the effectiveness of them.
If it is conceded that all of the above factors are relevant to and modify the
consequences of tourism, then one might expect that students of the impacts of
tourism would document them as part of their studies. While much literature
exists, few authors document the above factors thoroughly and consistently and,
therefore, fail to specify adequately the context in which specific impacts occur.

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Summary

SUMMARY
Tourism is of such magnitude that its consequences are extremely far-reaching,
because of the sheer scale of the phenomenon as well as the speed of the many
changes associated with it. In fact, it would not be difficult to make a case that
tourism is itself a major agent of global change (as well as being affected by other
forces of global change, such as those associated with climate, technology and
politics). At the same time and somewhat paradoxically, it can also be argued that
tourism is becoming so pervasive that it is part of the usual complement of activ-
ities found in many communities. As such, it is difficult, if not impossible, to
determine what should be attributable to tourism and what is the result of other
forces of change. Regardless, these changes have multiple and interlocking dimen-
sions: economic, environmental, social, cultural, political, institutional.
While a massive literature has grown on the impacts of tourism, research results
have often been confusing and even contradictory and, as discussed above, based
in an inappropriate paradigm, leading to the conclusion that legal requirements,
for example to undertake environmental impact assessments, may be ahead of
scholarly understanding. Perhaps a more manageable and ultimately more useful
question is not ‘What are the impacts of tourism?’ but, rather, ‘In what circum-
stances (contexts) are particular consequences likely to occur?’ The following
three chapters will address the first question, and some observation pertaining to
the latter will be made in Chapter 7.

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4 Economic consequences

International and domestic tourists spent approximately $55 billion (Canadian)

in Canada in 2000. This was approximately 5 per cent of the Gross Domestic
Product (GDP). The Canadian Tourism Commission estimated that, directly and
indirectly, these expenditures created 547,000 direct jobs for Canadians. Updated
visitor arrival statistics for Canada, seasonal variations in tourism demand, major
market trends and receipts from tourist expenditure can be obtained online at
www.canadatourism.com or www.statcan.ca. The province of Ontario has Canada’s
largest tourism industry and is a major gateway to Canada. In 2002, Ontario
accounted for 43 per cent of Canada’s total visitors and 37 per cent of Canada’s
tourism revenues. The industry provided 227,000 direct jobs and an additional
117,000 indirect and induced jobs, representing 8 per cent of the province’s employ-
ment. In the same year tourism generated $9.3 billion (Canadian) in provincial tax
revenue (www.tourism.gov.on.ca). In places such as the Caribbean, Spain and
Mexico, tourism is the largest earner of foreign exchange and the leading indus-
try in terms of income and employment. In 2000, the Caribbean realized a healthy
influx of international tourist arrivals of 1704 million visitors that accounted for
US$19 billion in gross revenues. Correspondingly, investment in tourism infra-
structure has also increased and represented 21 per cent of all investment in the
region. In many countries, tourism is the largest earner of foreign exchange and
its contribution to the GDP is often well over 15 per cent. Tanzania (17 per cent),
Fiji (50 per cent), the Maldives (41 per cent) and the Bahamas (19 per cent) are
examples of such countries (The Big Picture: Travel Industry Yearbook 2003, WTO
and WTTC 2004). Globally, tourism in the widest sense, including direct and indir-
ect impacts, generated US$4.2 billion of GDP, or 10.4 per cent of the total, and was
responsible for 214 million jobs or 8.1 per cent of total employment. In many low
and middle income countries, tourism contributes a substantial proportion of total
export earnings: Kenya (15 per cent), Tanzania (24 per cent), Jamaica (35 per cent),
Cyprus (48 per cent) and Greece (20 per cent) are examples (Sinclair 1998).
These international tourism statistics only partially indicate the economic sig-
nificance of the tourist industry. More tourists travelled and spent even larger
amounts of money within their own countries. In Canada, for example, domestic
vacations have been recorded annually since 1971, with associated expenditures
comprising approximately two-thirds of total tourist expenditure. The economic

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contributions of domestic tourism are as, if not more, substantial than those of
international tourism but there is a paucity of reliable statistics on expenditures
because domestic tourists are more difficult to count. Therefore, it is not easy to
define the magnitude of domestic tourism accurately.
There is no doubt whatsoever that tourism has major effects on the economies
of destination areas. Early research focused primarily upon the economic aspects
of the industry and this emphasis has resulted in a proportionately large num-
ber of studies of these effects. The majority of early studies of the economic
impacts of tourism were directed at international and national levels (Gray 1970,
Peters 1969, Thuens 1976), although there are now a growing number of studies
that examine regional and local economic impacts (Archer, Shea and Vane 1974,
Vaughan 1977a, b, Wagner 1997, Wall and Knapper 1981, Walpole and Goodwin
2000, Zhou, Yanagida, Chakravorty and Leung 1997). Similarly, there are a grow-
ing number of studies that estimate the economic impacts of specific events
and tourism initiatives (Getz 1992a, 1994, Hall 1987, 1992a). Nevertheless, in spite
of recent increases, studies of the economics of tourism, particularly in North
America, constitute only a small proportion of the larger body of literature con-
cerned with the economics of leisure and recreation. The early studies of Ogilvie
(1933), Alexander (1953) and Waugh (1962) offered introductory statements on
the economics of tourism but they did not provide a detailed examination of the
full array of economic effects. Since that time, the number of analytical works on
tourism economics has increased substantially (Bull 1991, Eadington and Redman
1991, Ioannides and Debbage 1998, Lundberg, Slavenga and Krishnamoorthy 1995,
Sinclair and Stabler 1997, Tribe 1999, Vanhove 2005) and a new journal, Tourism
Economics, is devoted to the topic. In addition, other journals such as Tourism
Management include a broad range of related topics, such as the delineation and
definitional characteristics of the tourist industry, managerial economics of vari-
ous tourism industry sectors, factors influencing tourism demand, international
and domestic tourism economic differences, the role of tourism in economic devel-
opment of peripheral regions and developing countries, and the influence of sup-
ply and infrastructural changes on local economic impacts. This is just a sample of
what could be a very long list.
It is surprising, given the contribution that tourism makes to GDP, the balance
of payments and employment, as well as the interest in the economics of tourism,
that tourism is rarely given much attention in general courses and programmes in
economics. However, discussions of the positive and negative economic impacts
of tourism, covering a range of direct, indirect and induced effects as well as leak-
ages, have also emerged (Archer and Cooper 1998, Eadington and Redman 1991,
Fletcher 1989, 1993b, Frechtling 1994a, c). Economic modelling (primarily using
input–output analysis but also more sophisticated general equilibrium models)
has been used to quantify these impacts at a national level: see, for example, stud-
ies of the Bahamas and Bermuda (Archer 1995), Hong Kong (Lin and Sung 1983),

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Australia (Cooper and Pigram 1984), the Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996),
China (Gang, Xu and Kruse 2003, Yan and Wall 2003) and Ireland (Henry and
Deane 1997). A small number of similar studies have also been conducted at
regional and local levels (West 1993, Witt and Martin 1987). Dwyer, Forsyth,
Madden and Spurr (2000) have provided a useful discussion on the scope and
statistical significance of these studies.
Most studies have emphasized the economic benefits that accrue to destina-
tion areas. The development of tourist facilities and recreational opportunities has
frequently been viewed as stimulating a major positive contribution to the national
balance of payments, as a means of redressing regional disparities in incomes
and employment, and as responsible for revenues gained from direct tourism
expenditures and through taxes and levies. Until recently, only a few studies
examined the economic costs of tourism. The costs of entering the tourist market,
as well as the indirect costs to destination areas, have received much less attention
(Fleming and Toepper 1990 summarized in Frechtling 1996, Jafari 1974, Pearce
1989, Turner 1976, Young 1973). Although there is an uneven emphasis within
economic studies of tourism, a concentration upon economic questions has con-
tinued to occur at the expense of research on physical and social impacts of tourist
developments. This is changing only slowly as a result of an expanding interest in
such topics as ecotourism and cultural tourism (see Chapters 5 and 6).
A number of factors have contributed to the economic emphasis of a majority
of tourist impact studies and have also influenced their quality. First, when com-
pared with physical and social impacts, economic impacts are relatively easy to
measure. Physical and social impacts, particularly the latter, are difficult to sub-
ject to numerical analyses, for they are often composed of intangibles and incom-
mensurables which are difficult to quantify. Comparatively few researchers have
accepted the challenges posed by the qualitative aspects of tourist impacts. Further-
more, there are widely accepted methodologies for measuring economic impacts,
but they are still in the early stages of development in the other social and environ-
mental sciences.
Secondly, large quantities of relatively reliable and comparable data have been
collected on economic aspects of tourism. Data required to measure the economic
costs and benefits of tourism, such as expenditures, employment and tax revenues,
have been more readily available than for other tourist impacts. Many of these data
have been collected routinely by government agencies. The increasing adoption
over time of consistent and well-tested measurement and analytical techniques has
enabled more accurate longitudinal and comparative analysis to be undertaken.
Latham (1989, 1992), Chadwick (1994) and Lickorish (1997) have provided useful
discussions concerning the statistical measurement of tourism, with particular
emphasis on the collaborative initiatives being undertaken in Europe and North
America to improve the quality and promote the harmonization of statistics and
associated tourism indicators.

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Thirdly, recent research has advanced the application of economic assessment

tools in tourism research. Economists have traditionally used input–output (IO)
analysis to examine the impacts of tourism on the economy of regions and, at the
same time, have been cognizant of their limitations (Archer and Fletcher 1996,
Briassoulis 1991, Fletcher 1989, Johnson and Moore 1993). Other methodologies
have also been used, including, multiplier analysis, linear programming, general
equilibrium models and benefit–cost analysis (Archer 1991, Kottke 1988, Wagner
1997, Zhou, Yanagida, Charkravorty and Leung 1997). However, despite the grow-
ing sophistication of the models and the availability of large data sets, the data are
often inadequate or inappropriate, so that the results may be unreliable and dif-
ficult to use to support policy and planning decisions. Indeed, Archer (1996: 704)
commented that detailed data about the beneficiaries of tourist spending, trans-
actions between industry subsectors and their payments for production, levels
of employment and sales to other industry sectors are usually not available in
the forms needed for analysis. The resulting need to constantly adapt existing
data or collect new data at great expense has often diluted the accuracy of the
model outputs.
Finally, the emphasis on the economics of tourism, especially its benefits, reflects
the widespread belief among agency personnel that tourism can yield rapid and
considerable returns on investments and be a positive force in remedying economic
problems. Governments, development agencies, financial organizations, planning
departments, local councils and other groups that support and promote the tourist
industry have often seen tourism as a means of counteracting the economic difficult-
ies that they have been facing. It is not surprising, then, to find that most research
on the economic benefits of tourism has been conducted, instigated or sponsored
by such institutions. In Canada, at the federal level, such studies are undertaken
by the Research Division of the Canadian Tourism Commission. Provincial gov-
ernments also produce economically oriented publications through such depart-
ments as the Ontario Ministry of Industry and Tourism. In the United Kingdom,
a large proportion of economic studies of tourism carries the names of the British
Tourist Authority, which is primarily concerned with international travel, and the
English, Scottish and Welsh Tourist Boards, which initiate and sponsor research
at a regional level. Numerous former county authorities, including Gwynedd,
Cumberland, Devon and Northumberland, have also undertaken economic stud-
ies of tourism (Archer 1973: 1).
With the advent of a number of independent international agencies, economic
consultancy firms and university departments interested in tourism, a broader view
of tourism economics has emerged. Research emanating from the now-defunct
Tourism and Recreation Research Unit of the University of Edinburgh, from the
Department of Economics at the University College of North Wales, from the
Department of Habitational Resources, University of Wisconsin (Stout), WTO,
Eurostat and from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

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(OECD) and Economic Commission for Europe has been more penetrating and
comprehensive. The establishment of associations to collect, organize, standardize
and publish travel data has also increased the amount and quality of recent eco-
nomic research in tourism. The US Travel Data Center aids in the planning of
American tourism by increasing the quality and availability of data. The Interna-
tional Union of Official Tourist Organizations has also had a marked influence on
the collection and dissemination of information on tourism. Eurostat in conjunc-
tion with the OECD and WTO has provided standardized guidelines for economic
assessments that now form the basis of the highly useful Tourism Satellite Accounts
adopted by several countries.
As a result of such administrative and academic developments, research on the
economics of tourism has moved beyond the documentation and description of
economic benefits as indicated in tables of international travel statistics. Recent
progress includes:

1. The measurement of secondary economic impacts and, more specifically, the

delineation and assessment of direct, indirect and induced impacts;
2. The improvement of techniques for the analysis of travel data;
3. The initiation of research on the economic costs of tourism;
4. Evaluation of the positive and negative impacts of promoting tourism and its
role in the economic development of developing countries.

Recognizing that economic impact studies are popular vehicles for illustrating
the benefits of tourism, it is very important that the quality and credibility of such
studies are considered by those who advocate tourism development as well as those
who have reservations concerning the benefits. For example, the investments in
tourist-related infrastructures made by local authorities must be evaluated against
jobs, tax revenues and entrepreneurial initiatives that result. Ideally, such studies
should also be viewed and evaluated alongside social and environmental impact
assessments. That being said, there are numerous and important uses for accurate
economic impact assessments. These include their uses as inputs for:

1. Legislation to implement taxation policies and regulations which can be fairly

imposed relative to other industries;
2. Community planners in the design, implementation and response to zoning
variations and developmental prospects;
3. Public and private travel marketers in setting the level and direction of their
promotional efforts and expenditures in response to changes in consumer
travel preferences and expenditure patterns;
4. Tourism developers in determining the location, type and feasibility of invest-
ing in tourist infrastructure;
5. Planners and marketing strategists to forecast tourism demand more effectively;

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6. Planners and policy makers to determine the nature of the linkages within an
economy and design investment strategies to mitigate leakages and stimulate
intra-regional expenditures.
This chapter examines the economic impacts of tourism as indicated in the
literature. The first section describes some of the economic characteristics of tourism
development. It is followed by a consideration of the role of tourism in promoting
economic development. More specific economic effects of tourism are the sub-
ject of the third section, which is divided into economic benefits and economic
costs. Inevitably, there are some overlaps between sections. Furthermore, the liter-
ature contains conflicting conclusions. Many authors, particularly government
spokespersons in less developed countries, reveal underlying optimistic attitudes
towards tourism. Others are more cautious and indicate a need to reassess the
role that tourism might play in national economic development. Even though sep-
arate subsections are presented for economic benefits and economic costs, it will
sometimes be appropriate to discuss costs alongside benefits to provide a more
balanced assessment of the study of economic impact.

ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TOURISM INDUSTRY

Tourism is often welcomed as an industry bringing desperately needed foreign
exchange, employment and a modern way of life. To others, tourism raises the
spectre of the erosion of traditional lifestyles, inflation, neocolonialist images of
exploitation and overdependence upon an unreliable, single industry (Schneider
1976: 5). Examples in the literature support the arguments of both camps. Although,
because of the heterogeneous nature of its facilities and services, some have ques-
tioned whether tourism should be regarded as a single industry, there are a num-
ber of unusual and unifying particulars of tourism which make it distinguishable
from other industries and international transactions (Eadington and Redman 1991,
Leiper 1979: 397–403, Pearce 1989, Ryan 1991, Schneider 1976: 9–10, Smith, S.L.J.
1998, Medlik 1998).
First, tourism is an invisible export industry. As in the cases of banking and
insurance, there is no tangible product that is shipped from one place to another.
It is one of the few industries in which the consumer actually collects and con-
sumes the service personally from the place where it is produced. (Others are
health care and education, although the availability of correspondence and internet
courses is changing the latter.) In consequence, the exporting destination incurs
no direct freight costs outside its boundaries except where the transportation facil-
ity used by the tourist is owned by the destination. In developing countries this is
seldom the case and tourism is sold free on board (f.o.b.). In developed countries,
the exporter frequently owns airlines and tour operators and hence tourism is sold
f.o.b. and c.i.f. (cost, insurance and freight). However, in both cases there may be
substantial costs involved in marketing to an international clientele.

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Secondly, tourists visiting destination areas require ancillary goods and services,
such as transportation facilities, water supplies, sewerage systems and retail func-
tions. These have to be created, expanded or imported, depending upon the avail-
ability of existing supplies and the nature and magnitude of the tourist demands.
Further, the vacation is often consumed en masse and frequently in concentrated
areas with tourists having little consideration of local norms, culture or environments.
Thirdly, tourism is a fragmented product, integrated with and directly affect-
ing many other sectors of the economy (Gilbert 1990). Tourists use and consume
a spectrum of components, some of which are purchased from firms specializing
in tourism business, some from firms in other industries, and some are derived at
no direct cost to the tourist. For example, tourist expenditure is injected directly
into hotels, shops, restaurants and recreational facilities. Indirect benefits from
tourist expenditures may be in the form of local tax revenues, improvements
in the infrastructure of destination areas and extensions of community ser-
vices. Demands by tourists for specific items, such as souvenirs, stimulate local
entrepreneurial activity, providing additional local employment and income.
However, tourists may pay nothing directly to enjoy a high-quality environment.
The large number of forces at play and the interdependence of tourism products
within an economy make the full measurement of economic impacts a highly
complex undertaking.
Finally, tourism is a highly unstable export. It is subject to strong seasonal vari-
ations, to pronounced and unpredictable external forces, to the heterogeneous
nature of tourist motivations and expectations, and is highly elastic with respect
to both price and income. Collectively, these factors promote a low level of cus-
tomer loyalty with respect to destinations, modes of travel, accommodation units
and travel intermediaries (Schmoll 1977). These factors are examined in more
detail below:

1. The fact that the tourist product is highly perishable and cannot be stored and
that tourist demand is highly seasonal lead to marked fluctuations in levels of
activity in the industry. The rigidity of tourist supply and the high amounts
of capital required to expand supply, coupled with the fact that supply cannot
be readily moved (an exception is a cruise ship), mean that there is an inabil-
ity to increase production beyond certain inelastic limits posed by destination
supply, at least in the short term. This means that sufficient revenue must
be earned during the peak season to offset a decline in patronage for the
remainder of the year. The cyclical pattern of demand for tourist goods and
services has obvious implications for employment and investment.
2. A recent and growing trend has been for tourists from developed nations to
take multiple holidays in the same year, although the secondary vacations are
often spent in domestic locations. This has mitigated, to some extent, the seasonal
peaks in such tourist destinations as Mexico, Majorca, Morocco, the Caribbean

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and the Pacific region. Similarly, destinations such as Cuba have emerged as
a major attraction during the winter for Canadians and in the summer for
Germans and Italians. Resort areas such as Whistler and Banff in Canada have
highly developed ski facilities for winter tourism but have also developed an
attraction base and supporting infrastructure for summer visitors. Planned
measures to offset the problems created by seasonality have tended to take one
of two approaches:
(a) Altering the rate of production of supply to correspond more closely with
the peaks in tourist demand. Suppliers have two alternatives in selecting
this option. They may attempt to meet peak demand at the expense of
reducing the qualities of the services provided, or they may restrict supply
at a level below the peak demand. The latter option may cause some tourist
dissatisfaction but it ensures that tourists whose demands are met do not
receive a diminished quality of services. Extensions of supply during peak
periods stimulate further temporal concentration of demands leading to
increased overloading at existing facilities.
(b) Modifying the temporal distribution of demand to match existing levels of
supply. There have been few successful attempts at dramatically altering
the temporal incidence of demand. Staggering school holidays has achieved
little in this respect. Off-season concession rates offered by airlines and
hotels, and the off-season staging of business conventions have been more
fruitful in extending the season. However, the complete success of these
measures has been questioned because of the limits of price elasticity: price
cuts need to be managed carefully if profitability is to be maintained. The
effects of seasonality probably cannot be totally removed and seasonality is
a factor with which the tourist industry must learn to live.
3. Tourism demand is subject to change from unpredictable external influences.
Long-distance pleasure travel is a luxury. Political unrest at particular destina-
tions, terrorist activities, changes in international currency exchange rates, energy
shortages and unusual climatic events can cause tourist traffic to divert to new
destinations with more amenable conditions.
4. Motivations of tourists are highly complex, often incompatible and vary greatly
among travellers. As a result, many tourists seldom travel to a particular dis-
tant location more than once. Destinations have to assess which segments of
the tourist market they are in the best position to satisfy, given the types and
qualities of tourist product that they can create. The creation of product loyalty
and the attraction of return visitors are particularly difficult when the lure of
the unknown and exotic is beckoning.
5. Tourism is price and income elastic. This means that tourist decisions can be
greatly influenced by small changes in price and income. Price elasticity is more
easily identified than income elasticity because of its frequent and sudden effects.

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Demand theory implies that as per capita incomes rise, people have an increased
propensity to travel and increase their associated expenditures. Studies by
Strange and Redman (1982), Lee, Var and Blaine (1996), Martin and Witt (1988)
and Smeral (1994) support this hypothesis and suggest that responses to
changes in income are generally highly elastic, indicating that tourist expendi-
tures rise at a higher proportional rate than income, supporting the claim that
tourist goods and services are luxury products. Price elasticity with respect
to tourist behaviour encompasses both prices of products and services at the
destination, and transportation costs. Prices of services at the destination are
influenced by the costs of production and supply at the destination and the
exchange rates prevalent at the time of purchase. Uysal and Crompton (1984) and
Peebles (1988) found that fluctuations in exchange rates and changes in prices
in a destination are significant determinants of tourism demand. Similarly, vari-
ability in transportation costs should influence international travel, although
this was not shown conclusively in the early studies (Uysal and Crompton 1984,
Witt and Martin 1987). Today, destinations and commercial enterprises can see
clear patterns of demand and customer loyalty behaviour being determined by
variable pricing. Examples are the frequent airline price wars and the advent of
low-cost and low-frills carriers along with the competitive pricing strategies
of tour operators and hotels. Pricing strategies of destinations and in particular
those of tourism product and service providers are more sophisticated in their
approach. They are well researched in terms of their business impact and
influence on patterns of demand and are well managed and monitored through
the use of technical modelling and management tools (Morrison 1989, Vanhove
2005, Kimes 1999). Research on expenditure elasticity within destinations shows
that tourists are influenced by exchange rates and destination prices relative to
those in their home country (O’Hagan and Harrison 1984, Sheldon 1990).

As destinations are core features of most tourism products, their characteristics,

competitiveness and relative appeal will determine, in part, the nature and scope of
impacts. They are usually multi-purpose places serving as residential, industrial
and agricultural servicing centres in addition to catering to tourism. The interaction
of the local economic sectors and the involvements of the public and private sectors
create a fabric of interrelationships. These may appear to be seamless to the tourist
but are critical in determining local impacts. Further, as globalization of the supply
side of tourism progresses, the ties that have bound tourism enterprises to their
national, regional or local roots will be challenged and likely weakened. Inherent
in this scenario is the fact that these large tourist enterprises, often multinational
in structure, will be less committed to destinations and may be in a position to
play one destination off against another to preserve their commercial viability.
Their loyalty to a destination and their actual and potential impacts upon it are,
therefore, worthy of serious consideration (Swarbrooke 2001: 163). Not only are

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destinations facing competition from each other but from the demands for new
forms of tourism. New destinations are evolving to cater to new markets, such as
for ecotourism, health tourism, activity vacations and heritage tourism. These
new forces are challenging well-established destinations, their infrastructures and
their marketing programmes to adjust their future positioning in an era of glob-
alization. Competitiveness has now become central to destination and tourism
supplier policy and management. However as competition increases and tourism
activity intensifies, tourism policy makers and managers will also require a means
to monitor, control and enhance the quality of tourism products and, simultane-
ously, to protect resources (Goeldner et al. 2000, Ritchie and Crouch 2003).
The volume of tourist traffic can be manipulated by international price and cur-
rency controls. By restricting the volume of currency which can be taken abroad
and by means of import duties and export taxes, countries of tourist origin can
create exchange rates for tourists which differ from those at which other foreign
trade takes place. Somewhat similar subsidies, as in the case of duty-free conces-
sions or tax rebates, can be made by destination areas to permit international
tourists to purchase goods at what are essentially less than local prices.
The characteristics of the tourist industry, which have been outlined above,
serve as a partial foundation for understanding the nature of tourist impacts. They
also go some way towards explaining differences between the impacts of tourism
and some other forms of recreation. They also should alert the reader to a number
of basic concerns in the development of tourism that are often overlooked by plan-
ners but which are of considerable significance in the assessment of the benefits
and costs of tourism.

TOURISM AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Tourist development gives rise to different benefits and costs in different areas.
Many of these differences are attributable to variations in the economic structures
of destination areas, the institutional framework surrounding tourist development
and their geographical locations. The most obvious distinction is that between
developed and developing areas (formerly referred to as the Third World). Devel-
oping countries usually have low levels of income, uneven distribution of income
and wealth, high levels of unemployment and underemployment, low levels of
industrial development which are hampered by the small size of the domestic
market, a heavy dependence on agriculture for export earnings, and high levels
of foreign ownership of manufacturing and service industries. These trends have
been associated with regional disparities in economic wealth within many of the
developing countries, a substantial leakage of profits out of the country, high infla-
tion and shortages of foreign exchange. Although many of these economic problems
also plague developed countries, they have usually been caused by different eco-
nomic factors. The rapid injection of tourist expenditures and foreign investments

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into developing countries often has rather different and more significant effects
than if equivalent sums were expended in developed economies. The directions
of monetary flows, the distribution of benefits, employment characteristics and
income effects will vary greatly with the sources of tourists and investments, and
with the nature and level of economic development of the destination.
Tourism in developing countries is, in most cases, a relatively new activity which
has grown to significant levels over a very short period of time. This has resulted
in a heavy strain being placed upon local infrastructures and human resources.
In some cases, the infrastructure is not adequate or of the quality to absorb the
increase in tourist arrivals. In other situations, as in the case of India where a num-
ber of first-class hotels have been built, the relatively small absolute number of
tourists may be insufficient to fully utilize the available facilities. In the latter cir-
cumstance it may be necessary to increase prices to offset the costs of underutiliza-
tion. New tourist activity may be imposed upon traditional cultures with different
standards of living and sociocultural backgrounds from those of the tourists with
whom they interact. This is, in itself, responsible for numerous economic, phys-
ical and social impacts peculiar to the tourist industry.
A considerable body of literature emphasizes export expansion as a major factor
contributing to sustained economic growth. Within developing countries, it has
been frequently argued that a transformation from a traditional agricultural eco-
nomy to an industrial economy is required for modernization and economic devel-
opment to take place. Such a transformation would demand enormous amounts
of capital and foreign earnings or loans. However, many developing countries have
a strong historical function of exporting primary commodities and the export of
primary products has usually been insufficient to meet the financial requirements
of the proposed economic transformation. This has encouraged governments in the
developing world to turn to tourism as a means of acquiring the financial resources
required for overall economic growth. Somewhat similarly, at a more local level,
tourism has been viewed as a means of introducing new growth into declining
rural economies in developed countries (Brownrigg and Greig 1976, Butler, Hall
and Jenkins 1998). In fact, in many developing countries, such as Kenya and many
in the Caribbean, tourism is now the number one earner of foreign exchange sur-
passing the value of traditional agricultural exports (Dieke 2000: 17). Peters (1969:
10) summarized the views of the proponents of tourism as an agent of economic
development as follows:
The economic gap between rich and poor countries has widened over the past ten
years. But to create new industries and to transform rural life in Asian, African and Latin
American countries is a gigantic task. The relevance of tourism to this situation is that
income from international travel can bring the foreign exchange essential for major
investment. There is a widespread awareness of the potential benefits, but little has been
done in practice to provide the means of expansion of tourism plans in most of the
developing areas of the world.

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There is now substantial literature on the subject of tourism development, its

rationale and theoretical constructs (Butler 1997, Dann 1999, Pearce 1989, Sharpley
and Telfer 2002, Williams and Shaw 1998). Many researchers have focused on
tourism and economic development in specific countries, such as Indonesia
(Cukier 2002), Kenya (Sindiga 1996), Tanzania (Curry 1990), Philippines (Chon and
Oppermann 1996), The Gambia (Dieke 1993, Thompson, O’Hare and Evans 1995),
Fiji (Prasad and Tisdell 1998) and the Seychelles (Gabbay and Ghosh 1998).
In addition to general arguments concerning the ability of tourism to produce
foreign exchange, advocates of tourism have also been more specific in their claims.
Proponents of tourist development in developing countries have argued that,
not only can tourism relieve the shortages of foreign earnings constraining eco-
nomic development, but it can also alleviate problems of urban unemployment
and, in the long term, provide a price and income elastic substitute for traditional
exports which face less secure futures (Diamond 1977: 539). As a result of such
arguments, the case for the promotion of tourism as a strategy for economic growth
has received widespread approval, particularly among policy makers in developing
countries. In consequence, in many of these countries, the traditional agricultural
economies are now giving way to tourism and, in doing so, making certain coun-
tries and regions more reliant on the tourism sector as a vehicle for economic
diversification.
Tourism, however, has not escaped criticism. Indeed, the challenge to the indus-
try is a mounting one, growing continually in volume and insistence. Bryden (1973),
Economist Intelligence Unit (1973), Perez (1974), Rivers (1974), Marsh (1975a, b),
Turner (1976), Jenkins (1997), Brohman (1996) and Williams and Shaw (1998) are
among those who have expressed reservations concerning the benefits of tourism.
Most criticisms have not been concerned with the economic potential of tourism,
an argument that continues to receive considerable support, but rather with the
negative non-pecuniary effects of tourism. However, some recent researchers have
also challenged the traditional economic viewpoints (Lee 1987). Dieke (2000: 14)
cited a 1998 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development as follows:

Leakages of foreign exchange earnings are a major obstacle to the positive contribution
of tourism to development. Leakage is the process whereby part of the foreign exchange
earnings generated by tourism, rather than being retained by the tourist-receiving coun-
tries, is either retained by the tourist generating countries or remitted back to them. It
takes the form of profit, income and royalty remittances; payments for the import of
equipment, materials and capital and consumer goods to cater for the needs of interna-
tional tourists; the payment of foreign loans; various mechanisms for tax evasion and
overseas promotional expenditures.

Accompanying the widespread economic benefits, there are a variety of unquanti-

fied physical and social costs, which may be of sufficient magnitude to support
arguments against tourism’s further expansion (Britton 1982, Bryden 1973: 1). These

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criticisms are beginning to have impact upon governments and planners: tourism
is still viewed by many as an important component in their plans for economic
development but there is an increasing awareness of the need to plan for and
ameliorate negative effects. This is not the concern of this chapter: these argu-
ments will be considered later in the book.
A large proportion of studies which examine the significance of tourism for
developing countries have attempted to isolate ways in which tourism can con-
tribute to the process of economic development. They include supplements to the
national balance of payments, the creation of employment, the nature of infras-
tructural investments and the linked economies created, inter-sectoral linkages and
the multiplier effects of tourist expenditure. Taken together, these studies offer
powerful support to the arguments encouraging countries to promote their tourist
industries. However, few studies have explicitly examined the underlying rationale
for using tourism as a means of economic development, the successes and failures
of countries using tourism for that end, and the problems and precautions involved
in planning for tourism development. These factors are considered below.
The following discussion is largely confined to tourist development in develop-
ing countries although many of the points have relevance to the developed world
in a less extreme form. Some developing countries are already heavily involved in
tourism and have considerable experience with its various manifestations. Many
of these countries have exhibited marked economic successes. Turner (1976: 253)
suggested that Mexico, for example, was able to avoid the industrial stagnation
and inflation found in much of Latin America because of the buoyancy of the
tourist industry. Tourism receipts permitted Mexico to import more than the other
countries of that continent. By the 1970s, tourism had also emerged as a major
export industry in Spain, Greece, Kenya, Tunisia and Morocco.
In spite of persistent attempts to promote tourism, many developing countries
have shown disappointing results. Diamond’s (1977) case study of Turkey indic-
ated that the country is typical of those developing nations which are endowed
with tourism potential but whose resources are grossly underutilized and mis-
managed. Similarly, Thompson, O’Hare and Evans (1995) analyzed tourism in The
Gambia, and Adu-Febiri (1994) studied Ghana revealing only marginal success in
using tourism as a strategy for economic development. Although in The Gambia
tourism represents 12 per cent of the country’s GDP, its role in overall economic
development is unlikely to reach its full potential. The industry is severely con-
strained by high degrees of foreign ownership and the associated leakages, the
low wage structure of tourism jobs, political and institutional barriers to tourism
planning, and underfunded and poorly designed marketing strategies. In the case
of Ghana, the apparent failure of tourism is not attributable to foreign ownership
and control, as is often cited in the political economics of the developing world.
Rather, the problem relates more to Ghana’s approach to tourism development and

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its desire to tap mass tourist demand. Adu-Febiri (1994) concluded that this type
of tourism is not compatible with the country’s low capital accumulation capa-
city, unskilled labour supply, traditional entrepreneurial skills and the inexperience
of local residents. The attraction of tourists, foreign capital and investment oppor-
tunities are also severely constrained in Ghana by the country’s political instability.
A tourism development strategy designed to encourage other forms of tourism
with smaller capital investment requirements and fostering local control may be
possible, more appropriate and more socially acceptable.
If tourist attractions are appraised on a global scale, it is evident that develop-
ing countries are often richly endowed with outstanding tourism assets. Popovic
(1973: 189), Curry (1990) and Sindiga (1996), writing on East African tourism, pre-
dicted that once the tourist attractions are better known and sufficient facilities are
created for less expensive travel and a more comfortable stay, they will enjoy an
important share of the world’s international tourism. The natural resources of these
countries are very appealing to the North American and European visitor: wildlife,
coastlines, mountain and lake scenery and, above all, their amenable climate. The
non-reproducible resources of climate and ocean beaches are essential ingredients
in the provision of ‘sunlust’ tourism (Gray 1974: 387) and have already contri-
buted to the growth of Caribbean, Spanish and Greek tourism industries. Parsons
(1973: 129) noted, in reference to Spain, that the advent of tourism based on low-
cost charter air travel and rigorous promotional programmes has enabled greater
numbers of summer migrants to travel than were doing so previously. As a result,
the resorts of the Costa Brava and Costa del Sol have become as well known to
Europeans as the French and Italian Riviera and the historic and cultural centres
of the continent’s capital cities. The same could happen in many developing coun-
tries, although not all are as conveniently located with respect to potential markets
as Spain. The European and North American tourist searching for sun and the
sand of warm beaches, but wishing to avoid crowding and congestion, may seek
alternative destinations. Hence, many developing countries stand to gain both
from their possession of natural resources which are in great demand, and from
the social and environmental problems resulting from the crowded conditions
found in many highly developed resorts. Many beach holiday packages to Bali
(Indonesia), and Phuket and Pattaya (Thailand) are marketed emphasizing those
places as being more attractive alternatives to older beach destinations such as
Hawaii, Spain and the Seychelles. The former destinations now attract many
European tourists who are prepared to travel long distances to seek beach holidays
that were previously largely supplied by closer, short-haul destinations.
The labour requirements of the tourist industry, at first sight, are often especi-
ally suited to conditions prevailing in developing countries (Mings 1969: 176).
One of the first tasks of economic development is to find gainful employment for
all those needing work. Developing nations are usually characterized by high

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unemployment and underemployment and the ability of tourism to use labour

intensively is an important virtue of the industry (Gray 1974: 395). For example,
based on an input–output study undertaken in Mexico, Bond and Ladman (1972:
46) noted that forty-one jobs were created by an investment of US$80,000 in tour-
ism. This was twenty-five more than would have been created by the same invest-
ment in the petroleum industry and twenty-six more than in metal products.
When compared with many other industries, tourism requires employees with
relatively low levels of job specialization. Thus, it may be possible to absorb a
large proportion of the work force from traditional sectors of the economy if they
can be provided with some basic training. In the Mexican hotel industry, 50 per
cent of jobs were non-specialized and, of the 42 per cent that were specialized
(this excludes management and top-level administration), a large proportion only
required a small investment in personnel training. However, it can also be argued
that the ability of tourism to use large amounts of unskilled labour is only a
temporary phase in the development of the industry. As the industry expands,
it may become more reliant on labour with higher skills and, if these are not
available locally, these are often imported from outside the region. Even in places
with labour surplus, there may be shortages of skilled labour, particularly if local
education and training programmes are not developed carefully. This situation is
the case in Hainan, China (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006). Thus, even in areas with high
unemployment, labour shortages can lead to higher costs per unit of labour out-
put. Furthermore, as other sectors of the economy expand, the average level of
skill required of the working population will increase and this will necessitate
greater quantities of capital to sustain economic growth.
One of the appeals of tourism as a vehicle for economic development lies in the
rapid rate of growth in numbers of tourists emanating from developed nations
and in the expectation that increased affluence in these nations will be reflected
in faster rates of tourist generation (Gray 1970: 131). As total pleasure travel will
expand with increased affluence, domestic capacity may become increasingly small
relative to total demand and the ratio of foreign to domestic travel may greatly
increase. Travel expenditures in developing nations are likely to benefit from this
process.
A further, more mundane, factor is that much of the publicity given by govern-
ments to tourism in relation to economic development is a reflection of their strong
commitment to the travel industry. Competition between government departments
for financial allocations and subsidies favours those who can promote a growth
industry. There is, of course, a danger of exaggerating the potential of tourism and
this will be discussed later.
In summary, the availability of undeveloped resources, the nature of the labour
market, particularly if it is one that can be trained appropriately, and the growth
of the international travel market may give developing countries some advantages
over more developed economies for the development of tourism.

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ADVANTAGES OF TOURISM
What is it about tourism that gives it more appeal in developing countries than
other avenues of economic growth? This question can be addressed through a
consideration of both the advantages and disadvantages of trading on the inter-
national market primarily through the export of primary products (raw materials
and foodstuffs), which is a characteristic feature of most developing economies.
Tourism, as an invisible export, does have many advantages over exports of tradi-
tional goods and services (Bond and Ladman 1982, Mihalič 2002, Vanhove 2005,
Tribe 2005, Sharpley and Telfer 2002). These include the following:

1. Some tourism goods and services are not the subject of exchange within inter-
national trade, such as the natural tourism resources of a destination. They
are, therefore, only indirectly sold in the tourist market.
2. Unlike tourism products, the price obtained for raw materials is governed by
the World Market Price and is subject to the terms of international trade con-
ditions and agreements.
3. Some products sold to tourists in destinations will yield much higher margins
if sold locally due to higher pricing options and lower costs (no transportation
and international distribution costs).
4. Some perishable products, mainly foodstuffs, may not be suitable for long-
range export and, hence, it is preferable that consumption of such products by
tourists takes place at the destination.
5. Export of raw materials is conducive to a high propensity to import manu-
factured products in order to meet changing and increasing consumption
patterns.
6. Export markets of raw materials are unstable and susceptible to tariffs and
import quotas. The tourist exporting country (i.e. the host nation) has a greater
degree of control in establishing prices for tourist goods and services than it
does for the export of raw materials. In exercising such control, the develop-
ing country is not subject to the vagaries of commodity exports which tend to
be intensified in times of economic instability or decline (Ball 1971: 23). In this
situation, countries are able to manipulate prices within the tourist industry as
a way of providing incentives for foreign travellers to visit.
7. Developing countries involved in tourism are also favoured by the fact that
tourism is highly income-elastic when compared with raw materials. Thus,
slight increases in the incomes of potential visitors can lead to appreciable
growth in tourist arrivals and receipts. On the other hand, larger increases in
income are required to generate equivalent expansion in export earnings from
the sale of raw materials. There is every indication that these relationships
between income elasticity and sales will continue.

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8. Tourism, by complementing other export products, adds diversity to the export

base of a country and, thereby, helps to stabilize its foreign exchange earnings.
9. Tourism has the potential to furnish foreign exchange to offset deficits created
by growing demands to import scarce raw materials and manufactured goods.
Tourism generally requires relatively little, by value, in imports for every unit
of foreign exchange which it generates. Thus, a greater proportion of the foreign
exchange earnings of tourism can, potentially, be used for investment in the
development of manufacturing industries or in reducing the foreign earnings
debt. The extent to which this is possible depends upon the ability of a coun-
try to supply the tourist industry from domestic rather than imported sources.
10. There are no trade barriers such as quotas or tariffs. For the most part tourist
destinations have free and repeat access to the international tourist market.
Although there are some exceptions to this, such as Americans travelling to
Cuba, tourist demand is largely governed by market forces and not by gov-
ernment policy.
11. Tourism also has a network of backward linkages to other sectors of the
destination’s economy. These opportunities include linkages to local agricul-
tural suppliers (Telfer and Wall 1996, 2000), construction, souvenir vendors
and entertainment. The extent of such linkages and, hence, the amount of
development and entrepreneurial stimulus that tourism can provide depends
on the diversity and maturity of the local economy, availability of local fund-
ing and investment, and the type and scale of tourist development itself.
12. Tourist development will bring about improvements to local infrastructure,
services and facilities that will benefit both residents and tourists. It may also
stimulate the protection of local natural resources that are often the main
attraction of the developing destination.
13. Tourism development, particularly in developed countries, is characterized
by the predominance of small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs). In Canada,
the US and the UK they represent over 80% of all enterprises supplying tourist
services. They are important in the economic structure of the destination
because much of the revenue earned by SMEs is circulated throughout the
local community in salaries and wages for local people, the purchasing of local
products and tax revenues to local governments, thus providing a further
stimulus to the local economy (Middleton 2001).

In theory, then, tourism offers developing countries considerable potential for

economic growth. The degree to which tourism can be an agent of development
depends upon the characteristics of the country, the identification of realistic goals
that are in line with these characteristics, and the ability to achieve these goals.
Successful tourist development can only take place where the necessary condi-
tions exist for the goals to be achieved.

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Conditions for development

CONDITIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT

Many authors have suggested that there has been a tendency for administrators
in some developing countries to view tourism as an easy means of economic
development and have also concluded that this is far from the case. However, in
some developing countries and peripheral areas in developed countries, there are
few realistic economic options and tourism may be one of very few viable oppor-
tunities. Such areas are often remote, lacking in a strong resource base and are
large distances from markets but they may have some tourism potential if they
have an amenable climate and attractive scenery (Christie 2002). Still, tourism will
only flourish given the appropriate conditions. It is an industry that, like any other
industry, requires sophisticated planning and organization if its full potential is to
be realized.
It has already been pointed out that potential tourists may readily substitute
destinations as competition within the industry intensifies. Tourist choices of
destinations, products and services and the factors affecting such choices are well
documented and these have been discussed in Chapter 2, as well as in Pizam and
Mansfeld (2000) and Baloglu and Brinberg (1997). The ability of destinations to
compete globally depends largely upon the four following conditions:

1. The mixture, quality and prices of the facilities and services being offered;
2. The existence of a skilled and experienced organizational body and the quality
and level of marketing in tourist-generating countries;
3. The geographical location of the destination area in relation to the main tourist
generating regions, and the ability of the destination to capitalize on the advant-
ages of being well located, or to ameliorate the disadvantages of being poorly
located;
4. The nature and origin of financial investment.

A fundamental requirement is that developing nations incorporate elements of

stability within their development plans. Stability can be enhanced through the
provision of a diversity of facilities and services which cater to a number of tourist
types. These facilities must be comparable in quality and competitive in price with
those of other destinations. Where a large proportion of tourist arrivals come
from charters, tourist facilities and services must have the capacity to absorb large
numbers of visitors. However, assuming that tourism is subject to large seasonal
fluctuations in demand, it can be economically disastrous if excess capacity is cre-
ated. The gains of additional patronage in the tourist season can be negated by gross
underutilization of facilities in the off-season. In the case of charters, it is impera-
tive that supporting infrastructural and service requirements are met to ensure
the successful continuation of the package. The availability of local excursions and
tours, shops en route, restaurants and souvenir stands, and high-quality water and

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sanitation facilities are just as important as luxury hotels constructed at the main
entry and departure points. In other words, the total tourist package should meet
the standards and expectations of the tourists.
The likelihood of there being a coordinated set of complementary services and
facilities will be enhanced by the existence of a skilled organizing, planning and
marketing body. This is a second condition for successful tourism development.
It is generally agreed that a government office of tourism is often the most appro-
priate organization to regulate and set the benchmarks for service quality and
industry training. In marketing the product, effective economies of scale can be
achieved through government advertising as opposed to individual efforts. Gov-
ernments may also play a direct role in management and investment, particularly
where tourism is a principal element of development plans (Wolfson 1967: 51).
However, care should be taken concerning relationships between the public and
private sector. Government activities should not preclude the involvement of
the private sector, nor should the efforts of government be excluded, even where
the private sector is active and experienced. Organizational bodies at all levels
should attempt to coordinate developments and marketing initiatives so that
opportunities for tourists are expanded and returns to the destination area are
maximized.
The functions of a government organization, such as a national tourist board,
may vary from public relations and promotion to market research, and the prepara-
tion of development plans, to direct financial investment and the operation of
facilities. Improvement of facilities for the training of local personnel for skilled jobs
and for high-level management and executive positions should be a cooperative
effort between industry and government (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006). The import-
ance of cooperation between national organizations was stressed by Mitchell (1970)
in his writings on East African tourism. He cited three major gains from this form
of cooperation:

1. Activities such as tourism research, planning, promotion and education, and

infrastructural facilities such as airports, roads and game parks all exhibit sub-
stantial economies of scale. It is suggested that gains from the provision of these
services and facilities will be higher if they are organized and financed on a
regional basis, rather than by individual governments.
2. The closest competition for tourist receipts among East African countries is from
their East African neighbours. If individual countries of the region engage in out-
right competition with each other, this could lead to undercutting, and it is likely
that gains would be less than if they cooperated. It is not suggested that competi-
tion be removed completely as it does stimulate the provision of quality facilities
and services. Mitchell (1970: 14) and Richter (1989: 48) argued that, in the short
term, cooperation redistributes benefits but at the expense of jeopardizing receipts
to any one country. However, in the long term, cooperation will benefit all.

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3. The removal of administrative obstacles to travel makes touring more conveni-

ent and less costly. This facilitates the creation of package tours with attractive
schedules that are conducted on a regional basis and can encompass the tourist
attractions of more than one country.

The third condition for successful tourist development is the geographical loca-
tion of resources and markets and this has received a great deal of emphasis in
research on industrial distributions. The topic has received much less attention in
the context of tourism. However, this does not reflect a lack of importance of loca-
tion for tourist development and, in fact, a suitable location is a major prerequisite
of a successful tourist industry. The cost of transportation to and from the destina-
tion is a major expense in tourist packages and, therefore, the location of the tourist
exporter in relation to tourist-generating countries is a significant factor in the
total vacation package cost structure. The demand for travel to a resort depends
upon the cost of travel to and from that resort and the costs of travel to competing
suppliers (Gray 1974: 388). Location close to large markets, and the implications
on transportation costs, has been an obvious influence on the growth of Spain,
Mexico, the Caribbean, Italy and even Hawaii as major tourist destinations. Prior
to the advent of long-haul jet aviation, it was those resorts closest to the tourist-
generating countries that grew most rapidly (Turner 1976: 254).
The fourth determinant of the success of tourism as a promoter of economic
development is the nature and origin of investments. Most developing countries
require more accommodation facilities, improvements and extensions to infra-
structure, parks and protected areas, and upgrading of the quality of tourist ser-
vices. These can only be achieved with substantial financial investments. Mitchell
(1970: 9) established a high capital–output ratio of between 2.5 and 3.0 for tourism
in Kenya. (A capital–output ratio of 3.0 implies that for every three units of capital
input, one unit of output emerges.) Half of the capital was required for investment
in hotels, tour operations and local air charter firms, 30 per cent for infrastructural
developments such as roads, airports, public utilities and game reserves, and the
remainder for training programmes and the support of miscellaneous industries
supporting tourism.
The nature of financial investments is as important as the amount. There is no
doubt that favourable investment opportunities exist in tourism for both the pub-
lic and the private sectors. Long-term investments can be particularly rewarding
in functions directly serving the tourist market, such as accommodation. Never-
theless, private investors have been reluctant to invest in the creation of tourist
accommodation in developing countries. This has been because of the seasonality
in demand and because of the reluctance of potential investors to tie up large
amounts of capital in fixed assets for long periods of time. Governments of both
developed and developing countries, and institutions such as the World Bank,
have attempted to overcome this problem by the provision of subsidies, tax and

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duty concessions, and by making available attractive long-term loans. The World
Bank, in particular, has recognized the potential of tourism in developing coun-
tries by investing in East Africa, former Yugoslavia, Tunisia, Morocco, Nepal and
Mexico. Investment in the form of long-term loans is highly desirable to destina-
tion areas because it provides an opportunity for local entrepreneurial activities
and keeps most of the profits within the tourist exporting country.
Investment in developing countries may also be in a more direct form. Inter-
national hotel chains, car hire firms, tour operators and food chains frequently
establish their own operations. It is common to find Hertz and Avis rent-a-cars,
Holiday Inn and Sheraton Hotels, and McDonald’s and Coca-Cola in well-
established resorts of developing countries. Although foreign investments of this
type remove the demand for capital from the host country and permit the redir-
ection of local capital to other avenues of investment, it is questionable whether
they contribute greatly to local profits. Most of the benefits accrue to shareholders
in the developed world. It is important that provision be made within the eco-
nomic structures of tourist-exporting countries for indigenous investment and
employment, and for purchasing policies that encourage a gradual replacement of
the foreign control of the economy.
The above discussion has examined some of the ingredients that determine
the success of tourism as an economic development strategy in developing coun-
tries. In theory, tourism can make an important contribution to the early phases
of economic development. Its role is likely to diminish in significance as more
broad-based development takes place and as labour and production costs increase.
Tourism should not be viewed as the principal, long-term source of foreign
exchange, and at some point profits from tourism should be directed into other
sectors of the economy. In future, it will also be necessary to investigate the extent
to which the economic contribution of tourism feeds the development process and
whether tourism itself develops as an isolated economic sector or enclave.

THE REALITIES OF TOURISM AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

This chapter is primarily concerned with the economic dimension of tourism, in
particular the issues that surround the potential contributions of tourism to eco-
nomic development. Concepts such as the balance of payments, GDP, employment
and income generation are examined separately within this chapter, and numerous
case studies are mentioned to illustrate them and their relationship to economic
development. Detailed discussions of many of the concepts and approaches relev-
ant to tourism and economic development, as well as case studies, can be found
in Sharpley and Telfer (2002), Dieke (2000) and Pearce (1989).
Measures have yet to be developed which indicate the performance of tourism
as a contributor to economic development. Frequent mention is made of the role of
tourism in generating employment and contributing to the reduction of balance of

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payments problems. However, these are not measures of overall economic growth,
although they may be features that are significant to it. In the absence of a univers-
ally acceptable methodology for evaluating the performance of tourism as a catalyst
of economic growth, it is difficult to draw conclusions on the topic. Other authors
have expressed mixed opinions. Failures, or only marginal successes, have been
noted for the West Indies by Perez (1974), for Ghana (Adu-Febiri 1994), the Gambia
(Thompson, O’Hare and Evans 1995) and for Turkey (Clancy 1999, Diamond 1977,
Tosun 1999). In contrast, success has been documented for Mexico by Ball (1971),
Bond and Ladman (1972) and Jud (1974) as well as for the Seychelles (Archer and
Fletcher 1996, Gabbay and Ghosh 1998), Fiji (Prasad and Tisdell 1998) and Tanzania
(Curry 1990). These examples reveal a diversity of experiences with tourism as an
instigator of economic growth and they can also be used to point out a variety of
demand and supply problems and other constraints affecting the development
process.
As noted, many studies analyze the economic impacts of tourism. Topical
emphases vary with their importance to the economy of concern. In less developed
countries, emphasis has often been on tourism as generator of foreign exchange.
In developed regions such as Europe, employment generation, the distribution of
spending, and regional development are commonly stressed. The multiplier effect
is a widely considered process and multiplier analysis is a commonly used technique.
This chapter examines these topics through presentation of several international,
regional and local case studies to illustrate their measurement and application.

ECONOMIC BENEFITS AND COSTS

The economic benefits of tourism include the contributions of tourism to:
1. Foreign exchange earnings and the balance of payments;
2. The generation of income;
3. The generation of employment;
4. The improvement of economic structures;
5. The encouragement of entrepreneurial activity;
6. The stimulation of regional economies and the mitigation of regional economic
disparities.

Much less is known about the economic costs of tourism than the benefits.
Costs mentioned in the literature include:

1. The danger of overdependence on tourism;

2. Increased inflation and higher land values;
3. An increased propensity to import;
4. The seasonality of production and the low rate of return on investments;
5. The creation of other external costs.

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The magnitude of economic impacts is governed by a multitude of factors.

Some of the more pertinent ones include:
1. The nature of the main facility and its attractiveness to tourists;
2. The volume and intensity of tourist expenditures in the destination;
3. The level of economic development of the destination area;
4. The size of the economic base of the destination area;
5. The degree of interconnectivity between the economic sectors of the destination
in which tourist expenditures recirculate, including the ratio of the expendi-
tures to the export of commodities and to capital movement;
6. The degree to which the destination has adjusted to the seasonality of tourist
demand;
7. The type and pattern of travel arrangements purchased by the tourist.
The above factors also determine whether the economic impact is predominantly
positive or negative.
The above lists provide a succinct inventory of economic benefits and costs and
factors that influence them. The main benefits and costs will now be examined in
greater detail, commencing with the balance of payments.

TOURISM AND THE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS

The potential contribution of tourism to the balance of payments as an earner of
hard currency has been widely recognized. Data from WTO and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) reveal that international tourism is the top export category
in the world and, together with international fare receipts, constitutes approxim-
ately 8 per cent of world export earnings. Tourism is ranked among the top five
export earners for 83 per cent of all countries and is the main source of foreign
exchange for almost two-thirds of them. Few countries have escaped balance of
payments problems over the last decade so that any industry that is likely to gen-
erate foreign earnings has been a candidate to receive government support through
the provision of incentives. This, according to Young (1975: 43), has often occurred
at the expense of other industries that have high import content or are not export
oriented. Many countries with a strong dependence upon international trade have
been heavily influenced by balance of payments considerations in formulating
official policies regarding tourism. For example, the United Kingdom Tourism
Act of 1969, which is no longer in force, placed an upper limit of £50 on spending
money taken out of the country. New Zealand once had a similar policy. It is gen-
erally agreed that although these strategies had an effect on visitor arrivals in
some destinations, they had little or no effect on the international liquidity posi-
tion of the generating countries (Vanhove 2005: 178).
The balance of payments has emerged as one of the most publicized of all the
economic considerations with respect to tourism and its contribution to international

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Table 4.1 Structure of the balance of payments

1 Current account
A. Merchandise
B. Invisibles
C. Governmental
2 Capital movements
3 Gold movements
All current transactions including earnings and expenditure on goods and
services
(trade) – visibles
Transportation includes all foreign earnings from home country owned
carriers and their disbursements overseas, and home country residents’
expenditure on foreign carriers and their disbursements to the home
country.
Travel Expenditure: personal expenditure in the home country and abroad.
Income on investments: interests, profits, dividends.
Private gifts: transfers in the form of gifts or family remittances.
Other services: financial transactions in banking, insurance and brokerage,
advertising agency expenses, telecommunications.
All transactions between the home country and overseas residents.
Long-term and short-term capital transactions, investment flows, trade
credits and other capital flows.
In and out

To arrive at a balance of payments, a system of credit and debit items is established for each import–export type
listed above.
Source: Samuelson 1967

trade. It provides one of the most compelling economic arguments supporting

tourism’s contribution to economic development. The early economic studies by
Lickorish and Kershaw (1958), Peters (1969) and Gray (1970) gave accounts of the
volume of international tourist receipts and their increasing proportion of the
total value of world exports. However, only brief mention was made of the bal-
ance of payments effects of international tourist expenditures. More recent studies
have been more thorough in their examination of balance of payments questions
and have been more penetrating in their analyses and evaluation of available data
(Airey 1978, Henry and Deane 1997, Sinclair and Gómez 1996, Thuens 1976, Tse
1999). A number of researchers have also furthered this area of research in their
application to specific tourist destinations: Spain (Sinclair and Gomez 1996), China
(Yan and Wall 2002), Brazil (Wagner 1997), Ireland (Henry and Deane 1997), the
Seychelles (Archer and Fletcher 1996) and Singapore (Heng and Low 1990).
The balance of payments account for a country is a record of economic trans-
actions during a period of time (usually a year) between residents of that country
and the rest of the world. It takes into account the value of all goods, gifts, loans,
foreign aid and gold coming into and leaving the country, and the interconnec-
tions between them. The structure of the balance of payments has three sections,
as indicated in Table 4.1. Tourist expenditures, both within the home country and
overseas, form part of the current account. The contribution of any economic
activity to the balance of payments consists of currency outflow sold to overseas
residents, and the secondary and tertiary effects of that activity (Airey 1978).

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The effects of tourism on the balance of payments consist of two components:

1. The effects of tourism within the home country, including the country’s own
residents and visitors from overseas and the exchange figures from banks and
financial institutions;
2. The effects of international tourism, i.e. the tourist activities of residents that
take place outside of the home country.

Some authors question the necessity of separating out the contributions of tourism
in this way. However, it is important to know the effects of the tourist activities of
foreign nationals visiting the country so that one can determine the role of foreign
earnings in the balance of payments account. In some countries, foreign earnings
from tourism may be very low and domestic tourism may even be a drain on the
balance of payments if imports (such as whisky from Scotland or wine from
France) are required to meet their needs and wants. The costs of servicing both
foreign and domestic tourists may be so great, and the imported component so
large that earnings from foreigners may be insufficient to offset these high costs.
Countries are also interested in the effects of tourism beyond their boundaries.
They wish to know if more money is leaving the country than is being brought in
by international tourism.
Airey (1978: 4–5) divided the effects of tourism on the balance of payments
into three categories: primary, secondary and tertiary effects. Primary effects are
direct, immediate and relatively easy to measure. They are the actual visitor expend-
itures made by foreign visitors within the visited country, and residents of the
country abroad. They give rise to direct inflows and outflows of currency, respec-
tively. Primary effects of tourism will only occur if travellers have crossed an inter-
national boundary. Primary effects, whether expenditures on accommodation,
entertainment, shopping, transport or cars for export, are recorded and reported
separately. This makes the assessment of primary impacts a relatively straight-
forward task.
Secondary and tertiary effects are more complex, more difficult to measure
and, in consequence, have been left out of most balance of payments assessments.
Given the importance of tourism in balance of payments issues, it is surprising
that little attention has been given to these effects. Secondary effects are the effects
on the balance of payments of the direct tourist expenditures as they percolate
through the economy. Secondary effects, therefore, do not require the initial visitor
expenditure to have taken place in another country. They may appear in a num-
ber of different forms:

1. Direct secondary effects. Expenditures on overseas marketing, visible imports,

commissions to travel agents, outflows in the form of interest and dividend
payments to overseas investors, and airline operator disbursements on their
crew’s overseas expenses are direct secondary effects. Airlines, hotel operators,

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and other tourist services have to import supplies from abroad to cater to for-
eign tourist demands and, therefore, incur payments to overseas suppliers.
These are out-flowing direct secondary effects.
2. Indirect secondary effects. Earnings gained by the initial tourist services will be
passed on to other suppliers of goods and services. Their production, in turn, may
depend upon a supply of imported goods whose purchase requires an outflow
of currency from the home country. For example, an airline gives a domestic
company the contract to supply the goods for onboard services. In doing so, it
passes part of the initial tourist expenditure on tickets to a supplier of food
and drinks. They, in turn, may have to import certain foods or necessary goods
and this creates an outflow of currency from the home country. This secondary
transfer of initial tourist expenditures is known as an indirect secondary effect.
3. Induced secondary effects. As expenditures permeate through the economy they
will generate payments to producers of tourist goods and services, and their
employees, in the form of wages, salaries and rents. The proportion of the labour
force that is of foreign origin will determine, to a large extent, the proportion of
these payments that is remitted abroad.

The currency flows generated by tourism do not all constitute primary or sec-
ondary effects. Flows of currency not initiated by direct tourist expenditures are
termed tertiary effects. These include: imported goods, for example clothes and
suitcases purchased by residents of the home country in preparation for travel,
and investment opportunities created by tourist activity. The existence of tourist
activity may stimulate home country companies to export specific commodities to
tourist-generating countries and to import others. A recent example of this occurred
in New Zealand. The large numbers of Japanese and American tourists purchas-
ing huge quantities of sheepskin products has not only directly stimulated local
sales, it has also prompted the existing companies to export these products for sale
in the retail markets abroad.
A full account of the impact of tourism on the balance of payments should
include secondary and tertiary, as well as primary effects. Definition of effects, as
has been given here, is simple when compared with their measurements and
assessment. Identification and measurement problems increase as money slowly
filters through the economy. Most countries are not in a position to assess such
effects because they are not recorded separately in the accounts. However, this does
not mean that they do not exist. Although methods, such as multiplier analysis
(see later), have been developed to measure secondary effects, there have been
few attempts to use them in tourism balance of payments studies. As a result only
primary effects, or the direct effects of overseas visitor expenditures, are usually
examined. Thuens (1976: 2) commented that these only represent gross earnings,
which should be weighed against the foreign exchange expenditures that are used
to promote the tourist industry. He stated that: ‘not the gross effect but the net

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effect on the balance of payments is the entity which with regard to the export of
tourist services finally matters’.
There is no doubt that many countries are suffering from large balance of pay-
ments deficits and are seeking measures to correct the situation. Tourist receipts
and their contribution to total export earnings from goods and services reduce
the balance of payments deficits for many developing and newly industrialized
countries and small island economies. In countries such as Thailand, Indonesia,
Spain and Kenya that are renowned for their large tourism receipts, these funds
have been a base on which their manufacturing and industrial sectors have been
developed. In spite of the many criticisms of the tourist industry and, particularly,
its activities in developing countries, most countries want the foreign currency
and view the possibility of expanding their number of international visitors and
their expenditures with favour. Politicians and planners are attracted by balance
of payments issues and, therefore, the way in which the effects of tourism are pre-
sented in the balance of payments accounts may have considerable bearing on
their views on tourism.
It is natural to emphasize international tourist activity in assessments of the
effects of tourism on the balance of payments. This includes expenditures made
by overseas visitors in the visited country and by residents of the home country
abroad. On many occasions these effects are considered together as the travel
account, and are compared to see which is larger. The travel account is an indicator
of the degree to which a country attracts overseas visitors when compared with its
ability to persuade home residents not to travel abroad. The travel account makes
no reference to secondary or tertiary effects occurring as a result of domestic tour-
ist activity. The travel account, therefore, only provides part of the total picture.
The balance on the travel account is calculated by subtracting the expenditures
of residents travelling abroad from the expenditures by overseas residents in the
home country. Up to 1986, Singapore, for example, always enjoyed a surplus in the
travel balance, of up to 10.2 per cent of the GDP in 1981. With increasing affluence,
more Singapore residents are travelling abroad and, consequently, the surplus has
continued to decline (Heng and Low 1990: 248). Similarly in Britain in the 1980s,
receipts from foreign visitors exceeded the travel expenditures of Britons in foreign
countries (Lavery and Van Doren 1990: 169) but net losses occurred a decade later
(Tribe 1999: 323). As might be expected in developing countries such as Kenya,
Thailand, Mexico and Morocco, as well as some countries in the Mediterranean
where tourism is a large export earner, the travel balance is positive. In others
such as Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Japan, international
tourist expenditures by residents of these countries abroad (debts) far exceeded
those being made by incoming visitors (credits) (Vanhove 2005, IMF Balance of
Payments Statistics Yearbook 2002).
In other studies a wider, though not comprehensive, approach is employed
in which all readily identifiable items of international visitor expenditure are

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Table 4.2 Hypothetical example of the relationship of the travel account and
tourism balance to the balance of payments

Country Balance of payments on Travel balance† or account Tourism balance ‡

current account* ($m.)

A −250 −30 −5
B +10 +40 +120
C −400 +160 +250

* The current account is a recording of all current transactions and includes earnings and expenditure resulting
from transactions with overseas residents in both goods and services.
†
This is the balance between the expenditures of residents of country A overseas and of overseas residents in
country A, i.e. the travel account.
‡
This is the balance between all identifiable items of expenditure by all overseas visitors to country A and all
identifiable items of expenditure by residents of country A travelling overseas.

incorporated. These might include foreign investment patterns and money spent
on transport and the training of foreign staff. The result is known as the tourism
balance. The travel account and the tourism balance are unlikely to be identical
but the outcome is the same: neither indicates the true contribution of tourism to
the balance of payments.
In spite of these reservations, the travel account may provide a useful pre-
liminary assessment of the involvement of a country in international tourism. This
is illustrated by the hypothetical example outlined in Table 4.2. The travel account
can accentuate balance of payments deficits (Country A) or surpluses (Country B),
or may be a significant factor in reducing deficits caused by other transactions
(Country C). Residents of Country A spend more overseas than foreign residents
spend in their country and, thus, the travel account is negative. The situation is
the reverse for countries B and C, whose travel accounts bear a positive sign. The
incorporation of a further measure, the tourism balance, yields a clearer, though
still incomplete, picture of the overall positive or negative economic effect. In the
case of Country A, expenditures on such items as transportation have reduced
the contribution of tourism to the deficit. The positive contribution is even more
marked in B and C. The increases over the travel account of in excess of $80 mil-
lion are likely to be the results of the earnings of air carriers and high levels of
overseas spending within these countries. Tourism, in the cases of countries B and
C, has enhanced a small or counteracted a more substantial negative balance of
payments respectively. In country A it is a destabilizing influence.
However, it would be a mistake to expect the inflows and outflows of foreign
currency associated with tourism to actually offset each other, i.e. to balance. Gray
(1970: 89) and Bull (1991) both concluded that the ‘import’ and ‘export’ of visitors
are really different activities. It may serve no real purpose to balance them. Some
countries have comparative advantages as tourist destinations whereas others simply
have less to offer or are major sources of international tourists. As Gray (1970: 89)
wrote: ‘The practice of netting out exports and imports on an individual account is

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nothing more than an accounting convenience and the concept of the gap as a
measure of the responsibility of an activity for the overall deficit is fallacious’. To
use an extreme example, one should not expect to balance the banana account!
The travel account therefore is simply an indicator of the degree to which a
country attracts overseas visitors when compared with the ability of foreign coun-
tries to attract its residents to travel abroad. The ease with which the calculation
can be made has contributed to the overuse of the balance on the travel account
in assessing the contribution of tourism to the balance of payments. Perhaps more
meaningful results would be obtained if these two effects were treated separ-
ately. If this were done, the effects of tourist expenditures could be compared with
other forms of expenditure. For example, expenditures on tourism overseas could
be expressed as a percentage of total consumer expenditures, or compared with
other forms of overseas expenditures. Such measures would provide an indica-
tion of the relative importance of tourism when compared with other activities in
the economy (Airey 1978: 7, Baretje 1982, Sessa 1983).

Balance of payments: some examples

Given the rather abstract and hypothetical discussions of the balance of payments
that have been presented, it is now appropriate to discuss some specific examples.
However, of necessity, comments are made only on those effects for which informa-
tion is readily available. Deficiencies in data and underlying methodologies should
also be borne in mind and the following examples should be viewed as a guide
only to tourism’s economic significance. However, it is worth noting how depend-
ent some countries are on tourism earnings as part of their balance of payments.
Balance of payments statistics for major tourism countries such as the United
States (3.1 per cent), Italy (8.6 per cent) and France (5.1 per cent) reveal that they
are not heavily dependent on tourism alone for their balance of payments inflows
(IMF Yearbook 1986). As these counties all have large diversified economies, their
sources of foreign earnings are varied. At the other extreme, according to the
same IMF yearbook, other countries such as Antigua (66.9 per cent), the Seychelles
(45.9 per cent) and the Bahamas (61.6 per cent) are highly dependent on tourism
receipts. Such dependence on a single industry and its inherent dangers has been
well noted in the literature. Although tourism may be less sensitive to market fluc-
tuations than some primary industries, many political, public health and climatic
events of the last decade have caused serious disruption of tourist receipts in many
countries (Canada, China, Indonesia, the Maldives, the United Kingdom, the United
States). In other cases, destinations may be dependent on single markets as the
main source of their tourism receipts and any political or economic crisis in their
generating markets can have equally damaging results. The Asian economic crisis
in 2000/2001 was associated with substantial declines in intra-Asia travel but des-
tinations such as South Korea were particularly affected because they experienced

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major reductions in Japanese visitors, the main source of their foreign tourism
earnings.
In Spain, during the three decades since the 1950s, tourism dominated foreign
currency receipts and continued to offset deficits on the balance of trade that were
largely attributed to the uncompetitive agricultural and manufacturing sectors.
Within the balance of payments, receipts from tourism in Spain and the parallel
influx of foreign investment in tourist products and infrastructure played a key
role in financing the country’s industrialization process, its competitive position-
ing and entry into the European Union. The combined inflow of foreign currency
undoubtedly prevented the balance of payments from being a major constraint in
the growth of the Spanish economy (Sinclair and Gomez 1996). However, changes
during the latter part of the 1980s saw tourism’s contribution to the balance on the
current account turn negative, and tourist receipts as a proportion of total exports
dropped 10 per cent to approximately 35 per cent. Tourism in Spain has emerged
from being a poor, low-wage recipient of foreign tourist receipts and foreign
investment to being a wealthier recipient and an emitter of tourist flows. As a
result of Spanish investment in tourist infrastructure outside of Spain, greater
numbers of Spaniards travelling abroad and Spain’s competitive responsiveness
to changes in international travel demand, tourism’s net contribution to the bal-
ance of payments may continue to decline in relative importance. Detailed ana-
lyses of the determinants of demand affecting tourist receipts in Spain have
been undertaken by Tremblay (1989), Witt and Martin (1985) and Syriopoulous
and Sinclair (1993) with emphasis on changing per capita incomes in the origin
country and the effective prices of tourist products in Spain. The Spanish case is
particularly useful in revealing how tourism and its contribution to the balance of
payments have been an integral part of the economic growth of that country. At
the same time, it also illustrates the potential susceptibility of countries heavily
dependent on tourism for their foreign earnings to changes in patterns of demand-
and-supply relationships and to other constantly evolving market forces.
In summary, in assessments of the effects of tourism on the balance of payments,
most attention has been devoted to the primary effects of tourist expenditures.
Countries have used a variety of definitions and methodologies. This has frus-
trated the making of meaningful comparisons among nations and, as a result, the
data and the associated analyses are often not presented in ways that allow busi-
ness and government to draw valid conclusions. This is further exacerbated by the
differences among countries in the linkages between tourism and other economic
sectors. For example, in island economies, the import content of tourist expendi-
tures on food and other supplies is usually high. In Spain, however, the internal
economic linkages are strong and the country produces a high proportion of the
goods and services that are consumed by tourists (Sinclair 1998: 24). The import-
ance of tourism’s direct contribution to foreign currency receipts is, therefore, often
not truly recognized. This has been one of the reasons why some countries have

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introduced more sophisticated methodologies, such as Tourism Satellite Accounts

(TSAs), to measure economic activity.

Tourism satellite accounts (TSAs)

Since 1995, the WTO (WTO) has played a pivotal role in enhancing the interna-
tional comparability of tourist economic related data in two main ways:

1. The development of a national System of Tourism Statistics (STS); and

2. The development and adoption by countries of the Tourism Satellite Accounts.

The WTO indicated that the latter is not a substitute for balance of payments
measures but, rather, a unifying element of STS. Balance of payments measures
perform a similar unifying role for each country’s national system of statistics, in
which tourism has a current account (although this may not be clearly articulated).
However, TSA research does constitute a substantial advance in assisting business
and policy decision-making by translating quantifiable economic data into such
measures as GDP and employment contributions that can then be compared
with other industries and, potentially, from time to time and country to country.
To date, the tourism statistics that are commonly collected and reported have
been restricted to information on such items as visitor arrivals, length of stay, bed
nights used, purpose of trip, accommodation type and visitor origins. Often such
data are treated in isolation with no attempt being made to link them (Vanhove
2005). The TSA system is partially built through establishing the linkages between
these elements. The TOW (2000: 2) described a TSA as:
No more than a set of definitions, classifications integrated into tables, organized in a
logical consistent way, which allows one to view the whole economic magnitude of
tourism in both its aspects of demand and supply.

Much of the pioneering work on TSAs was undertaken in Canada when a

Canadian industry task force broadened the vision and scope of the French concept
of satellite accounts. A feasibility study resulted in the recommendation to establish
the Canadian Tourism Satellite Accounts. This, in turn, was adopted by the UN and
WTO in 1993 and implemented in Canada a year later. The history and attributes
of Canada’s TSA have been well documented by Smith (1998, 2002), Meis (1999),
Delisle (1999) and Lapierre and Hayes (1994). The nature of TSAs will now be dis-
cussed using Canada as the primary example.
A TSA is a statistical information system designed to measure economic sectors,
such as tourism, that are not readily defined as industries in national accounts. A
TSA is a combination of demand and supply-side approaches. In a sense, a TSA
is a demand-side concept in that it incorporates the products and services that
tourists need and want, recognizing that the industry does not produce or supply
a homogeneous product or service like other traditional industries. On the other

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hand, it also has a supply-side perspective in that it is based on an enumeration

of the businesses that meet these needs and wants. These demand and supply
perspectives of the TSA are summarized below but discussed in more analytical
detail by Vanhove (2005) and Franz, Laimer and Smeral (2001).
The basic aggregates of demand and supply in a TSA are (WTTC 2004: 9):

1. Tourism Consumption or Demand. This combines the value of the goods and
services consumed by business and leisure tourists, government and business
expenditures (individual) by agencies and departments which provide visitor
services and visitor exports which include spending by international visitors
on goods and services. Building on the notion of visitor consumption, it also
includes products and services associated with residual components of final
demand. It is used to construct a broader picture of economic activity. The
residual or indirect impact elements include government and business expen-
ditures (collective) which are made on behalf of the community or nation (such
as promotion, security, sanitation), capital investment (private and public sector)
and non-visitor exports (consumer and capital goods sent overseas for ultimate
sale to tourists (such as aircraft, clothing, electronics).
2. Tourism Supply. From a supply perspective, tourism as an industrial activity can
be defined by the collection of products (durables and non-durables) and ser-
vices (transportation, accommodation, food and beverage services, recreation,
attractions and entertainment) that are delivered to tourists. Within the TSA,
supply or production is divided into three categories:
(a) Tourism characteristic goods and services such as accommodation, sight-
seeing and tour operators, souvenir retailing, etc;
(b) Tourism-related or connected goods and services which are consumed in
volume by tourists but also widely used by others such as local restaurants,
taxi services and local passenger transportation;
(c) Non-specific or non-tourism characteristic production such as most retail
trades of consumer goods, local government services, etc.

Within the TSA framework, the categories of both demand and supply have now
been standardized ensuring consistency and comparability, at least at the national
level. This orientation differs from that of other industries which are defined by
their outputs, not their customers’ purchasing behaviour. By bringing together
both visitor demand and supply data and integrating them, the TSA fundament-
ally relies on the balance existing within an economy between, on the one hand,
the demand for goods and services generated by visitors and other consumers
and, on the other hand, the overall supply of those goods and services (Wells 1991).
The idea is to analyze in detail all aspects of the demand for goods and services
that are consumed as part of tourism, whether they are obviously tourist-related or
non-tourist products and services purchased by tourists and the tourist industry,

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and to measure the relationship with the supply of such goods and services within
the same economy (Canadian Tourism Commission 2002). Eurostat et al. (2001)
summarized the objectives of tourism satellite accounting to include the following:
– Description of the structure of a country’s or region’s activity;
– Provision of macro-economic aggregates to describe the size and the economic
importance of tourism, such as tourism value-added and tourism GDP;
– Provision of detailed data on tourism consumption and how this is made up of
domestic supply and imports;
– Provision of detailed production accounts of the tourism industries, data on
employment, linkages with other production activities and capital formation;
– Provision of a link between economic data and the basic economic information
on tourism.
The initial results of Canadian TSA provided, for the first time, an estimate of
the totality of tourism consumption and the value added to the economy from
tourism both within the tourism sector itself and in other industries. As a result,
important measures of tourism’s position in the national economy can be sum-
marized as shown in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3 Economic significance of tourism: TSA measures

Tourism Satellite Canada France Australia Chile

Measures

Total tourism CAD $54.1 billion FF 605.3 billion AU $58.2 billion Pesos
consumption (billions) 1356.8 billion
Domestic tourism CAD $37.9 billion FF 389.7 billion AU $45.4 billion Pesos
consumption (billions) 519.3 billion
Inbound (international) CAD $16.2 billion FF 215.6 billion AU $12.8 billion Pesos
tourism consumption 837.3 billion
(billions)
Domestic share of 70.0% 64.4% 78% 38.3%
total consumption (%)
Tourism contribution 2.4% NA 4.5% 3.8%
to GDP (%)
Employment generated 546,400 jobs 624,400 jobs 388,500 jobs 166,100 jobs
by tourism (thousands –
full time and part time)
Ratio of tourism 3.5 2.7 5.4 3.2
employment to
total employment

Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002) Canadian Tourism Satellite Accounts, Credible
Numbers for Good Decisions, Ottawa

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In 2003 ten countries published TSAs and an additional thirteen were added
in 2004 (WTTC 2004). The benefits for policy-making are evident: for the first
time, the goods and services provided to visitors by all the various tourist and
non-tourist industries are pulled together. Obviously some products and services
account for a large portion of tourist receipts: 40 per cent in commercial and private
transport, 13 per cent in accommodation and 19 per cent in food and beverage
services. Also, it is revealed that some types of business rely heavily on tourism
(hotels 90 per cent, rented vehicles 83 per cent) while others, like entertainment
(28 per cent) and taxis (29 per cent), are less reliant on tourist expenditures as a
proportion of their revenue base. It is argued that the opportunity to identify and
compare tourism’s role in employment and to draw other economic comparisons
with other industries has influenced greatly the levels of government funding
assigned to the tourist sector.

National tourism indicators

Industry spokespersons applauded the development of the TSA and the informa-
tion and applications associated with it. However, it was perceived to lack timeli-
ness, with updates only being available four or five years after the reference year.
Policy makers, tourism development stakeholders and industry decision makers
expressed the need for more current information concerning how tourism as a
whole and the industry itself were evolving in response to changing external con-
ditions. This stimulated The Canadian Tourism Commission to develop a frame-
work of National Tourism Indicators (NTIs). Founded on the TSA, estimates are
published quarterly or annually and, according to Delisle (1999: 333) to:

1. Assess the current state of tourism in Canada;

2. Analyze the development of tourism in Canada in terms of trends and structures;
3. Support policy and strategic decisions.

For example, in 1998/9 the information released included among others the fol-
lowing facts:

1. Domestic tourism demand in that year was up 5.9 per cent;

2. In the fourth quarter of 1998 tourist activities generated 513,000 jobs with trans-
portation posting the largest gain (3.7 per cent);
3. Job creation in the tourist sector was higher than in the business sector on the
whole.

The NTIs can be used to support research on trends and cycles and to make com-
parisons with other economic sectors. Further, information about tourism’s import-
ance, growth and dependence on economic cycles will assist decision makers as
they prepare for the future.

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CURRENCY FLOWS
Following the examination of the balance of payments, the factors that determine
the magnitude of currency flows should be noted. These are the factors that dif-
ferentiate gross and net foreign earnings. Net foreign exchange receipts vary greatly
from country to country. Also, it should not be assumed that all original tourism
expenditures culminate in direct and indirect income for the receiving country.
There are leakages. Assuming stability in both supply and demand, the factors
which contribute to this include:
1. The propensity to import of the exporting country;
2. Expatriate labour;
3. The nature of capital investment.

Propensity to import
The propensity to import is the proportion of each unit of tourist expenditure
which is transferred to another area for the purchase of goods or services. It rep-
resents the likelihood of the occurrence of leakages from the area. Imports may be
either direct or indirect. Direct imports are imports of goods and services con-
sumed immediately by the tourist or used in the tourism sector. Indirect imports
are imports of raw materials, manufactured goods and services for domestic pro-
ducers who provide goods and services to the tourist sector. The volume of imports
will depend upon the extent to which the demands for these goods and services
can be met domestically (Thuens 1976: 4). In many cases, particularly in develop-
ing countries, the local economy lacks the capacity, diversity and inter-industry
linkages to meet the requirements of international tourism. Bryden (1973: 33)
reported that declines in agricultural production in the islands of the Caribbean
during the 1960s and expanded tourist demands reduced self-sufficiency in food
production and expanded the need to import food by up to 4 per cent annually.
This meant an increase in the proportion of tourist expenditures used to purchase
imported goods and services.
In addition to imports of food, the tourist industry frequently purchases special-
ized management and operating supplies, including beverages, equipment and
construction materials from abroad. In developing countries, where there is limited
output of both quality-controlled agricultural and manufactured products, a large
proportion of these requirements must be imported. Lundberg (1972: 137), using
Hawaii as an example, indicated that different types of establishments have differ-
ent import propensities. The overall propensity for Hawaii is 45 per cent and for
Kenya 22 per cent, but Table 4.4 shows that there is considerable variation from
establishment to establishment. The measures of import propensity by establish-
ment type are more useful than a single figure calculated on a national basis.
They can be used to indicate variations in the prospects for import substitution

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Table 4.4 Import propensities by type of establishment

Type of business establishment Import propensity (%)

Food stores 49*

Liquor stores 66
Clothing and accessory stores 44
Hotels 38
Restaurants 41

* 49 cents in every dollar of tourist expenditure on food was used for the importing of foodstuffs.
Source: After Lundberg 1972

and, hence, act as an aid in determining priorities in the development of domestic

production. In this vein, Telfer and Wall (1996, 2000) examined the food supply
chains of various types of accommodation establishments in Indonesia and have
documented attempts at import substitution by producing food supplies locally.
The propensity to import is influenced by the size and structural diversity of the
importing country’s economy and by its import policies. Some countries attempt
to restrict imports by the erection of tariffs. However, no examples have been
located of policies specifically devised to curb imports for the tourist sector. The
economies of developing countries are frequently unable to supply the quantity
and quality of goods and services required to meet the demands created by inter-
national tourism (Sadler and Archer 1974: 5). Developed countries, because they
are usually more able to construct, equip, supply and operate their tourist indus-
tries from domestic resources, tend to have low import propensities when com-
pared with developing countries. In developed countries, the tourist industry is
supported by a sophisticated system of backward linkages. This can only occur in
a mature, diversified economy. The size of the country is also important. In small
countries, the economy is likely to be less diversified than in larger countries. In
small, developing countries, there is usually a small ratio between net and gross
receipts from international tourism because of the need to import a large propor-
tion of tourist-related products.
Hudman and Hawkins’s (1989) and Yan and Wall’s (2002) studies in China
report a higher degree of leakages from imports, particularly in the early phases
of tourist development. In the early stages of tourist development in China, leak-
ages were largely indirect or from secondary industry, particularly heavy industry
and manufacturing. In fact, Yan and Wall (2002: 271) noted that the direct leakage
from importing (leakage associated with the products and services consumed
directly by tourists) was only 14.8 per cent but total leakage (direct and indirect)
climbed to 39.2 per cent. The same situation occurs in small islands or predomin-
antly agricultural economies where secondary industries may be poorly developed
and may have weak linkages with the tourism sector. Obviously, the development
of a network of local producers of primary and manufactured tourism supplies

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will result in a higher proportion of retained foreign currency earnings. Sinclair

(1998: 25) cited 65 per cent of gross foreign exchange earnings were retained in
Kenya but only 20 per cent in the Gambia, the latter being largely influenced by
its underdeveloped production base and its reliance on intra-regional trade for its
economic development.

Expatriate labour
Employment of expatriate labour in the tourist industry is usually a result of the
inability of the home country to supply the labour domestically. Tourism is said to
require a higher proportion of semi-skilled and unskilled labour than many other
industries, so that one might expect that developing countries entering the indus-
try would not require the services of much expatriate labour. Thus, they should
be able to avoid the outflow of currency through remittance payments. This may
be so in some cases but, in the Caribbean, quite the contrary has occurred. Bryden
(1973) undertook a detailed analysis of tourism in the Commonwealth Caribbean
and concluded that the proportions of expatriates employed in the British Virgin
Islands, the Bahamas and the Cayman Islands were particularly high. Concentra-
tions were greatest in managerial and administrative occupations. For example, in
1970 in the Cayman Islands, nearly 65 per cent of employees in these occupations
were expatriates. In the British Virgin Islands, 48.5 per cent of the labour force in
hotels and guesthouses was from abroad. Although this figure was only 32.1 per
cent for the Caymans, 42.7 per cent of the total wage and salary bill of the hotel
and guesthouse sector accrued to expatriate labour (Bryden 1973: 130). The propor-
tion of the expatriate earnings which was remitted out of the country is unknown.
However, the higher the total expatriate earnings, the larger the volume of leak-
age from the tourist exporting country is likely to be.
It is possible that as the industry matures in a destination, the need for expatri-
ate labour will be reduced, particularly if training programmes are established.
On the other hand, in developed countries, nationals may be reluctant to do the
menial tasks and labour is imported to do these. Thus, it may be that over time, a
small number of highly paid expatriate workers is replaced by a larger number of
poorly paid immigrants.
There is little documentation of measures to reduce such outflows of money.
Immigration restrictions are one obvious remedy. Investments in the training of
local people should also reduce foreign employment and remittances in the long
term.

Capital investment
World capital investment in tourism in 2004 was estimated to be US$803 billion or
approximately 9.4 per cent of total investment. In some countries, tourist capital

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investment constitutes a large proportion of total investment: Aruba (76 per cent),
Bahamas (66 per cent) and Pacific Islands (72 per cent) (WTTC 2004). In these
countries and many other developing economies, foreign investment in and own-
ership of tourist plant is a dominant feature of tourist development. Most of the
early literature and subsequent reviews have focused entirely on the impacts of
foreign investment in developing countries (Jackson 1973, Marsh 1975b, Talbot
1974, Turner 1976, Young 1973). The notable exception is Dwyer and Forsyth’s
(1994) extensive work in Australia.
From a theoretical perspective, Bull (1991) suggested that foreign investment in
travel and tourism takes three main forms: equity ownership, loan capital supply
and investment management arrangements. Equity ownership has been well
documented and involves the parent company in one country (usually a tourist-
generating country from the developed world) purchasing stock in a local tourism
enterprise or establishing a subsidiary within the tourist destination. This trend
has been a dominant feature within the early phases of tourist development and
has continued with the increasing globalization. The provision of loans to tourism
enterprises by international financial organizations is widely accepted but not
well documented. Such contractual arrangements may not be equity related but
part of the financial structure of doing business. It is increasingly common in
many tourist regions to find multinational organizations operating subsidiaries
under management contracts, leases or franchise agreements. Many of these arrange-
ments circumvent foreign ownership regulations of host countries and, at the same
time, bring to the host country superior production, management and marketing
skills that are absent locally.
Foreign investment in the tourist industry results from two major conditions:

1. The encouragement of foreign investment in the early stages of tourist development.

The high capital requirements of infrastructure and service facilities force many
developing countries to seek financial assistance abroad. Remittances, in the
form of capital repayments and interest on investments, can be significant. In
China, Yan and Wall (2002) noted that foreign investment in the early phases of
luxury hotel development in the 1980s provoked a high level of imports but in
the later phases of development and market maturity, lower cost accommoda-
tions were developed by a more capable local economy. In Kenya, by the end
of the same decade 67 per cent of hotels in Nairobi and 66 per cent of lodges in
national parks and reserves had direct foreign investment (Sinclair 1991: 188).
2. The emergence of multinational corporations and effects of continued globalization. The
foreign ownership problem has been compounded by the emergence of inter-
national hotel chains, tour operators, restaurant chains and continued trends of
both horizontal and vertical integration. Crotts, Buhalis and March (2000) and
Wahab and Cooper (2001) have provided useful reviews of structural changes
of the tourist industry and the effects of globalization on them. The proportion

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of the tourist expenditure on package holidays received by the destination and

the percentage remaining in the tourist-originating country as a foreign exchange
leakage have been highlighted by Sinclair (1991). The same study drew attention
to the problem by calculating per capita foreign currency receipts. The greater
the tourist proportionate expenditure on foreign-owned package holidays, the
lower the per capita foreign exchange receipts in the destination. The effect will,
therefore, vary with the type of holiday package and the degree to which for-
eign or local partners (particularly airlines) are involved in its delivery. Farver
(1984) noted that, if the package holiday included both a foreign airline and
hotel, the leakage was 77 per cent in the Gambia. In Kenya, if the same kind of
package was purchased but including local Kenyan Airways, leakage was as
low as 12 to 20 per cent (Sinclair 1991).

Vertical integration may increase efficiency but it may also increase foreign
control. It may result in consistently high occupancy rates in the hotels of devel-
oping countries but, since a large proportion of the revenue and profits is trans-
ferred back to the tourist-generating countries, it may only bring marginal local
returns. High leakages have resulted in disappointing economic performances of
the tourist industry, at least from a destination perspective, because large balance
of payments deficits have not been mitigated. High leakages, of course, are not
restricted to tourism but are common to many forms of modernization in devel-
oping countries. However, the existence of high leakages may mean that tourism,
in its present form, is doing less than it might to reduce balance of payments prob-
lems in the developing world.

TOURISM AND NATIONAL ECONOMIC GROWTH

(GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT OR GDP)

The significance of tourist expenditure to the economic performance of a country

can also be assessed through the GDP which is defined as the total value of all goods
and services produced by an economy over a given period of time, usually a year.
From a tourism perspective, this important measure is used to determine the over-
all value added to the economy from tourist expenditures.
The contribution of tourism to GDP is calculated by assessing visitor expendi-
tures at current prices, for both domestic and foreign tourism, and then subtracting
the goods and services purchased by the tourism sector (Lawson and Baud-Bovy
1977: 21). If desired, the calculations can be undertaken for foreign tourism alone.
Payments made in a country by foreign tourists are recorded as foreign exchange
receipts. The amount of GDP generated by foreign tourist expenditure consists of
this income less the costs of servicing these tourists. For those countries that do
not have a large domestic tourist industry, this measure may be of more interest
than a figure for domestic and international tourism combined. This is particularly

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true of developing countries where domestic tourism may be relatively small and
international tourism can make substantial contributions to the economy. Unless
tourism has become a major earner of foreign exchange, the output of the tourist
sector is likely to constitute only a small proportion of GDP. This is true of almost
all developed and many developing countries.
In most developed countries, it is necessary to include domestic tourism receipts
because they form a large proportion of total tourism revenues. Peters (1969: 29)
noted that international tourism receipts in the United Kingdom constituted a
mere 0.6 per cent of GDP in 1966. However, when the expenditures of Britons
within the United Kingdom and foreign payments to British carriers were added,
the figure increased to 2.4 per cent. Twenty years later, the WTO reported a pro-
gressive change in the United Kingdom whereby international tourism receipts
had grown to be 1.5 per cent of GDP and domestic receipts had dropped to 1.9 per
cent. In Spain, using the same data, international tourism receipts as a proportion
of GDP (7.5 per cent) were higher than those from domestic tourism (3.9 per cent),
together indicating the substantial importance of tourism in the Spanish economy.
The net earnings of tourism do not accurately indicate the net impacts of tourism,
even in a narrow, economic sense. Mitchell (1970: 2) noted that local resources
and capital are used to satisfy the needs of tourists but it is also true that these
resources and capital could be used in other sectors of the economy if they were
not employed in tourism. These costs would need to be deducted to arrive at the
net impact of tourism on GDP. There are obvious difficulties in meeting this require-
ment. Furthermore, many of the goods and services produced for tourists are also
consumed by residents. Nevertheless, the contribution of tourism to GDP is a use-
ful measure of the economic significance of tourism. It is also possible to compare
tourist receipts to national income or total exports. Each measure indicates the
importance of tourism in a slightly different way.
The contribution of tourism to GDP is now a standard measure in the TSA
described above. Table 4.5 presents data on the contribution of tourism to the
GDPs of a number of countries. Japan and Spain, which are included in the table,
will be used as examples for further comments on tourism’s contribution to GDP.
Japan is a large and highly diversified economy and, although many Japanese
travel overseas, the perceived high costs of travel in Japan, language and cultural
differences have not been conducive to the attraction of a large number of tourists
from other developed countries. In contrast, Spain has a higher dependence on
tourism. In many smaller economies, dependence on tourism is even greater, e.g.
Antigua 58 per cent, Bahamas 56 per cent (Archer 1989). The WTTC (2004) fore-
casted that tourism in such countries as the Seychelles, Maldives and British Virgin
Islands will be close to 40 per cent of their respective GDPs. They also forecasted
that countries such as Vietnam, China, India and Chad will have the fastest growth
rates in terms of tourism’s contribution to GDP with annual percentages of 7–
8 per cent over the next ten years.

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Table 4.5 Estimated contributions of tourism to GDP (as %)

Country % Tourism contribution to GDP (year)

Australia 4.5% (1998)

Canada 2.4% (2000)
USA 2.2% (1997)
Chile 3.8% (1996)
Spain 8.0% (1998)
Japan 0.4% (1987)
Aruba and Bahamas 18.7% (2004)
Seychelles 28.6% (2004)
The Maldives 41.8% (2004)

Sources:
– Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002) Tourism Satellite Accounts: Credible Numbers for
Good Business Decisions, Ottawa
– OECD and WTO data (adapted)
– Spain GDP: Sinclair and Gómez 1996
– WTTC: World Travel and Tourism Council 2004

Fig. 4.1 Tourism GDP share by industry

(Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada 2000)

Tourism’s contribution to Canada’s GDP (stable at 3.9 per cent) was $14.2 billion
in 1992, growing to $21.8 billion in 2000. The share by tourism component is shown
in Figure 4.1. Such shares by industry sectors of the tourism GDP will vary with
changes in the demand patterns of tourist arrivals and domestic consumption
overall. It is also significant that a share of the tourism GDP is generated by indus-
tries that are not considered as tourism industries. Nearly one third (27 per cent)
of purchases made by tourists are for goods and services such as groceries, cloth-
ing, fuel, etc.

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ECONOMIC MULTIPLIERS

The emphasis of the preceding discussion has been on the economic impacts of
tourism at a national level. Many of the data have been collected at this scale and
a large proportion of the literature concerns individual countries. An equally
important concern is the contribution made by tourism to specific destinations at
the regional and local levels. Expenditures of tourists in a destination create new
incomes and outputs in the region which, in turn, produce further expenditures
and incomes. The ‘flow on’ process emanating from the injection of tourist expendi-
ture into a destination will resemble the following pattern. Firms and organizations
providing goods and services directly to tourists will have increased sales revenue.
These firms and organizations will, in turn, purchase goods and services from vari-
ous suppliers within or outside the destination region. The latter process is called
leakage. Further spending will occur when recipients of the above expenditures
within the region spend with their increased incomes. The cumulative re-spending
of incomes creating additional incomes is known as multiplier effect.
The concept of successive spending and the patterns of production in a destina-
tion are affected by the strengths of the links between the tourist sector and other
sectors of the economy. The multiplier concept is based upon the recognition that
the economic sectors of a destination are interdependent and that each sector
within the economy will be purchasing goods and services produced by suppliers
within the local economy. Therefore the greater the extent to which tourism gen-
erates increased production in all sectors of the local economy, the greater will be
the tourist multiplier. Fletcher and Archer (1991: 29) concluded that owing to this
sectoral interdependence, any change in final demand will bring about change
in the economy’s level of output, income, employment and government revenue.
These changes may be greater than, equal to or less than the value of the initial
tourist expenditure. The term ‘multiplier’ refers to the ratio of the change in one
of the variables to the change in final demand which it brought about. Since the
pioneering work by Archer and his colleagues in the application of the multiplier
concept to tourism, numerous others have used multipliers to measure economic
impact (Archer 1973, 1976, 1977a, b, c, Archer and Fletcher 1996, Fletcher 1993a,
Frechtling 1994a, Khan, Seng and Cheong 1990).
The size of the tourist multiplier will vary from country to country and from
region to region, depending upon the interdependence of sectors within the destina-
tion’s economy. The volume of imported and extra-regional goods and services
consumed by tourists, the inclination of residents to use goods and services from
outside the region, and their propensity to save, each have a bearing on the mul-
tiplier coefficient. The higher the region’s propensity to import, the higher will be
the leakage of money out of the local region and the lower will be the multiplier.
In general, the smaller the economic base, the less self-sufficient will be the region
and much of the tourist expenditure will be re-spent outside the local region

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leading to a low economic multiplier. The multiplier effect is also influenced by the
internal structure of the economy and the manner in which the injection of tourist
expenditures is distributed across its various sectors. The greater the internal
linkages between sectors, the less likelihood that supplies will be required from
outside the region and the larger will be the multiplier.
Archer (1976: 115) and Fletcher and Archer (1991: 29) defined multipliers as the
ratio of direct, indirect and induced changes in an economy to the direct initial
change itself. Thus the income multiplier considers three types of influence of
tourist expenditures:

1. Direct spending. The initial expenditure (first round) creates direct revenue to
hoteliers, service stations, and other tourist industries supplying goods and
services directly to tourists.
2. Indirect spending. The payments of salaries and wages to local employees, and
tourist establishments replenishing their stocks, are indirect effects of the initial,
direct tourist expenditure. For example an increase in demand for hotel accom-
modation may require hotels to increase their demand for food and beverage
products, bedroom amenities or laundry services. Furthermore, these suppliers
to the hotel will need to have more staff, and purchase more equipment and
materials.
3. Induced spending. As wages and salaries within an economy rise as a result of
initial change in final demand, local consumption also increases. This respend-
ing of increased income provides an additional impetus for economic activity.

There are a number of different types of multipliers and different methodologies

used to measure them. The resulting confusion has often limited their accuracy and
usefulness. Fletcher and Archer (1991: 37–9) distinguish the following categories:

1. The sales or transactions multiplier. This measures the effect of an extra unit of
tourist expenditure on activity levels in the economy, i.e. the increase in business
turnover created by the tourist expenditure. For example, in Archer’s (1974)
study in Gwynedd this multiplier was 1.46.
2. The output multiplier. This relates a unit of extra tourist expenditure to the increase
in the level of output in the economy. The output multiplier differs from the
sales multiplier in that, in addition to sales generation, the output multiplier
also includes changes in the level of inventories.
3. The income multiplier. One of the more useful multiplier calculations, it is the
ratio of income (salaries, business profits, dividends) to the tourist expenditure
injected into the destination’s economy. In the Gwynedd study mentioned
above, Archer found the income multiplier was 0.32.
4. The employment multiplier. This is the ratio of direct and secondary employ-
ment generated by additional tourist expenditure, to direct employment alone.

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Occasionally it is calculated as the amount of employment generated per unit

of tourist expenditure.
5. The government revenue multiplier. This calculation demonstrates how much
government revenue is created by each additional unit of tourist expenditure
(taxes, service charges, levies, etc. less grants and subsidies).
6. The import multiplier. This ratio demonstrates the value of imported goods and
services associated with each additional unit of tourist expenditure.
Each of these types of multiplier measures a different but linked phenomenon.
Each has its own utility. For example, if one is comparing the effects of a number
of projects one may be interested in their implications for both income and
employment. Depending upon the priorities and the flexibility of investment, the
one with the highest income or employment multiplier, or the best combination of
the two, could be chosen.
To add to the complexity and confusion, income multipliers are calculated in a
number of different ways in the literature, with implications for results. Assuming
that the injection of one dollar of tourist spending creates 50 cents of direct income
and 25 cents of indirect and induced income, then the variations in calculations
are as follows:
1. Income multipliers may be calculated as the ratio of the total income generated
(primary, indirect and induced) to the direct income created by the primary
expenditure:
primary + secondary
i.e. Multiplier =
primary
0.5 + 0.25
=
0.5
= 1.5
This is known as an ‘orthodox’ income multiplier.
2. Income multipliers may be calculated as the ratio of the total income generated
to the total initial expenditure:
primary + secondary
i.e. Multiplier =
initial expenditure
0.5 + 0.25
=
1.0
= 0.75
This is known as an ‘unorthodox’ tourist multiplier.
Although the data used in each case are the same, quite different multiplier
coefficients emerge with variations in the methods of calculation. It is imperative
that interpretations of multiplier coefficients take into account the method of

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calculation, and that comparisons are only made between coefficients that have
been calculated in the same way, if accurate policy information is to be derived.
Archer (1976: 119) believed that the principal weakness of the multiplier con-
cept is not so much the model itself but, rather, the way it has been used and inter-
preted. The choice of model used, from ad hoc (Keynesian) multiplier models
to more rigorous input–output analysis, is often governed by research budgets,
data availability and the expertise of researchers to analyze and interpret the
data. In spite of the methodological limitations of many multiplier analyses and
advancements in economic methodologies (such as input–output analysis and
general equilibrium models, although these are most commonly applied at a
national scale), multiplier applications are widely published in the tourism litera-
ture. Importantly, the numerous case studies, taken together, reveal some general
principles and have identified relatively consistent multiplier values (Pwyer and
Forsyth 1998, Fletcher 1989, Fretchling 1994a).
Archer (1998: 128–32), Wall (1996c: 447) and Dwyer, Forsyth, Madden and
Spurr (2000) have discussed and summarized the main factors affecting the size
of tourist impacts or multiplier values. They are:

1. The initial magnitude of tourist expenditure to which the multiplier is applied;

2. The capacity of the destination to supply tourist goods and services (if there are
supply constraints and tourist demand cannot be met, the expenditure will
generate local inflation and an increase in imports);
3. The size of the local economy and boundaries that define the study area;
4. The nature of the initial spending or the value added generated in the first
round of spending (the more of the initial spending that is turned into income for
locals, the higher the multiplier will likely be). For example, expenditure with
bed and breakfast suppliers will yield high multipliers as the majority remains
with the bed and breakfast operator who, in turn, buys most goods locally;
5. The nature and degree of tourist industry linkages within the destination’s
economy and the effect on leakages (the more local industry can produce and
supply goods and services to meet demand, the lower the leakages and the
higher the multiplier).

Individually and collectively, these factors influence the size of the multiplier
with most research focusing on factors 2 and 5: the linkages of the local economy
and its capacity to supply goods and services (Archer 1991, Frechtling 1994b). Bull
(1991: 141), Fletcher (1989: 528) and Wall (1996c: 447–9) have indicated that the
type of tourists and their corresponding spending behaviours as well as the geo-
graphical boundaries of the study area will influence the sizes of the multipliers.
Different types of tourists will purchase different types of products and from
different localities within the destination’s economy. Some tourists will want to
purchase only local products or experience ethnic cuisine and, hence, may buy

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authentic handicrafts from a local village and tend to frequent locally owned
restaurants. In both cases, there is a low import content and, hence, a high value
added impact. Wall (1996c) also introduced a largely untouched issue in multi-
plier analysis: that of relationships between size of multipliers and scale of ana-
lysis as reflected in the delineation of study areas. He noted that, as a consequence
of changing the definitional boundaries of the study area, there is an inverse rela-
tionship between gross tourist expenditures and the sizes of economic multipliers
or, in other words, large tourist expenditures become associated with small mul-
tipliers and vice versa. This is because:
1. In a small local economy, businesses supplying tourists with goods and ser-
vices will likely have to go outside the area to acquire their necessary operating
supplies.
2. There are very few local users of the facilities with almost all users being from
outside. Thus all expenditures are from tourist and consequently gross tourist
expenditures are relatively large.
In this scenario, leakages are high and the multipliers are small. Conversely, if the
size of destination area is large there is a greater likelihood that goods and services
will be supplied locally. Furthermore, more users of facilities will be regarded
as locals, decreasing the amount of tourist expenditure as a proportion of total
expenditures. In this situation, leakage is low and the tourist multiplier is higher.
Clearly, the scale of the study area’s boundaries has an influence in calculating
local economic impact using multiplier analysis. The economic phenomenon is
essentially unchanged but the result of the analysis differs substantially.

Applications of tourist multipliers

Typically discussion of the economic contribution of tourism to an economy will
involve the generation of multiplier values and, sometimes, the role of input–output
analysis. One of the most notorious examples of the misuse of tourist multipliers
is contained in the Zinder Report on The Future of Tourism in the Caribbean. Copies
of this report are exceedingly difficult to locate. However, two excellent critiques
of the report are readily available (Bryden and Faber 1971, Levitt and Gulati 1970).
Their comments are useful in demonstrating the methodological and analytical
pitfalls and the misleading interpretations that resulted. Archer has written exten-
sively on tourist multipliers, their application and limitations. The selection of his
references and case studies which are included in the bibliography provide an
excellent introduction to these topics.
The magnitude of income multipliers varies considerably between national and
regional destinations. National multipliers are usually higher than those calculated
for regions, because of the larger economic base and the proportionately smaller
leakages, as noted in the earlier discussion.

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Table 4.6 Tourism income multipliers from selected destinations and regions

Destination Multiplier

Developed countries
USA 1.92
UK 1.73
Turkey 1.96
Republic of Ireland 1.73
Tanzania 0.69
Island nations/small economies
Jamaica 1.23
Dominican Republic 1.20
Bermuda 1.27
Hong Kong 1.02
Singapore 0.94
Fiji 0.72
British Virgin Islands 0.58
Regions
Hawaii (USA) 0.78
Missouri (USA) 0.88
Grand County, Colorado (USA) 0.60
Smaller regions/cities
Victoria (metro), Canada 0.50
Gwynedd, UK 0.37
Isle of Skye, UK 0.25–0.41
City of Winchester, UK 0.19

Sources: After Fletcher 1989, Archer 1982, Kweka, Morrissey and Blake 2001, Frechtling 1996, Lundberg, Stavenga
and Krishnamoorthy 1995, Liu 1986, Vanhove (2005)

A number of tourist multipliers covering a range of geographical areas are pre-

sented in Table 4.6. These values indicate the ratio of income generated by tour-
ist expenditures to the expenditures themselves. Although the calculations were
undertaken largely using input–output analysis, there are distinct differences in
the economies of the areas measured and caution should be taken in making cross-
national or regional comparisons. The examples do confirm previous discussions
that the smaller the area and, in some cases, the less developed the destination, the
smaller the income multiplier tends to be. It is also useful to develop longitudinal
comparisons of multiplier values to determine changes in the local inter-industry
linkages and tourist spending behaviour, and also to provide input to policy
makers in customizing policies and plans, and to draw attention to the need to
enhance linkages within the structure of their economy. Khan, Seng and Cheong
(1990) analyzed multipliers for Singapore, undertaking longitudinal comparisons
as well as comparing multiplier values calculated by different researchers for the
same destination. It was noted that, over the decade of the 1980s, the income mul-
tiplier for Singapore grew from 0.62 to 0.94 and now remains comparable to those

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of Hong Kong and other Asian destinations. Although the Singapore economy has
strengthened its inter-industry linkages, its leakages from imports (29 per cent)
remains high and reduces the multiplier value.
In the case of Cuba, where recent foreign investment and infrastructure develop-
ment laws curbing tourism have been relaxed, the growth of tourist arrivals has
grown dramatically. The tourist industry in Cuba has developed at a rapid pace
in terms of visitor arrivals but the infrastructure is now stretched, making it dif-
ficult to maintain internationally competitive standards. Further, there has not
been a parallel development in general infrastructure directly supporting tourism
or in other secondary industries. A major trade-off, therefore, facing potential
investors in Cuban tourism lies between the appeal of economic incentives and
market potential and the operating challenges caused by a weak infrastructure
and economy. Continued political uncertainty and international trade embargoes
against Cuba make this destination a high-risk, high-potential investment option
(Economic Intelligence Unit 1993, Simon 1995). De Holan and Phillips (1997) also
concluded that, for Cuba, the lack of supporting industries is exacerbated by the
fact that Cuban farms are unable to produce goods to meet international tourist
standards and, in many cases, in a timely way to meet tourist demand. The repatria-
tion of profits from foreign partnerships and the high propensity to import goods
to satisfy demand has severely diluted the Cuban government’s ability to produce
and retain hard currency revenue and has resulted in low multiplier values.
National tourist multipliers are often an inaccurate guide to regional experi-
ences because of the high leakages out of local economies. It should be self-evident
that countries are more self-contained than the regions within them, and have more
diversified economic structures in terms of domestic products and services, are
more likely to be able to use local resources and, therefore, experience a greater
proportion of tourist expenditure as income than is the case for their regions.
Much multiplier research has been undertaken at regional and local levels,
often using fairly sophisticated models. Examples include studies of Gwynedd,
North Wales (Archer, Shea and Vane 1974), the Isle of Skye (Brownrigg and Greig
1975), Greater Tayside (Henderson 1975), the Lothian Region around Edinburgh
in Scotland (Vaughan 1977a) and more recent analyses in Bermuda (Archer 1995),
Vararlberg, Austria (Baier 1994), Norwegian towns (Huse, Gustavsen and Almedal
1998), Queensland, Australia (West 1993), the Okanagan Valley, Canada (Var and
Quayson 1985) and Washington City (Frechtling and Hovarth 1999). Although
some of these studies date back three decades, the multiplier values calculated
and the interpretative principles remain valid and continue to serve and are quoted
as meaningful and relevant examples of multiplier analytical studies.
Vaughan found that the income multiplier in Edinburgh varied between 0.203
for day-trippers to a high of 0.365 for those accommodated in halls of residence
designed for students (Table 4.7). The coefficients indicate that hotel users spend
their money in such a way that more income is generated per unit of tourist

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Table 4.7 Local income coefficients – Edinburgh

Type of accommodation Direct Indirect Induced Total

used by tourist

Hotel 0.205 0.045 0.043 0.293

Guest-house 0.210 0.071 0.049 0.330
Bed and breakfast 0.143 0.077 0.038 0.258
Tent 0.177 0.031 0.036 0.244
Caravan 0.161 0.028 0.033 0.222
Friends and relatives 0.143 0.031 0.030 0.204
Halls of residence 0.279 0.032 0.054 0.365
Other 0.233 0.031 0.046 0.310
Day trips 0.144 0.029 0.030 0.203
Staying visitors (weighted average) 0.191 0.050 0.042 0.283
All visitors (weighted average) 0.189 0.049 0.041 0.279

Source: Vaughan 1977a: 21

expenditure than for those using caravans (trailers), tents or staying with friends
or relatives. Table 4.7 also illustrates the components of local income multipliers.
The largest contribution to local income was made to the direct recipients of tourist
expenditures, with progressively less being generated at subsequent phases of
spending.
Similar results were found by Archer, Shea and Vane (1974) for Gwynedd. The
income multipliers for each of eight categories of tourists, together with a com-
posite tourist multiplier, are shown in Table 4.8. The first column shows the direct
income generated in Gwynedd by 1 unit of tourist expenditure. As in the Lothian
example, income generated by bed and breakfast lodgers (58 pence in £1 of tourist
expenditures) is proportionately higher than that of tourists staying in caravans
(14 pence in £1 of tourist expenditure). In the same example, the additional second-
ary income generated by £1 of expenditure by those staying in caravans is roughly
7 pence (0.2097 minus the direct income effect of 0.1407), whereas the additional
secondary income attributable to £1 of expenditure by bed and breakfast lodgers
is roughly 6 pence (0.6351−0.5775).
Table 4.8 also illustrates the differences in the multiplier coefficients with
variations in the methods of calculation. In column three, the ‘orthodox’ income
multiplier (the ratio of direct, indirect and induced income to direct income alone)
has a composite figure of 1.34. Archer, Shea and Vane (1974: 41) concluded that
this measure is of little importance since it reflects intra-regional production and
consumption relationships, rather than measuring the effect of tourist expenditure.
In the case of ‘orthodox’ multipliers, the coefficient will be greater than unity unless
the indirect and induced income is negative. The ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier
(the ratio of the total income generated to the total initial expenditure) of 0.3682
provides a more realistic picture of the combined effects of tourist expenditures.
In small areas the coefficient is likely to be less than unity because of high leakages.

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Table 4.8 Tourist multipliers in Gwynedd, 1973

Category of tourist Direct Direct, indirect ‘Orthodox’ ‘Unorthodox’

(by type of income and induced income multiplier income multiplier
accommodation used) income [(2) ÷ (1)]
(1) (2) (3) (4)

1. Hotels and guest-houses 0.2265 0.3237 1.43 0.3237

2. Bed and breakfast 0.5775 0.6351 1.10 0.6351
3. Furnished accommodation 0.3389 0.4012 1.18 0.4012
4. Caravans 0.1407 0.2097 1.49 0.2097
5. Holiday cottages 0.1786 0.2682 1.50 0.2682
6. Tents 0.1937 0.2845 1.47 0.2845
7. Friends and relatives 0.1767 0.2836 1.60 0.2836
8. Day trippers 0.2113 0.3032 1.43 0.3032
9. Others* – – – –
Composite multiplier* – – 1.34 0.3682

* Multipliers for holiday camps, hostels, etc., are more difficult to assess and have been omitted from this table.
Source: After Archer, Shea and Vane 1974: 42

In Table 4.9, the ‘unorthodox’ multipliers of the Gwynedd study and the total
income multipliers of the Lothian study are compared. The values are very similar.
An additional column shows the results of another British study undertaken in
the Isle of Skye (Brownrigg and Greig 1975: 267). There are some variations in the
coefficients for specific tourist categories, for example the relatively high coefficient
for Gwynedd bed and breakfast, but the findings are generally consistent across
the studies.
Canadian values for tourist income multipliers are similar to those calculated
in the United Kingdom. Triantis (1979: 276) concluded that in the Muskoka region

Table 4.9 Income multipliers of Gwynedd, Lothian and Skye

Category of tourist Gwynedd Lothian Isle of Skye*

Hotels 0.3237† 0.2930 0.3300

Guest-houses –‡ 0.3300 0.3900
Bed and breakfast 0.6351 0.2580 0.3900
Tent 0.2845 0.2440 0.2700
Caravan 0.2097 0.2220 0.3000
Friends and relatives 0.2836 0.2040 0.2600
Halls of residence –‡ 0.3650 0.2700
Holiday cottages 0.2682 –‡ 0.2850
Day trippers 0.3032 0.2030 0.2200
Composite multiplier 0.3682 0.2648 0.3016

* Composite coefficients for Isle of Skye were calculated as upper and lower estimates only were provided.
†
Guest-houses were included in this calculation and, hence, there is no single value for this category.
‡
No value was given for this category of tourist.
Sources: Vaughan 1977a; Brownrigg and Greig 1975; and Archer, Shea and Vane 1974.

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of Ontario, $1 of tourist expenditure results in 26.5 cents of direct income for local
residents. These 26.5 cents are re-spent to yield an additional 5.7 cents of income
in the second round of spending, 1.2 cents in the third round and 0.3 cents in the
fourth. Income generated from one dollar of tourist expenditure is approximately
34 cents and, hence, the ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier is 0.34.
Many of the studies noted above focus on the income and employment impacts
of tourism on a single destination. Fewer studies have attempted to compare impacts
of tourism between areas. Some studies of island economies (Milne 1992) and others
examining regions within countries (Heng and Low 1990, Huse, Gustavsen and
Almedal 1998, Var and Quayson 1985) are initial attempts at comparative research.
Huse, Gustavsen and Almedal (1998) studied Norwegian towns with similar
results to those of the preceding studies. The sales multiplier (excluding value
added tax) or value of business turnover from direct tourist expenditures ranged
from 1.7 to 4.5 plus a further 1.2 to 1.8 from secondary and induced effects. A
similar variation occurred for employment. This study and others conducted at a
local or regional level concluded the following:

1. There is a direct correlation between the nature and scale of tourist develop-
ment and the ratio of direct industry effects. The more developed the tourist
industry, the higher the ratio of direct effects.
2. The larger and more diverse the structure of the local economy, the greater the
secondary effects and the correspondingly lower rate of leakages and propen-
sity to import by the region.
3. The greater the degree of local ownership and management of the destination’s
local tourist facilities, the higher the direct spin-offs from tourist expenditures.
4. A higher degree of local investment in tourism, particularly in the early phases
of development, will generate a higher ratio of secondary effects over the
longer term.
5. There is not a linear relationship between the growth of tourism and the eco-
nomic benefits to the destination.

Many of the above-mentioned authors caution against the conclusions of com-

parative research, listing inconsistent definitions, poor data and a host of differ-
ences in the economic structures of the destination areas that have been examined.
In spite of these concerns, it is clear that although the specific conclusions from
one area may not be directly generalized to those of another, the pattern of tourist
impacts will vary with time and with the stage of tourist development (Loukissas
1982, Wanhill 1988, Williams and Shaw 1991). These studies are important examples
of those which might be prepared for consideration by policy makers exploring
opportunities for regional development.
Multiplier models vary greatly in their sophistication and rigour. Simplified,
‘ad hoc’ models can be expected to yield less accurate results than those calculated

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by input–output analysis. Input–output tables show the flows of current trans-

actions through an economy for a specified period of time, usually a year. The
various types of business activity are grouped into sectors. Tables show the total
value of sales made by each sector to the other sectors and the purchases made by
each sector from each of the other sectors (Archer 1977c: 1). Regardless of the
sophistication of the multiplier models which are used, the accuracy of results
ultimately depends upon the adequacy of the data. According to Fletcher (1989),
Archer and Fletcher (1990), Hughes (1994) and others, this is a major problem fac-
ing users of multiplier models. The problem is particularly serious at the regional
and local level because, at such scales, data are either not available or not in the
form required for rigorous multiplier analysis. Part of the problem is a reflection
of the nature of the tourist industry itself: it is a multi-product industry that
encompasses a number of different economic activities. Tourist expenditure is
spread across a wide range of businesses and, hence, patterns of expenditure are
often difficult to determine. Tourism is a composite product and its contribution
depends on both the productivity levels within it and those in other sectors. In
other words, increases in productivity levels in tourism may give rise to a cor-
responding expansion in other areas. This is critical for investment and policy
formulation.
In general, multipliers can provide a wealth of information about tourist impacts
by:
1. Identifying the relative significance of tourism in creating local income, employ-
ment and tax revenues;
2. Distinguishing the impact occurring within the tourist sector and its spread to
other sectors;
3. Identifying via linkage analysis the interdependence between tourism and
other sectors of the economy;
4. Identifying the weak linkages within the economy and the capacity of other
sectors to support tourist demand and the overall economic impacts of tourism
in regional economies;
5. Providing information on the degree to which such objectives as maximizing
income and employment, and minimizing foreign exchange losses, are being met;
6. Identifying areas in the economy that require stimulation and others which
bring large benefits and merit expansion.
It should be apparent that multipliers are an extremely valuable tool that can
be used to estimate the economic impacts of tourism in destinations areas. How-
ever, if used and viewed in isolation, multiplier estimates for tourism will provide
a limited insight into the extent to which tourism expansion enhances an area’s
overall economic growth. Thus, it is necessary to turn to other complementary
topics.

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INCOME GENERATION AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF

TOURIST SPENDING
In the absence of the availability of the data required to undertake multiplier ana-
lyses, income generation has also been measured using other approaches. These
have included the tourism satellite approach, the Henderson-Cousins method,
the input–output method, general equilibrium modelling and a national accounts
method. These approaches have been discussed in more detail by Vanhove (2005)
and Dwyer et al. (2004).
Having examined multiplier coefficients, it is appropriate to examine two fur-
ther topics related to income:
1. The total income generated for residents of a destination;
2. The distribution of that income among residents of the destination, i.e. who
benefits from tourist spending?

Total income generation

Again, it is useful to examine the United Kingdom examples of Gwynedd and the
Lothian Region as a basis for discussion. As differences between the multiplier
coefficients were usually found to be quite small between different tourist types,
they were not major factors altering the proportion of total income generated.
However, this is not always the case.
In the Lothian Region, the £18.2 million of tourist expenditure resulted in just
over one-third of that (£5.1 million) in income for Edinburgh residents (Table 4.10).
This smaller amount of local income, as compared with the total injection of money,
is a reflection of the inability of any local economy to extract more than a fraction

Table 4.10 Total income generation for Edinburgh

Type of Expenditure Total income Income as per cent

accommodation of expenditure for
used by tourist (£000s) (%) (£000s) (%) each tourist type

Hotel 7,738 42.5 2,267 44.7 29.2

Guest-house 3,245 17.8 1,070 21.1 32.9
Bed and breakfast 1,926 10.6 497 9.8 25.8
Tent 437 2.4 106 2.1 24.2
Caravan 619 3.4 138 2.7 22.2
Friends and relatives 2,452 13.5 499 9.8 20.3
Halls of residence 560 3.2 204 4.0 36.4
Others 410 2.2 127 2.6 30.9
Day trippers 804 4.4 163 3.2 20.2
Total 18,191 100.0 5,071 100.0

Source: After Vaughan 1977a: 28

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Table 4.11 Total income and output generated within Gwynedd by tourist
expenditure: 1973 ( June–Sept.)

Category of tourist Expenditure ‘Unorthodox’ Income created Output created

(by type of (£000s) income multiplier (£000s) (£000s)
accommodation used)

Hotels and guest-houses 10,867 0.3237 3,518 15,357

Bed and breakfast 7,870 0.6351 4,998 6,310
Furnished accommodation 7,593 0.4021 3,053 7,955
Caravans 6,995 0.2097 1,467 7,694
Holiday cottages* 1,008 0.2682 270 1,398
Tents 2,990 0.2845 851 4,204
Friends and relatives 1,204 0.2836 341 1,518
Holiday camps† 657 – 138 723
Day trippers 1,022 0.3032 310 1,431
Others† 861 – 181 947
Total 41,067 0.3682 15,120 47,537

* This does not include the payment of rates to local authorities nor the expenditure of money on house
improvements or extensions.
†
The multipliers for holiday camps and ‘others’ are difficult to assess and their respective income and output
figures are intended to illustrate the most likely degree of magnitude.
Source: After Archer, Shea and Vane 1974: 48

of any monetary injection because of leakages such as taxation and the purchase
of goods from outside the area. As the multipliers are not greatly dissimilar in this
case, the most important factor determining the impacts of different types of
tourists is the size of their total expenditure. As may be expected, since hotels
claimed the largest proportion of total visitor expenditures (42.5 per cent), they
also contributed the most to local income (44.7 per cent). Tourists staying with
friends or relatives spent 13.5 per cent of all expenditures but, with a relatively
small multiplier, they generated only 9.8 per cent of all local income from tourism.
The last column of Table 4.10 indicates the efficiency with which expenditures are
converted into income by each accommodation sector. Guest-houses and halls of
residence, in particular, generated more income per unit of expenditure than other
types of accommodation. In excess of 36 per cent of total expenditures of those
staying at halls of residence was returned as income, compared with only 20 per
cent for those staying with friends and relatives.
In Gwynedd the total income generated was approximately 37 per cent of total
tourist expenditure. Table 4.11 summarizes the overall monetary impact of tourist
expenditures in Gwynedd and also indicates the part played by each accom-
modation sector. Expenditures of visitors staying in hotels and guest-houses made
up just over one-quarter of all tourist expenditures but created just under a quarter
of the total income. Bed and breakfast accommodation only attracted approxim-
ately one-fifth of total expenditure but generated approximately one-third of the
total income. The proportionately high income generated by bed and breakfast

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patrons was a result of relatively low leakages. Hotels and guest-houses have to
pay for goods, services and capital equipment purchases from outside of Gwynedd
and this, together with payments made to seasonal, ‘imported’ labour, increases
the leakage and reduces the generation of income.
The total income generated by tourist expenditure increases as one extends the
area in which measurement takes place. For example, the 18.2 million of expendi-
tures in Edinburgh generated approximately £5 million for the city of Edinburgh,
a further £66,000 in the rest of the Lothian region, and an additional £793,000 in
the rest of Scotland and elsewhere (Vaughan 1977a: 31). Thus, as the area of invest-
igation increases, the higher the income multiplier or the proportion of expendi-
ture that results in income. This is due to the reduction in the leakage which, in turn,
reflects the greater ability of the larger region to supply the needs of the industry
from within its boundaries.

The beneficiaries of tourist spending

The tourism industry consists of a heterogeneous group of establishments which
provide a wide range of goods and services for tourist consumption (Archer 1972:
42). Some of these firms are totally dependent on tourist spending while others
also cater to local residents and revenue from tourists forms only a small propor-
tion of their business. Many different sectors of the economy, therefore, will be
influenced by tourist spending. The economic impact of tourist spending depends
upon the distribution of the initial round of tourist expenditures and the linkages
or economic organization of the industry within the destination (Tremblay 1998).
Many studies discuss the distribution of the initial round of tourist spending
but relatively few examine the composition of secondary flows and determine
which sectors of the economy benefit from the multiplier effect.
Figure 4.2 shows how the tourist dollar was spent in Florida in 1968 (Lundberg
1972: 139). Comparison of these with other findings, even in the same continent,
is very difficult because the categories of expenditure employed in the various
studies differ. Furthermore, destinations are not influenced by the same economic
variables from one year to the next. For example, it is difficult to compare a study
done in 1960 with one done a decade later as disposable incomes and price dif-
ferentials may be radically different. These have a considerable bearing on travel
behaviour. In Archer’s (1985) case study in Mauritius, the distribution of spend-
ing was significantly different from that reported for Florida: accommodation was
59 per cent, food and beverage 8.3 per cent, transportation and tours 15.8 per cent
and shopping 7.5 per cent.
The distribution of initial rounds of spending will vary greatly with the size of
the destination, the mix of international and domestic tourist arrivals, and the type
of tourism being engaged in and promoted by the destination. Ryan (1991), citing
the analysis of Vaughan from regions in the United Kingdom, found that spending

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Fig. 4.2 Distribution of the tourist dollar in Florida 1968

(Source: Lundberg 1972: 139)

on shopping other than food and drink was as high as 25 per cent. In this case,
although VFR (visiting friends and relatives) tourists had spent similar amounts to
those staying in hotels, the distribution of their initial spending was quite different.
There are few analyses of indirect and induced regional money flows and their
beneficiaries. These secondary effects are most clearly revealed by input–output
analysis. Archer (1996) calculated income multipliers to measure the direct, indir-
ect and induced income, by tourist industry sector, in the Seychelles. He concluded
that 62 per cent of tourist expenditure was at the place of accommodation, 8 per
cent at restaurants, 18 per cent on transport and only 2 per cent on other shop-
ping (excluding handicrafts 5 per cent). The accommodation income multiplier
(combined direct and secondary effects) was 0.5573 for the island.
Harmston (1969: 9) examined both the direct and indirect impacts of tourist
expenditures in Missouri and showed that the main secondary beneficiaries were

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in real estate, rentals and retailing. Another early study by Anthony (1977) meas-
ured the effects of the 1975 expenditures of Americans travelling in the United
States. He found that the direct effects were most prominent in retail trade, air-
lines, accommodation, entertainment and auto services and repair. Indirect effects
were greatest in real estate, wholesaling, maintenance and construction, trucking
and warehousing. Retailing, although highest in direct effects, was low in indirect
and induced effects. The main recipients of tourist spending, particularly second-
ary spending, were service industries. The top five categories (retail, airlines, accom-
modation, motion pictures and amusements, and auto services and repair) received
nearly 65 cents of every dollar of domestic travellers’ expenditures. Apart from
benefits to construction, there appeared to be few linkages to manufacturing and
agriculture or to other sectors of the economy.

Revenues for governments

Income from tourism for governments arises from direct taxation, mainly on tour-
ist manpower, tourism and transport enterprises, user fees and service charges;
from indirect taxation from customs duties and on goods consumed by tourists;
and from payments, loan repayments and revenue from government-owned or
financed tourist enterprises. To these must be added the personal taxes, custom
duties and excise taxes on goods and services paid for, either to service tourists or
to accommodate the secondary increases in economic activity created by tourism.
The major governmental income earners are usually direct taxation and customs
duties. Occasionally governments have tried to estimate the direct tax revenues
from tourism, for example, from hotel and airport taxes. According to Clement
(1967: 71), this is a static approach which leads to distorted results. What is really
important is the total amount of tax revenues, both direct and indirect, that would
not accrue to the government if there were no tourism. Taxes on commercial
tourism products are relatively straightforward examples of consumption taxes
(such as sales and value added taxes) and are usually levied on accommodation,
meals, transportation and fuel. Ad valorem rates and taxes (VAT or GST) are now
commonplace, although the rates of taxation may vary between what tourists
and local residents pay (Spengler and Uysal 1989). The imposition of such taxes
on tourist supplies means that the respective suppliers must be able to build
these costs into their rate structures and be able to compete in the marketplace. In
other more ideal circumstances, governments may launch specific taxes directly
related to tourist consumption and this is often referred to as tax exportation. For
example, user fees are now charged to specific tourists (e.g. park entrance fees),
and exit fees or travel taxes are also imposed to deter foreign travel by residents.
It is estimated that over 70 per cent of countries now implement exit fees and, in
many others, airport departure taxes are common.

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However, the arguments made earlier concerning industry leakages, foreign

ownership and economic scale apply here too. Tax revenues from tourism incomes
are often diluted by high leakages from imports and remittances of profits to
overseas partnerships (Milne 1987: 510). In Archer and Fletcher’s (1996) study
of the Seychelles, the government revenue generated from direct and indirect
sources was nearly one-third of the total income created from tourist expenditure.
Using similar multiplier analysis, Henry and Deane (1997) calculated that in 1990,
the government in Ireland earned 4.1 per cent from the direct effects of total
tourist expenditure but this rose to 8.1 per cent when all secondary effects were
calculated. On the basis of the use of tax multipliers, Lundberg, Stavenga and
Krishnamoorthy (1995) reported that in Kentucky the annual impact of an addi-
tional 100 tourists to a local community was $71,000 in direct tax receipts and
$125,000 when indirect and induced impacts were calculated. However, assess-
ments of tax and duty revenues to governments (particularly regional and local)
should also include discussion of costs to improve or sustain the infrastructure
required to support tourism. Charges can be applied to the emission of pollutants,
production of goods and services or consumers’ use of environmental facilities
such as garbage disposal or street cleaning (Sinclair and Stabler 1997: 201, Turner,
Pearce and Bateman 1994). These charges need to be related directly to the envir-
onmental costs generated by the product and levied if possible only to the actual
users. The introduction of such charges can increase the prices of such products to
tourists and to local residents alike. In the case of governments, however, they can
assist in maximizing the revenues gained from normal taxes by minimizing the
costs that they incur by providing ancillary services.
There is only limited research into the overall contribution of tourism to the tax
base or to the incomes of governments. Such information would be invaluable,
particularly for developing countries attempting to derive urgently needed income
from the expansion of tourism.

TOURISM AND EMPLOYMENT

As has already been demonstrated, substantial research has been undertaken on
the effects on income of tourist expenditures. This is also true of the effects of
tourism on employment and issues of human capital within both the tourist-
generating countries and the receiving destinations. Many studies have examined
the effects of tourism on employment within a specific destination: Bermuda
(Archer 1995), Singapore (Heng and Low 1990, Khan, Seng and Cheong 1990),
Hawaii (Liu 1986), Turkey (Tosun 1999), Ireland (Baum 1993), the Seychelles
(Archer and Fletcher 1996), Korea (Lee and Kang 1998) and Bali (Cukier, Norris
and Wall 1996). Most studies have examined employment impacts from a macro
level and less from an enterprise level, although there is increasing analysis on the

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labour market by sector. This latter perspective is advocated by Castley (1996) and
Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002) to assist in addressing employment management
issues such as skill shortages, training and professional development needs, staff
retention and productivity, and upward mobility. For the purposes of this dis-
cussion, insight will be provided into the work done at a macro level. Sectoral
employment patterns will be considered as part of this discussion. In essence, our
perspective is a supply-side one, considering the structure of employment in rela-
tion to tourism in a destination. Issues in tourist employment have been docu-
mented by such authors as Johnson and Thomas (1992a), Shaw and Williams
(2002), Baum (1993) and Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002).
The diversity of tourist activity and employment, and the existence of several
sub-sectors create difficulties for measuring tourism-specific employment as the
boundaries between sectors are often imprecise. It is also difficult to distinguish
the impacts on employment of tourist expenditures from those of local residents.
Sessa’s (1983) classification of tourist occupations indicates the complex and diverse
nature of tourism. His categories of tourism-related employment were as follows:
construction of tourist infrastructure, maintenance of tourist services, agricultural
suppliers, transportation suppliers, commercial services such as recreation and
retailing, reception services such as sightseeing agents and welcoming services,
and public tourist administration. Some of these are more tourism dependent than
others. In the case of some (agriculture for example), it is difficult to determine
what jobs are dependent on tourism or, for example, whether products are sold
locally to tourists or are exported.
The inherent difficulties in defining the boundaries of tourism employment
are manifested in the absence of official and reliable statistics, a tendency to focus
on accommodation employment only, and the analysis of only those occupations
directly involved in dealing with tourists. The shortcomings of such analyses are
described by Szivas (1999), Shaw and Williams (1994), Cukier-Snow and Wall
(1993) and Burns (1993).
There have been numerous studies of employment in tourism and there are
a number of compelling reasons why this should be so ( Johnson and Thomas
1992b). Such studies are of political significance, particularly when tourism
authorities are lobbying for public funds, especially during periods of unemploy-
ment. A further political motive has been to address the issues of economically
depressed areas and the prospect that tourism might bring new employment
opportunities to such areas. The continued examination of employment within
tourism also has historical benefits by allowing researchers to track important
changes in industrial structure and labour force patterns and the variables influ-
encing such changes. Employment studies in tourism also have value in enabling
policy makers and decision makers to evaluate and forecast the impacts of spe-
cific tourist policies, investment in tourist attractions or of fluctuations in tourist
expenditures.

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McCloy (1975: 49) and Sessa (1983) posed a number of basic questions on rela-
tionships between tourism and employment. Researchers are likely to continue to
address these questions:

1. How many people are employed as a result of the travel industry?

2. What types of job opportunities and job mobility exist in the tourist industry?
3. What skills do people require and what returns and benefits can be expected
from their employment?
4. What is the geographical and temporal distribution of this employment?
5. What capital investment is required to create this employment and maintain
ongoing training of human capital?
6. What is the overall economic contribution to national, regional and local
economies of this employment?
7. What are the remuneration levels of tourism occupations compared to other
sectors?
8. What are the patterns of occupational diversity in relation to standards of ser-
vice requirements, size of the tourist enterprise, location, type of clientele and
seasonality?
9. How have changes in the industry, globalization and tourism technologies
impacted employment?
10. What will be the future significance of the travel industry as a generator of
employment?

Shaw and Williams (2000), Fletcher (1993a) and Lundberg, Stavenga and
Krishnamoorthy (1995) have discussed uses of employment multipliers. Three
types of employment are generated by tourism and they closely correspond with
the types of income discussed in the section on multipliers (Goffe 1975: 26):

1. Direct employment results from visitor expenditures in facilities in direct con-

tact with tourists, such as hotels.
2. Indirect employment is still in the tourist supply sector but does not result
directly from tourist expenditure.
3. Induced employment is the additional employment resulting from the effects
of the tourist multiplier as local residents re-spend the additional money which
they have earned.

Employment generation therefore occurs on these three ways and the employ-
ment multiplier is used to estimate the changes in the number of full-time equi-
valent (FTE) job opportunities created by a change in the level or distribution of
tourist expenditures or, more simply, the number of FTEs generated by a unit of
tourist expenditure.

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Many of the early assessments of jobs created by tourism made reference only
to direct employment. Ouma (1970: 103), for example, noted that the following
numbers of people were directly employed in tourism in Kenya: 7,500 in hotels
and lodges, 1,300 as tour operators, travel agents and organizers and in car hire;
500 safari outfitters; 200 in air charter; 1,500 in curio and other sales; and 1,600 by
government and national parks. Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 45) indicated that,
in Trinidad and Tobago, the creation of two hotel rooms generated permanent
employment for three persons. They cited the example of the then new Hilton
Hotel in Port of Spain generating 400 jobs.
The use of tourist employment multipliers, coupled with the increasing research
emphasis of government tourist organizations, has prompted the undertaking of
studies of secondary employment effects. Archer (1973: 7) adapted an income
multiplier model and estimated the employment generated by tourist activity
in Anglesey (Gwynedd). He calculated that for every nine jobs created directly
by tourist spending, an additional one job, or job equivalent, also resulted. It was
also calculated that £20,930 of tourist expenditure at 1970 prices was required to
generate those nine jobs. Archer (1973: 76) also found that while tourist spending
generated approximately the same income as the equivalent amount of general
spending, the employment created per unit of tourist expenditure was more than
twice that created by general spending. It was noted that 2.39 jobs were created by
each additional £10,000 of general spending, compared with 4.83 jobs in the case
of tourism.
Vaughan (1977a: 10) also used employment multipliers with similar results to
those achieved in the Anglesey study. For example, for halls of residence, the
total employment multiplier was 0.331 (i.e. £10,000 of tourist expenditure created
3.31 jobs). The figure for hotels was 0.187 and for caravans it was as low as 0.113
(Table 4.12). In other words, visitors using the most intensive types of accom-
modation generated the largest number of employment equivalents. Vaughan’s
study is also instructive in that he divided the total employment created into direct,
indirect and induced categories and calculated the proportion of the employment

Table 4.12 Edinburgh: Total employment multiplier at the city level

(per £1,000 of visitor expenditure)

Serviced accommodation Unserviced accommodation

Hotel 0.187 Tent 0.121

Guest-house 0.208 Caravan 0.113
Bed and breakfast 0.284 Friends and relatives 0.126
Halls of residence 0.331 Others 0.250
Weighted average 0.210 Weighted average 0.136

Source: After Vaughan 1977a: 34

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Table 4.13 Edinburgh: Components of the employment coefficients at the city level
(per £1,000 of visitor expenditure)

Type of accommodation used by tourist Direct Indirect Induced Total

Serviced accommodation 0.157 0.025 0.029 0.212

Unserviced accommodation 0.101 0.013 0.022 0.136
Weighted average 0.142 0.022 0.027 0.192

Source: Vaughan 1977a: 35

multiplier attributable to each (Table 4.13). Not surprisingly, more jobs were
created in the direct employment category.
Other studies, using less sophisticated methodologies, include total employ-
ment figures but do not relate them to a given amount of tourist expenditure. For
example, Bond and Ladman (1973) indicated that 90,000 additional jobs were
created in Arizona in 1972 as a spin-off of ‘basic’ employment in tourism. This
figure was calculated by the application of a multiplier of 2.6 jobs in ‘non-basic’
activities for every position in ‘basic’ employment.
At a national level several studies have applied the multiplier concept to gen-
erate estimates of employment of varying types. Archer and Fletcher (1996) cal-
culated for the Seychelles that tourism directly generated 22.4 per cent of total
employment on the island, totalling 3,772 jobs. Approximately 24 tourists created
one direct job but total employment (direct and secondary) attributable to tourism
reached 8,317, indicating that for every direct tourism job, an additional 1.2 sec-
ondary jobs were created. In the case of the Seychelles, 10.8 tourists were needed
to support one job. Khan, Seng and Cheong (1990) expressed the employment
ratio in a slightly different way in their Singapore study: one million Singapore
dollars of tourist expenditure created 33 jobs. In these studies, as well of those of
Pavaskar (1982) in India and Liu (1986) in Hawaii, not surprisingly, the greatest
overall impact on employment was made by tourists with the highest spending.
However, this also varied by the tourists’ countries of origin. It means that the pat-
tern of tourist expenditure is also important for employment. Somewhat similarly,
the studies also noted differences in multiplier estimates by tourist sector. In the
Seychelles for example, the highest multiplier estimates were for small hotels,
local bus and taxi transportation (0.020 and 0.029 respectively) but were lowest in
retail shopping (0.008) and car rentals (0.12) (Archer 1996). Employment multipliers
have also been employed in studies of specific attractions. Johnson and Thomas
(1991) measured the local employment impact of the North of England Open Air
Museum in Beamish where 15 direct jobs were created within the key facility, plus
a further 64 indirect and induced jobs. The latter figure of 64 coincidentally was
the same number of jobs that were diverted from other areas in the North-east
region. In addition to looking at the employment effects of a tourist the attraction,

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Fig. 4.3 Measures of tourism employment

(Source: After Heerschap 1999: 394)

these studies have looked beyond the attraction itself to the impact to the sur-
rounding area.
As in the case of income, compilation and analysis of tourist employment data
are still evolving. This is because of the limited attention paid to date in tourism
economics to the roles of human resources and employment (outside of multi-
plier and input–output methods), the challenges imposed by the complex charac-
teristics of tourism itself and because different countries use different sources
and approaches in collecting data (Heerschap 1999: 390). Tourist employment is a
function of consumer demand for goods and services that is satisfied by a multi-
plicity of linked enterprises that are patronized, in many cases, by both tourists
and residents. Given the size of tourism and the unusual demand and supply
complexities, in many cases conclusions about tourist employment are drawn by
inference rather than specialized empirical analysis.
Acknowledging such methodological complications, innovative approaches
using TSAs (see above) combine both supply and demand and supply-side data
and promise improvements in the quality of tourist employment data. Heerschap
(1999: 394) explained this as follows (Figure 4.3). By its nature, tourist expenditure,
and hence tourist employment, encompasses the outputs of almost every industry
in the economy (B + C). Therefore the major problem for a supply-side approach
is which tourist industries to include. Only a few industries depend heavily on
tourism (A + B), while there are many other industries that also rely, but only
partly, on the expenditures of visitors. These include retailing, banks and com-
munications (C). The degree of dependence on tourism varies greatly by industry,
by region and even in time. At the same time, the industries defined as the ‘tour-
ism industry’ (A + B) can cater to the needs of non-visitors (A) as well as visitors
(B). Therefore, it is often the case that only a proportion of their employment
can be associated with tourism. As a result, employment in the tourist-related
industries (A + B) may not match exactly the total employment generated by the

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expenditures of visitors (B + C). This is because the selected tourist industries can
also provide products and services to non-visitors and, also, visitors spend their
money not only on products and services of the selected tourist-related industries,
but also on products and services of a variety of other industries.
To solve this problem, at least in part, a connection has to be made between the
demand and supply sides of tourism. In general terms, with the expenditure of
visitors (demand-side) in the selected tourist industries and, for example, the total
output (supply-side) of these industries, tourist ratios per industry can be calcu-
lated. These tourist ratios can then be used to allocate employment in the selected
industries to a tourist employment account, excluding employment generated by
the expenditures of non-visitors (Figure 4.3). These tourist ratios can usually be
derived in a TSA.
However the separation of A from B, that is excluding non-tourist employment
from tourist employment, solves only one part of the problem. The size of C, tourist
employment outside the selected industries, is still unclear. Again the TSA can be
a good source of information. The TSA can provide insights into which industries
are important (B) and which industries are less important (C) for tourism by con-
necting tourist consumption on the demand side with the supply side of tourist
goods and services.
The advantages of integrating an employment module into the TSA are:
1. It links demand and supply components of tourism and can provide values of
both direct and indirect employment.
2. It provides an indication of which industries provide employment opportunities
and as a large number of tourism enterprises are small, many jobs are self
employed.
3. It provides insights into labour volumes (FTEs) and rates of compensation by
industry sector.
4. It can provide compensation levels by gender and variations in seasonality of
both full and part-time jobs.
5. It provides a consistent and internationally acceptable framework for the
measurement of the relationships between tourism and employment.
Tourism activity clearly generates employment, often in abundance. In Canada
in 2000, tourism-related jobs totalled nearly 550,000 or 3.7 per cent of total employ-
ment in the economy. In Australia it is 6.8 per cent and Ireland 7.7 per cent, while
in other destinations where tourism ranks more highly than other industries it
reaches much higher levels: Seychelles 38 per cent, Macau 32 per cent, the Maldives
36 per cent and Bermuda 56 per cent. The TSA model also reveals patterns of
employment by sector and Canada’s situation is shown in Figure 4.4.
A further outcome of the integrated model has been the ability to provide values
of labour compensation and the contribution of jobs within a specific sector toward
the GDP (Table 4.14). The importance of such measures lies in their use by tourism

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Fig. 4.4 Tourism employment by industry: 546,400 jobs (2000)

(Source: Canadian Tourism Commission Statistics Canada 2000)

Table 4.14 Labour compensation and productivity (1992)

Industry Compensation ($ per job) GDP ($) per job

Accommodation 23,200 29,500

Food and beverage services 14,000 16,600
Passenger transport 37,800 47,600
Recreation and entertainment 16,200 22,700
Travel services 31,600 36,500
Total tourism industry 23,000 31,000
Total economy 13,084 29,200

Source: Canadian Tourism Commission and Statistics Canada (2002)

advocates, management groups and policy makers to develop employment plat-

forms that address productivity, turnover, compensation, mobility and their con-
tribution to the local economy.

The characteristics of tourist employment

Although studies adopt differences in terminology, classifications and methodo-
logies, and the data may include statistical inconsistencies, sufficient evidence
exists to make some general observations about tourist employment. These are
summarized as follows:
1. Employment and income effects are closely related.
2. Tourism employment effects vary by tourist activity and travel arrangement and
as a large number of tourism enterprises are small, many jobs are self employed.

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3. Tourism employment is characterized by low-wage occupations, part-time and

casual employment.
4. Tourism employment is generally characterized by low skill levels and low entry
requirements.
5. Tourism employment is strongly seasonal.
6. Tourist employment effects are often disguised and, hence, not visible, recognized
or acknowledged.
7. Tourist employment has its own unique gender structure.
Each of these points will be considered in turn.
First, employment and income effects are closely, though not perfectly, related.
They are analogous in that primary or direct employment and income can be dis-
tinguished from secondary or indirect employment and income. There is a causal
relationship between tourism-generated income and employment but they are not
necessarily of equal size nor need they be created at the same time. Income and
employment multipliers are not identical and the maximization of income does
not necessarily lead to the simultaneous maximization of employment.
Secondly, the effects on employment are influenced by the type of tourist activ-
ity. Some types of tourism are more labour-intensive than others. Accommodation
facilities, particularly hotels and boarding houses, and other front-office customer
service positions employ a substantial proportion of the labour force in destina-
tion areas. Figure 4.4 illustrates that in Canada the majority of the tourist labour
force is employed in the service activities of accommodation, restaurants and
entertainment and retailing. As many of these place importance on personal, face-
to-face customer service, this is not surprising. These industry components are
also less capital-intensive than many ‘back of house’ areas such as food produc-
tion. The high labour intensity of tourism is also a feature of the industry itself:
many small niche entrepreneurs are mainly labour suppliers.
A third feature of tourism employment is that it is characterized by low-wage
occupations, compared to many other industries. Bull (1991) suggested a number
of reasons for this:
1. Many jobs are unskilled and are recognized as such even if they include aspects
of customer service.
2. Many positions are transitory and turnover is high.
3. Unionization and collective bargaining are often weak.
4. In some areas there is no alternative employment opportunity to tourism.
He noted that in OECD countries, tourism compensation levels are 5 to 35 per cent
lower than that in other sectors. In many developing countries where tourist infras-
tructure development is in its infancy, the local labour pool is often large and job
competition forces the overall compensation level down. However, the reverse
can also occur and where local labour pools may be scarce the wage level will rise.
Outside labour may be imported to meet the labour market needs.

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A fourth characteristic is the low compensation levels that have been associated
with tourist employment. This is largely the outcome of its low skill level and the
propensity for tourist suppliers in destinations to employ part-time and casual
labour. Riley (1991), Lucas (1995) and Wood (1992) concluded that the dominance
of semi- and unskilled positions within hospitality and tourist work are one of the
main explanations for the industry’s reputation for low compensation levels and
poor working conditions. Such perspectives are overwhelmingly a developed-
world stereotype and describe the tourism employment situations predominantly
in Western Europe, North America and parts of Asia (Baum 1996: 207). This per-
ception emanates from the heavy emphasis on technical skills perceived to be
required in such areas as food preparation, food service and front-office jobs. How-
ever, Baum argued that it neglects the dimensions of service and communication
that are also required in a culturally diverse industry. The weighting towards
technical skills as opposed to customer service skills has created a hierarchical dif-
ference in compensation, with the latter receiving the lower levels of pay.
The quality of customer service skills has received new attention even in the
developed world with increased investment in job training and vocational educa-
tion. However, the transferability of both the above-mentioned technical and ‘soft’
skills to the developing world reveals a different picture. For example, it is more
challenging to establish these skills and obtain the investment required to develop
the skills in a newly emerging tourist destination in the developing world as these
skills and attitudes are often not part of the local culture (Liu and Wall 2005, 2006).
Even in many established tourist destinations in the developing world, such as
Thailand, Indonesia and China, where local labour pools are large, they have had
to look elsewhere to recruit skills that are required to meet the service and com-
munication standards expected by international tourists. From this perspective,
Diamond (1977) and Baum (1996) concluded that very few tourism-related jobs
are unskilled and, in fact, only 15 to 25 per cent of the workforce falls into this
category.
Part-time tourism jobs are often considered inferior to full-time jobs with in-
herent qualities of low pay, overtime and poor training opportunities. Ryan (1991)
extended this argument that low wages reflect low productivity. Citing manpower
studies from the United Kingdom, both Ryan (1991) and Thomas and Townsend
(2001) pointed out that the hotel industry, leisure attractions, museums and night-
clubs all have high staff turnovers and all are characterized by very few full-time
employees. Low productivity and low wages are negative features of tourism
employment and partly explain the positive employment multipliers already dis-
cussed. A detailed analysis of the image of tourism employment, the determinants
of its attractiveness and accessibility, and debates around the relationships of pro-
ductivity, compensation and skill are covered by Riley, Ladkin and Szivas (2002).
A fifth characteristic of tourism employment is strong seasonality, manifested
in part-time employment, low wage and seasonal jobs and high turnover rates.

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Seasonal demands in tourism may, in some cases, create labour shortages in key
areas but these are often satisfied by student labour and the employment of family
members, particularly in small enterprises (Tosun 1999: 236). Although many
strategies have been adopted in an attempt to extend the tourist season, there is
only limited evidence that these have worked and that destinations have reduced
their dependency on seasonal and part-time employees.
A sixth consideration is that the employment effects of tourism are often dis-
guised. In creating employment, tourism may take people from other sectors of the
economy, particularly rural people and individuals not normally considered as
part of the available workforce, such as the mother, the retired and the unemployed,
and individuals from workforces outside of the monetary economy. This often
makes it difficult to gauge the real impact of tourism on employment. Impacts of
tourism reach beyond a narrowly defined destination area so that a concentration
upon the destination area alone can mask other employment changes. As already
indicated, the new jobs are often part-time and seasonal. They may be filled by
people taking a second job, in which case tourism induces a fuller utilization of
those who are already employed but may not lead to appreciable decreases in
unemployment figures. Tosun (1999: 239), citing examples in Turkey and Kenya,
concluded that the migration of workers to newly developed tourist areas created
depopulation in the source area and left unfilled jobs in many of its primary pro-
duction sectors. Individuals may leave another industry to take employment in
tourism. Conlin and Baum (2003) noted that this is particularly marked in island
economies where the seasonal migration of workers from one island to another
leads to a dilution of the skills often needed in the economies in the islands of
origin. This will result in vacancies in other sectors of the economy and these may
be filled by imported labour. The importation of labour may have negative effects
because it usually intensifies leakages. In cases where much of the supply is foreign-
owned and the labour force is foreign, the repatriation of salaries will intensify
leakages from the tourist destination (Burns 1994, Conlin 1993). Thus, the local
employment structure and skill levels prior to the advent of tourist development
are likely to be as much a determinant of employment effects as tourism itself.
A final characteristic of tourism employment in both developed and develop-
ing economies is that it is structured by gender. As women and men are involved
differently in both the production and consumption of tourism, so too will the
consequences of tourism differ for them. The extent to which women and men are
involved in various tourist employment categories and the cultural acceptability
of these positions in tourism will greatly influence the associated opportunities
and impacts and their variation by gender (Cukier, Norris and Wall 1996: 250,
Wall and Norris 2002). Some tourism studies have addressed this gendered
employment structure (Breathnach, Henry, Drea and O’Flaherty 1994, Hennessy
1994, Kinnaird, Kothari and Hall 1994, Swain 1995). These studies all noted that
the majority of jobs in most tourism tasks are held by women, particularly the low

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paid, part-time and seasonal positions, and that most of the managerial positions
in tourism are undertaken by men (Sinclair 1997). Again, tourism has certainly
created new opportunities for women, particularly in developing countries and
rural areas. Local women who were traditionally involved in domestic duties at
home are now performing the same kinds of duties in tourism facilities as well as
within their own homes (Canoves and Pérez 2002). This was evident in Greece
(Leontidou 1994), in the Caribbean (Momsen 1994) and in Cyprus (Sinclair and
Stabler 1997: 145). Women, in gaining employment in tourism, have also gained
greater independence within their households and higher levels of income.
Implications for traditional gender roles and family structure are now also sur-
facing and the work of Sinclair and Stabler (1997) in Cyprus and Cukier, Norris
and Wall (1996) in Bali offer insights into the complexities of the role of gender in
tourism employment. More thorough overviews of the relationships of gender
and tourism have been prepared by Kinnaird and Hall (1994), Sinclair (1997), Wall
and Norris (2002) and Swain and Momsen (2002).
In summary, it is evident that tourism creates employment and, with some
minor reservations, this is generally of benefit to the economy. Research on employ-
ment in tourism has concentrated on determining the number of jobs associated
with tourism, the branches of the industry that offer employment opportunities
and, to a lesser extent, capital–employment ratios. Some research has examined the
skills involved in undertaking tourist jobs, the returns which can be expected and
the role of this employment in local and regional economic growth. Considerable
progress has also been made in the establishment of methodologies for estimating
tourist-generated employment. A number of national analyses have used TSA
accounts, and such data and approaches are now being used more frequently. In
spite of the substantial empirical base, there are dangers in the blind application of
standard ratios, for the relationships between employment and receipts or income
vary from place to place with differences in the existing employment structure
and types of tourist activity. A number of sophisticated techniques for measur-
ing employment have emerged over the last decade but, apart from the increased
use of multipliers and TSAs, they have not yet received much use in studies of
tourism. Detailed accounts of methodological developments in the estimation
of employment generation can be found in the works of Archer (1973: 67–77) and
Frechtling (1975) and, more recently, by Johnson and Thomas (1992a).

TOURISM AND ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY

The role of entrepreneurial activity and how tourism enterprises operate in dif-
ferent economies is an integral part of understanding tourist impact in economic
development (Morrison, Rimmington and Williams 1999, Shaw and Williams
2002). The concept of entrepreneurship in tourism and discussion of the factors
affecting such activity in a destination have only been recently documented (Dahles

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and Bras 1999, Din 1992, Herbig, Golden and Dunphy 1994, Jafari 1989, Morrison,
Rimmington and Williams 1999, Page, Forer and Lawton 1999, Shaw and Williams
2004).
The extent to which local entrepreneurs can become involved in tourism and
can establish linkages with local entrepreneurs in other activities depends upon:
1. The types of suppliers and producers with which the industry’s demands are
linked;
2. The entrepreneurial capacity of local suppliers to meet these demands. Here,
capacity refers to managerial capabilities, availability of fiscal resources and the
societal structure of the destination;
3. The historical development of tourism in the destination area;
4. The type of tourist development;
5. The balance between local and foreign entrepreneurial activity.
Lundgren (1973) examined these factors in the Caribbean and his study is one of
the few detailed investigations of tourist-related entrepreneurial activity. Lundgren
attempted to determine the nature and magnitude of entrepreneurial activity gen-
erated by different forms, stages and rates of hotel development. There are certain
merits in concentrating upon accommodation:
1. It is a part of the tourism sector, which absorbs a large proportion of tourist
expenditure, i.e. 35 per cent of the tourist dollar in the Caribbean is spent on
accommodation;
2. The accommodation sector is an important producer of goods and services and
requires an efficient supply system. Its demands must be met by various other
sectors of the economy, of which the supply of food is one of the most basic.
Demand–supply relationships between hotels and local entrepreneurs differ
with the type of hotel development. Gradual hotel development is characterized
by a succession of improvements and expansions of the infrastructure over an
extended period of time. This creates a gradual increase in the demand for local pro-
duce. This is important to developing economies where there may be an inability
to meet sudden increases in demand from local capacity. The early stage of this
pattern of development is represented in Figure 4.5(a). Initially, increased demand
is paralleled by local supply. If demand continues to climb, the local supply capa-
city may be exceeded. This may be due to the restricted availability of space for agri-
cultural expansion, a lack of technological innovation, and growing competition
from foreign producers who are attracted by the expanding market. Eventually,
because of inelasticity in the local food supply, there is a growing dependence on
imported goods.
Most tourist development in developing countries emerges with large, metro-
politan hotel complexes so that the pattern of entrepreneurship can be expected to

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Economic consequences

Fig. 4.5 Tourist-generated entrepreneurial activity

(Source: After Lundgren 1973)

be different from the one which has been outlined above with strongly integrated
systems with foreign suppliers (Archer 1995, Belisle 1983) (Figure 4.5(b)). Hotel
development in many of these countries has been rapid and has created an immedi-
ate demand for large volumes of agricultural products. Local suppliers are often
unable to meet these demands. The hotels and foreign suppliers develop a closely
integrated system, which does not permit local suppliers to take advantage of
the expanded market. Belisle (1983) noted that hotels’ high propensity to import
foodstuffs and inability to establish links with local food producers were the
result of hotels importing food to meet foreign tourists’ tastes, their willingness to
pay for reliable, high-quality products, often at cheaper rates, their mistrust of
local sanitation conditions and their lack of awareness of local suppliers. Telfer
and Wall (1996: 640) concluded that these situations are usually governed by the
size of the enterprises and the interrelationships between entrepreneurs, each
with differing access to local resources. Many developing countries have failed to
progress past this stage of development and this has resulted in resentment and
charges of neocolonial domination.
Lundgren suggested that if the situation was permitted to change, two further
stages of entrepreneurial development would be possible (Figure 4.6). Follow-
ing the initial stage that has been described, the intermediate stage would see the
development of a locally based and controlled supply system. A large wholesale/
marketing distributor would facilitate the participation of local suppliers and this
would result in the erosion of the foreign dominance of the supply system. The
final, advanced stage sees further expansion of local wholesaling which, in turn,
stimulates growth within agriculture, leading to an intensification of production
and further hinterland development. Although it is attractive to think of a sequence
of developmental stages, the exact pattern of entrepreneurial activity is likely to

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Tourism and entrepreneurial activity

Fig. 4.6 Stages of entrepreneurial activity

(Source: After Lundgren 1973)

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vary from place to place, in part because of the factors affecting linkages, which
were listed above. Nevertheless, it is essential that the tourist industry is serviced,
as far as possible, by local producers if its full potential contribution to the local eco-
nomy is to be realized. This will depend, largely, on the ability of the destination
area to break the stranglehold of foreign suppliers and to intensify the economic
links with local suppliers. Although somewhat dated and simplistic, Lundgren’s
model does highlight backward linkages in tourism’s demand for food and does
provide a planning framework for developing countries as they develop tourism
resort destinations.
On the other hand, working on Antigua, another island economy, Weaver (1988)
described a somewhat different sequence of events as agriculture became progres-
sively undermined by a growing tourist industry. However, changes in patterns
of agricultural production in many rural economies are not endemic to tourism.
Many of the changes have been the result of demographic pressures, technological
progress, employment opportunities outside of the rural economy, modifications
in patterns of land ownership, increased competition in a global economy and a
gradual weakening of state intervention in agriculture. Tourism, though not always
a major cause, has often contributed to the acceleration of such changes.
Most developing countries seem to be in the initial or intermediate stages of
Lundgren’s framework where the tourist industry tends not to be well embedded
in the local economy. Development in many instances has also been rapid and
the types of accommodation constructed will now have a bearing on the linkages
established with local entrepreneurs. In the case of Kenya (Summary 1987), the eco-
nomy was large enough to permit backward linkages between tourism and local
agriculture. The strength of linkages will also vary with the branch of the tourist
industry. Although the accommodation sector may not have strong backward
linkages to agriculture in Mexico, the tourist industry does have strong linkages
to construction and the demand for handicrafts has strong linkages back to small
factories and cottage industries (Bond and Ladman 1982).
The above discussion has focused on local entrepreneurial activity with back-
ward linkages being determined by the structure of the local economy and the
stage of economic development. More recent work has also determined that three
other factors will influence local entrepreneurial activity:
1. The business culture as part of the overall social system of the destination;
2. The entrepreneurial skills, experience and motivation of destination residents;
3. The availability and nature of capital sources for entrepreneurial initiatives.
The encouragement of entrepreneurial activity is generally regarded as a beneficial
impact of tourist activity. The profits that result often accrue to only a small sec-
tion of the local population. However, the indirect benefits of improved economic
and social services have been sufficient to counter such criticisms among some
observers.

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TOURISM AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

Throughout this chapter it has been shown that tourism can often induce eco-
nomic benefits for destination areas. It is likely that the development of tourism
has been accompanied by other changes in the economic structure of destinations.
However, little is known about the nature of such changes. The literature makes
little reference to changes in industrial production as a result of tourist develop-
ment. This may be because tourism and many types of industry are often viewed
as being incompatible, so that one has expanded at the expense of the other. Never-
theless, it has also been assumed that industrialization is a necessary compon-
ent of modernization and that tourism can accentuate that process. The greatest
changes in economic structure have probably occurred when the transformation
has been from an essentially primary producing economy to one dominated by
tourism. Such changes are more pronounced and readily identifiable than in less
extreme modifications in economic structure. They have been mentioned in the
literature, although coverage of these effects is far from exhaustive. Few studies
make a convincing case for the existence of external economies arising from tour-
ism development. However, there is little doubt that the tourist industry exhibits
backward linkages and that external economies have emerged. For example,
improvements to local and regional transportation networks, water quality,
sanitation facilities and garbage disposal may have been prompted by the tourist
industry but benefit other sectors of the economy. The construction of an inter-
national airport may provide improved access to other areas for local residents
and locally produced goods. Tourism may also benefit property owners through
positive effects on real estate prices, although this may create difficulties for young
locals who wish to purchase property.
A principal change that has occurred in rural economies has been the occupa-
tional shifts of rural inhabitants. Many farmers and wage earners have left the
land to pursue more lucrative jobs in tourism or in construction. Jobs outside of
agriculture may be more attractive so that few young people remain in rural areas
and the future of farming in such areas is in jeopardy. The structural change from
agriculture to tourism also creates changes in land-use patterns. Tourism increases
the competition for land, raising land prices and encouraging sales, contributing
to the fragmentation of landholdings. Land is sold in smaller units and at higher
prices and this contributes to inflation. The victims of this inflation are the young
residents trying to purchase land or homes. At the same time, the area becomes
less self-sufficient and increasingly dependent on national and international eco-
nomic conditions.
It is easy to paint such changes in a negative light. However, there are docu-
mented cases where the development of tourism has arrested and even reversed
population decline in marginal agricultural areas (Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998,
Diem 1980, Shaw and Williams 2002). Greenwood (1976: 138) noted that it is possible

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for tourism to stimulate population growth and, simultaneously, lead to increased

farm profits. As a result of the transformation, residents may have a higher stand-
ard of living but this may be gained at the expense of numerous social side effects,
which, depending on the perspective of the viewer, may be good or bad. These
have been discussed by Friedl (1972), Greenwood (1976) and Pacione (1977) and
also constitute the subject matter of Chapter 6.

Tourism and regional economic development

Several studies have been examined that focused on the impacts of tourism on
local and regional economies. In many cases these studies have been undertaken in
isolation and their conclusions have not been viewed as part of a broader frame-
work of tourism’s role in regional development. A number of generic discussions
have emerged concerning tourism as a vehicle in regional development (Kotler,
Haider and Rein 1993, Sanford and Dong 2000, Swarbrooke 2001), the majority
of these focusing on the regional imbalances between metropolitan centres and
peripheral or rural areas.
In many of these regions tourism has developed spontaneously and in the
absence of a well-defined tourism or regional development policy. In other regions
such as Languedoc-Rousillon and Corsica in France, Scotland and Mexico, tour-
ism has been consciously used as a regional development tool (Pearce 1989: 60).
Tourism has also been used as a tool in regional development in Malaysia
(Oppermann 1992), urban centres in the United States (Beauregard 1998) and in
rural areas (Sharpley and Sharpley 1997). On a broader scale, the European Regional
Development Fund (ERDF) was established in 1975 as a financial instrument to
implement community regional policies and to provide financial assistance to
projects supporting these policies. Although tourism played a limited role in the
first decade of the ERDF’s operations, there was a significant change in the late
1980s with the United Kingdom, Italy and Greece all accessing the fund for tour-
ism initiatives (Pearce 1998: 16). The characteristics of tourism’s role in regional
development are usually described in the following ways:
1. Tourist development in peripheral regions is largely focused on areas rich in
tourist attractions (natural, cultural and heritage) and by turning these into
exports leads to redistribution of national income to benefit the host area.
2. An increased demand for tourist resources requires increased production in the
host region, stimulating new direct tourist-related activities, an increase in the
production of indirect suppliers, the creation of new employment, additional
incomes and increased consumption overall (Mihalič 2002).
3. The increased consumption in the host region by its growing population will
theoretically increase the per capita income of its residents and reduce the

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Economic impacts of special events and specific tourist industry activities

relative difference in per capita incomes between the developed and less
developed regions.
4. The development of tourism can occur in regions that have declining traditional
resource-based economies or an underdeveloped economy. Such regions may
be unsuitable for the development of manufacturing, and tourism may be a
viable option for regions with limited paths to development.

In essence, tourism can contribute to regional development by reducing the

inequalities among regions; at least it has the potential to do so. However, success
has often been frustrated by a number of factors:

1. The high seasonality of tourist demand;

2. Problems of accessibility and distance from major markets;
3. Limited infrastructure;
4. Limited human resources within the host regions, i.e. ageing populations and
a low level of skills and education;
5. Reliance by the region on external sources of investment and operational
resources;
6. The lack of flexibility in host regions to adapt their infrastructures and attrac-
tions to reflect increasing competition and to meet the needs of alternative forms
of tourism.

The role of tourism in regional development continues to be debated and the

central question that emerges is: ‘Who benefits from tourism development?’ Pearce
(2002), Telfer (2002b), Sharpley and Telfer (2002) and Roberts and Hall (2001)
provide useful discussions on the theoretical relationships between tourism and
regional development and case studies that illustrate successes and challenges.

ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF SPECIAL EVENTS AND SPECIFIC

TOURIST INDUSTRY ACTIVITIES

Special events play an important role in the development plans of local, regional
and national authorities. Considerable investments are made by these organiza-
tions in the staging of such events and they are often seen as bringing economic
benefits to the destination. In fact, tourist development itself may be seen as a
rationale for staging hallmark events and their staging may be a strategy to balance
the seasonal demand of a tourist destination (Crompton 1979, Faulkner 2003a, b,
Getz 1989, 1992a, Hall 1987). Initial economic assessments of hallmark events were
characterized by overstated benefit–cost ratios (Hall 1992a). More rigorous frame-
works (similar to the ones covered earlier in this chapter) have been adopted in the

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last decade to measure the economic impacts of events (Burns, Hatch and Mules
1986, Faulkner 2003a, Mules and Faulkner 1996) and academic interest in special
events is seen in the initiation of a specific journal, Festival Management, and the
publication of a number of ‘How to do it’ texts, e.g. Getz (1992a). Faulkner (2003a,
b) and Getz (1994) have provided detailed reviews of many of the topics covered
in this chapter but oriented specifically for the analysis of staged events. The inter-
ested reader should consult these sources. However, the economic effects of spe-
cial events can be grouped into four types according to their source:

1. Expenditures by visitors from outside of the region either retained by the event
organizers or the local community;
2. Capital expenditures required for the set-up and operation of the event;
3. Expenditures incurred by the event organizers (such as salaries and advertising)
associated with both the promotion and staging of the event; and
4. Switched expenditures which are the expenditures made on the event as sub-
stitutes for other goods and services in other parts of the destination. It may
also include the redirection of public expenditures by local, regional or national
governments away from public works or infrastructure towards the promotion
and or operation of the event (Mules and Faulkner 1996).

The assessment of economic impacts to a destination or site from a specific tourist

or recreation activity has received little attention from researchers, although there
are exceptions (see, for example, Hvenegaard, Butler and Krystofiak 1988 on bird
watching). As noted earlier in this chapter general economic impacts of tourism
on developed and newly developing areas have now been well documented by
researchers. The economic significance of specific tourist activities in many coun-
tries and specific localities are substantial. For example, skiing in Banff, Canada or
Mount Hutt, New Zealand, or golf in Ireland or themed attractions in Orlando,
Florida, all bring significant economic impacts to their respective localities. Recent
analyses of the cruise business (Dwyer and Forsyth 1998) and of air tours to the
Grand Canyon (Schwer, Gazel and Daneshvary 2000) illustrate the utility of such
case studies as well as the role that these activities and sites play in the broader
tourist economy. The latter study revealed that Grand Canyon tourists contributed
annually US$443.5 million directly to the Southern Nevada economy and a further
US$760 in indirect effects. Given that nearly one-third of Grand Canyon visitors
indicated that visiting the Grand Canyon was the reason for visiting Nevada, the
elimination of this attraction would have significant effects on the state of Nevada.
As discussions progress locally on environmental issues related to the attraction
itself (noise levels in particular) and the newly proposed rules for air travel in the
region, this research should provide useful input to policy makers.
Although, the cruise industry has grown very rapidly in number of passengers
(annual growth of 9 per cent was forecast for 2003) and environmental impacts,

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very few published studies address the specific economic impacts of this sector
on destination areas (Archer 1995, Mescon and Vozikis 1985). Increased cruising
capacity and the development of a range of new itineraries by cruise lines have
exposed many new destinations to the economic benefits the industry accrues. The
large number of visitors that inundate ports of call for short periods may result in
large retail sales but seldom stimulates accommodation establishments because
the visitors usually return to their vessels before nightfall. As for other forms of
tourism, the foreign exchange earnings and the economic impacts on the host eco-
nomy will depend on the direct and indirect visitor expenditures, the functional-
ity of the port or destination (port of call or embarkation port) and the proportion
of the associated expenditures by the cruise lines on local versus imported goods
and services. Government charges for navigation services and port charges will
also yield a fee or tax income to the destination and a profit if they exceed the costs
of supplying the services. Many of the concepts discussed already, such as leak-
ages from the repatriation of labour salaries, the importation of goods and services
and the amount and distribution of additional economic activity from cruise ship
activity have been well summarized by Dwyer and Forsyth (1998).

THE ECONOMIC COSTS OF TOURISM

The emphasis of this chapter has been on the economic benefits that destina-
tion areas receive as a result of tourist development. This emphasis reflects the
dominant orientation of research on the economics of tourism. Few studies have
attempted to identify and describe the economic costs of tourism in a systematic
fashion. Investigations have been limited largely to the measurement of the more
obvious direct costs such as investments in facilities, promotion and advertising,
transportation and other infrastructure. Most studies have not addressed or meas-
ured the hidden, indirect costs, such as the importation of goods for tourists, infla-
tion, transfer of the profits of multinational corporations, economic dependence
and opportunity costs. However, some of the more recent impact assessments do
account for some of these cost issues.

Incidental costs
Frechtling (1994c) and Bull (1991) differentiated between infrastructure costs (those,
for example, incurred to build a hotel) and those related to internal diseconomies
where the latter refers to costs to residents or government who pay for what
tourists do not pay for directly. The latter costs are often referred to as incidental
costs. Tourism imposes incidental costs on a destination and the residents’ response
to such costs will vary: they may accept a lower quality of life, they may use tax
revenues to improve local facilities and curb a decline in life quality or they may
impose taxes and fees upon tourists to fund initiatives.

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Table 4.15 Direct and indirect incidental costs of tourism to a community-

alternative life-quality costs and fiscal costs

Life-quality costs Fiscal costs

Traffic congestion, vehicular accidents
Crime, vagrancy and homelessness
Emergencies
Water pollution
Air pollution
Waste/Litter
Noise pollution
Destruction of wildlife
Destruction of scenic beauty
Destruction of social/cultural heritage
Disease and health conditions
Vehicular accidents
Highway construction, police services, public transportation,
parking facilities, airport and terminal facilities
Police services, justice system, public housing and food
shelters.
Fire protection, Ambulance and Police Services.
Water supply and sewage treatment
Police services, public transportation
Solid waste collection, disposal and treatment.
Police services, zoning
Park and recreation facilities development and maintenance,
forestry protection and maintenance, fish and game
regulation and controls.
Park and recreation facilities, police services
Maintenance of museums and historic sites
Hospital and other health maintenance facilities, sanitation
facilities, food-service regulation
Police services, justice system

Source: After Frechtling (1996)

Table 4.15 indicates the range of possible direct and indirect life-quality costs to
destination residents and the types of fiscal costs incurred by the public sector to
mitigate or alleviate them. Secondary incidental costs have received little attention
from researchers. For example, additional residents who come to the community
to be employed in tourism will require medical and educational facilities from the
community. The costs of servicing a larger, more diverse resident population in
terms of crime prevention, urban renewal, traffic control and garbage disposal are
indirect incidental costs. In any impact assessment it is important that the full
range of costs be examined alongside the full range of tourism benefits, but it is
usually very difficult to do so.

Opportunity costs
Destination areas, in investing their scarce resources in the development of tour-
ism, have seldom considered what the same resources could provide were they
to be invested in another industry. In other words, it is necessary to investigate
the relative economic benefits of investing in tourism as opposed to investing in
another industry. This kind of comparison is commonly known as the ‘opportunity
cost’ of an investment (Bull 1991, Murphy 1985). Although Vaughan (1977c) has

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written on the topic, there is little literature on opportunity cost measurement in

a tourism context (Vanhove 1997).
In order to measure opportunity costs, it is necessary to describe accurately
and to evaluate the opportunity or opportunities that are to be forgone. Parks
Canada (1970) described the opportunity costs of a proposed park development
in Newfoundland. Establishment of the park would mean the curtailment of all
forestry operations which produce fuel wood, pulpwood and saw timber. From a
national perspective, the opportunity cost of establishing a park was small as it
was unlikely that the timber harvest forgone in one area could not be replaced by
another harvest elsewhere in the country. From a regional or local point of view,
the opportunity cost may have been considerably higher. A reduction of fuel wood
could necessitate larger imports of heating oil and reductions in pulpwood might
increase the need to import newsprint. Parks Canada (1970: 34) estimated that estab-
lishment of the park would result in a net loss of $109,456 through replacement of
lost fuel wood. This cost would have to be borne by residents of the local area.
Opportunity costs are extremely difficult to quantify and this is a major reason
why they are often ignored. Attempts to evaluate what might have been (how many
jobs would have been created, wages that might have been paid and tax revenues
that might have been received) are somewhat akin to ‘second guessing’ (Frechtling
1994c: 399). These complexities, the need for speculation and subjectivity, largely
explain why little has been done. However, the neglect of opportunity costs and
the negative externalities of tourism have been partially responsible for an over-
emphasis on tourism as a positive factor in economic development.

Overdependence on tourism
Some destinations, by relying too heavily on tourism for their livelihoods, have
made themselves vulnerable to changes in tourist demand. Although tourism is a
growth industry and the total volume of tourist traffic is likely to increase in the
foreseeable future, all destinations may not share in that growth. Some writers
have raised caution for small developing nations relying too heavily on tourism
for economic growth ( Jafari 1987, Wilkinson 1987). Tourism is highly susceptible to
changes from both within (e.g. price changes, changing fashions and the growth
and competitiveness of new destinations) and outside (e.g. global economic trends,
political and security situations, energy availability) the industry. In Spain in the
1980s and early 1990s, economic downturns in its main tourist-generating markets
(United Kingdom, France and Germany) resulted in large deficits in tourism’s bal-
ance on the current account. Similarly, the Asian economic crisis of 2001 drastically
reduced the number of Japanese tourists to Canada, leading to bankruptcies of
several receiving operators specializing in supplying tourist services to that mar-
ket. Political unrest at one destination can rapidly reduce demand for that location
and, at the same time, divert it to others. Many tourists avoid destinations that are

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unstable politically, but they seldom cease to be tourists and they usually select
an alternative destination. This transfer of demand can be disruptive for both loca-
tions. Greatly reduced patronage at one location means the underutilization of
services, job redundancy and loss of income. The nature of the impact at newly
selected destinations will depend upon their capacity to adapt and absorb the
additional arrivals.
The religious confrontations in Ireland have been responsible for reductions in
tourist arrivals there. The Arab–Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 and recent terrorist
bombings have greatly affected tourist arrivals in the Middle East. The political
coup in Fiji in the late 1990s saw air carriers cancel routes that included stops in
Fiji, virtually closing the island’s principal markets of the United States and Japan.
These flights have not been reinstated. As tourism is Fiji’s largest earner of foreign
exchange, the impact of these events was significant in both the long and short
terms. Similarly the recent cases of SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in
Toronto and Hong Kong have had significant impacts on visitor arrivals (Wall, in
press). The magnitude of the loss is influenced by the severity of the disruptive
factors and the degree of dependence on the tourist industry.
Some destinations have lost their market share by simply failing to adjust its
supply infrastructure to satisfy the demands of changing consumer preferences
and thus have not been able to effectively compete in the global economy. Obvi-
ously a balance is required. Destination areas should ensure that visitor facilities
grow in balance with the number of tourists. This requires accurate forecasting.
However, even accurate forecasting would not completely solve these problems
of destination areas, for many aspects of the industry are beyond their control.
Destination areas that are highly dependent on tourism are founded upon an
unstable base. To avoid economic disruptions caused by fluctuations in demand,
destinations should promote diversity within both the tourist industry and the
base economy.

Inflation and land values

The inflationary consequences of tourism can arise in several different ways.
Affluent tourists can afford to buy items at high prices. Retailers, recognizing that
their profit margins can be greatly increased by catering to tourists, increase their
prices on existing products and provide more expensive goods and services. Such
stores compete successfully with those catering to local residents. They can afford
to pay higher rents and taxes, which are passed on to the consumer through higher
prices. Local residents, in addition to paying more for their goods, may also have
to go farther afield for their purchases because the diversity of local supply is
reduced as stores catering to the local market are displaced by an increase in the
establishment of specialty shops for tourists (Hall and Page 1999, Pearce 1989).
As mentioned in Chapter 2, the mayor of an historic town whose economy was

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dominated by tourism complained to the authors that his town had three stores
selling fudge but no store selling shoes!
Inflation within destination areas is also caused by increasing land values.
Growth of tourism creates additional demand for land and competition from
potential buyers forces the price of land to rise. The demand for more hotels, vaca-
tion homes and tourist facilities may bring sources of income to builders, real
estate agents and landowners, but local residents are forced to pay more for their
homes and larger taxes because of the increased land values.
No work has been found that assesses the extent to which inflationary price
increases to residents are compensated by economic benefits, such as expanded
employment and income. Attempts have been made to measure the changes in
land values caused by a variety of developments but none has been found for
tourism. There is also no detailed empirical evidence on changes in the prices and
availability of goods and services as a consequence of tourist development.

Seasonality
The seasonality of demand remains one of the most distinctive features of the
tourist phenomenon. It has been mentioned in previous chapters and its impact is
significant for policy, planning and operational mandates of tourism suppliers in
both the public and private sectors. In fact, Butler (1994: 332) argued that after the
actual movement of people on a temporary basis, seasonality may be the most
typical characteristic of tourism on a global basis. Analysis of pronounced seasonal
differences in international tourist arrivals, tourist expenditures and employment
statistics and business cycles are well documented at a national and regional level.
The early work of Bar On (1975), using seventeen years of data for sixteen coun-
tries, remains one of the most comprehensive discussions of seasonality. Wilton’s
(2003) review of seasonality and its impact on the Canadian economy is one of
the most detailed analyses published since Bar On’s study. The special 1999 issue
of Tourism Economics on the topic is also a positive contribution to work that is in
a frequently mentioned but under-researched area (Baum 1999: 7). Discussion of
seasonality in specific destinations is usually linked to the impacts on employment,
infrastructure utilization, GDP and industry revenues (Donatos and Zairis 1991,
Wilton 2003). From an economic perspective, Butler (1994) and Baum (1999)
summarized the implications of seasonality in a destination by listing the follow-
ing disadvantages:
1. Short operating seasons place pressure on facilities to generate a year’s revenue
in a few weeks while, in many cases, paying fixed costs over the entire year;
2. Facilities may be closed over the off-season;
3. Underutilization of capital assets and the resulting problems of attracting
investment in tourist infrastructure;

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4. Problems of maintaining support from transport providers, in particular air-

lines, that may not want to commit equipment to seasonal destinations;
5. Generates short-term employment rather than longer-term jobs which, in turn,
creates problems in maintaining customer service and quality standards, an
endemic feature of transient labour.
6. Public sector services and facilities are often faced with higher operational costs
to cope with peak season demand but must maintain operations over the entire
year.
7. Tourists are often confronted with higher prices in the peak season, crowding,
traffic congestion and frequently lower service levels which lead to dissatisfac-
tion and a decline in a destination’s image.
There are contrary arguments to point 5 above, as noted in the section on employ-
ment earlier in this chapter. Tourism jobs of a seasonal nature can complement other
areas of traditional employment, create opportunities for young people, students
and housewives and reduce regional unemployment levels.
The seasonality of demand in most tourist regions is clearly reflected in hotel
occupancy rates. Many hotels actually close during the off-season while others
have greatly reduced revenues. Fixed costs make up a large proportion of total
costs, so most hotel operators prefer to remain open all year round to secure as
much revenue as possible. Nevertheless, production in the accommodation sector
is greatly reduced in the off-season. Since the investment is not fully used in the
off-season, the returns on capital are often low. This means that tourism is often a
less attractive investment than other sectors of the economy which experience
steady production. Hotels have also suffered from the development of other forms
of tourist accommodation with lower capital inputs (Archer 1973: 13). The rela-
tively low rates of return on much hotel investment have contributed to a shortage
of hotel accommodation at peak periods.
Accommodation investments are not the only ones with a low rate of return.
Tour operators also face similar problems. The reluctance of outside investors to
become financially involved in marketing seasonal enterprises has meant that
greater financial responsibility is borne by local investors. The opportunity costs
of such investments are frequently high and other sectors of the economy may
offer more attractive returns. Investment from public authorities may be neces-
sary in the absence of interest from the private sector.

ECONOMIC INDICATORS OF THE FUTURE OF TOURISM

The international economic system has provided an invigorating climate that
has fostered the unprecedented growth of tourism in the past and will continue
to influence the destiny of the tourist industry. However, changing economic
conditions and predictions of future economic states, coupled with widespread

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competition amongst tourist destinations appear more as obstacles to be overcome

rather than reinforcers of growth. Wahab (1975: 170) has identified four limitations
to future tourist development.
The first constraint is economic uncertainty stemming from inflation, fluctuating
currency exchange rates, unemployment and sudden protective measures which
are enforced on international money markets. The latter include revaluations of
currency and the imposition of travel and departure taxes. Although inflation, for
example, has diminished the proportion of incomes that are available for leisure
purchases, the travel industry has managed to offset this in part by devising air
charters, package tours and concession fares, and has managed to hold travel costs
at par with disposable incomes. It is readily apparent that the tourist industry is
highly vulnerable to economic restrictions and to shifts in global economic trends.
A second constraint is the availability of energy resources at prices affordable
to tourists and the operators of tourist services. Shortages of oil and escalating
prices will undoubtedly affect the costs of travel but the full implications for the
tourist industry are still unclear. The 1974 oil crisis was a particular problem for
the aviation industry. Similarly, the successive wars in the Middle East have seen
crude oil prices double in the last five years and this has been reflected in similar
increases in aviation fuel. Airlines have had little choice but to pass on these cost
increases to the travelling consumer. The continued rise in airfares could affect
consumers’ perceptions and choices of destinations and travelling behaviour.
A third consideration is that inflation is increasing the capital requirements and
running costs of the tourist sector. The high costs of raw materials, land, labour
and energy, increases in interest rates on loans and shorter time periods imposed
for loan repayments have pushed up the development costs of hotel building, air-
port construction and other infrastructural requirements. These will be offset by
transferring them to the consumer and will result in an increased price of hotel
rooms, more expensive transportation to and within destinations, and an escala-
tion in the cost of their tourist goods and services. Price changes will influence the
choice of destinations and spending behaviour within them. Tourists are sensitive
to price, as is evident in the success of package tours and the emergence of mod-
erately priced hotel chains such as Super 8 and Budget Inns. Price-sensitive con-
sumers are also searching and using different distribution channels for their
purchasing. This changing behaviour will affect customer choice and their loyalty
to destinations.
A fourth constraint is the rising demand to include environmental, social and
cultural issues in tourist development decisions. As tourist numbers increase,
demands for more aircraft, airports, hotels, freeways and other services place
greater stress on both natural and social environments. In some countries it is
now legislated that comprehensive environmental impact assessments must be
undertaken for all major development projects. Tourist developments will come
increasingly under the compass of such legislation. The result will be delay and

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increased costs of development. Environmental issues will also become import-

ant in existing destinations where crowding has become acute (Edgell 1977: 39).
Restrictions have already been introduced which limit the number and beha-
viour of tourists in fragile natural environments and in crowded historic and
cultural sites.
A final consideration (not identified by Wahab) is the advent and impact of
specific short-term events and disasters such as those experienced in New York on
September 11th, and in many destinations, including Beijing, Hong Kong and
Toronto, as a result of SARS. These events have created temporary curtailment of
tourist demand, changed people’s perceptions and choices of destination and
significantly affected the economic impacts within the affected destinations. In
Toronto during the peak months of the SARS crisis, tourist spending dropped by
nearly 50 per cent, totalling $306 million over the four-month period (April–July)
(Travelweek Bulletin 2003).
It seems that tourism is likely to become more costly. When, where and what
the effects of the increases will be, are important questions. Will seats on aircraft
and hotel rooms become so expensive that only the wealthy can afford to travel?
Will many tourist developments currently enjoying record levels of business lose
patronage and become so unprofitable that they are forced to lay off workers and
close? Will global economic conditions deteriorate to the extent that foreign trade
deficits reach their highest levels, prompting governments to impose restrictions
on the travel of their citizens? Will petroleum shortages and price increases induce
governments to curb weekend fuel sales for motor cars and curtail opportunities
for domestic tourism? Or has tourism become such an accustomed part of mod-
ern and post-modern lifestyles that it will be resilient and thrive? Numerous ques-
tions arise from the above discussion and the tourist industry should consider
their ramifications carefully if it is to be in a position to meet the demands that will
be placed upon it.

SUMMARY
The economic impacts of tourism have been well documented in the literature but
considerably more is known about the economic benefits of tourism than the asso-
ciated costs. The research emphasis on the positive economic impacts of tourism
has contributed to the widespread optimism among policy makers concerning the
potential of tourism to stimulate economic development. This attitude reflects the
generally favourable impacts on the balance of payments, employment and income,
and, entrepreneurial activity. These economic benefits have been accompanied
by a variety of costs, which, until recently, have been largely ignored in the liter-
ature, at least from the perspective of attempting to measure them. High leakages
from the economies of developing countries, high inflation and land speculation
in destinations, low returns on investment because of seasonal fluctuations in

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demand, and overdependence have been major criticisms of the tourist industry.
A balanced perspective of estimating both economic benefits and costs will assist
in meeting a number of objectives for developers, marketers and planners. They
would know the net benefits of investment decisions in tourist marketing and
infrastructure development and the distribution of benefits and costs to the desti-
nation’s residents. Further, they would be able to recommend the opportunities
for partnerships that will accrue maximum benefits to the destination’s economy.
In summary, a balanced economic viewpoint will permit a balanced approach to
policy and planning decision-making where the social and political well-being of
the destination’s residents is also considered.

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5 Environmental consequences

The term ‘environment’ has emerged as a catchphrase to which many diverse and
often emotional statements have been assigned. With the passage of environmental
legislation there have been renewed attempts to define the term systematically.
This has often resulted in the adoption of extremely broad definitions of environ-
ment. Environment now includes not only land, air, water, flora and fauna, but
may also encompass ‘people, their creations and the social, economic and cultural
conditions that affect their lives’ (Lerner 1977: 2). This chapter adopts a more nar-
row focus. This part of the book is devoted to the physical impacts (understood
to encompass physical, chemical, biological, etc.), for economic and sociocultural
impacts are considered in other chapters. It will involve an examination of the
effects of tourism on elements of the natural environment and on the human-made
or built environment. The creation of environments for tourism, as in the develop-
ment of resorts, is also discussed. The environment, be it predominantly natural or
largely human-made, is one of the most basic of resources for tourism and a core
element of tourism products and a central part of most tourism communications
and marketing approaches. However, the growth of tourism leads, inevitably, to
modifications of the environment.
Many authors have stressed that people should treat their environment with
greater respect than has usually been the case in the past (Carson 1962, Ehrlich
1970, Nicholson 1970, Buckley 2004). A growing number of studies of the envir-
onmental impacts of tourism indicate that this conclusion is applicable here.
However, evidence of the environmental effects of tourism remains scattered
although there is a growing number of researchers examining the specific effects
of ecotourism and nature-based tourism (Tisdell and Roy 1998, Buckley 2004,
Newsome 2002, Buckley, Pickering and Weaver 2003). Most studies have focused
on a particular environment or component of an environment rather than
approaching impacts in a more integrated and holistic way. Little broad system-
atic work has been undertaken and this is surprising for, as Cohen (1978: 217)
pointed out, this has occurred: ‘despite the current preoccupation of scientists,
politicians and the general public with the impact of man on the environment and
despite the growing interest in tourism as a geographical, social and economic
phenomenon’. Tourism to natural areas has experienced prolific growth over the
past twenty years and is now estimated to account for 20 per cent of all leisure

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travel worldwide (WTO 1998). That growth, coupled with a growing drive for
conservation and concern for the well-being of the environment, have spawned a
wider range of research on environmental impacts of tourism and an elevation of
the findings into more public focus. Central to the development of conservation,
planning and management strategies of natural and human-made environments
attracting tourists is an understanding of the causes and types of tourist impacts.
This concern, particularly in developed countries, has led to the institution of
legal requirements for the completion of environmental impact statements (EIAs)
for major tourist projects prior to them being granted approval. These assessments
are conducted to predict and evaluate the effects of proposed tourist develop-
ments and to suggest ways in which adverse impacts might be mitigated or
avoided. Some guiding principles in conducting EIAs for tourist developments
have been suggested by Pearce (1989), Butler (1993a) and Hunter and Green
(1995). However, a number of difficulties and weaknesses with the EIA process
have also been identified (Ding and Pigram 1995, Hunter 1995, Simpson and Wall
2002, Wall 1996a). The state of EIA activities will be further critiqued in Chapter 7.
Some of the difficulties in conducting EIAs:
1. Administrative structures are often complex and differ from one region or
country to another, leading to an inconsistency of standards.
2. Assessments usually operate at the scale of an individual project ignoring a
wider spectrum of spatial impact.
3. Assessments often ignore longer-term cumulative and interactive effects, pre-
supposing that there is no definite beginning or end to tourist impacts.
4. Post-development impact assessment is rare posing the need for continual
environmental auditing (Butler 1993a).
5. EIA procedures have been designed largely for situations existing in the
developed world and these methodologies are difficult to replicate for specific
projects in developing countries.
6. This is further complicated by a lack of expertise within developing countries
to design and carry out such assessments (Simpson and Wall 2002).
7. EIAs are usually required only for large projects and they are often not required
or undertaken for smaller projects or for projects that are judged not to have
significant environmental consequences, for existing operations or developments,
or for extensions to the latter.
It is apparent that the current EIA process for tourism has shortcomings. EIAs
require an assessment of impacts prior to development. Academic researchers’
interest in tourist impacts have been largely after the fact. Clearly, a narrowing
of this disjunction would lead to a broader and more effective process whereby
ongoing impact assessment and monitoring would lead to more beneficial and
effective management of the environmental impacts of specific tourist developments.

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Wall and Wright (1977) prepared the first state-of-the-art synthesis on the
impacts of recreation on the natural environment. Their monograph did not make
explicit reference to the activities of tourists but it can be assumed that tourists
were responsible, at least in part, for many of the environmental impacts that were
documented. It is unnecessary to reiterate what was written in this earlier publica-
tion and not all of the effects mentioned by Wall and Wright will be considered
here. In fact, a more recent, more comprehensive book has since been completed
by Liddle (1997). However, over the two decades since Wall and Wright’s work
was completed, a number of specific studies on tourism have become available
which examine the many environmental topics areas covered by these authors.
The specific literature on the environmental impacts of tourism has similar con-
ceptual and methodological difficulties to those concerned with recreation as a
whole and these have been discussed and reviewed by such researchers as Pearce
(1989), Buckley (2004) and Williams (1994). Their perspectives can be summarized
as follows:

1. Research on the impacts of tourism is topically uneven, and is particularly

sparse on geology and soils, and on air and water quality.
2. Most studies refer to the effects of tourism on one particular environmental
component. There has been little attempt to integrate the effects on a number
of components to provide an assessment of the impacts of tourism on the envir-
onment as a whole. The components of the natural environment are complex,
closely interrelated and highly interdependent. There are instances of primary
environmental impacts sometimes generating secondary and tertiary effects
and successive repercussions throughout an ecosystem. The complexity of these
interactions makes any assessment of cause and effect quite challenging. Fur-
thermore, as the activities of tourism are likely to affect more than one environ-
mental component at a time, it is imperative that studies attempt to examine the
environment as a whole and not an individual component in isolation. In prac-
tice, this is extremely difficult to do and, in order to facilitate presentation of
the literature and to evaluate the status of research, each component will be dis-
cussed separately in this chapter.
3. Research has had varied regional emphases with most research being conducted
and published in English in the United Kingdom, North America and Australia.
This apparent bias does not mean that research has not been undertaken on
other continents. There are case studies as noted by Buckley (2004) that have been
undertaken in Eastern Europe, South America and Asia, and even in Western
Europe but not published in English. There has been very little reference to
these studies in the English language literature. Given the bias towards North
American examples, it is not surprising that there is a concentration of research
on specific environmental effects (pedestrian trampling) or on particular ecosys-
tems (mountain ecosystems) that are germane to this location. It is extremely

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difficult to compare the findings of studies as each location differs ecologically

and in the intensity and duration of tourist activity. Thus, there is a strong need
to expand tourism ecology research to a broader range of ecosystems and
species, and to provide additional focus on a broader range of tourist activities.
4. Data for quantitative and longitudinal analysis are often sparse and superficial.
Although there are a number of published studies on environmental impacts of
tourism and recreation, they do not begin to cover the hundreds and thousands
of plant and animal species affected by a growing and more diverse range of
tourist activities. Data used in many earlier studies of environmental impacts
are quite crude and relatively few researchers have used physiological indic-
ators, measured the consequences of tourism at population levels or examined
the direct and indirect effects over time (Buckley 2004: 385).
5. Much of the research on the environmental impacts of tourism is of recent vintage
and has been limited to ‘after the fact’ analysis. As such, it has the methodolo-
gical problems that are inherent to this type of investigation (Wall and Wright
1977: 4). Such problems include:
(a) The difficulty of distinguishing between changes induced by tourism and
those induced by other human activities;
(b) The lack of information concerning conditions prior to the advent of tourism
and, hence, the lack of a baseline against which change can be measured;
(c) The paucity of information on the numbers, types and tolerance levels of
different species of flora and fauna. LaPage (1974: 237) and Edington and
Edington (1986) concluded that this makes it impossible to reconstruct the
environment in relation to various levels of use, both past and present;
(d) The concentration of researchers upon particular primary resources, or eco-
logically fragile environments, such as beaches and mountains;
(e) The difficulty in differentiating tourist impacts from the flow of normal
environmental processes, i.e. tourism might only accelerate what was
occurring naturally.
The above problems should be borne in mind when the results of research are
examined and evaluated.
Nevertheless, in spite of these conceptual and methodological difficulties, it is
apparent that a detailed understanding of the ecological factors central to the
tourism–environment relationship can significantly reduce the scale of environ-
mental damage and be an integral part of designing management practices.

TOURISM–ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS
The history of tourism clearly indicates that the environment of places has con-
tributed to the birth and progress of tourism. Scenic sites, amenable climates and

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Environmental consequences

unique landscape features have had an important influence upon the patronage
of specific localities, regions or countries. The environment of the host region is
crucial to the attractiveness of virtually all tourism destinations. Natural resources,
ecosystems, regional ecology, and the cultural and commercial attractions in cities,
whatever may be the designation or concept in their physical expressions, provide
an important backdrop for the majority of tourism activities (Farrell and Runyan
1991: 26). The effects of environmental factors can be observed at all points of the
tourism process. Tourist behaviour patterns, although not necessarily motivated
solely by environmental conditions, are clearly influenced by them through choice
of destination and length of stay. In other words, climatic features and newly
discovered or developed ‘natural’ attractions may influence tourists’ loyalty to,
substitution of and behaviour in tourist destinations. Environmental conditions
place constraints on types of development, and destinations lacking appropriate
climatic, geological, floral or faunal conditions are seldom selected for tourist
development. Some complementary natural characteristics are highly desirable
even if a place has a rich history or is unique in archaeology or culture. Built
amenities and infrastructure are usually insufficient by themselves for the devel-
opment of tourism.
Concern for the environmental impacts of tourism has not been restricted to
recent writing, although the majority of the literature was written during the past
two decades. As early as 1961, both Beed (1961) and Clement (1967: 167) expressed
concerns that the tourist invasion of Tahiti could induce ecological imbalance
within the island’s ecosystem if it was not carefully and resolutely regulated.
Their concern was expressed at a time when Tahiti enticed a mere 10,000 tourists
annually. Now, with an excess of 200,000 tourist arrivals each year, the same
fears are being voiced, but little action has been taken to manage and control the
situation.
Most research has been reactionary in nature, being a response to immediate
threats to the environment. Such threats have been a stimulus to research but
they have also resulted in a concentration on special environments, such as small
islands, coral reefs and other delicate ecologies. Furthermore, studies have been
largely of effects, which are highly pronounced and in stages in which manage-
ment strategies may offer only a slender prospect of returning the ecosystem to its
original or near original condition. This research can, in part, be viewed as an out-
growth of the environmental movement of the 1960s when widespread concern
was expressed over the deleterious, polluting effects of human activities. Most
studies were undertaken after, rather than before, damage occurred. As a result,
few studies attempted to elucidate the processes of environmental change or relate
these to aspects of the agent of change, which, in this case, was tourists and tourist
development. Ecological investigations are being carried out in many countries
but few studies incorporate the role of the tourist as a means by which change
is produced. Similarly, tourist developers have often failed to embody ecological

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principles into development plans and policies promoting tourist activity. A

marrying of these research areas is required if a harmonious relationship is to be
fostered between tourism and the environment.
To some authors, tourism provides an incentive for the restoration of ancient
monuments and archaeological treasures and for the conservation of natural
resources, as well as the economic means by which they can be achieved (Agarwal
and Nangia 1974, Dower 1974, Hulme and Murphree 2001b, Lane 1994, McNeeley
and Thorsell 1989, Waters 1966). To others, however, tourism means people,
congestion, noise and litter. It means the disruption of animal life cycles, the
destruction of fragile plants and the pouring of human waste into rivers and upon
beaches (Crittendon 1975, Edington and Edington 1986, Giese 1998, Goldsmith
1974, Middleton 1996, Mountfort 1975, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). The
debate over the relationships between tourism and environment is ongoing and a
voluminous body of literature exists on the subject in a wide variety of contexts:
for example, sustainability and sustainable tourism development (Becker 1995,
Butler 2003, Clarke 1997, Farrell and Runyan 1991, Goodall 2003, Hunter 1995,
Hunter and Green 1995, Kousis 2000, McKercher 1993, Stabler 1997); alternative
tourism, nature-based tourism and ecotourism (Cater and Lowman 1994, Dearden
and Harron 1994, Eagles 2001, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002, Orams 2001,
Pearce 1992, Weaver 1998, 2001b, d, Wight 1993); and EIA and environmental audit-
ing (Buckley 2004, Ding and Pigram 1995, Goodall 2003, Hillery, Nancarrow, Griffin
and Syme 2001, Inskeep 1991, Stabler and Goodall 1996, Sun and Walsh 1998).
Accompanying the increased global awareness of environmental issues as
revealed in the burgeoning literature has been greater realization of the complexity
of tourism–environment relationships, the relationships’ cumulative path and
tourism’s dependence on the environment for its own sustainability. There has
been increased recognition that it is a two-way process: the implications of the
environment for tourism and the implications of tourism for the environment,
which is the main concern here. However, both tourism and environment take
many forms and are dynamic so that relationships are complex and changing. The
divergent themes in the impacts literature also reflect tourism–environment rela-
tionships that are conditioned by the characteristics of the destination, the scale,
form and evolutionary process of tourist development, and the capacity of the
destination to manage and monitor the long-term nature of change.
Budowski (1976: 27) suggested that three different relationships can exist be-
tween those promoting tourism and those advocating environmental conservation.
These relationships are especially important because tourism is highly dependent
upon values derived from nature. The relationships are as follows:

1. Tourism and environmental conservation can exist in a situation in which both

camps promote their respective positions, remain in isolation and establish
little contact with each other. This situation is unlikely to exist for long periods

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because of the substantial changes in the environment that are apt to occur with
the continued growth of mass tourism. This stage, therefore, is usually suc-
ceeded by either symbiotic or conflicting relationships.
2. Tourism and conservation may enjoy a mutually supportive or symbiotic rela-
tionship where they are organized in such a way that each benefits from the
other. From the perspective of the conservationist, environmental features and
conditions are left as close as possible to their original state but, at the same
time, they provide benefits to the tourists who view and experience them. There
are few places where this has been achieved.
3. Tourism and conservation can be in conflict, particularly when tourism induces
detrimental effects to the environment. Most documented relationships between
tourism and environment fall into this category. On some occasions, effects of
tourism have stimulated the introduction of conservation measures in order to
protect fragile ecosystems. More commonly, the damage has already reached
irreparable proportions before remedial action is taken.
This chapter concentrates on the latter two of Budowski’s three relationships and
examines the two major viewpoints held by authors writing on environmental
impacts: that tourism is beneficial to the environment, promoting conservation
and preservation and, to the contrary, that tourism and environment are in conflict,
stimulating environmental degradation and destruction.

TOURISM AND THE ENVIRONMENT: A SYMBIOTIC

RELATIONSHIP
Conservation grew from a number of independent roots of which Gunn (1978a: 3)
has listed four:
1. There was a social concern to which the park movement owes its beginnings.
The growth of industry and commerce and their associated ills stimulated a
demand for parks and open space. The provision of public land was seen as
an antidote to the immoral values of urban society and as an escape from the
routine of work and urban living.
2. There was an emphasis on the efficiency of resource use, particularly of non-
renewable resources. Early expressions stressed maximum utilization but with
limited environmental degradation.
3. Conservation also incorporated a notion of aesthetic enhancement. This is
particularly significant in a recreational context. One major tourist activity is
sightseeing which depends heavily on the qualities of the natural environment.
4. More recently conservation has gained a scientific and ecological emphasis in
which the maintenance of a balance between humans and environment is of
prime importance. The outcome of this perspective is the application of stringent

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controls to protect and preserve the natural environment from unsystematic

and unplanned human manipulation.
These roots of concern have contributed to contemporary definitions of conserva-
tion. It is now generally agreed that wise and controlled use of the earth’s resources
is desirable, although tensions exist between proponents of use and advocates
of preservation. One result of this growing environmental consciousness is that,
increasingly, effective action is being taken, or is envisaged, to control human
impacts upon the environment.
Solid strategic alliances between tourism and conservation offer considerable
potential for mutual benefit, both for sustained tourism growth and for the con-
servation of biodiversity and the components of the natural environment. Given
tourism’s dependence on the natural environment, it is surprising that such alli-
ances are relatively new, often loose and informal, unlike others that have emerged
in other industries such as mining and forestry. Buckley (1999c) attributed this to
a number of factors:

1. Tourism is a relatively young and uncoordinated industry;

2. The organizations that construct tourist infrastructures sell them to other
operators who see themselves as part of the tourist sector and not necessarily
as environmental managers;
3. Ecotourism development has been associated with increased environmental
advocacy but, up to now, has been treated largely as part of mass tourism. As
its economic size and significance grows, this may change;
4. The tourist industry has only recently acknowledged its own environmental
impacts and embraced the need for environmental planning and management;
5. Commercial tourism’s demand for access to and use of national parks and the
growing issues surrounding overcrowding within the parks;
6. Growing demand and competition for natural environments previously used
only by local and private recreationists.

Nevertheless, there are many examples of tourism’s positive relationship with con-
servation although it may not be as formalized or required as might be expected
in a strategic alliance. Wildlife and forest reserves have been established and large
tracts of scenic land have been preserved partially because of their ability to attract
tourists. At the same time, local tourist offices, tour companies and hotels com-
plement their own facilities by organizing guided hikes and camping trips along
authorized trails. In this way, tourists, who on their own may have little interest
or lack the means to engage in such activities, are able to enjoy viewing wildlife,
vegetation and scenery.
Tourism can also be credited with extending environmental awareness, appre-
ciation and concern. In fact, many destinations and tourist planning organizations

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are using interpretation as a means to educate the tourist on the meaning of what
they are experiencing. Interpretation is used not only to stimulate interest and
awareness of environments but also to promote more appropriate behaviour
within them. As a potential management tool, interpretation is gaining in popu-
larity and has attracted more recent attention from academics (Moscardo, Woods
and Saltzer 2004, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). Orams (1999) noted that
tourists viewing and interacting with dolphins elevated their overall awareness
of the implications of their behaviours and life-styles. Such attitude changes can
also occur within host communities and among the economic beneficiaries of
tourist revenues. In the case of Rwanda, Niger and Nepal, increased host com-
munity awareness and support have led to the creation of parks and protected
areas. The tourist industry has discovered, made known and rendered accessible,
specific regions, locations and aspects of nature. In Switzerland, for example,
mountain vacations in winter were relatively unknown until after the develop-
ment of mountain railways and sports resorts. Also, the use of mineral springs,
and Switzerland has many, has increased over the past few decades of rapid
tourist growth. Similar examples can be found in Canada, Costa Rica, Belize and
Mexico with ‘eco-tours’ to areas not visited previously by people other than
scientists and hunters. In many destinations, natural conservation areas have
emerged as core tourist products.
Tourism, if it is to be successful and sustained, actually requires the protection
of the scenic and historical heritage of destination areas. The protection of such
prime attractions has come to be viewed as an investment as the economic poten-
tial of tourism has become more widely recognized. This is also a compelling reason
for planning and development agencies to concern themselves with environmental
issues. Cohen (1978: 219) concluded that such actions are, more often than not,
politically defensible since conservation and preservation measures can be pre-
sented to the public as being economically necessary and not simply as a means
of satisfying tourist demands.
Tourism can assist conservation more directly than by merely promoting its
initiation and continuation. Tourism can provide both the incentive for conserva-
tion and the economic means by which it can be carried out (Waters 1966: 116).
Part of a region’s income from tourism can be invested in the maintenance and
expansion of scenic areas and historic sites. Beck and Bryan (1971: xxi) stated in
their early report on tourism in Britain that: ‘Many historic houses, villages, old
churches and so on could not be kept in a proper state of repair without tourist
money . . . And given a reasonable influx of tourist money it is usually possible
to keep the tourist nuisance at an acceptable level’. However, many protected area
authorities are facing budget constraints and are using entrance fees and other
revenue sources not only to manage and enhance sites, but also as a way to com-
pensate for monetary shortfalls previously sourced from government agencies. In

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other instances, user fees have been implemented to fund restoration of buildings
and monuments eroded or damaged by excessive tourist activity.
It is difficult to determine the degree to which tourism has been the sole incen-
tive for the adoption and expansion of conservation measures. Some forms of
conservation existed before the advent of mass tourism. However, there is evid-
ence that tourism has been an important stimulus to conservation in developing
areas, especially with the support of UNESCO, the World Bank and the World
Tourism Organization. In parts of South-east Asia, tourism has helped pay for
the conservation of archaeological and historic sites which, in its absence, may
have deteriorated or disappeared. In such cases, the entrance fees to such sites are
used directly for archaeological research and conservation. In the light of Europe’s
magnificent heritage of cities, cathedrals, castles, gardens, churches and monu-
ments, it should not be surprising that most of the evidence of tourism stimulat-
ing the conservation of such sites is from that part of the world.
Conservation within tourist environments has taken four principle forms. First,
tourism has stimulated the rehabilitation of existing historic sites, buildings and
monuments. Alexander (1953: 323), in his economic study of Cape Cod, remarked
that the quaint villages were the area’s major tourist asset and that with a general
face-lifting and refurbishing of lighthouses, harbours, fishing piers and old houses,
the area was given additional appeal. Williamsburg, the eighteenth-century cap-
ital of the British colony of Virginia, is an example of a city which was almost in
ruins but has been rejuvenated by the processes of preservation and restoration.
Williamsburg is also inspiring in its construction of replicas of the past where the
original buildings were beyond repair. Similar examples of re-establishing and
promoting individual buildings and other places, such as sporting venues and
heritage sites and areas, also provide indirect economic benefits by generating
funds for improving supporting infrastructures such as water disposal, transpor-
tation networks and telecommunications. Tourism itself can also be the incentive
for ‘cleaning up’ the local environment through control of air and water pollution,
littering and for improving the environmental aesthetics through building design,
signage controls and better building maintenance (Inskeep 1991: 343).
Secondly, tourism has stimulated the transformation of old buildings and sites
into completely new tourist facilities. Old cellars and warehouses in many tourist
resorts have been converted into quaint bars, discos and restaurants, on many
occasions preserving the original structural characteristics. This form of conserva-
tion is widely evident in cities in Europe and North America. Middleton (1971: 37)
suggested that not only does it bring new life and vitality to declining towns
and villages of character and charm, it also relieves existing tourist circuits of
increased congestion from the growing number of tourist arrivals. If tourism is to
be used in this way, cooperation is required between conservation groups and
publicity agencies to ensure that the special qualities of the historic towns have

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been identified and protected, and to decide to which sections of the tourist mar-
ket they can be appropriately directed.
Thirdly, tourism has provided an impetus and often the economic means for
the conservation of natural resources. The establishment of national parks and
nature reserves in Africa constitutes an early example of the recognition of links
between biodiversity and tourism and the ability of tourism to stimulate conser-
vation (McNeely and Thorsell 1989). Before Tanganyika, now the Republic of
Tanzania, received independence in 1961, it was predicted that African wildlife
would be destroyed once European control was relaxed. Not only have such fears
been unfounded, national parks in Tanzania and other parts of East Africa have
increased greatly in number and strength (Lilieholme and Romney 2000, Owen
1969, Shackley 1996). Increasing recognition by East African governments and
local communities that tourism may contribute to foreign exchange earnings has
stimulated a corresponding realization of the need for the conservation of natural
resources which appeal to tourists, particularly wildlife. The numerous parks
which have been set up in the last twenty years in savannah Africa have been
established in spite of the presence of economic, political and social pressures, and
they confirm the place given to tourism as a means of economic development.
More than 80,000 square miles (207,200 square kilometres) have been set aside as
national parks in East and South Africa, harbouring one of the world’s last and
greatest wildlife populations. In Kenya alone, 10 per cent of land is reserved for
nature conservation. In Tanzania and Botswana the figures are 11.8 per cent and
18.2 per cent respectively. The Serengeti National Park in Tanzania is 15,540 square
kilometres in area and is the home of more than one million wild animals, includ-
ing at least thirty species of grazing animals and twelve different predators (Pollock
1971: 146). Lake Manyana National Park, lying at the foot of the escarpment of
the Great Rift Valley, is a well-known haven for wildebeest, water buck, giraffes,
zebras, lions, leopards, and flocks of flamingos and pelicans (Netboy 1975: 27).
Tourism has fostered the protection of these diverse species as they serve as major
attractions for both domestic and international tourists.
The establishment of recent parks has required additional justification to that
of wildlife preservation. Tourist development, through the creation of parks, gen-
erates other benefits as secondary effects of conservation. These include net gains
in foreign exchange, the creation of employment within the park and in ancillary
tourist services, the fostering of demand for locally made products, and the has-
tening of infrastructure construction. Such effects have often been employed as
justifications for the expansion of African national park systems. Moreover, it has
been argued that the economic benefits derived from the use of such areas for
tourism far exceeds those that would be yielded from agriculture. Netboy (1975:
27) stated that: ‘Africa has an enormous comparative advantage over the rest
of the world in producing wildlife and can do it on land unsuited to almost any-
thing else’.

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The conservation of natural resources in Africa emerged in a formal and institu-

tional way. Although tourism was instrumental in this process, conservation was
also a by-product of a wider development and modernization strategy where land
was appraised and planned for multiple uses maximizing its economic bene-
fits. Conservationists negotiated their own spaces for wildlife and national parks
grew from this process but local people were excluded from this early vision.
Counter-narratives arguing that local communities can and should be involved in
the conservation of local natural resources have now gained credence and are
well represented in the literature on community conservation (Adams and Hulme
2001). Tourism and conservation in Africa have consequently evolved from being
largely a state-driven process, to being a broader benefit-sharing community initi-
ative. This has been done by involving people who, by virtue of their location and
activities, are critically placed to enhance or degrade the status of the surrounding
natural resources (Barrow and Murphree 2001). This discussion of the relation-
ships between wildlife tourism and local inhabitants will be resumed in a later
section of this chapter.
In somewhat similar fashion, the island of Dominica and Costa Rica, places
with many pressing economic and social problems, have set aside parks. Thorsell
(1973: 19), recapping the Dominican experience, supported the ideal of parks serv-
ing the dual purposes of preservation and the enhancement of human enjoyment.
He stated that ‘parks must be seen to contribute to the total economic devel-
opment process by providing a flow of multiple benefits . . .’. Within the broad
scheme of wildland management, of which tourism is an integral part, he postul-
ated that parks can play their most effective role as environmental catalysts. By
this he meant that, through education, parks may promote environmental sensi-
tivity in other economic sectors.
Tourism has been much less successful in stimulating the development of
natural reserves or national parks in South-east Asia although there are some, for
example Kinabalu Park in Malaysia. Cochrane (1993) has attributed this to the
generally low profile that national parks have in political circles, the vacationing
behaviour of Asians that is more in group movements between cities rather than
in wilderness experiences, the foreign exchange earnings of current tourism not
being prioritized or directed to the conservation of the natural environment, and
developmental priorities being placed more on other uses of these areas such as
mining and forestry.
Fourthly, tourism has been responsible for the introduction of administrative
and planning controls which have been adopted in order to maintain the quality
of the environment and to ensure the provision of satisfying experiences for visit-
ing tourists. Measures have varied from site to site and from country to country
depending upon the resilience of the protected area or attraction, the nature and
intensity of tourist use, and the political structure of the bodies initiating and
administering the controls. Unfortunately, many such measures have emerged as

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a result of the physical deterioration of sites and attractions from uncontrolled

and excessive use. For example, in Britain, Hadrian’s Roman Wall is crumbling
and Westminster Abbey is wearing out under the pressures of too many tourists
(Jensen 1979). Similar problems are being faced on the Great Wall of China, in
Yosemite National Park, and at the Parthenon on the Acropolis of Athens.
The controls that are adopted vary with the seriousness of the problems faced.
In many historic areas in Europe, traffic has been restricted adjacent to major
attractions, access to popular venues has been controlled, advertising in public
places has been curtailed, and incompatible development has been prevented.
Similar measures have been applied in the national parks of Africa and Australia
where vehicular traffic is restricted to ecologically desirable routes, develop-
ment within parks is prohibited, and activities that create detrimental effects are
curtailed. In extreme cases, where tourist numbers are large and visitation pres-
sures are intense, more radical conservation measures have been employed. The
tourist attractions of Stonehenge in England and the Parthenon of Athens have
recently been designated ‘off limits’ to tourists and access to the interior of these
sites has been eliminated. Most of the more moderate measures which have been
employed to control the relentless pressures of tourists have met with only minimal
success. As tourist numbers rise and visits to ecologically sensitive sites increase,
the demands for more extreme conservation measures will intensify. So far it has
largely been national and regional tourist organizations and environmental plan-
ning agencies that have recognized the importance of, and implemented measures
to preserve the environment for tourism. National tourism plans and policies in
countries such as Portugal, France, Switzerland, Cyprus, Kenya, Singapore and the
Philippines have sought to conserve natural and cultural resources and regulate
tourist development. As in other industries, tourism businesses whose planned
and existing operations affect the environment are being subject to increasingly
close scrutiny and accountability for the effects of their activities on the environ-
ment. There is growing evidence that well-managed tourism at an industry level
is responding to these compelling pressures and is incorporating environmentally
responsible principles in their decision making. Wight (1994b), Goodall (2003),
Hawkins (1997), Sisman (1994), Hjalagar (1996) and others have described this
trend as a ‘greening of the tourism industry’ and the beginning of putting effective
environmental action into good business practice. Many of these initiatives are
detailed by Wight (1994b):

1. Old equipment, plant and buildings are being modified or replaced with more
energy-efficient and less polluting alternatives.
2. Hotels have implemented waste management, recycling and reuse policies.
3. Hotels and other tourist services have initiated many energy and water saving
initiatives, e.g. electronic sensors and water faucet aerators to control water flow,
retrofitting lighting systems with long-lasting, low-energy bulbs and replacing

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boiler systems used for heating, ventilation and air conditioning with computer
controlled water-sourced heat pumps.
4. Institutions realigning purchasing decisions to support responsible products
and packaging, assist recycling and reducing waste have brought business
benefits and reduced costs, e.g. the use of recycled products, use of biodegrad-
able vegetation-based ingredients, use of locally produced products and the
purchase of products with reduced packaging and in reusable and returnable
containers.
5. Many large tour operators prefer to contract accommodation from properties
that adopt environmentally friendly business practices. Other tour operators,
usually small niche operators, select tourist accommodation on the basis that
it is locally owned or is of vernacular design and construction (Inskeep and
Kallenberger 1992).
Although some of these initiatives may be in compliance with environmental
planning codes of conduct, there is increasing evidence that others have been
adopted voluntarily by tourism businesses. In addition to the obvious benefits that
accrue to the environment, there are also often benefits to tourist businesses, includ-
ing savings in operating costs, improved corporate image, marketing advantages
from the projection of this revitalized image, better employee motivation and
recruitment of higher quality staff, and the identification of environmental prob-
lems before they become liabilities and result in litigations and create costs for
clean up (Goodall 2003).
In summary, on some occasions tourism has been a force for the preservation
and rejuvenation of areas by stimulating the conservation of historic and archaeo-
logical sites, and unique or quaint human-made landscape features. It has also
been an incentive for the conservation of natural resources which, because of their
uniqueness or educational or ecological values, are appreciated as tourist attrac-
tions. This type of conservation leads to the growth of tourism in these destina-
tions. In time, subsequent conservation measures may ultimately be required to
maintain the quality of the environment and protect it from the increasing num-
ber of tourists. The extreme actions taken in Greece and in Britain, and new regu-
lations in many other places, are indicative of a growing feeling of uneasiness that
the benefits of tourism may not necessarily compensate for the costs of conserva-
tion. Some authors argue that through its stimulation of conservation, tourism
has been instrumental in awakening an appreciation for the environment, nature
and history (Dower 1974, Haines 1976, Huxley 1961, Inskeep 1991, Jensen 1979,
Turner and Ash 1975). Others have counteracted this viewpoint indicating that
the conversion of historical monuments, archaeological ruins and natural areas to
tourist attractions robs them of their magic but attracts more tourists who place
undue pressures on these attractions through their physical presence. This, in turn,
creates a demand for further remedial action. There is only scattered published

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evidence to indicate the widespread existence of a symbiotic relationship between

tourism and the environment. The majority of the literature examines relation-
ships between tourism and environment that are in conflict. This relationship is
discussed below.

TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENT IN CONFLICT

The general texts on environmental quality are full of references to air pollu-
tion from car exhausts, the destruction of coastlines, the pollution of rivers from
human wastes and detergents, and traffic congestion. These texts rarely mention
that tourism is partially responsible for such effects. The negative environmental
ramifications of tourism have received attention in the general environmental lit-
erature only recently. This part of the chapter will discuss the impacts of tourism
on particular environmental components. Aspects of the natural environment will
be considered first and this will be followed by an examination of the effects of
tourism on a number of different ecosystems. The effects of tourism on built envir-
onments are presented in the latter portion of the chapter.

Tourism, vegetation and soils

Vegetation is one of the major attractions of many destination areas. The sequoia
redwoods of California, the kauri forests of northern New Zealand and the Black
Hills spruce of South Dakota are examples of vegetation which have allure for
tourists. Vegetation is also important in a range of environments where the core
tourist attractions and activities include lakes, forests, grasslands, mountains and
marine ecosystems. In spite of vegetation being a primary tourist resource, little is
known specifically of the effects of tourism on vegetation. However, there is a
large body of literature on the effects of recreation on vegetation and much of this
is also applicable to tourism as the differences are largely indistinguishable.
Most of the literature has concerned relationships between tourist behaviour
and the magnitude of physical damage caused to vegetation. In fact, the literature
on this subject is voluminous and many site-specific or activity-specific studies are
available on a range of tourist destinations and within a variety of ecosystems. A
number of different research designs have been used in these studies including
the most common descriptive field surveys and the less-used comparative site
analyses that measure changes in one site versus undisturbed control sites, before
and after natural experiments, and simulated experimental approaches. Each
methodology has its individual strengths and weaknesses and these will vary
depending on the goals of the study and the ecology of the environment being
studied (Cole 2004).
The emphasis here is on providing some generalizations based on these studies
and, in doing so, to identify common impacts on vegetation from tourist activities

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and development. We have also drawn on some generic, comprehensive sources

on the subject and their syntheses of research findings (Cole 2004, Hammitt and
Cole 1998, Liddle 1997, Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002).
A variety of tourist activities impact upon vegetation. The impacts are often
grouped into the impacts of transportation, accommodation and shelter, and the
types of tourist activity. They include the following activities, effects and behaviours:

1. The collection of flowers, plants and fungi can result in changes in species
composition.
2. Careless use of fire in parks has caused major conflagrations in the forested
regions of California and Australia.
3. Deliberate chopping of trees for tent poles and firewood. This has removed
many younger trees from forests which alters the age structure of the plant
community, leaving fewer trees to mature and provide shelter for the site (Wall
and Wright 1977: 26).
4. Excessive dumping of garbage is not only unsightly but also changes the
nutrient status of soils and can be ecologically damaging by blocking out air
and light.
5. Access road and accommodation construction have significant impacts initially
and cause successive changes later during the facility operation. Impacts can
also be significant if these are concentrated and associated with campsites, trails
or car parks.
6. Pedestrian and vehicular traffic impact directly on vegetation. The impacts
become a problem when the intensity and duration of use is excessive and this
depends upon the vulnerability, diversity and capacity of the ecosystem.
7. Camping has similar effects to trampling. The construction of campsites involves
the removal of vegetation and, as Noake (1967: 226) pointed out, the damage
also extends into the surrounding area with the development of trails and picnic
sites.

It is the effects on vegetation and soil from the last two activities which have
dominated the literature, particularly the effects of trampling, off-road motor
vehicles, camping and mountain bike riding. In fact, it is fair to say that much of
the impact is caused by feet and vehicles. Much of the research has been confined
to effects along trails or in areas of concentrated use such as campsites, although
a growing number of studies have also noted similar effects away from these
areas in ‘off-track’ locations. The effects have been reviewed by Cole (2004) and
Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002). They are summarized below:

1. The attrition of, and physical damage to, plant cover is associated with a reduc-
tion in plant height, stem length and leaf area, and in the number of plants that

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flower. This leads to cumulative effects of reduced plant vigour and reproduc-
tion, loss of biomass, the introduction of foreign species to the habitat, shifts in
overall species composition and reductions in species diversity.
2. The compaction of soil reduces the porosity of the soil, impedes water infiltra-
tion rates, and the water holding capacity of the soil. This increases surface
run-off and erosion potential.
3. The abrasion and loss of organic soil horizons and degradation of soil structures
has a direct effect on plant and animal populations. A loss of organic matter
affects plants’ ability to germinate, particularly those relying heavily on high
organic soil surfaces. Others that can germinate on mineral soils are less affected.
In turn, the composition and diversity of the plant population are changed.
4. The elimination of vast tracts of vegetation: often mature trees are felled for trail
and campsite construction. The vegetation that remains is primarily tolerant
graminoids that are able to survive on essentially mineral soil bases. Tree elim-
ination and damage of tree canopies are also caused from firewood collection
by campers and off-trail motorbikes and horse riding activities.
5. There is a strong relationship between soils and vegetation. Soil compaction
influences plant growth, and the age structure of vegetation and supply of
organic matter will affect plant reproduction, composition and diversity. Plants
growing in infertile soils possess certain anatomical and structural character-
istics which enable them to be more resistant to trampling than plants growing
in finer, more fertile, soils.

Impacts to soil and vegetation are not limited to areas of tourist activity or
development nor are they limited to the actual time period of tourist activity. They
have significant spatial and temporal characteristics that are critical considera-
tions in impact determination and in devising strategies to manage them. Impacts
at specific sites are often severe for plants and animals but, unless much of the
population as a whole is impacted at a specific site, they are often not considered
to be significant or relevant on a larger scale. However, the site-specific impacts
do have carry-over effects to habitats beyond. Spatial considerations of impact are
linked to the temporal component. An impact at a specific site at one spatial scale
does not necessarily provide insight as to impacts at a larger scale and often these
may occur well after the instigating tourist activity is over. For example, vegetation
and soil damage is greatest at the tourist development stage but future patterns of
adjustment and recovery are slower and will likely occur over a longer period of
time and vary from one ecosystem to another. Temporal patterns of impact have
been documented at a site-specific level but generally ignored at larger spatial
scales. This is, however, an important area of investigation for future researchers
as impacts are growing as tourist activity sites multiply and spread across the

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landscape. As increasing pressure mounts for such broader studies to be under-

taken, it will also be important to understand the factors that contribute to the
magnitude of impacts and to determine why impacts in one habitat will vary from
another. Cole (2004: 52) identified four principal factors that influence the inten-
sity of impact:

1. Frequency of use;
2. Type of use and behaviour of users;
3. Season of use;
4. Environmental characteristics and conditions of the area.

As noted earlier, a number of studies have attempted to synthesize the find-

ings on the impacts of recreation and tourism on vegetation and soil and go on to
suggest the role of these in designing site management plans and strategies. A
number of generalizations may be drawn (Cole 2004: 55):

1. Impacts are inevitable from repetitive uses and levels of acceptable impact will
need to be determined and included in site management plans.
2. Impact occurs rapidly and is most profound in the development stages of
tourism. Plant and soil adjustment and recovery are much slower. Management
priorities should not only involve promotion of site recovery but also planning
the scale and number of site developments to avoid impacting, particularly in
fragile environments.
3. As indicated above, the magnitudes of impact depend upon frequency of use,
the type and behaviour of users, season of use, the environmental conditions and
characteristics of the area and the spatial and temporal patterns of use. These
variables and their manipulations are therefore critical management tools.
4. Impacts increase more when new places are disturbed than in places that have
already deteriorated from repetitive use. In consequence, it may well be better to
concentrate tourist activity in existing and popular areas (these are sometimes
called sacrifice areas) and to disperse use and impacts in relatively pristine areas.

Future research will have a critical role to play in assisting managers and in
monitoring of tourist impacts on vegetation and soils. This research will need to
build on the existing knowledge but expand in its temporal and spatial scales of
analysis. Also, a theoretical and conceptual framework is needed to guide the syn-
thesis of the findings of the numerous field studies that already exist. Furthermore,
researchers will need to quantify the relationships between impacts and levels of
tourist use for different activities within specific soil and vegetation settings if
guidelines for management are to be provided before unacceptable damages
occur. The work completed in EIAs, where the impacts on biodiversity from large-
scale tourist developments such as resorts, resort-residential developments and

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tourist infrastructure, often in untouched environments are acute, is not widely

disseminated and may even be confidential. Such research should be made avail-
able to researchers for inclusion in the growing body of literature.

Tourism and water quality

Water bodies, including lakes, streams, estuaries and oceans, are tourist attractions
and, as such, host tourist developments and infrastructure on their banks. They
are also habitats that characteristically host a wealth of plant and animal life.
Very few studies have been found that examine the specific effects of tourism
on water quality. This situation has arisen in spite of the existence of a small but
growing body of literature on recreation and water quality, and the growing con-
cerns regarding the pollution of recreational lakes, rivers and coastlines. A num-
ber of early studies mention that water pollution is becoming a problem in coastal
resorts, but detailed analyses do not appear to have been pursued beyond these
general statements (Clare 1971, Tangi 1977).
The waters of the Mediterranean are an asset to the tourist industries of Italy,
Greece, Croatia, Spain, Tunisia and France. Unfortunately, the Mediterranean is
also a repository for municipal and industrial waste, for oil spills from tankers
and for pesticides brought down by the rivers which flow into the sea. Tourist
developments along the coasts of the Mediterranean are also responsible for
large quantities of waste materials. Tangi (1977: 336) noted that diseases such as
cholera, typhoid, viral hepatitis and dysentery can be transmitted through con-
taminated seafood. Water pollution is now reaching crisis proportions in a number
of the older tourist resorts. Given the seriousness of the situation, it is surprising
that more research has not been undertaken to establish quantitative cause–effect
relationships between tourist activity and water quality. For activities such as
swimming, fishing and many types of boating, high-quality water is essential. The
introduction of pollutants into water bodies is both environmentally damaging
and economically threatening for water-based tourist resorts. Again, assuming that
recreational pursuits will also be pursued by tourists, their effects on water qual-
ity will also be similar and these have been identified by Wall and Wright (1977)
and Liddle (1997). The major effects listed by these researchers are as follows:

1. Pathogens are introduced into the aquatic environment in raw or inadequately

treated sewage. The release of sewage onto beaches, lakes and rivers is often men-
tioned in the literature on environmental impact. It is a potential health hazard
to tourists using those resources as they may contract water-borne diseases.
2. The addition of nutrients to the water will hasten the process of eutrophica-
tion. Excessive weed growth may result with implications for levels of dissolved
oxygen which, in turn, govern fish numbers, species composition and growth
rates.

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3. Fluctuations in the supply and distribution of oxygen have implications for

aquatic plant and animal life which are well understood. The presence of increas-
ing quantities of oil from recreational vehicles, and oil spills from tankers and
cruise ships in resort harbours, have had detrimental effects on oxygen supply
and have reduced the satisfaction of tourists swimming in those waters.
4. Oil and fuel combustion products from recreational vehicles can increase levels
of toxicity in lakes and rivers and will result in detrimental effects to aquatic
plants and wildlife. The lead and ethylene compounds which are used in fuels,
accumulate in the bottom sediments and become toxic to some life forms,
including fish and invertebrates. Unburned oil deposits and slicks on aquatic
plants, plankton and algae interfere with plant respiration and inhibit algae
growth, ultimately affecting the food chains of fish and other aquatic organisms
(Hammitt and Cole 1998, Mosisch and Arthington 1998).
5. The effects of detergents and of trace elements from the decomposition of tins
and bottles are also thought to be harmful but their consequences have yet to
be fully researched.

Most of the research which has been conducted on water quality has examined
the effects of urban and industrial wastes. Although the principles may be similar,
tourist activities inject different types of pollutants, in different quantities, into
water bodies which are of high quality. The repercussions are also likely to differ.
In general, the impacts of these have been underestimated. The application of quan-
titative analyses to determine the nature and magnitude of such repercussions is
urgently needed.

Tourism and air quality and noise pollution

There is a dearth of material on the impacts on air quality of recreation in general,

and tourism in particular. As tourism involves travelling, normally by motor car,
ship, train, bus or aeroplane, the contribution of each to air pollution is of relev-
ance to the theme of this section. For example, the concentration of pollutants from
motor cars within cities is attributable partially to recreational driving, tour buses
and taxis. In resorts, the pollutant contribution from tourist vehicles is likely to be
significant. One can only speculate on the importance as figures are not readily
available. Viewpoints on the subject vary. Adverse impacts on vegetation have been
attributed to motor car exhausts in congested valleys, such as Yosemite. In con-
trast, Soo Ann (1973: 207), in an early paper to the Pacific Area Travel Association
supporting the theme that ‘Tourism Builds a Better Environment’, claimed that
tourism has a smokeless economic base. Tourism does not involve the movement
of large quantities of raw materials and manufactured goods, or the transformation
of one into the other with its attendant pollution. Rather, it involves the movement

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of people. As a result, it is claimed that it does not pollute the environment as

much as most industries. Houghton-Evans and Miles (1970: 425) concluded that
the impact of cars on the air quality of rural areas is probably insignificant except
in congested spots. One study assessing pollution levels in resort areas from cars
found that automobile emissions were ten times higher in high-altitude zones of
Vail, Colorado, than in lower level zones (Kirkpatrick and Paeser, cited in Pearce
1981). Considering that traffic congestion is a major problem in many resorts, the
scarcity of similar studies is somewhat surprising. Although the contribution of
tourism to air pollution may be less than for some other forms of human activity,
this is no reason to disregard it entirely.
With the exception of intra-European tourism, the airlines are a major mode of
travel for international tourists. The aircraft is of great significance to the tourist
industry but it contributes little to the destruction of air quality. Air transport in
the United States is only a minor source of pollution, producing only 1 per cent of
all air contaminants. Studies undertaken at London’s Heathrow Airport, and in
Tokyo and Los Angeles, showed that carbon monoxide levels were less than one-
third of those recorded in the downtown areas of those cities. Shaw (1973: 227)
concluded from the early Heathrow study that: ‘far from adding significantly to
pollution levels in adjacent areas, the airport dilutes the pollution from surround-
ing districts and reduces concentrations of pollutants below the levels which
might be expected if an average urban development took place’.
In spite of increases in the volume of traffic, the new designs of jet engine com-
bustion chambers have reduced pollutant emissions. The gradual replacement
of propeller planes, and improvements to short-haul fuel-efficient models, have
reduced particulate emissions and invisible gaseous pollutants. The aircraft has
been insignificant when compared with the car as an agent of change in the chem-
ical quality of the air. This conclusion does not hold true for the contribution of
aircraft to noise pollution. This is a major environmental problem of aircraft and
satisfactory remedies have yet to be devised. Technological innovation has reduced
sound output in newer jet aircraft but the volume of aircraft landings and take-offs
at many busy urban airports has meant that aircraft noise is virtually continuous
for most of the day and much of the night. Indirect attempts to control noise by
altering flight procedures, reducing the number of night flights and implementing
flight curfews have allowed those living near airports to experience a decrease
in annoying noise and reduced some of the psychological stress associated with
high noise levels. Newer airport developments are also being built at greater dis-
tances from urban centres but noise pollution is still a factor for residents in close
proximity although the numbers impacted are significantly less. It might also be
expected that residential property values would be lower in the flight paths of air-
craft and that noise pollution by airplanes would have a negative effect on such
values. One study undertaken in the Manchester area of the UK was inconclusive
with respect to this proposition (Pennington, Topham and Ward 1990).

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Tourism and wildlife

As noted earlier, the quality of the natural environment plays a significant role in
attracting tourists to specific destinations. ‘Wildlife tourists’, seeking an experience
of observing and photographing animals in their natural habitats, are a notable
example of what is sometimes referred to as ‘wildlife tourism’ or a form of eco-
tourism. Also included in this definition, although not as well documented, is the
observation of wildlife in captive settings such as zoos, urban wildlife parks and
animal sanctuaries, as well as the recreational pursuits of hunting and fishing.
Tourism that is based on visitors interacting with wild animals in their natural
environments has attracted significant interest from governments, the tourism
industry and researchers. Higginbottom (2004b: 1) noted that the growing inter-
est in wildlife tourism is a reflection of the following factors:

1. The synergies that can be gained between wildlife conservation and tourism
involving wildlife;
2. Wild animals being used as central components in tourist destination marketing;
3. Tourists being motivated by the opportunities to view, photograph and inter-
act with animals in their natural environments.

As demand for wildlife tourism has expanded, so has the attention accorded
to it by academics as reflected in the proliferation of articles and books on various
aspects of this form of tourism. These include the economics of wildlife tourism
(Bojo 1998, Brown and Henry 1989, Moscardo and Saltzer 2004, Norton-Griffiths
1998, Tisdell and Wilson 2004); the direct impacts of tourism on wildlife species and
their habitats (Butynski and Kalina 1998, Edington and Edington 1986, Gabrielsen
and Smith 1995, Green and Giese 2004, Whyte, Van Aarde and Pimm 1998); the
role of wildlife tourism in conservation (Higginbottom, Tribe and Booth 2003,
Orams 1996, Roe, Leader-Williams and Dalal-Clayton 1997, Sinclair and Pack
2000); the dynamics and relationships of tourism, wildlife and local community
socio-economic development (Bell 1987, Burns 2004, Hulme and Murphree 1999,
2001a, Potts, Goodwin and Walpole 1996); and management practices to promote
the sustainability of wildlife tourism (Higginbottom 2004a, Manfredo 2002, Reid,
Sindiga, Evans and Ongaro 1999, Shackley 1996, Vaske, Decker and Manfredo
1995). Many of the academic discussions referenced above have been specific to
particular animal species, destinations or biotic components of animal ecosystems.
The texts by Shackley (1996), Knight and Gutzwiller (1995) and Higginbottom
(2004a) are important syntheses of this form of tourism, each drawing upon the
works of several researchers.
Many of the examinations of the impacts of recreation and tourism on wildlife
have emphasized specific animal species in relatively natural environments. Studies
of wildlife differ from those in other aspects of recreation and have their own
unique features. These are:

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1. The documentation of impacts of tourism on wildlife has concentrated upon

larger land mammals and birds. Little attention has been directed to the effects
of tourism on small mammals, reptiles or insects.
2. Studies have tended to be at a macro rather than a micro level: for example, in
national parks and nature reserves. This is understandable as wildlife preser-
vation areas are designated on this scale and serve as primary tourist resources.
3. A growing number of studies of the impacts of tourism on wildlife now include
a stronger ecological base from which effects can be determined and predictions
can be made. Notwithstanding this progress, most studies remain largely
descriptive and make only general reference to the ecological principles of migra-
tion, feeding and breeding behaviour, and adaptation to changes in habitat.
4. There is a lack of longitudinal analysis on wildlife populations noting the
changes to wildlife habitat with progressive interactions between tourists and
animals. Systematic ecological studies measuring the impacts of tourism on
wildlife are uniquely complicated. Inherent difficulties include ascertaining
baseline population counts, the difficulty of distinguishing in counts between
out-migration and mortality, the differential fragility of species and ecosystems
within the same tourist destination, and differentiating the effects of tourism on
wildlife habitats from those of other economic activities such as agriculture or
mining (Shackley 1996: 16, Wall and Wright 1977: 41).
This section is primarily concerned with the effects of tourism on wildlife living
in natural surroundings. Many examples have been taken from studies undertaken
in East African national parks and game reserves where relationships between
tourism and wildlife are most evident, have a long history and where wildlife
forms the prime attraction. Tourism has been a major stimulus to the preservation
of wildlife, especially in Africa, and this is a highly positive manifestation of tourist
development and far more so than other forms of land use. Nevertheless, recent
writings on tourism and wildlife in Africa have painted a less rosy picture than this
might suggest (Burn 1975, Croall 1995, Gabrielsen and Smith 1995, Gauthier 1993,
Green and Giese 2004, Rensberger 1977). Other recent studies have also drawn
attention to the threats to wildlife habitats in North America (Anderson 1995,
Fraser, Frenzel and Mathisen 1985) and Australia (Orams 2002, Van Tiggelen
1994). There is also a growing body of literature on marine tourism, including the
impacts on ocean mammals, notably whales and dolphins, and fish (Garrod and
Wilson 2003, Higham and Lusseau 2004, Orams 1999). The early review by Rivers
(1974: 12) discussed a number of effects of tourism on wildlife and placed these
into two categories: direct and indirect impacts.

Direct impacts on wildlife

The ability of wildlife to withstand an influx of tourists varies from species to
species and from habitat to habitat. For example, according to Curwen (1973: 7),

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wildlife in Botswana could tolerate considerably higher numbers of tourists than

were present then without incurring disruptive effects. Three decades ago, other
authors (Mountfort 1974, Myers 1976) noted that carrying capacities had been
exceeded in the developed African national parks of Serengeti, Tsavo and Mount
Kenya. In these parks, the density of tourist vehicles within a radius of 10–15 miles
of tourist lodges had become so excessive as to disrupt the tranquil environment.
This also detracts from the tourist experience. Hutchinson (1975: 107) suggested
that: ‘much of the attraction of these parks lies not so much in the presence of
animals as in the absence of humans and tourists become quite indignant when
they see other tourists viewing animals’. Reporting on a recent safari experience,
Gray (1973: 26) noted her frustration when attempting to photograph animals
without including other safari vehicles.
The direct effects of tourism on wildlife depend largely upon the intensity of
tourist development, the resilience of species to the presence of tourists and their
subsequent adaptability. More specifically, the severity of impact will vary with
the animal itself, its species, age, sex, physical condition, stage of breeding, the kind
of habitat it occupies, its proximity to other animals and previous interactions
with tourists (Green and Giese 2004). Some of the major effects which have been
mentioned in the literature are summarized below.

Physiological and behavioural responses to stress Wild animals can react to tourist
attention in a variety of recognized behavioural responses ranging from avoid-
ance to acceptance, attraction and habituation. Avoidance of humans begins with
alarmed behaviour and alertness followed frequently by agitation and territorial
escape. The intensity and scale of the responses will vary with the level of intru-
siveness of tourist behaviour and the times of tourist visitation, with greater agita-
tion and stress occurring in breeding and feeding periods (Newsome, Moore and
Dowling 2002: 73). The above authors analyzed the physiological responses of
penguins to the presence of tourists and noted increases in heart and respiration
rates, rises in body temperature and blood sugar levels, and the expenditure of
additional, much needed, body energy. Similar conclusions were noted in studies
on whale watching, a rapidly growing form of ecotourism in British Columbia,
Alaska and New Zealand and on penguins, concluded by Regel and Putz (1997).
Most researchers conclude that the presence of whale-watching boats instigates
distinct behavioural responses from the whale population (Higham and Lusseau
2004). These responses of avoidance include changes in herd movement and pod
closeness, changes in dive intervals, decrease in resting behaviour and increases
in swim spread. Obvious effects of whale injury from collisions with tourism
vessels have also been noted. Such responses, if ongoing, may lead to broader
ecological implications such as reduced reproductive success, reduced parental
care of the young, territorial migration and, ultimately, a decline in population
numbers.

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The disruption of feeding and breeding For many tourists, the observation of a
predator stalking and securing its kill is the highlight of a wildlife safari. Gray
(1973: 26) dramatically described this as follows: ‘People are travelling to Africa
not only to bathe in nature’s innocence but also to witness nature’s violence. To
see predators on the kill is considered to be the great moment of a safari, a new
outlet for the blood lust once channelled into hunting’. This lust frequently under-
mines the privacy of the animals being observed. Gray (1973: 28) noted that on
one occasion tourists in a safari van watched a cheetah stealthily approach its
prey for twenty minutes. Immediately prior to the critical point in the cheetah’s
approach, the vans converged and tourists climbed on the roofs to take photo-
graphs. They created such a commotion that the prey, an impala, became startled
and ran off. Myers (1975: 6) claimed that the close shadowing of lions by tourists
leads to many missed kills with the result that many lion cubs are starving. He
also cited occasions when young animals became fatally separated from their
mothers because of the erratic behaviour of minibus drivers. This behaviour is
often encouraged illegally for drivers are offered large sums of money to break
park rules and chase animals. It seems that the chasing of animals has increased
markedly in recent years and this activity has caused numerous cheetahs to die of
heart failure.
The presence of tourists and the closeness with which they approach animal
breeding areas is well documented for numerous bird colonies. Giese (1998) con-
cluded that the presence of tourists and their approaching of penguin nests inter-
rupted incubation activity and reduced hatching success as the penguins would
stand off their eggs or leave the nest. Similar animal behaviours have been noted
for gulls, bald and golden eagles and various water birds in North America,
and for crocodiles on the Nile and in Uganda. In these examples, there were not-
able declines in reproduction success and increases in offspring predation and
mortality (Anderson, 1988, Edington and Edington 1986, Knight and Gutzwiller
1995).
The presence of tourists will also interfere with the territorial behaviour of animals
and disrupt natural breeding behaviour. Separation of the animals has reduced
animal population sizes, particularly in animal communities where animal partners
mate for life. Similarly, tourist activities may cause separation between parents
and offspring, a potentially dangerous situation for young animals. Mortality of
young animals caused by this separation is increasing among antelope popula-
tions in many East Africa parks, in particular Amboseli and the Masai Mara.

Hand-feeding of animals The distortion of normal animal behaviour by artificial

feeding has received some attention (Gill 2002, Orams 2002, Van Tiggelon 1994).
Artificial augmenting of a wild animal’s food supply has proven to be problematic
with a number of negative effects:

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1. The food that is provided often lacks essential nutrients and is conducive to
poorer health conditions for animals and the introduction of disease.
2. Animal dependency on hand-feeding can result in the elimination of the animals’
natural food searching techniques.
3. Hand-feeding encourages animals to congregate around accommodation areas
and transportation routes.
4. Population numbers of other species may alter in response to the changes in or
behaviour of those being fed, through reduced competition or habitat change
(Green and Giese 2004).

There has been some support for hand-feeding of wild animals although not
generally on ecological grounds. Support is largely from a welfare perspective.
If well-controlled, supplementation of natural food may have beneficial effects
in situations where the natural environment has been irreversibly changed, the
animal is rare or endangered, or where natural food supplies are threatened.

Deliberate and indiscriminate hunting and fishing

The killing and injuring of wildlife
will reduce wildlife numbers and, in some cases if uncontrolled, may lead to the
local extinction of species. Hunting and fishing activities are pursuits of both indi-
vidual recreationists and organized commercial tours. However, the effects that
are reported in the literature refer largely to subsistence and illegal hunting and
fishing. Some examples are as follows:

1. The reduction of fish numbers caused by a combination of both commercial and

recreational activities is seen in the coastal waters of Australia’s Great Barrier
Reef.
2. Trophy hunting of male brown bears in Slovenia has changed the bear popula-
tion sex structure. The same has occurred with grizzly bears in some North
American habitats (cited in Green and Giese 2004).
3. The collection of animal specimens (shells and coral) has dramatically changed
the reef ecosystems of the Great Barrier Reef, the Red Sea, the Kenyan Coast
and Galapagos Islands.

The accidental killing of animals within destination areas has also risen with
the growth of vehicular tourist traffic in wildlife habitats and as animals become
more accustomed to the presence of tourists and grow dependent on them for
food. Kraus (1967: 161) reported heavy losses to game with an increase in vehicular
traffic, especially hares, roebuck and red deer, in a German national park. Animals
are also frequently run over in North American parks. Some species benefit from
such accidental mortality. Hawks and falcons are often to be seen scavenging on
park roadsides.

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The disruption of predator–prey relationships Interference with animals’ foraging

behaviour as a result of the presence of tourists (noted above in feeding and
breeding effects) has been documented for Canadian deer and wolf populations
(Carbyn 1974), lions and cheetahs in Africa (Myers 1972, 1975, Roe, Leader-
Williams and Dalal-Clayton 1997) and bald eagles, ravens and woodpeckers in the
United States (Knight et al. 1991, cited in Green and Giese 2004). In all cases, the
animals were either disturbed during times of prey capture, forced to abandon a
captured prey, or the animals avoided traditional feeding locations now occupied
by tourists. As a consequence, there is often a reduction in the animals’ food
intake. This is most serious during breeding periods and may force animals to
move and search for new foraging territories.

Disease risks The introduction and transmission of exotic diseases to animal popula-
tions by tourists poses a new and relatively undocumented threat to the ecological
sustainability of wildlife tourism. This is particularly serious if introduced into
already endangered populations. This has been concluded in recent research
involving the habituated ape populations of Africa (Butynski and Kalina 1998,
Litchfield 2001). With the introduction of such diseases, increased mortality and
morbidity, reduced reproduction capabilities and greatly reduced species immun-
ity were identified as being the most serious threats to the current gorilla tourism
programmes. Similar findings, although not as well documented, have been noted
in dolphin populations and some of Australia’s exotic animal species.

Indirect impacts on wildlife

The creation of national parks and game reserves has been conducive to the pro-
liferation of certain species. Recent monitoring of animal populations in African
national parks revealed sharp increases in the number of wildebeest, zebras,
hartebeest, gazelles and elephants. Some authors (Douglas-Hamilton 1987, Myers
1972, 1975, Rensberger 1977, Whyte, van Aarde and Pimm 1998) predicted that
there will be overpopulation of specific species in particular areas in the near
future. Natural control mechanisms may take one of two forms:
1. Increased competition for fo od and mating partners. This will stimulate fighting and
will also have adverse, often fatal, effects on the weak and the young;
2. Mass out-migration to alternative environments. This form of adjustment has not
been observed in Africa for seventy years but some authors fear that such an
event is imminent. This adjustment should not be confused with the common
phenomenon of seasonal migration.
Increases in one species may also affect the numbers of others. The elephant is
a good example. Because of the expanding human population in East Africa,
game parks have become the elephant’s only safe refuge. Many of the parks are
too small to support the increase in elephant numbers (Hutchinson 1975: 104).

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African elephants are not conservationists. In excessive numbers, they destroy

the environment on which they feed by stripping and uprooting trees. This has
resulted in the gradual conversion of woodland to grassland. Studies undertaken
in Tanzania’s national parks and in Southern Africa led to the conclusion that
elephants reduced the tree coverage by approximately 10 per cent annually. This,
in turn, reduced the food supply for other species, particularly the browsing species
such as the giraffe and black rhinoceros (Barnes 1983, Whyte, van Aarde and
Pimm 1998).
The increasing extension of tourism also results in changes in wildlife habitats.
Litter around camping areas and garbage dumps in parks have attracted fauna
such as bears, birds and rodents to these areas. By littering, tourists have not only
altered habitats, they have also disturbed traditional feeding patterns. Both grizzly
and brown bears have been attracted to areas frequented by tourists so that the
frequency of human interactions with bears has increased. Injury to tourists by
bears has been noted by Moment (1969) and Martinka (1974). Martinka (1974: 15)
noted a decrease in injuries to tourists and damage to equipment in Glacier National
Park with the implementation of management plans that encouraged bears to
return to their normal feeding habits. Timely removal and adequate disposal of
garbage, temporary hiking and camping restrictions, increased patrols and the
relocation of troublesome bears are among the measures which have been adopted.
Similar controls are also proving to be effective in Yosemite National Park (Darling
and Eichhorn 1967: 100).
Souvenirs are not restricted to manufactured trinkets. The capture and killing
of animals for trading purposes have increased with the growing demands for
wildlife souvenirs. These may take the form of furs, skins, ivory ornaments, horns
and tails. The curio trade in East Africa has boomed for years and is visible evid-
ence of the destruction of wildlife to satisfy the needs of tourists The number of
curio shops has increased rapidly: ‘There are scores of them stuffed with elephant
tusks, zebra hides, mounted antelope heads, lion-claw necklaces, monkey-skin
throw rugs, ostrich-foot lamps, gazelle-hoof key rings and assorted other animal
products eagerly snapped up by wealthy tourists’ (Rensberger 1977: 138). Crocodile
skins and stuffed baby crocodiles are sold as souvenirs and this has been respons-
ible for the eradication of the species from many African rivers and lakes, and has
decreased numbers drastically in the Caribbean and in South America (Mountfort
1974: 7, Pollock 1974: 146). The growing curio trade has occurred in spite of the
enactment of legislation to prevent the hunting of wild animals. The question
arises, given the existence of hunting controls, as to where the curio shops acquire
their supplies of wildlife souvenirs. One legitimate source of a few animals is the
government game control programmes. Such programmes permit a limited num-
ber of elephants, lions and other animals to be culled if they endanger local inhab-
itants or their crops, or if their population numbers rise and become out of balance
with other species. They also collect animals within the parks which have died

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through natural causes. It is unlikely that these sources could supply the quantit-
ies of animals seen in curio shops. Moreover, it is seldom necessary to control such
species as zebra, antelope or monkeys. The curio trade is an obvious sign of one
of the greatest threats to African wildlife: poaching.
A large proportion of the income from tourism never reaches the indigenous
African. As long as their standard of living remains low, no argument or amount
of persuasion is likely to stop poaching entirely when the incentive of securing
cash for animal trophies is high. In spite of the risk of being caught and either
fined or imprisoned, poaching is likely to continue although it is unlikely to reach
the peak levels of the 1980s. Netboy (1975: 27) stated that in 1973, at least a thou-
sand elephants were being slaughtered every month. Only 1,600 elephants were
left a decade later, a massive drop of 88 per cent in overall population (Shackley
1996: 77). Similar trends were evident with another member of the ‘big five’: the
rhinoceros. In 1973, there were over 20,000 rhinoceros in Kenya but, by the year
2000, there were merely 650 left, a drop of over 90 per cent in population.
Early poaching was undertaken primarily by individuals for meat, skins and
some money, and was limited to a few isolated areas. Hunting techniques were
crude, depending upon poisoned arrows, camouflaged pits and wire snares. As the
tourist industry has expanded in Africa and demands for wildlife trophies have
increased, more dangerous forms of poaching have evolved. In parts of northern
Kenya, armed gangs using trucks and sophisticated weapons, including machine
guns, have been reported. Some of these organized poaching enterprises are inter-
nationally funded.
The negative impacts of poaching are not limited to the wildlife of Africa nor
specifically endemic to the demands of the curio trade. Poaching is evident in
North America and Asia where animal parts are also reaching the black market
for culinary and medicinal purposes. In the United States, such species as elk, the
brown pelican, the peregrine falcon, the Schaus’ swallowtail butterfly and brown
bear are already locally endangered. The size and sophistication of poaching opera-
tions are astounding, with estimates that over 3,000 American black bears are shot
illegally every year. Poaching has also dramatically reduced the tiger populations
in India and Myanmar. In India, there are some reserves where the tiger has been
eliminated and, by the end of this century, researchers are estimating that only 200
will survive and all will be in captivity. Similar forecasts have been provided for
the giant panda of South-west China (Shackley 1996: 99).
The threat to wildlife is very real and it is likely to intensify with increases in
tourist arrivals, demands for souvenirs and the continuation of low levels of
income for local residents. The extent to which this threat will spread is uncertain.
It will depend upon the amount of tourist revenue which is redirected into park
development and local economies, and the level of priority which is given to anti-
poaching measures. In the general absence of effective management plans in
wildlife areas where tourists visit and stay, the impacts upon wildlife have been

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largely negative. More is known of the effects of particular types of tourist devel-
opment and activities on the wildlife of surrounding environments, and of the
effects on individual species. More research is required on the ecological aspects of
wildlife, which should encompass reproductive and feeding habits, species diver-
sity and resilience to habitat change. The application of research on island and
marine ecosystems to national parks and game reserves is a potentially fruitful
avenue of investigation (McEachern and Towle 1974). The discussion and applica-
tion of best practices in the management and protection of wildlife from an eco-
logical perspective are equally fruitful and sometimes as controversial. In Kruger
National Park in South Africa where elephant populations have grown rapidly,
management culling of 7 per cent of the population each year has drawn consid-
erable criticism among ecologists. Consideration has also been given to adminis-
tering contraceptives to female elephants, or even sterilization as an alternative
management option, but the physiological and behavioural implications of these
approaches are not well researched (Whyte, van Aarde and Pimm 1998). Broad
discussion of other management approaches to wildlife conservation and tourism
can be found in Higginbottom (2004a) and Orams (1996) and will not be repeated
here.

Tourism, wildlife and the needs of local residents

Managing the interface between tourism development, the conservation of wild-
life as a tourism resource and the needs of local inhabitants residing in or near
wildlife tourism areas have been the subjects of three decades of debate (Allen
1976, Anderson and Grove 1987, Burns 2004, Burns and Sofield 2001, Cochrane
1993, Collett 1987, Hulme and Murphree 1999, 2001a, b, Lindsay 1987, Myers 1972,
Norton-Griffiths 1998, Potts, Goodwin and Walpole 1996, Swift 1972). Much of the
literature has focused on these complex relationships using African case studies,
although recent examples have also been drawn from Australia.
Sustainability of wildlife resources is the core goal of conservation practice and
this depends upon the roles of and support from hosts. Hosts interact with the
‘wildlife tourist’ and the wildlife resource and the nature of this interaction will
have implications for the long-term viability of wildlife tourism (Burns 2004). The
perceptions and attitudes of the hosts towards wildlife tourism and the wildlife
resource itself are central to this discussion. These attitudes vary as host interac-
tions with the wildlife tourists and wildlife also vary. They cover a wide continuum
ranging from care, concern and conservation to open hostility (Burns and Sofield
2001: 10). The benefits or costs that accrue to resident populations hosting wildlife
tourism are not the focus here and are discussed in Chapter 6. This section dis-
cusses the impacts to wildlife as a result of the responses of hosts that emanate
from the relationship of wildlife tourism to their social well-being.
Most authors writing on Africa have questioned the viability of this three-way
interface and have drawn pessimistic conclusions concerning host communities:

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displacement or relocation from their home environment and subsequent reduc-

tions in standard of living, competition and conflict over land use with wildlife,
lack of access to natural resources, and conflict over the distribution of tourist
revenues (Mvula 2001: 394). The conditions in Africa leading to this conflict merit
brief examination. Annual population growth rates of 3.5 per cent are experienced
in the African countries with the major wildlife reserves. More than 50 per cent of
the population is less than fifteen years old. The average family size totals between
six and seven children. As nutritional levels rise in the segment of females of
reproductive age, the number of children per family is expected to continue to rise.
The problems of increasing population are compounded by the lack of suitable
land for agriculture and overpopulation of existing arable lands: such areas often
currently experience population densities of 1,600 per square mile (615 per square
kilometre). Together, these two features place great stresses upon existing agri-
culture. Faced with these pressures, land-hungry Africans have spilled over into
the drier, game-rich, savannah grasslands. This is inducing major conflicts between
wildlife and the needs of local inhabitants.
Tourism lies in the middle of this conflict. African national parks and wild
lands yield a greater return in their natural form than if they are used for cultiva-
tion or grazing. In economic terms, the marginal loss of food from declaring game
reserves out of bounds to agriculture is more than compensated by the gain in
utility in having the animals conserved. Tourism has been largely responsible for
this. On the other hand, African people require food for survival and are forced
to seek areas on the margins of national parks for cultivation and grazing. The
alienation of valuable grazing lands for the exclusive use of wildlife tourism has
raised the ‘people versus animals’ question (Collett 1987: 129). The benefits of
tourism often never reach these people and their attitudes towards preservation
are conditioned by their attempts to survive.
The areas which are most susceptible to these conflicts are the margins of the
major parks. However, as population continues to increase and more land on the
edge of African parks becomes used for more intensive agriculture, the threats to
wildlife become more apparent. These threats result from:

1. The loss of habitats. Instead of finding a buffer zone in the park hinterlands, animals
are encountering competition for water and grazing land. In Lake Manyana
National Park in Tanzania, elephants have become trapped in the park because
of human encroachment on the areas which surround it. Foraging pressures are
having serious effects on forests within the park. Ugandan figures indicate that
the amount of land available to elephants fell from 70 per cent of the national
land area in 1929 to a mere 12 per cent in 2000. Moreover, in some park areas
elephant numbers have increased, placing intense pressures on food supplies.
Many areas of Africa that were previously uninhabited by humans because of

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the tsetse fly are now regarded as having potential for agriculture. Their devel-
opment would result in a loss of habitat for much wildlife.
2. Increased pressures on predator–prey relationships. The restriction of animals to
the parks reduces their hunting territories and disrupts their life support
systems. Lions and cheetahs, in times when natural prey is in short supply,
will turn to cattle and sheep on neighbouring farmlands. As a result, such
predators are threatened by stockmen. Myers (1975, 1976), Collett (1987), Burns
(2004) and Hulme and Murphree (1999) have written extensively on this prob-
lem and have offered grim predictions on the plight of some species, particu-
larly the cheetah and lion. Poison has been known to eliminate an entire lion
pride in one night. Cheetah numbers are becoming alarmingly low. Africa now
has between ten and fifteen thousand cheetahs and this is only half the number
it had in 1960.
3. Restrictions on movement. Development around park peripheries has prevented
mobile species, such as the springbok in South Africa, from migrating. The like-
lihood of this occurring to other species, such as wildebeest in East Africa, is
increasing.

Losses of habitat and the disruption of predator–prey relationships and mig-

ratory behaviour will continue to reduce the total number of wildlife in African
countries. A major task that must be faced by the East African tourist industry is
the justification of national parks as a means of meeting the needs of the local
community, as well as tourists and nature lovers. A major challenge is to provide
land, food and work for a growing population while preserving the wildlife herit-
age and growing the tourist industry. There are no easy answers and undoubtedly
difficult trade-offs. Policies of outright protection of parks have served well
enough to date but, given the pressures on the land and wildlife of Africa, such
policies may not be in accord with the legitimate needs of the people of the
region. Any strategy which threatens the existence of the parks is not acceptable,
but if the lives of local residents are in jeopardy because of the inadequate supply
of land and food, then policies of strict protection seem equally deplorable.
Widespread opposition by the Masai of Kenya and a realization of the problems
facing their success as pastoralists led to several policy modifications or compro-
mises in the Kenya Wildlife Park Policy of 1977 (Lindsay 1987). These included the
following and are now evident in Ngorongoro, Amboseli and Masai Mara game
areas:

1. Creation of faunal reserves (not national parks) where the grazing and water-
ing of cattle is permitted on a temporary basis;
2. Creation of park peripheries where wildlife has zones of absolute protection
and a dispersion zone shared with cattle during and after the wet season;

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3. Permission for Masai pastoralists to water their cattle within specific areas of
the park at specific times during the dry season. As the Masai do not hunt, both
wildlife and pastoralists are coexisting.

These compromises represent a positive step towards the establishment of a bal-

ance satisfying the needs of the tourists, wildlife and local residents, but similar
approaches are not widespread in African.
Wildlife conservation does have opportunity costs so the net potential revenues
from agriculture should be compared to the net returns from tourism and conser-
vation activities (Norton-Griffiths and Southey 1995: 120). Up to now, the burden of
such costs has rested with host destinations that are in many cases part of under-
developed economies. As the demands for wildlife conservation grow, so too will
the costs but it is doubtful that the necessary cost recoveries can be achieved dir-
ectly from tourist activities. This will mean deficits that will need to be managed.
It will be critical that a dilution of local conservation policies is not the result of
such financial shortages. Rather, international cooperation that will fund the
design and implementation of sustainable wildlife and tourism partnerships will
be required.

Tourism and geology

Information on the effects of tourism on geology is very scarce. There has been
occasional mention of the impact of collectors of minerals, rocks and fossils, and in
some areas the stripping of caves of their natural formations has become a serious
problem. The extraction of unique rock formations by the professional suppliers
of souvenirs, and the wear and tear from large numbers of tourists have both
occurred. Vandalism has also been reported in some of the more popular cave
sites. The defacement of rock faces by the carving or painting of initials, names
and inscriptions leaves unsightly scars but is not usually a major ecological prob-
lem. If the inscriptions are old or artistic, they may even be valued. Mountaineers
may alter the character of rock faces as a part of their activity. Watson (1967)
pointed out that mountaineers are a relatively small group and seem to have
little impact on rock faces other than minor abrasions. However, the repeated
cutting of footholds can change the character of popular climbs and can detract
from the recreational experience of other climbers. Damage has also occurred to
the Australian attractions of Ayers Rock (Ovington, Groves, Stevens and Tanton
1972) and the Great Barrier Reef, and to the coral atolls of the Pacific. One can
conclude from the limited number of investigations that impacts on geology are
restricted to special environments and are largely concerned with the destruc-
tion of unique features. Some of these impacts are discussed in the next sections
of this chapter. These impacts however are unlikely to be a major problem in most
tourist areas.

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Impacts of tourism on ecosystems

IMPACTS OF TOURISM ON ECOSYSTEMS

An alternative way of examining the consequences of tourism on the environment

by a consideration of environmental components is to focus attention upon dis-
tinctive ecosystems. This approach was adopted early by Satchell and Marren
(1976) in their examination of the impacts of outdoor recreation and more recently
in a number of tourism books (Bramwell 2004, Conlin and Baum 1995, Garrod and
Wilson 2003, Godde, Price and Zimmermann 2000, Kay and Alder 1999, Weaver
2001d, Wong 1993a), and a growing number of publications on nature-based tour-
ism or ecotourism (Buckley 2004, Cater and Lowman 1994, Fennell 1999, Wearing
and Neil 1999, Weaver 1998, 2001b, d). The ecological composition and functional
relationships of ecosystems are central to the understanding of how they form
tourist resources, and the nature of tourist impacts that affect them. This is a very
complex area of study and is not examined in detail here but a useful introduction
can be found in Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002: 24–8). A large range of
environments are used for recreation and tourism and, in many cases, they are
protected or sensitive areas. They are often more attractive to tourists and thus
more vulnerable to environmental stress than areas that are less complex envir-
onmentally. The impacts of tourism on a number of these distinctive, more highly
valued ecosystems, will be reviewed here, although in previous sections individual
components of specific ecosystems have already been highlighted (e.g.: wildlife,
vegetation).

Coastlines

In many western countries, particularly in Southern Europe, coastlines have received

the full force of recreational pressures. In addition to tourism, coasts are also the
sites for other activities such as ports, power-generation plants and refineries. Thus
tourism adds to environmental stresses which are already imposed upon fragile
coastal resources. The concept of coastal tourism embraces the entire spectrum of
leisure and recreational activities that take place in the coastal zone and off-shore
coastal waters. In addition to the recreational and tourist activities, it also includes
coastal tourist developments and supporting infrastructures. The concept also
encompasses marine tourism covering both off-shore and shore-based activities
such as whale watching, reef viewing, snorkelling, scuba diving and boating. The
ecological impact of coastal tourism is a complex problem because of its range of
beneficial and detrimental effects.
In order to make a region more attractive to tourists, measures are sometimes
taken to drain swamps and mudflats as well as to protect the flora and fauna
(Tangi 1977: 338). However, drainage is incompatible with the preservation of many
species. Detrimental effects include the elimination of some plant and animal
habitats, the obliteration of geological features by excavation, water pollution,

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erosion of salt flats, restricted movement of tidal waters, and a diminution in the
aesthetic qualities of scenery. Jackson (1973: 64), Goldsmith (1974: 48) and Crittendon
(1975: 10) all provided early claims, for example, that disposal of wastes in the
waters of many resort beaches has reduced the bathing and boating potential of
those areas. Land-based pollutants flowing down rivers, along with illegal dump-
ing of waste from cruise ships, accidental oil spills and underground water pollu-
tion from infrastructural development are all contributing to this growing issue.
The most explicit inventories of the effects of tourism on coastal ecology have
been offered by Boote (1967: 131–7), Newsome, Moore and Dowling (2002), Kay
and Alder (1999), Wong (1993b) and Bramwell (2004). They listed possible impacts
according to the geological composition, relief of the coastline and types of tourism
activity. For example, the sand and shingle dune type of coastal environment is
particularly attractive for such activities as sightseeing (on foot and by vehicle),
golf course development, fixed accommodation, caravan and camping sites, and
bathing. The effects arising from sightseeing alone include the destruction of
habitats, erosion of dunes and interference with the breeding of wildlife. Accom-
modations and camping sites have potential effects, particularly if cluttered in an
unplanned fashion. These include problems with litter, sewage disposal, fires and
erosion. In salt marshes and mud flats, the tipping of rubbish, land reclamation
and the building of marinas alter water levels and nutrient concentrations, and
disturb flora and fauna.
One of the most significant issues in coastal tourism is the access to and use of
beaches and coastal dune systems (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002). Disturb-
ances to the natural cycling of sand from vegetation removal, track and road access
development and recreational vehicle use (cars, motorcycles and beach buggies)
can alter the shape and position of the beachfront, cause erosion and transporta-
tion of sand to inland areas, and eliminate wildlife habitats. The development of
linear patterned coastal infrastructures (such as villas and hotels) has also accel-
erated coastal erosion and shoreline recession (Mitchell, Knight and Wall 1997).
Disruption to beach environments can also have negative impacts on wildlife rely-
ing on the dunes for feeding and breeding. Poland, Hall and Smith’s (1996) study
of egg-laying turtles in Greece, concludes that continued sand erosion has signi-
ficantly reduced their breeding habitat and is now threatening their population
numbers. Similar disruptions to beach environments and to turtle nesting areas
are also reducing reproduction success rates in Costa Rica, North Africa and the
Mediterranean.
Demand for access to natural resources in coastal mass tourism is especially
evident in the Costa del Sol in Spain and along the coasts of Southern France.
Shorefront infrastructural developments, including high-rise hotels and condomin-
iums, have been a major factor in the progressive erosion of sand areas in these
locales. The construction of often unsightly seawalls and breakwaters to mitigate
these effects has come with mixed success and in some cases actually exacerbated

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erosion (Garcia, Pollard and Rodriguez 2004, Miossec 1993). Much of the envir-
onmental stress on the physical resources of the Spanish coast can be traced to
the spiralling demands for water and aggregates (McDowell, Carter and Pollard
1993). In this low rainfall environment, as demands for water from tourist facilities,
agriculture and urban centres grow, coastal stream discharge has been greatly
reduced and this has accelerated coastal erosion processes and sea water intrusion
into inland areas (Halpenny 2001).
Another component of the coastal environment affected by tourism is the clear-
ing and dredging of estuaries and mangroves for marinas and resorts. These are
significant nursery areas for wildlife, and dredging or infilling will directly impact
associated populations and alter the entire estuarine food chain.
The above examples are only a limited sample of the diverse environmental
effects that are currently occurring in coastal areas fostering tourist developments.
Environmental degradation on coastal ecosystems from natural and human pres-
sures is certain to intensify, particularly in zones of tourism concentration. It has
also been apparent that the coastal environment and its geomorphology has not
been fully understood, or taken into consideration, or is often underestimated by
developers and promoters of coastal tourism. Coastal planning and management
are advanced in many of these, although in many instances these practices have
emerged too late in the tourism development process to ensure the sustainability
of the natural resources as a tourist attraction. Attention must be devoted to envir-
onmental health and the purification of waste water, to the prevention of devel-
opment on unstable areas such as dunes and eroding cliffs, to the protection of
wildlife habitats and to the regulation of aesthetically unpleasing architecture.

Oceanic islands and marine ecosystems

Many of the environmental issues facing coastal, marine and island tourism
resources are discussed in a growing body of literature on marine tourism and
ecotourism (Cater and Cater 2001, Garrod and Wilson 2003, Orams 1999, Wong
1993b) and more specifically on the effects of tourism on small islands (Lockhart
and Drakakis-Smith 1997, Morey, Bover and Casas 1992, Price, Roberts and
Hawkins 1998, Wilkinson 1989). Ecologists have pointed out for some time now
that the important biological richness and complexity of many tropical islands,
because of the combined presence of rain forest, mangroves and coral reefs and
the interrelated network of food webs, are very sensitive to mass tourism (Sinha
and Bushell 2002). The components of marine ecosystems affected by tourism
that are most discussed by researchers are coral reefs and cetaceans, specifically
whales and dolphins. The latter has already been examined earlier in this chapter
in the section on wildlife. Coral reef ecosystems as tourism resources may be in
the form of large off-shore barrier reefs, coastal fringing reefs or fringing island
reefs known as atolls. Coral reefs and atolls are biologically rich, offering much

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of the world’s marine biodiversity but are also highly susceptible to excessive
exposure to tourism activity (Newsome, Moore and Dowling 2002: 58).
Coral reefs are highly susceptible to stress and damage when there are high
sediment accumulations, high nutrient levels affecting the efficiency of the
photosynthetic process, high water temperatures and inputs of freshwater affect-
ing the salinity conditions ideal for coral growth. Researchers on the Great Barrier
Reef (Liddle and Kay 1987, Woodland and Hooper 1976), the Maldives (Allison
1996, Domroes 1993, Price, Roberts and Hawkins 1998) and the Red Sea (Hawkins
and Roberts 1994) identified siltation, eutrophication and physical damage from
trampling as being the most common environmental concerns associated with
tourist development on coral ecosystems. Siltation is caused largely by excessive
run-off from land areas where vegetation has been cleared for tourist facilities.
Eutrophic conditions are brought about by the addition of nutrients to the ecosys-
tem from pollutants from sewage disposal from urban and resort development,
and oil leakages from recreational motor boats and cruise ships. Excessive nutrient
accumulation promotes algal growth than can smother the coral, preventing its
regeneration and ultimately causing its death. Algal eutrophication in many parts
of the Adriatic Sea has intensified to the point that this reality and the negative
publicity surrounding its effects on the attractiveness of the area’s beaches have
caused significant declines in tourist traffic to the resort area of Rimini (Becheri
1991: 229). Direct impacts of coral damage from trampling in shallow waters and in
main snorkelling and scuba diving pathways, and from coral souvenir collectors
are significant in many coral reef ecosystems. Collectively these ecological effects
can kill coral habitats and, in turn, the food supply for other animal and fish com-
munities. This process, if unchecked, will ultimately change the ecological structure
and diversity of the reefs permanently.

Mountains
Mountains and upland areas have been besieged by people for the purposes
of agriculture, forestry, reservoir development and, more recently, tourism and
recreation. Mountains have attracted tourists for several centuries and they have
also been the location of a large proportion of national and other park develop-
ments. With the emergence of mountain and upland recreational activities, such
as skiing, climbing, hiking, mountain biking, horseback riding and some forms of
hunting, these environments are being more intensively used. Previously remote
and inaccessible areas are now being opened to the influence of tourism, exposing
their environments to new and growing pressures.
The formal recognition by the international community of the importance of
sustaining mountain environments and other fragile ecosystems was confirmed in
the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED).
Chapter 13 of the conference agenda stressed the importance of mountains and

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mountain resources and of developing a better understanding about the ecology

and sustainable development of such resources (Godde, Price and Zimmerman
2000: 2). Since this conference, mountains and mountain tourism have featured pro-
minently on global agendas of governments, researchers, environmental interest
groups and tourist organizations. This has led to the creation of a growing body
of literature dedicated to the subject (Debarbieux 1995, East, Luger and Inmann
1998, Godde, Price and Zimmerman 2000) and recognition by the United Nations
when it declared 2002 the International Year of Mountains and the International
Year of Ecotourism.
Mountains are focal points of global biodiversity with a vertical layering of life
zones all with highly variable biophysical characteristics influenced by changes in
altitude, aspect and dramatic climatic variations. This has produced a series of rich
and diverse reservoirs of species and micro-environments. In addition to the abund-
ance of environmental resources, mountains also are the homes of distinctive popu-
lations. Many of these communities have remained isolated within the mountains
and, as a result, have maintained many of their ethnic and cultural traditions. The
effects of tourism on these communities are considered in the next chapter.
With regard to the physical environment, the range of tourist impacts will vary
significantly in relation to the scale of development and the influences brought
about by other human activities such as mining, agriculture and forestry. Mountain
trekking and mountain biking have impacts on vegetation, reduce or destroy zones
for wildlife habitat, accelerate soil erosion and create pollutants in downstream
water supplies from indiscriminate waste disposal. Roadways and deforestation
alter drainage patterns and run-off from them can pollute streams. If they are built
in previously inaccessible valleys, they may prevent some animals from migrat-
ing and wintering there. Ricciuti (1976: 32) and Nepal (2000) reported that this is
now occurring in several areas of the Himalayas. They also noted that erosion and
landslides have resulted. Even the most remote mountains are not free from such
impacts. Socher (1976: 388) recorded that in 1962 Nepal received just over 6,000
tourists. By 2000, this figure had risen to over 100,000 and with this growth came
a host of environmental effects. Trails of litter now line most of the mountaineer-
ing, tramping and trekking routes, and are especially concentrated around the
campsites, lodges and mountain base camps. Inadequately covered toilet pits and
scattered toilet paper around campsites, piles of non-biodegradable rubbish and
makeshift toilets pollute streams and rivers and have become serious issues in
Nepal (MacLellan, Dieke and Thapa 2000). The effects are compounded as suc-
cessive groups of tourists use the same sites repeatedly. The above authors have
also reported increases in the number and scale of landslides and rock falls in the
Himalayas. In the high-energy environments of mountains, where slopes are
steep and climates are often extreme, the ability to withstand use is likely to be
low and environmental disruptions may take centuries to disappear (Willard and
Marr 1970, 1971).

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Mountain recreational activities (winter and summer) such as cross-country

skiing, fishing, camping and horseback riding have impacts but they are usually
localized, site-specific and far less intrusive than those created by larger scale
tourist developments. Many of these localized effects have been discussed in
other sections of this chapter on vegetation, soil and water quality, and also have
been documented by Price (1985), Cole (2004) and Monz (2000).
Large tourism projects in mountain areas, such as ski resorts, threaten greater
and more far-reaching environmental impacts. The precise type of impact and its
ecological significance will vary by location, with the ecological characteristics of
the ecosystem and according to the construction and operational phases of the
development process (Buckley, Pickering and Warnken 2000). Large developments,
often occurring in national parks, should and often do require the preparation of
an EIA identifying the broad range of potential impacts and the managerial meas-
ures designed to minimize them. Many EIAs concentrate upon the construction
phase and a summary of the environmental indicators and impacts for mountain
resorts are presented in Table 5.1. These lists are comprehensive for initial assess-
ments but impacts are ongoing, cumulative and may lead to a range of new ones,
resulting in the need to assess impacts on an ongoing basis, even during the stages
of resort operation and expansion (McNeeley and Thorsell 1989).
Mountains are both highly attractive and ecologically valuable but of low
resilience to the impacts of mass tourism. Experience has shown that environ-
mental degradation caused by tourism could well be an obstacle to sustainable
mountain development. This predicament has been summarized by Moss and
Godde (2000: 336):

There is one reasonable certainty in the foreseeable future: if we fail to develop tourism
that sustains the environmental and cultural attributes of mountains, we will be adding
to the potential of their degradation, perhaps critically and with this, the likely demise
or severe curtailment of mountain tourism and the potential benefits it can bring to the
mountains of the world.

The above plea for balance advocated by Moss and Godde (2000) is equally true
for other ecologically vulnerable ecosystems that are being visited by a growing
number of tourists. The next two sections will discuss the common situations of
two seemingly disparate systems: polar environments and tropical rainforests.

Polar ecosystems

The Arctic and Antarctic regions are being marketed for tourism as being the ‘last
of the wilderness frontiers’ or areas of ‘unspoiled nature’. As tourism to these areas
grows, the notion of wilderness becomes increasingly diluted and the prospects
of environmental degradation increasingly real. These concerns have been well
documented (special issue of Annals of Tourism Research 1994, Forbes, Monz and

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Table 5.1 A summary of impact indicators associated with construction of mountain

resorts from Australian environmental impact statements

Type of impact

Soil compaction
Topsoil disturbance
Soil erosion
Risk of mudslides and avalanches
Slope-wash and sediment run-off
Changed surface drainage
Groundwater depletion
Changed subsurface flows
Rapid thaw on roads, buildings, etc.
Increased stream turbidity
Increased spring flooding
Contaminated run-off to streams
nutrients in slope-wash
fertilizer from vegetation
oil wash from roads, etc.
Airborne dust
Construction noise
Vegetation clearance
Loss of vegetation types or plant communities
(e.g. through changed groundwater)
Smaller populations of particular plant species
Introduction of weeds
in re-vegetation mulches, etc.
colonizing bare areas
Non-local native plants
Plant pathogens
Barriers to animal movement
Noise disturbance to animals
Reduced animal habitat
Increased habitat fragmentation
Reduced animal reproduction and breeding
Reduced tree cover
Increased open areas
Increased grassed areas
Increased predation risk

Source: After Buckley, Pickering and Warnken 2000: 32

Tolvanen 2004, Hall 1992c, Hall and Johnston 1995, Kaltenborn 2000, Smith, V.
1994, Stonehouse 2001). As with other fragile ecosystems, it is their unique and
sensitive ecological characteristics that form much of their attractiveness to tourists.
These attributes include wildlife, vegetation, solitude, pristine wilderness environ-
ments, and unique and spectacular polar landscapes. Some authors claim that as
our knowledge of polar ecosystems increases, it is becoming apparent that they
are less fragile and more resilient than originally proposed (Stonehouse 2001: 229).

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The changes and disturbances induced by tourism may be regenerated by natural

means but the recovery process in both high latitudes and altitudes is usually very
slow (Splettstoesser and Folks 1994).
The ecological characteristics of the Arctic and Antarctic environments are dra-
matically different and, therefore, conducive to different types of tourist activity
and susceptible to different types of impact. As a result of its remoteness and its
lack of land to support wildlife and vegetation, the Antarctic has few indigenous
birds or mammals and virtually no summer growth of vegetation. The peripheral
waters around the continent are, however, abundant with wildlife. Tourist visita-
tion to these areas is limited to cruise ship activity and adventure boat excursions.
Tourist interaction with wildlife species is sparse and the impacts insignificant. In
contrast, Arctic or sub-Arctic environments support a wider range of richer wildlife
and tundra vegetation species and, correspondingly, a wider range of tourist
activities. Not surprisingly, therefore, much more research on tourism’s effects on
Arctic sub-systems exists with case studies having been undertaken in Canada,
Alaska, Greenland, Scandinavia and Russia. Current research findings from these
studies can be summarized as follows (Forbes, Monz and Tolvanen 2004):

1. Mechanical disturbances of soils and the erosion of thin, layered, top-soils by

trekking, tourism site and airport road access, and campsite development and
use;
2. Disturbance to wildlife habitats reducing feeding territories, interrupting breed-
ing habits, particularly bird nesting, and interruptions to seasonal migration
patterns of caribou and other animals. The latter, in turn, has negatively affected
the herding and hunting patterns of local people;
3. Destruction to indigenous vegetation species, the introduction and propagation
of foreign plants, reductions in vegetation cover (particularly lichens), the prolific
growth of more resistant species such as mosses and vascular plants and, ultim-
ately, reduction in the diversity of the plant population.

Ongoing monitoring of the effects of tourism on the above-mentioned ecological

components will be a critical component in longitudinal research and the findings
of such studies should be an integral part of the design and management of polar
tourism.

Tropical rainforests

Natural forest biomes are popular tourism attractions. The impacts of tourism on
forest ecosystems have, however, only received recent attention from researchers
and have been mainly directed at tropical rainforests. A rise in the number of
expensive package group tours to the rainforests of Costa Rica, Brazil, Belize and
Honduras have caused some authors to warn of future ecological conflicts between

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rainforest survival and tourism development (Thomlinson and Getz 1996, Wallace
and Pierce 1996). This forecast coincides with the more general debate on the
accelerated destruction of the world’s rainforests and the measures required to
preserve what remains. Unfortunately, a great deal of this literature ignores tourism
as either a means of creating negative impacts or as a possible force in preser-
vation (Frost 2001: 203). Environmental consequences of tourism for rainforests
documented in a small number of studies are as follows:

1. Disturbance and behavioural changes of rainforest primates and other species.

Studies reveal changes to feeding, breeding and foraging and are consistent
with those covered in a previous section on wildlife. Studies have been under-
taken of tigers and the Sumatran rhinoceros in Asia (Griffiths and Van Schaech
1993), the indri in Madagascar (Stephenson 1993), the howler monkeys of Belize
(Marron 1999) and the crested black macaque of Indonesia (Kinnaird and O’Brien
1996). In all cases, a continued exposure of these species to tourists in their cur-
rent, often uncontrolled, forms will undoubtedly result in changes to the size
and composition of the populations.
2. Small animal habitats have been destroyed by constructed pathways and off-
path tourist activity.
3. Soil erosion and compaction and the trampling of native vegetation have
favoured the introduction of herbs, weeds and rats.
4. The infiltration of foreign species has altered the structure and composition of
the native vegetation. Also, in some instances they have become the preferred
diet for forest animals and birds, and in others an important supplier of nutri-
ents to other plants and soils.

Rainforests are seen as lush, mysterious and elusive by tourists. They are also
complex and rich in vegetation and wildlife biodiversity. There are many such
environments yet untouched by tourism. By engaging future tourists through
concerted education and environmental interpretation efforts, tourism may be
able to play an important role in rainforest preservation.

IMPACTS OF TOURISM ON BUILT ENVIRONMENTS

So far, it has been assumed that the principal resources of tourism are predomin-
antly natural attractions and that risk to the environment is created primarily by
excessive numbers of tourists using these resources. Natural attractions, by them-
selves, are insufficient to satisfy the tourist for they must be complemented by
other tourist facilities and a supporting infrastructure. One of the most obvious
environmental effects of tourism is the development of these facilities and infra-
structure that, in some instances such as in urban centres, also serve as the main
tourist attraction. They can be observed in three major types of tourist development:

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1. The growth and change in tourist resorts;

2. Hotel and attraction development of urban centres;
3. Second home developments and rural or peripheral tourism developments.

These three types of tourist development are discussed below and the consequences
of these expanding forms of tourism are examined.

Tourist resorts

Growth and change in tourist resorts

Tourist resorts are not new landscape features. Peters (1969: 157) wrote that ‘for
generations spas, winter sports centres and coastal resorts have existed, developed
around a few outstanding natural features and aimed at specialized markets’.
Resorts were developed essentially to cater to the needs and desires of tourists.
Resorts often developed from existing villages and towns, either changing the
structure and spatial organization of the town itself, or growing in its immediate
vicinity. Their locations were determined largely by accessibility. Limitations on
travel restricted visitors to attractions that included, or were in close proximity to,
accommodation and dining facilities. By the end of the nineteenth century, four
major types of resort had emerged, mostly in Europe (Lawson and Baud-Bovy
1977: 63). These were:

1. Spas for health and entertainment, e.g. Baden-Baden, Bath and Buxton;
2. Climatic resorts which existed for the treatment of tuberculosis and other dis-
eases, e.g. Leysin and Menton;
3. Alpine resorts, e.g. Chamonix and Zermatt;
4. Seaside resorts for health cures and recreation, e.g. Bordighera, Brighton and
Deauville. Krippendorf (1987) described resorts as therapy zones for the masses,
referring to the ‘sun–sea’ therapy of coastal resorts and the ‘snow–ski’ therapy
of mountain resorts. He suggested that resort-based tourism typifies many of
the characteristics of modern life.

In recent years, many traditional resorts have suffered from declining patron-
age. This has resulted from changes in fashion, market structure and competitive
forces, travel motivations, in tourists’ choices of accommodation and recreation
and, often, the inability of resorts to supply the range of products demanded by
the post modern tourist. The growth of new resorts offering highly desirable and
relatively reliable climates, new and exciting surroundings, and modern facilities,
has also been responsible for the declining appeal of many older resorts. Urry
(1990) suggested that the original popularity of resorts lay in the creation of
‘extraordinary’ leisure landscapes that were at some distance from the tourists’
workplaces. Today, these boundaries have become blurred and the places where

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people live and work often offer equally exciting leisure experiences. Neverthe-
less, many older resorts have survived the effects of change and competition by
introducing new attractions and planned rejuvenation initiatives. This has been
achieved through the rehabilitation of existing attractions, deciding on new uses
for existing attractions, creating new attractions and facilities, a reorientation
towards new customers and new distribution channels, collectively called destina-
tion repositioning strategies.
The rejuvenation of declining resorts has received specific attention in the
literature, mostly case studies (Agarwal 1994, Cooper 1994, Debbage 1990, Getz
1992b, Stansfield 1978, Weg 1982). The introduction of casinos has been a common
response (see Stansfield 1978 and Sternlieb and Hughes 1983 for a discussion of
Atlantic City). Other destinations have tried to develop and capitalize on unused
natural resources, such as winter sports to extend the tourist season, to develop
new products or to attract new customers and to develop new markets.
The rise and fall of tourist resorts has led researchers to develop and apply
the product life-cycle concept to tourist destinations and resorts. This is now one
of the most discussed paradigms in the tourist literature (King 1994a). Early evo-
lutionary models of tourist development were proposed by Christaller (1963),
Plog (1974), Stansfield (1978), Miossec (discussed by Pearce 1989) and Pigram
(1977). Such models were not presented as forecasting tools as is sometimes
claimed but as descriptive frameworks of the development process, highlighting
the nature and dynamics of evolution in the tourist industry and the way it
changed tourist destinations. In the context of this book, the way that tourist
destinations develop is an integral part of assessing the impacts of tourism and
their causes.
The pioneering model that has attracted the most attention, discussion and has
been widely tested, is that proposed by Butler (1980). Butler’s model was a funda-
mental turning point in research conducted on resort cycles and its application to
impact assessment. He based his cyclical model on the product life cycle, tracing
the evolution of the tourist market as manifested in the changing physical facil-
ities and infrastructures at the destination. He suggested that resorts go through
an evolutionary sequence, passing through stages of exploration, involvement,
development, consolidation, stagnation and either decline or rejuvenation. The
exploration stage is characterized by small numbers of tourists who make indi-
vidual travel arrangements and follow irregular visitation patterns. At this stage
there are no specific facilities provided for visitors and the physical fabric and
social milieu of the area are unchanged by tourism. As numbers of visitors increase
and assume some regularity, some local residents enter the involvement stage
and begin to provide facilities primarily, or even exclusively, for visitors. The
development stage reflects a well-defined tourist market area shaped in part
by directed marketing efforts. Some locally provided facilities disappear, being
superseded by larger, more elaborate, and more up-to-date facilities, particularly

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accommodation. Greater control of the tourist trade is now taken over by outsiders
and the number of tourists during peak periods outnumbers locals. Changes in the
physical appearance of the area are noticeable. At the consolidation stage, major
franchises and chains in the tourist industry will be represented but few, if any,
additions will be made. Resort cities now have well-defined recreational business
districts and old facilities may now be regarded as second-rate and far from desir-
able. As the area enters the stagnation phase, the peak number of visitors will have
been reached. Natural and genuine cultural attractions will probably have been
superseded by artificial ones. Capacity levels will have been exceeded, with atten-
dant environmental, social and economic problems. The area will have a well-
established image but it will no longer be in fashion. In the decline stage, the area
will not be able to compete with newer attractions and so will face a declining
market. Property turnover will be high and tourist facilities may be replaced
by other structures as the area moves out of tourism. Hotels may become condo-
miniums, convalescent or retirement homes, or conventional apartments, since
the attractions of many tourism areas make them equally attractive for permanent
settlement, particularly for the elderly. On the other hand, rejuvenation may occur,
although it is unlikely that this will take place without a complete change in the
attractions on which tourism is based and with new markets identified. Compre-
hensive reviews of the model have been made by Cooper (1994) and the model
has been applied and tested in a range of situations and in many destinations,
including: Bahamas (Debbage 1990), Grand Cayman (Weaver 1990), Niagara Falls
(Getz 1992b), Atlantic City (Stansfield 1978), Smokey Mountain Region, North
Carolina (Tooman 1997), the Isle of Man (Cooper and Jackson 1989), Caribbean
islands (Wilkinson 1987) and Minorca, Spain (Williams 1993). The model has also
been applied in other aspects of tourist development: second homes (Strapp 1988)
and entrepreneurship (Din 1992).
The empirical studies that have attempted to determine the applicability of
the model do suggest a lack of consensus and have, in part and not surprisingly,
subjected the model to some criticism and calls for modification (Agarwal 1994,
Bianchi 1994, Choy 1992, Haywood 1986, 1998, Hovinen 1981, 1982, 2002). How-
ever, as Butler (1997, 2000) has retorted and Lundtorp and Wanhill (2001) acknow-
ledge, the model remains a conceptual framework accounting for a diverse range
of factors which influence the patterns of tourist development. Such development
takes place in widely different settings and environments, each with their own
respective social, environmental, economic and political characteristics. In the con-
text of this book, it is important to appreciate the process of tourist development
as described in the model, and the ability, or inability, of resorts to sustain critical
levels of use (sometimes called carrying capacities) and the management of devel-
opment in order that such are not exceeded. Each of the stages of the model will
yield different economic, social and environmental consequences. The latter is dis-
cussed in more detail in the next part of this chapter.

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The classification of resorts

The term ‘resort’ has numerous meanings (King 1994a: 166) with different
emphases in the definitions commonly used in the United Kingdom and North
America. In the former it commonly refers to a whole community, such as a
seaside resort, whereas in the latter it is often used in reference to a single estab-
lishment, albeit one with many facilities. Robinson’s (1976: 168) early classification
of resorts was based on the character of their development. He recognized two
major categories:

1. Centres which have developed exclusively as tourist resorts either by adding

artificial attractions and infrastructure to pre-existing natural attractions, or by
developing tourist infrastructure in the absence of striking natural resources.
Blackpool, Monte Carlo and Niagara Falls are examples of such resorts.
2. Towns which have developed a tourist industry as an incidental part of their
normal functions. Stratford-on-Avon, Stratford (Ontario) and most capital cities
are examples of such places.

The term ‘resort’ now commonly refers to the place where people go for vacations
or recreation and may be described more specifically as health, inland, coastal,
mountain or ski resorts or on the basis of their geographical characteristics. It may
also refer to a specific hotel or establishment which provides substantial enter-
tainment and recreational facilities (Medlik 1994, Wall 1996a). A third resort type
could be added to Robinson’s classification, although some might regard it as a
specialized case of the first category. This is the recently developed, planned and
fully integrated resort.
The concept of integrated resorts has also received considerable attention from
researchers from definitional, economic, policy, planning and marketing perspec-
tives (Inskeep and Kallenberger 1992, Mathieson 2003, Medlik 1994, Pearce 1989,
Smith, R.A. 1992, Wall 1996a). According to Helber (1995), integrated resorts were
first pioneered in Hawaii in the 1950s where planned developments were designed
and marketed exclusively for tourists. S’Agaró on the Spanish Costa Brava was
one of the earliest examples of this type of planned development, although it has
since been joined by a host of developments in Mexico, the Caribbean, South-east
Asia and the Mediterranean. This process was in sharp contrast to the unplanned
resort developments common to many other coastal locations. These developments
varied in size from one hotel establishment to several but commonly are all self-
contained in terms of providing tourists with a complete range of tourist facilities
and services. It can be argued that they are not entirely self-contained as tourists
come from, will use and depend upon resources and facilities outside of the resort
(airports, water and food supplies). That being said, they now represent a signific-
ant proportion of destination products and they will generate their own specific
impacts from social, economic and environmental perspectives (Mathieson 2003).

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The morphology of resorts

Resort development, by making an attraction suitable and more amenable for tour-
ist consumption, typically transforms the natural environment. The concentration
of tourist facilities and services is a clear example of an environmental transforma-
tion (Cohen 1972: 170). In the development of resorts, tourism has an urbanizing
effect (Cohen 1978: 226). Resorts acquire a distinctive identity and unique mor-
phology through the concentration of specialist facilities. This was observed by
Jones (1933: 374) for Banff as early as 1933. The topic has received sporadic atten-
tion since that time. Early studies concentrated upon seaside resorts and, to a lesser
extent, spas. In this respect, the early works of Gilbert (1939, 1949, 1954) and Barrett
(1958) were especially noteworthy. Stansfield (1978) considered the growth of
Atlantic City and both he (1972) and Demars (1979) have drawn comparisons
between the European and American experiences. Pigram (1977) undertook a sim-
ilar study in Australia and Pearce (1979) attempted to develop a model of tourist
space, drawing upon Japanese and French precedents. Stansfield and Rickert
(1970: 215), on the basis of an examination of Niagara Falls, Ontario, and coastal
resorts in the United States, developed the concept of the recreational business
district. Other studies by Lavery (1971), Robinson (1976) and Lawson and Baud-
Bovy (1977) have discussed the forms and functions of resorts in a more general
fashion. The latter authors extended their discussions beyond coastal resorts and
drew comparisons between the forms and functions of resorts of different types.
The relationships between transportation developments and resort morphology
have also received attention (Stansfield 1971, Wall 1971, 1975). Thus, there is now
a substantial, if widely scattered, literature on resort morphologies but, even so, the
topic has not attracted attention to the same extent as that of other urban centres
with different economic structures.
Tourist development usually begins around a core and expands outwards from
that centre. In coastal resorts, the core area of major shops, dining and entertain-
ment facilities, large hotels and businesses is located in close proximity or adjacent
to the main zone of frontal amenities. As the resorts grew, a concentric pattern of
architectural and social stratification developed. Hotels occupied prime locations
around core facilities, while boarding-houses and bed-and-breakfast accommoda-
tion located less centrally. Barrett (1958), on the basis of an investigation of eighty
coastal resorts in England and Wales, found that the intensity of accommoda-
tion services decreased with increased distance from the core region (Figure 5.1).
Railway development, which stimulated the growth of many European seaside
resorts, created a characteristic ‘T-shape’ as a main street developed from the
station to the linear shoreline promenade. Pearce (1978: 149) noted, somewhat
similarly, that the older French resorts developed along the waterfront: ‘Typically
this consists of a parallel association of the beach, a promenade, a road or high-
way and a final line of accommodation and commerce where the best hotels and
most expensive shops and apartments are to be found along with the casino’. The

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Fig. 5.1 Theoretical accommodation zones in a coastal resort

(Source: After Barrett 1958)

American coastal resort appears to differ slightly from the European in that the
road runs behind the accommodation and does not separate it from the beach as
it usually does in the European case.
The core area is usually the oldest and most intensively developed section of
the resort. It is also the area which has undergone the greatest transformation.
Core areas of resorts which have experienced a long history differ markedly from
those of recent origin. Patmore (1968), examining spas and seaside resorts in Britain,
noted that they occasionally developed aesthetically pleasing core landscapes,
a feature which is largely absent from resorts of modern vintage. The existence
of tree-shaded avenues and promenades, for example, actually complemented
the major attractions of the resort and, in many cases, became attractions in their
own right.
Although there are some differences across continents in the characteristics of
resort morphologies, researchers such as Lavery (1971), Pigram (1977), Smith, R.A.
(1991) and Pearce (1989) identified common features that have emerged in relation
to the patterns of coastal resort growth and their visitation levels. These are:
1. Tourist-oriented land and building uses are consistently located adjacent to the
main focus of visitor attractions;
2. The development of a spatial and functional separation of the Recreational
Business District from the Central Business District;
3. The favoured tourist areas along the seafront have the greatest concentrations
of visitors;

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4. The eventual migration of the zone of permanent local residences away from
the beachfront area;
5. A gradual replacement of lower density tourist accommodation with high-
density, higher valued alternatives particularly in the zones adjacent to the
beach or tourist facilities and services;
6. A growing fusion of one resort area with another in a linear pattern along the
coastline and beach areas;
7. Transportation modes, networks and preferences, whether public (rail) or pri-
vate (automobile) have had a profound influence on resort morphology over time.
Resort landscapes often extend beyond the core areas. As the intensity of tourist
development has increased and competition for resources has intensified, resorts
have been forced to expand and new ones have been established on the fringes of
existing resorts. The patterns of expansion take one of two major forms:
1. Radial expansion along transportation routes or in valleys or on inland
waterways;
2. Linear developments, especially parallel to the coast. Many seaside resorts have
expanded in a narrow strip along the coastline, developing distinctive accom-
modation zones in an unbroken succession along the seashore. This elongated
pattern of expansion is typical of European coastal resorts and is now also
evident in Hawaii and Queensland, Australia.
The pattern of expansion of tourist resorts depends largely upon the nature of the
surrounding topography, transportation networks, and the existence and enforce-
ment of planning regulations and restrictions. Cohen (1978: 228) stated that, in the
absence of such controls, much of the peripheral development of tourist resorts
has been in areas with only secondary resource qualities and has led to the estab-
lishment of contrived attractions of unique appearance, such as discos, strip-tease
bars and casinos. Mazes of neon signs and advertising displays are often the norm,
creating an unmistakeable image of a leisure-oriented area.
In other instances, local planning authorities have influenced the patterns of
expansion by constructing transportation arteries to and from the resort centre.
Pigram (1977) noted that in the Gold Coast in Queensland, Australia, in response
to the continued pressure on the highly valued land adjacent to the Recreational
Business District, permanent residences needed to be pushed further inland. To
cater for this demand, residential land has been reclaimed from inland islands
and swamps in the Nerang River estuary. In this example, the planned relocation
of residential areas was achieved utilizing largely unusable land but, at the same
time, it altered significantly the adjacent estuary ecosystem. In consequence, there
have now been several examples of erosion, lowland flooding, waterway pollu-
tion and wildlife habitat destruction as the characteristics of the river have been
gradually altered.

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Renewal and expansion of old resorts in Europe are a relatively recent trend
which is not well documented in the literature. Pearce (1978: 151–2) illustrated this
trend using the example of Biarritz, a well-established and widely known resort
on the Atlantic coast of France. In this case, as with many other older coastal
resorts, the beach-front sites are highly developed, making it essential not only to
renew existing developments, but also to stimulate and concentrate further growth
around another focal point of interest. These adjustments have also been the
centre of many resorts’ repositioning and promotional initiatives. Both renewal
and expansion developments are evident in Biarritz and also in the other French
resort towns of Carnon and St Cyprien.
Pearce (1987: 177), in his review of coastal resort development in France,
stressed that discussion of morphology alone will only give a limited view of how
beach resorts evolved. In terms of understanding the impacts of coastal resort
development, he concluded that researchers need to understand the process of
change, the factors influencing the impacts over time and that these be undertaken
on a comparative and longitudinal basis.

Environmental impacts of resort developments

The growth of resorts, with their distinctive morphologies developed solely for
recreation and tourism, has been one of the most significant environmental trans-
formations associated with tourism. However, the environmental impacts of recent
resort developments have not received much detailed examination, although they
have sometimes received discussion in the popular press. From the limited amount
of research which has been undertaken, the following impacts are the most pro-
minent effects:

1. Architectural pollution. There has often been a failure to integrate resort infra-
structure with aesthetically pleasing characteristics of the natural environment.
Large, dominating hotel buildings are often out of scale and clash with their
surroundings. The failure to incorporate adequately environmental considera-
tions into the architectural designs of hotels and dining and entertainment
facilities can lead to consequences which are both aesthetically unpleasant and
economically unprofitable. The high-rise development of hotels along highly
demanded beach-front zones has shaded areas of the beach and created wind
tunnels between them. Wimberly (1977: 26) stressed the economic benefits of
architectural excellence when he wrote: ‘In the case of a hotel, the attractiveness
of the physical structure is vital to the facility’s success. In a very real sense,
design and ambience have a “dollar and cents value”. Every hotel requires
thoughtful design but resort hotels – which exist only for the pleasure of their
users – demand it.’ The mixing of old and new structures to achieve architec-
tural compatibility is often neglected in resort expansion and the resort mor-
phology frequently reflects a hectic, haphazard pace of expansion. Pearce (1978:

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152) referred to this as ‘architectural pollution’ and it is the inevitable result of

the juxtaposition of buildings in widely different architectural styles.
2. Ribbon development and sprawl. Coastal resort development, particularly in the
absence of planning regulations or restraints, has tended to sprawl along the
coastline. This is a response to the need to take advantage of the beach as a
primary resource, and because of the availability of less expensive land for build-
ing. Ribbon development has also occurred along valleys and scenic routes in
inland areas. In many cases the development has been of low quality and is left
unoccupied for most of the year.
3. Overloading of infrastructure. In many resorts, infrastructures are unable to cope
with the intensity of tourist visitation at peak periods of the year. The result is
supply failures, pollution and health hazards.
4. Segregation of local residents. The spatial separation of tourist areas from the rest
of the resort, or the surrounding countryside, makes for social segregation. The
mass tourist may be surrounded by, but not integrated with, the host society.
Separation is clearly seen in cases where tourists enjoy special facilities which
are unavailable to residents, or where residents go to areas other than the core
for their recreation or to purchase goods. This situation may be aggravated by
the line of high-rise hotels which may constitute a physical barrier, both visual
and real, between the inner residential zones and the prime attractions of the
core area.
5. Traffic congestion. This has emerged as one of the more serious consequences of
resort development. In a poll conducted by the Swiss Tourism Federation in
various Swiss holiday resorts, visitors actually rated ‘traffic chaos’ as the great-
est problem facing resorts and the one requiring the most urgent solution. Many
host population attitude studies, including the early one undertaken by Rothman
(1978), revealed that residents often feel the same way. An extensive study by
Schaer (1978) described the emergence of traffic problems in resorts and dis-
cussed possible remedial actions. He noted that the traffic problem takes three
forms:
(a) The mutual obstruction of different modes of traffic, particularly the con-
flict between pedestrians and motor cars;
(b) Traffic overload and congestion at key points within resorts, especially at
access points and in the main streets of the core area;
(c) The discrepancy between the demand for and availability of parking space.
Parking space is required by excursionists in close proximity to points of
attraction, by tourists at hotels, shops and restaurants, and also by local
inhabitants at their places of residence and work. The lack of unused space
in resorts and the high cost of providing parking facilities have been major
factors contributing to the imbalance between supply and demand.

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Integrated resort developments

In principle, the creation of integrated resorts with fully planned developments
should ensure that the objectives of the developing authority, the local population
and the tourists are adequately met. The ‘Disneyworld’ type of self-contained pro-
ject, as well as being profitable, is aimed at easing the burden on existing infras-
tructure and localizing social effects (Burn 1975: 28). The developed ski resorts of
Cervinia in Italy and Alpe-d’Huez in France, and the Spanish coastal resort of
S’Agaró on the Costa Brava are three of the earlier better known and fully planned
resorts. Integrated resorts form a significant component of the tourist product
for many destinations. Mathieson (2003) noted that in Canadian Tour Operators
product mix of winter sun holidays, over 70 per cent of the package options were
centred on integrated resorts or, more specifically, ‘all-inclusive’ properties. The
growth patterns and trends of integrated resort development have also been dis-
cussed by Wall (1996a), R.A. Smith (1992) and Chon and Singh (1995). A number
of researchers, including Lawson and Baud-Bovy (1977: 65) were sceptical of their
success in ameliorating many of the problems faced by other less planned resorts.
They identified seven major shortcomings of many integrated developments:

1. The resorts have become overdeveloped, incurring similar problems of traffic

congestion, high-rise and high-density buildings, noise and pollution, and high
costs and inflation as less planned locations.
2. In taking advantage of prime locations, the resorts have emerged as dominant
features in the landscape and have frequently modified and eroded the area’s
natural resources particularly in the construction phases.
3. Speculative unplanned development still exists in both public and private
projects.
4. Seasonality in use leaves many of the facilities vacant for a large proportion of
the year.
5. There is little benefit to local inhabitants as most of the seasonal workers, food
and other commodities are often imported. In fact, in many surrounding settle-
ments that house workers, problems of congestion, solid waste disposal, ground
water pollution and inadequate housing are prevalent.
6. The resort separates the tourist from the host population and, occasionally,
local inhabitants are prohibited from using tourist facilities.
7. Short-term planning goals are dominant. Short-term economic benefits to
developers have often outweighed long-term social and economic benefits for
both the visitors and their hosts.

In contrast, there are numerous examples of integrated resort development where

the planning authorities and developers have attempted to avoid or mitigate
the above-mentioned shortcomings. R.A. Smith (1992) evaluated planned and

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unplanned resort morphology and associated development processes in Bali. His

suggested descriptive developmental model, plus those posed by researchers
such as Butler (1980), are options for developers and planners to consider and test
further. The many successes and failures now covered in the literature should be
central to the testing of such models, and comparative and longitudinal analyses
should be undertaken to better understand the processes that create the resort
developments and their consequences that have been discussed.

Remedial measures to ameliorate resort development problems

Many resorts are currently formulating and implementing regulations and
remedial measures to overcome some of the detrimental environmental impacts
produced by the rapid growth of tourism. Crittendon (1975: 8) mentioned examples
in Hawaii, Jamaica and Spain. In Bali, for example, high-rise, western-style hotels
will not receive planning approval in locations on the island which are in close
proximity to unspoiled Balinese villages. Tunisia insists that new hotels con-
form to indigenous Moorish architectural styles. Adherence to local principles of
architectural design and local construction materials is also required by planning
authorities in other countries. The French hotels of La Grande Motte and the over-
lapping chalet development of Mont d’Arbois, and the Lobo Wildlife Lodge in
Tanzania are examples of aesthetically pleasing hotel designs. They represent
attempts to integrate structures into the attractive natural surroundings and still
maintain high occupancy densities.
Remedial measures to alleviate problems of traffic overloading have also been
widely used. New resorts have adopted designs and policies which regulate the
entry of cars in core areas and this has reduced traffic congestion, noise pollution,
hazards and the high cost of road maintenance. Private vehicles are only permitted
entry to load and unload passengers and luggage at accommodation points.
Parking is limited to a car park or garage at the point of entry. The French ski resort
of Avoriaz, and Mackinac Island on Lake Huron, are examples of new resorts
which ban private, motorized transport from core areas. In Bermuda there are
restrictions on the number of charter flights, size of motor cars and the number of
cruise ships permitted in the harbour at any one time. Tourists visiting Hawaii’s
Waikiki Beach find luxurious high-rise hotels and lavish meals. However, they
also find crowded beaches, congested streets, water pollution and contrived images
of indigenous Hawaiian life. Such situations have prompted many resorts to
adopt similar remedial measures to those which have been described above.
It is difficult to determine the success of the various measures aimed at
alleviating environmental problems because of the scarcity of evaluative studies
of planned tourist projects. The closing of streets to vehicles and the building of
pedestrian precincts are small steps forward in controlling tourist development
and in managing its environmental impacts. In spite of the many precautions
and controls taken to impose restrictions on tourist development and to reduce

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environmental impacts, Cohen (1978: 230) felt that the pressures of mass tourism
are so strong that it is doubtful if the efforts will be successful in the long run.

Infrastructural change in urban areas

So far, this discussion has concentrated upon resort landscapes and their envir-
onmental consequences. Physical change induced by tourist development is also
readily apparent in many urban areas (Hutchinson 1980, Wall and Sinnott 1980).
Tourism has become an important activity in most of the world’s large cities. As
part of the urbanization process, cities have become centres for a diverse range of
social, cultural and economic activities which the resident population engages in
and where tourism, leisure and entertainment form large service activities. Most
tourist trips will contain some experience of an urban area whether it is as a gate-
way or transportation hub or a main destination. Within cities, leisure facilities,
services and resources will be utilized by both tourists and local recreationists. No
attempt here is made to distinguish between the two user groups: this has been
done by Hall and Page (1999) and Law (2002). The emphasis here is more on the
impact research undertaken on urban tourism.
Given the magnitude of urban mass tourism, it is somewhat surprising that
until recently this area of tourism analysis received little attention from
researchers. Ashworth (1989: 33) concluded that those ‘interested in the study of
tourism have tended to neglect the urban context in which much of it is set, while
those interested in urban studies . . . have been equally neglectful of the import-
ance of the tourist function of cities’. Since the seminal study by Ashworth, there
have been a number of recent syntheses of urban tourism research with varying
areas of focus: the key aspects of urban tourism behaviour and activities engaged
by urban tourists (Page and Hall 2003), demand and supply relationships of urban
tourism (Page 1995), impacts and planning (Page 1995, Law 2002), tourism and
urban regeneration (Law 1996, Pearce, D.G. 1998), reviews of urban tourism
research from conceptual and methodological perspective (Jansen-Verbeke 2001,
Pearce, D.G. 2001, Pearce and Butler 1993) and the management and planning of
urban tourism (Jansen-Verbeke 1997, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson 1998).
This increased attention reflects, in part, the rapid growth of tourism in cities
and the consequences it brings from increased visitation, particularly in historic,
cultural and ethnic urban areas, and from the growing emphasis of urban planning
mandates encouraging tourism as a strategic factor in urban revitalization (Grabler,
Mazanec and Wöber 1996, Judd and Fainstein 1999, Pearce 2001). As noted, not all
environments can withstand the influx of tourists and large urban centres are no
exception. However, large cities, because of their size, can absorb large numbers
of tourists without obvious repercussions. Nevertheless, like any other system,
urban centres also have their capacities, and cities, like other tourist destinations,
should determine those before committing to development, even if this limit seems

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to be a long way off when the immediate need is economic growth and job creation.
Tourist development in large urban centres is often disguised, but some authors
believe that capacities may have been exceeded in many European centres. Hall, P.
(1970: 445) claimed that: ‘the age of mass tourism is the biggest single factor for
change in the great capitals of Europe – and in many smaller historic cities too – in
the last 30 years of this century’. Harrington (1971: 176) adopted a similar but more
sceptical outlook on the effects of London’s unregulated tourist boom when he
claimed it ‘threatened the quality of life in the city and indeed the tourist industry
itself’. Capacity issues are discussed explicitly in the case studies of Singapore (Khan
1998), Venice (Glasson, Godfrey and Goodey 1995, Van der Borg 1999), London
(Bull and Church 1996, Tyler, Guerrier and Robertson 1998) and Cairo (Evans 1998).
In London for example, many of the issues arising from uncontrolled visitation
were recognized and highlighted as concerns in the city’s (Greater London Council
– GLC) tourism policy back in the 1960s: land-use conflict between hotel devel-
opment and local resident housing, the substitution of tourist employment for
traditional jobs, seasonality, traffic congestion and the vulnerability of London’s
economy to tourist fluctuations (Bull and Church 1996).
Although hotels are technically residential properties, they displace people.
Hotels in London are a profitable means of urban renewal but, unfortunately, they
are invading areas with some of the highest residential densities in the city. The
magnitude of residential conversion was illustrated by Plummer (1971: 32) when
he estimated that, in one borough alone, in 1971, outstanding tourist projects
would entail the loss of 1,000 residential beds. In addition, hotels have invaded
areas formerly devoted to specialized trading functions. Covent Garden and some
of the dock areas have been deserted by their original functions which have been
transferred to other areas of the city. Hotel encroachment has also occurred in
many areas that are particularly rich in tourist attractions. These include the cor-
ner pubs, bistros and lively entertainment spots of the West End. Furthermore,
major clusters of hotels have displaced residential developments in conservation
areas. Hotel development in such areas has resulted in a considerable loss of
amenity to remaining residents through traffic congestion and obstruction, lack of
parking space, and increased noise from late-night tourist activity. Hotel develop-
ments have been uniform in design, lacking in both architectural interest and
aesthetic quality. Many of London’s new hotels are identical to those found in the
major tourist resorts of Europe and the Caribbean, and would not look particularly
out of place in these areas. The desertion of the waterfront and the displacement
of high-density, low-cost, run-down housing are seen by some as an improve-
ment. However, the undesirable social effects of residential displacement and
employment losses have caused the desirability of these developments in London
to be questioned.
Hotels of good design, which are located in the right place, are an asset to
the urban environment. They can aid in the rehabilitation of historic areas and

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rejuvenate decaying parts of the city. They can also stimulate the creation of sub-
sidiary centres outside of the traditional city core (Young 1973: 113), although Hall
(1970: 445) has pointed out that developers are often reluctant to build hotels in such
places and planners appear to lack the insight and power to encourage tourism
development in them. The development of urban hotels, too often, has denied other
activities the use of land in key locations and has resulted in undesirable environ-
mental and social consequences.
The problems of hotel development and urban tourism have been widely
recognized in the literature but solutions have been identified only infrequently
(Ashworth 1989, Hall 1970, Hall and Page 1999, Harrington 1971, Young 1973).
Venice is an exception: considerable research has been undertaken to find ways to
address its visitor management challenges. Venice is located on a series of islands
in a lagoon, and it is already susceptible to ground subsidence, a rising sea level,
pollution of the lagoon, atmospheric pollution and deterioration of historic build-
ings. The massive influx of tourists to Venice is seen as being a partial cause
and accelerant of many of these environmental problems (Glasson, Godfrey and
Goodey 1995, Van der Borg 1998). Congested waterways, attractions and city
centres, resident relocations and flooding have all been identified as capacity
issues that if uncontrolled, will negatively affect the quality of the tourist experience
and the environment of the city as a whole. The case study of Venice also illus-
trates the tendency for researchers to focus more on economic and social carrying
capacities of cities than the complex environmental dimensions of tourist impacts.
Clearly, visitor management strategies are key ingredients in managing the
consequences of tourism in urban centres and these are now readily adopted by
many cities. Implicit in the design and implementation of such strategies are the
host of institutional and political relationships that surround them and these are
frequently discussed in the literature on tourism. Visitor management strategies
and initiatives will come from both national and local levels. Many urban centres
in Europe are taking steps to manage, modify or in some cases deter or redirect
tourist activities. Table 5.2 identifies a large number of such strategies that, accord-
ing to Graefe and Vaske (1987), deal with problem conditions in urban centres, the
causes of them, the impacts on the destination and the overall tourist experience.
Many of the strategies listed here also have broader managerial appeal as they are
also being used in heritage sites and rural tourist areas where tourism impacts are
testing capacity thresholds.
The above discussion, and the focus of much of the research, has been on the
negative environmental impacts of tourism in cities and the various visitor strat-
egies adopted to mitigate them. There are also a number of international examples
where tourism has been used as a key component of urban regeneration and as
a contributor to the urban centre’s marketing and re-imaging strategies. This
process of regeneration is most visibly seen in waterfront and core urban areas
(Dodson and Kilian 1998, Breen 1994, Law 1988). In Canada, there are several

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Table 5.2 Applications of visitor management techniques
Visitor management technique
Regulating access – by area
Regulating access – by
transport
Regulating visitation –
numbers and group size
Regulating visitation –
type of visitor
Regulating behaviour
Regulating equipment
Implementing entry or
user fees
Modifying the site
210
Applications for rural and urban tourism development
– All visitors are prohibited from visiting highly sensitive sites
– Different types and levels of use are regulated through zoning
– Access is regulated to pedestrians only
– Access is regulated to pedestrians or by bicycle
– Public transport is the only allowable form of transport
– Centennial Park, Sydney, Australia has several ‘car-free days’
each year in which alternative ways to enter and move about
the park must be found
– Regulations on total visitation per year, day or at any moment
may be generated for a specific site
– Group size restrictions have been implemented in some
European cathedrals
– Some sites and attractions have a limit on visitation and the
type of visitors
– Some urban attractions target older high and middle income
groups and actively discourage other segments using strict
controls on all accommodation and services, keeping prices
high and scrutinizing all marketing to maintain consistency
– Zoning in some cities and towns allocates different types of use
to specified areas
– Restrictions on length of stay may be imposed
– Tour operators may be required to operate under a detailed set
of guidelines of conduct for visitors
– Visitors must visit with a guide
– Vehicular access may be restricted
– Loudspeakers may be restricted because of noise disturbance
– Most heritage managers responsible for highly visited heritage
sites now charge fees to access the site or use facilities at the
site: influencing some visitors to choose whether to visit or find
an alternative destination
– Some heritage sites offer days during low season when
residents are offered free entry
– Cities may require tourism operators to pay for a permit or
licence to access the heritage site, and operators must also
collect entrance fees from each of their clients
– A portion of user fees collected is returned to local stakeholders
as a means of demonstrating the value of tourism
– Some urban heritage sites may have specially designed
walkways so as to reduce visitor impact
– The Castlemain Jail, Victoria, Australia is privately run as a
heritage tourism venture, with the prison workshops providing
a conference venue, the dungeon kitchen providing a wine
bar, the mess hall providing an a la carte restaurant,
refurbished cells providing accommodation, and remaining
cells being presented as they were originally used for guided
tours to access
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Table 5.2 (cont’d )
Visitor management technique
Undertaking market research
Undertaking visitor
monitoring and research
Undertaking marketing
– promotional
Undertaking marketing
– strategic information
Implementing interpretation
programmes and facilities
Implementing education
programmes and facilities
Modifying the presence of
heritage management
Encouraging and assisting
alternative providers – tourism
industry
·· ··
Impacts of tourism on built environments
Applications for rural and urban tourism development
– A study of the domestic and international visitor market may
be conducted in order to identify the market segments most
likely to visit urban tourism attractions
– Visitors may be asked to complete special ‘day diary’ forms to
identify their motivations for visiting and the activities they
undertook
– Visitors may be asked for their attitudes towards their
experience and the performance of the heritage
manager as a means of improving visitor management
strategies
– Visitor impact monitoring and research are widely undertaken
in sensitive urban heritage attractions
– Visitation pressure may be relieved through the development,
marketing and promotion of value-added alternative
attractions
– Different urban organizations may undertake common
promotional activities in order to reinforce the profile of the
destination
– Tour guides can avoid sensitive areas by using a map and
pictorial guide that identifies the best vantage points for
attractions
– A walking ‘trail selector’ (brochure and map) may be
developed to provide information on lightly used walking trails
in order to redistribute use away from heavily used areas
– Some urban tourism destinations may generate greater levels
of visitor respect for the local culture through the provision of
opportunities such as learning to cook with a local family or
spending a night with a local family in a homestay
– Visitors may be taken on guided tours by local people who
then convey their personal experiences and knowledge of the
area to the visitor. This level of authenticity can greatly
enhance the quality of the visitor experience
– Theme trails may be created to educate visitors about specific
aspects of local history and culture
– Many urban heritage attractions have interpretation and
signage encouraging appropriate behaviour
– Most museums strategically position security staff in corners
and corridors to create a high profile when visitors are moving
between exhibits and a low profile when they are studying an
individual exhibit
– Some urban destination management organizations encourage
the development of small scale homestay accommodation and
tours by local guides who are highly trained in heritage and
interpretation, with profits therefore being reinvested in the
local community
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Environmental consequences

Table 5.2 (cont’d )

Visitor management technique Applications for rural and urban tourism development

Encouraging and assisting
alternative providers –
volunteers
Concentrating on accredited
organizations bringing
visitors to a site
– Many urban heritage attractions, such as museums and historic
sites, have volunteer and friends’ associations which assist in
various aspects of management as well as providing a source of
financial support. For example, the Karori Wildlife Sanctuary in
Wellington, New Zealand is a private trust with a membership
of several thousand people. A sizeable proportion of members
volunteer to help build trails and acts as guides, allowing the
trust to reinvest funds into activities such as pest control and
building a strong community base
– National and regional accreditation may be used to check on
the appropriateness of tourism operator practices and the
quality of facilities. For example, the Australian Association of
Green Villages requires accommodation providers to meet
criteria and market cooperatively with others

Source: After Hall and McArthur 1998

Many of the applications noted above also have been utilized or suggested for rural tourism development and
heritage sites.

urban centres and waterfront developments undertaken or planned with tourism

as the principal long-term benefactor. In Halifax, Nova Scotia, the City Tourism
Culture and Heritage is planning to make the place a major entertainment, tourist
and cultural centre, and is promoting year-round tourist visitation. Similarly,
Victoria, British Columbia has developed the inner harbour area, building a new
hotel and heritage and cultural projects with the intent to beautify the inner-city
environment and increase the city’s tourist appeal. The gradual improvement of
the Grenville Island waterfront area of Vancouver in British Columbia has seen a
blend of tourist facility development rejuvenating the entire area and, at the same
time, maintaining the local waterfront businesses. However, in many large-scale
developments, local business activities are often relocated.
Despite the growing importance of tourism in urban centres there is relatively
little detailed research on the consequences. A full audit of both costs and benefits
is still needed.

Second home developments

Infrastructural changes resulting from tourism are highly visible in resort land-
scapes and in urban centres. The recent proliferation of second homes has been
less obvious. Second residences may be used for long vacations, but weekend
domestic tourism is most common. The demand for second homes is related to
general recreational demand variables, to the degradation of urban environments,
the increasing size of conurbations, and the opportunities for real estate invest-
ment (Lawson and Baud-Bovy 1977: 83).

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The locations of second homes in Europe and North America indicate three
major areas of preference:

1. Countryside areas within easy access to large urban centres;

2. The coastline;
3. Hill and mountain regions with attractive and picturesque scenery (Clout
1971: 531).

Many of these areas are vulnerable to deterioration from the pressures created by
weekend and summer visitors.
In spite of the renovation and restoration of many rural cottages and the
economic advantages induced by second home development, the countryside is
generally considered to be worse off environmentally from this real estate devel-
opment and landscape change. A degraded condition may result from a number
of causes:

1. The clearance of vegetation for road access and for construction disrupts
wildlife and reduces soil stability.
2. The deposition of human wastes into rivers and lakes reduces water quality and
is potentially dangerous to participants in water-based recreational activities.
3. If located in prime recreational environments, such as lake margins, islands, river
bends, the forest edge or on hillsides, their visibility may decrease the aesthetic
value of that particular locality. There has been little concern for aesthetically
harmonious designs in many second home developments.
4. Competition for land between locals and second home owners, with increasing
land prices, often forcing locals to relocate (Girard and Gartner 1993).

One of the benefits of second home development advocated largely by local author-
ities is regional development manifested through direct visitor expenditures,
infrastructure development and rejuvenation, the development or improvement of
other local services and local people given temporary or permanent employment.
The reader interested in gaining more information on second homes is referred
to the collection of papers on the topic edited by Coppock (1977) and a more recent
synopsis by Jaakson (1986).

TOURISM AND COMPETITION FOR RESOURCES:

TOURISM IN RURAL AREAS
Problems of conflicting interests are evident in a number of areas of tourist devel-
opment. The needs of the visitor have to be reconciled with the requirements of
the resident population in the tourist destination. It has already been pointed
out that the encroachment of hotel complexes into urban areas has caused the
relocation of residential areas and industries. Tourist regions are frequently areas

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of aesthetic beauty and some forms of economic activity may be incompatible

with the maintenance of this asset. Archer (1973: 4) suggested that even different
forms of tourist development may be incompatible.
Tourism may exist simultaneously and often in conflict with other activities or
it may be the dominant economic activity, eliminating or suppressing other activit-
ies dependent upon the same resource. In earlier sections of this chapter, mention
was made of land-use conflicts in urban environments (Hall 1970, Harrington
1971). Studies have also been conducted which have stressed the role of tourism
in stimulating preservation of the environment while, at the same time, placing
additional pressures on traditional economic activities (Myers 1972, Rensberger
1977). Of the numerous conflicts associated with tourist developments, conflicts in
rural landscapes have received some attention and they are reflected in a growing
literature on rural tourism (Butler, Hall and Jenkins 1998, Page and Getz 1997,
Roberts and Hall 2001, Sharpley and Sharpley 1997).
The growth of tourism and recreation in the countryside has been attributed to
a number of factors:

1. The saturated conditions in many tourist resorts have stimulated tourists to

seek alternative destinations.
2. The enactment of legislation promoting travel to country areas. For example, in
Britain the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act of 1968 facilitated
the creation of ‘country parks’ and ‘picnic sites’, thereby making rural areas
more accessible to tourists.
3. The particular attractions of rural environments and the growth of rural tourism.
The attractions of rural environments for tourists are of several types (Bouquet
and Winter 1987, Bracey 1970: 258, Lane 1994, Robinson 1976: 180). They are:
(a) The passive enjoyment of rural scenery;
(b) The desire for open space, quiet and peace of mind;
(c) The desire to partake in rural sports that are often resource-based activities
such as hunting, riding and fishing;
(d) The desire to view and experience cultural attractions such as colourful folk
life, customs, house types, foods, drinks and festivals. This is particularly
popular in areas of Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America where
rural environments have not been absorbed by surrounding urban centres.
Educational and historical attractions, such as castles, churches, monastic
sites and other historic features also draw many tourists to rural areas;
(e) The use of the country for second homes, timeshares, theme parks, holiday
villages and caravan and camping parks;
(f) The desire to participate in new forms of tourism such as farm tourism and
wine tourism.

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In order to escape from the economic uncertainties of marginal farming, a

growing number of farmers have developed recreation and tourist enterprises
on their properties. However, Evans (1992), in an analysis in England and Wales,
noted the diversification into farm tourism was not limited to small marginal
units but that larger farm businesses have also redirected capital to establishing
farm-based accommodation and services. Farm vacations, and the use of facilities
and services provided by farmers, are now popular in the United Kingdom,
Ireland, New Zealand and, to a lesser extent, Canada. It has been estimated that
between 10,000 and 15,000 farms (4 to 5 per cent of the total) in England and
Wales now operate recreation and tourist enterprises that are open to the public
(Countryside Commission 1974: 1). Most of the literature on rural tourism has
emanated from the United Kingdom, largely through the efforts of the Countryside
Commission and the collection of case studies authored by Butler, Hall and
Jenkins (1998) and Roberts and Hall (2001). In the United Kingdom, agro-tourism
has emerged primarily through the initiative of rural communities and their
recognition of the benefits that tourism can bring. Ironside (1971: 3), writing in the
Canadian context, suggested two principal types of benefit:
1. The acquisition of additional income through the leasing of land, the rent or
sale of buildings, the sale of produce, food and handicrafts, and from part-time
family employment in tourist activities and services. Revenues may also be
gained from rents, fees and licences from individuals and clubs using the farm
for such activities as hunting and fishing, and from the reduction in local taxes
by non-farm people purchasing property for seasonal use and thereby reduc-
ing the assessed tax value.
2. The derivation of protection from land-use conflicts. The control of land-use
conflicts in locations close to urban areas is in the farmers’ interests. The land in
such areas may be catering to urban recreational and tourist demands, thereby
relieving pressures to provide facilities and services within the city. As it is in
the best interest of the city to maintain rural recreation areas, where legally pos-
sible, they may supply free conservation and management services, and protect
the land from trespass, vandalism and careless hunting.
Considerable commitment of land, capital, labour and personal effort and sacrifice
are required of farmers and their families if they are to cater to tourist demands
effectively and gain financially from them. Buildings and land may require modi-
fications or improvements; streams, ponds and woodlands may need protection;
and pathways and riding trails may have to be provided. As a result, some farm
income may have to be forgone. These are all taxing requirements that the farmer
will have to accept, and he and his family will also have to tolerate greater work-
loads and the invasion of their private life (Dower 1973: 467).
Tourism may be an ancillary source of income as well as an alternative form of
land use. It has also induced conflicts in the countryside. Most conflicts have arisen

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in unplanned and unmanaged situations, and have been accentuated by unimpeded

public access and the lack of restrictions on the type, location and intensity of
tourist activities (Cullington 1980). The most common conflicts are:

1. Conflicts of access. Tourists may need to pass through farms to points of scenic
attraction and farm owners become increasingly reluctant to grant access as
visitation numbers grow.
2. Irresponsible behaviour by tourists. Damage and destruction of crops and farm
buildings, and harassment of livestock are frequently reported. Fire, excessive
noise, illegal hunting and fishing, and litter also lead to conflicts between
farmers and tourists. Butler’s (1978: 197) attitudinal study of farmers in the Isle
of Skye revealed this conflict as a major concern of farmers and as a cause of
their opposition to the presence of tourists.
3. Competition for labour by the tourist industry. Farm labour is often able to secure
higher incomes from employment in the tourist industry and this can create
labour shortages, especially at peak working times on farms.
4. Increased erosion from overuse of paths and trails, especially from horse riding, may
be found along river banks and in areas with sensitive vegetation.
5. Increased competition for land. Urban dwellers may seek to rent or buy land for
weekend residences and hobby farms. If intensification of existing land hold-
ings is not viable, then the expansion of farm size is the remaining alternative
for increasing production. Competition for land and escalating prices may pro-
hibit this.

Other activities directly competing with tourism for limited resources include
forestry, conservation activities, mineral and water extraction, industrial plants,
transportation routes and agriculture. Much agricultural land is only of average
quality and a great deal is second-rate or poor. Fortunately, from the perspective
of tourism, these lands often afford better natural scenery than much of the high-
est quality, flat, agricultural land. However, the future of much of this high-quality
land may be in jeopardy. Urban areas are expanding on such lands, and the food
demands of a rising population must be met by the increased production of crops
and livestock. Agriculture and recreation can be compatible in many cases, but
trends towards increasing intensity of both agricultural and recreational uses may
lead to greater conflict in the future if the situation is not carefully managed.
Tourism also competes for space in rural environments and, on rare occasions,
can even compete with industry. Bracey (1970: 258) stressed the need for a balanced
approach to land-use planning to regulate, control and direct pressures and, at
the same time, ensure that aesthetic values and indigenous economic uses are not
harmed. This is easier said than done for it is not easy to reconcile the require-
ments of general amenity, water supply, nature conservation, forestry, agriculture
and tourism.

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The rural landscape and the activities taking place there are changing at a rapid
rate, accelerated by global economic and societal forces. Most of these changes show
few signs of slowing and, as the population becomes more affluent and mobile
and their leisure time grows, the tourist demands on rural areas will likely inten-
sify. Increased visitation, new forms of tourism and increased pressure on land and
resources could increase the potential for conflict in rural areas (Butler, Hall and
Jenkins 1998). What are the trade-offs between social and environmental (negative)
impacts and economic benefits, and can the benefits to one sector (species conser-
vation) be realistically measured against the negative impacts to another (habitat
and food chain disturbance)? Should rural tourism be encouraged if it leads to
increased social and economic inequality in rural communities, and how much
adverse landscape and environmental impact resulting from rural tourism is
acceptable (Roberts and Hall 2001)? Answers to such questions should form an
integral part of the future planning of rural tourism and in the role that tourism
plays in the diversification and sustainable development of rural economies.

Summary
In all of the above cases of environmental impact and landscape change, i.e. resorts,
hotel encroachments in urban areas, second homes and rural tourism, the initial
impact of development is the start of a succession of changes. Remedial measures
to alleviate such secondary effects as traffic congestion, visual pollution and infla-
tion have met with only mixed success. Regulations and ameliorative measures
should be applied directly to the cause of such problems, which is the tourist indus-
try itself. In the absence of adequate legislation and planning controls, the develop-
ment of tourist infrastructures has been left largely to the interplay of market forces.
These have failed to ensure that adequate attention has been devoted to environ-
mental and social concerns, and have induced conflicts between developers, local
residents and tourists.

CONCLUSIONS
Considerable knowledge has accumulated concerning the environmental con-
sequences of tourism. However, much of this knowledge has been concentrated in
specific aspects of impact with the result that a somewhat unbalanced picture of
the environmental effects of tourism has emerged. Quite a lot is known about
resort morphologies and infrastructure changes in urban environments but much
less is known about the impacts of tourism on particular natural environments.
Tourism exhibits two contrasting relationships with the environment. A symbiotic
relationship exists when the interacting sets of phenomena are mutually suppor-
tive. The roles of tourism in the creation of wildlife parks and the preservation
of historic buildings are examples of this relationship. Tourism may also exist

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Fig. 5.2 Tourism and environment

(Source: Wall and Wright 1977)

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in conflict with the environment. The trampling of vegetation, the pollution of

resort beaches, and the irresponsible behaviour of tourists disrupting the feeding
and breeding habits of wildlife are examples of this conflict. The relationships
of tourism with the natural environment are particularly ambivalent. This is a
consequence of the complexity of the tourist phenomenon itself and the many
interrelated components of the environment. The complex array of relationships
between tourism and components of the natural environment is illustrated in
Figure 5.2. This framework, in addition to illuminating these relationships, also
identifies areas requiring further research. No part of this framework has been
covered exhaustively in tourist research. Research is needed to establish the types,
magnitudes and directions of impacts, and to identify specific types and intensit-
ies of impact in relation to different forms of tourist activity. Attempts should be
made to quantify these relationships. There has been a tendency to examine envir-
onmental components in isolation and there is a need to assimilate and combine
knowledge of each to provide an overall assessment of environmental impact.
The effects of tourism on the built environment have also received only scattered
attention. Infrastructure changes and the development of resort landscapes are
among the most visible impacts of tourism. Basic principles of architectural design
have been ignored so that many of the new hotel complexes have contributed to
architectural pollution. The concentration of tourist facilities in resorts has induced
pressures on land use, infrastructure overloading, traffic congestion and the
segregation of tourists and residents. Hotel developments in urban environments
have displaced people from their homes and dispersed manufacturing and trading
functions to other parts of the city. Research is needed to examine the effects of
tourism on land-use change, housing quality, availability and price, residential pat-
terns, property values and taxes, and the quality of facilities serving local residents.
The information which has been presented in this chapter indicates that, all too
often, tourism and environment are in conflict. The risks are particularly acute in
areas of rapid, intensive tourist growth and in delicate, ‘special’ environments.
There are environmental limits to the development of tourism. With the growing
awareness of conflicts between conservation and development, planners should
reorient their emphasis from planning the environment for tourism, to defending
the environment from tourist impacts (Cohen 1978: 234). This will require a more
sound information base than is presently available and this can only be provided
by further research on the topics that have been suggested above.

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6 Social consequences

Research on the social and cultural impacts of tourism falls into three different
categories (Affeld 1975: 109). It has been concerned with:
1. The tourist. Such research has stressed the ramifications of the demand for tourist
services and the motivations, attitudes and expectations of tourists and their
corresponding purchasing decisions.
2. The host. This research has emphasized aspects of the offering of tourist services.
It is concerned with the inhabitants of the destination area, the labour engaged
in providing services and the local organization of the tourist industry.
3. Tourist–host interrelationships. This research has been concerned with the nature
of the contacts between hosts and guests, with the consequences of these con-
tacts and with the attributes of the interacting parties.
This chapter concentrates upon issues of the latter two topics and is devoted to the
social and cultural implications to the inhabitants of destination areas which result
from their relationships with tourists. The social and cultural impacts of tourism
are the ways in which tourism is contributing to changes in value systems, indi-
vidual behaviour, family structure and relationships, collective lifestyles, safety
levels, moral conduct, creative expressions, traditional ceremonies and community
organizations (Fox 1977: 27). In simplified terms, Wolf (1977: 3) stated that socio-
cultural impacts are ‘people impacts’; they are about the effects on the people of
host communities of their direct and indirect associations with tourists.
Most of the early studies of the effects of tourism were restricted to economic
analyses and enumerated the financial and employment benefits which accrued to
destination areas as a result of the benefits of tourism (Jafari, Pizam and Przeclawski
1990, Pizam 1978: 8). In recent years, many more studies have emerged that exam-
ine the sociocultural impacts of tourism. In contrast to the economic effects, such
impacts are often portrayed in the literature in a negative light. Some early studies
are very broad in coverage and have inventoried numerous impacts of tourism,
ranging from the marketing of culture to the stimulation of racial, political and
religious conflict (Ap 1992, Jafari 1974, Lindberg and Johnson 1997, Smith and
Eadington 1995, Turner and Ash 1975, UNESCO 1976, Young 1973). Others have
concentrated upon one particular type of impact (Cohen 1988c, Eadington 1978,
Graburn 1976, Jud 1975, Ryan 1993a, b). A number of researchers have examined

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the sociocultural impacts of tourism in a specific location, including the Pacific

Islands (Farrell 1977, Finney and Watson 1977, King, Pizam and Milman 1993), Bali
(Francillon 1975, McKean 1976, Wall 1995), Spain (Greenwood 1972), East Africa
(Ouma 1970), the Caribbean (Bryden 1973, Lundberg 1974, Perez 1975), Florida
(Milman and Pizam 1988), Hawaii (Liu and Var 1986), Norway (Gjerald 2005),
Thailand (Nimmonratana 2000) and the United Kingdom (Brunt and Courtney
1999). De Kadt (1979), McKercher and du Cros (2002), Smith and Brent (2001),
Dogan (1989) and Lindberg, Anderson and Dellaert (2001) have provided succinct
reviews on the topic which draw together the findings of other authors, some of
whose research and case study analyses are presented in this book. Yet other
recent studies have focused on the development of new methodologies and mod-
els for assessing residents’ attitudes towards tourists and tourist development
(Anderson and Murphy 1986, Lankford and Howard 1994, Ritchie 1988). There is
also a growing body of discussion, although often ambiguous, on the growth of
alternative tourism and the different types of consequences that result from dif-
ferent, new and evolving types of tourist–host interaction (Butler 1990, Cohen
1987, Pearce, P.L. 1998). The concept of carrying capacity has also been used in
assessing social impacts, in particular to explaining residents’ perceptions (Long,
Perdue and Allen 1990, Murphy 1985, Snaith and Hailey 1994). D’Amore (1983:
144) defined it as that point in the growth of tourism where local residents per-
ceive, on balance, an unacceptable level of social disbenefits from tourist devel-
opment. However, this is much easier to state than to measure.
Recent research, in addition to illuminating some of the real adverse impacts
of tourism on host communities, has also challenged the validity of the time-
honoured belief that tourism promotes understanding between people of differ-
ent nationalities and cultures. Peters’s (1969: 126) contention that tourism creates
‘social’ benefits arising from the ‘widening of people’s interests generally, in world
affairs and to a new understanding of foreigners and foreign tastes’ is one of the
few optimistic statements on the topic to be found in relatively recent major works.
The existence of the studies which have been mentioned above and a scattering
of others, including Smith’s (1977, 1989, 2001) collection of papers and Nettekoven’s
(1979: 135–5) discussion of mechanisms of intercultural interaction, show clearly
that the sociocultural effects of tourism on the people involved are now a major
focus of academic study. It is concerned with those in tourist areas who become
hosts and the tourists who become their temporary guests. The growing volume
of literature that specifically considers the social impacts of tourism falls into one
of three extreme types:

1. Colourful stories, usually in the consumer press (Apter 1974: 24). Jafari (1974:
242) quoted an example from a British humorist as follows:

What is the aim of all this travelling? Each nationality has its own different one. The
Americans want to take photographs of themselves in: (a) Trafalgar Square with the

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pigeons, (b) in St. Mark’s square, Venice, with the pigeons, and (c) in front of the Arc
de Triomphe, in Paris, without the pigeons. The idea is simply to collect documentary
proof that they have been there. . . . If you meet your next door neighbour in the High
Street or at your front door you pretend not to see him or, at least, nod coolly; but if
you meet him in Capri or Granada, you embrace him fondly and stand him a drink
or two; and you may even discover that he is quite a nice chap after all and both of
you might just as well have stayed at home;

2. Specialized academic articles: these studies appear in a wide variety of pro-

fessional journals and books. Early articles were largely descriptive and invent-
ory a range of identified effects. The topic of tourist–resident interaction has
been largely subsumed within the broad category of social impacts research
of tourism. Unlike consumer studies, which can date rapidly, the impact and
tourist–resident case studies from early periods continue to be relevant in iden-
tifying issues that remain relevant today.
3. Academic research that has attempted to propose different types of tourism which
would lead to more manageable and less negative sociocultural consequences,
and to additional cases that view tourism more holistically: social impacts are
seen as being part of a wide socio-economic generating and receiving system.

The incisive studies of the latter two groups constitute the materials for this
chapter. Although many studies of tourism make passing reference to the exist-
ence of social impacts, both positive and negative, most cast little light on the
nature of these impacts or the means for their investigation. Such comments have
received little attention here although some related issues are raised in the fol-
lowing chapter. The reports which have been given serious consideration are
those which are either completely devoted to an examination of social impacts, or
consistently refer to them in the course of the study. Many of these studies adopt
a narrow focus, concentrating on a limited number of sociocultural effects and
ignoring or glossing over others. This is partly the result of what Marsh (1975b:
19) and Dana (1999: 60) described as the ‘incremental intangible costs’, which are
hard to measure and may be overlooked until major, irreversible changes in soci-
ety or the environment occur. The need to adopt control or remedial measures has
often arisen before such pertinent research issues as problems of measurement,
the examination of processes of sociocultural change, and the isolation of the
determinants of tourist–host behaviour have been adequately resolved.
The outputs of research on the sociocultural impacts of tourism continue to
illuminate two of Jafari’s (2001: 29) research platforms: the advocacy platform (the
good) and the controversy platform (the bad). Under the former platform such
effects include a broadening of international peace and understanding (noted by
Peters as early as 1969: 126), reinforcing the preservation of heritage and culture,
a reduction in religious, racial and language barriers, and the enhancement of
appreciation of one’s own culture. In contrast, the controversy platform supporters

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highlight trends of xenophobia, prostitution, increased crime, breakdowns in family

structure and the commercialization of arts and crafts and cultural traditions. Like
all social activities, tourism has both positive and negative consequences.

TOURIST–HOST INTERRELATIONSHIPS
Sociocultural impacts are the outcome of particular kinds of social relationships
that occur between tourists and hosts as a result of their coming into contact. The
nature of these relationships, or ‘encounters’, is a major factor influencing the extent
to which understanding or misunderstanding is fostered by the tourism process.
According to de Kadt (1979: 50), tourist–host encounters occur in three main
contexts: where the tourist is purchasing some good or service from the host,
where the tourist and host find themselves side by side, for example, on a sandy
beach or at a night-club performance, and where two parties come face to face
with the object of exchanging information and ideas. He also pointed out that
when it is claimed that tourism is an important mechanism for increasing inter-
national understanding, it is normally the third type of contact that is in mind.
However, the first two types of contact are more common. Nettekoven (1979:
135–6) noted that for mass tourists, intercultural encounters occur less during
tourist travel than is often assumed and that intense encounters are less desired
by tourists than is often suggested. Direct contact is not necessary for impacts to
occur and the mere sight of tourists and their behaviour may induce behavioural
changes on the part of permanent residents (Aramberri 2001, Pearce, P.L. 1998, 2005).
The tourist–host encounter, in which one or more visitors interact with one or
more hosts, is staged within a network of goals and expectations (Sutton 1967:
220). On the one hand, the tourist is mobile, relaxed, free spending, enjoying their
leisure and absorbing the experience of being in a different place. In contrast, the
host is relatively stationary and, if employed in the tourism industry, spends a
large proportion of the time catering to the needs and desires of visitors. Tourist–
host relationships are also determined by the characteristics of the interacting
groups or individuals and the conditions under which contact takes place. Most
of the literature on tourist–host relationships is concerned with mass tourism.
Under such conditions, the relationship is characterized by four major features
(UNESCO 1976: 82):
1. Its transitory nature;
2. Temporal and spatial constraints;
3. Lack of spontaneity;
4. Unequal and unbalanced experiences.
First, the relationship is transitory. A tourist’s stay in one destination is usually
short, ranging from a day or two if a vacation includes more than one destina-
tion, to three or four weeks, which is the normal length of a paid vacation. The

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temporary relationship is different for each of the interacting groups. Tourists often
consider the meeting fascinating and unique because the host is frequently of a
different nationality or culture. The hosts, on the other hand, may see it merely as
one of many such superficial relationships that are experienced throughout the
course of the tourist season. Boorstin (1961: 117) even claimed that, from the per-
spective of hosts, tourist contacts are nothing more than tautological experiences
for residents of destination areas. Many forms of tourism are entertainment. In
this context, staged production of culture for example does not facilitate in-depth
communication or interaction (McKercher 1993: 12). As the tourist has a low cus-
tomer loyalty, seldom returning to destinations more than once, the interaction
between hosts and guests normally occurs only once and has little opportunity to
progress beyond a superficial level. Where repeat visits occur, as in the case of
some British vacationers who return to the same boarding-house each year, a
more intimate relationship may grow.
Secondly, the tourist–host relationship is characterized by temporal and spatial
constraints, which influence the duration and intensity of contact. The tourist
often attempts to see and do as much as possible in the relatively short time avail-
able. As a result they may be more generous in their response to others, and more
willing to spend money than they would be under more routine circumstances.
On the other hand, they may be unwarrantably irritable when even the slightest
delay or break in travel plans occurs. Host reactions to the apparent urgency
of the tourist to experience as much as possible in a short time eventually may
become exploitative. As they continually provide tourists with simplified and
condensed experiences of their area, hosts may develop a dual price and service
system: one price and quality of service for the tourist and one for fellow residents.
Tourist reception facilities and services are frequently concentrated into a small
number of complexes, which are commonly referred to as ‘tourist ghettos’. Tourism
structures often reflect a desire, on the part of their owners and of local political
authorities, for a certain degree of physical and social separation. By isolating the
tourists and discouraging them from reaching beyond the tourism facilities, such
organizations secure a greater proportion of tourists’ spending money for them-
selves. It is conceivable that the only tourists who are motivated sufficiently to go
beyond their immediate, artificial surroundings to mix with the resident popu-
lation arc the ‘explorers’ and ‘drifters’ (Cohen 1972: 168) (see Chapter 2). Mass
tourists, on the other hand, are controlled in their movements directly by tour
operators or indirectly through the location of required services, such as accom-
modation, restaurants, entertainment and recreation facilities. In consequence, as
tourism becomes more highly developed and resort areas expand, contacts between
the majority of tourists and their hosts either do not take place or are infrequent
and largely superficial.
Thirdly, tourist–host relationships lack spontaneity. Tourism brings certain
informal and traditional human relations into the area of economic activity,

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turning acts of once spontaneous hospitality into commercial transactions (de Kadt
1979: 14). Package tours, planned attractions, exhibitions and all of their organized
features are advertised and promoted well in advance of their actual occurrence.
In effect, tourists trade off the prospect of convenient, comfortable and risk-free
experiences that planned and organized travel provides, for less frequent and
spontaneous contacts with their hosts. Meetings are more rigidly controlled and,
at the extreme, may become a series of cash-generating activities.
Fourthly, there is a tendency for tourist–host relationships to be unequal and
unbalanced in character. Material inequality often exists and is seen in tourist
spending and attitudes. Hosts often feel inferior and, to compensate for this, exploit
the tourists’ apparent wealth. There are also inequalities in levels of satisfaction
and the sense of novelty derived from the relationship. A vacation for the tourist
is a novel experience but its consequences for the host are routine. Maintenance of
that routine may be difficult with the advent of late plane arrivals and other travel
emergencies. These may induce psychological pressures for the hosts to which the
tourist is oblivious.
It is not necessary, however, for the tourist–host interaction to occur for the host
population to be impacted, as host individuals will, in turn, influence the other
members of the community by their own changed attitudes and behaviour. Such
indirect sociocultural effects will be compounded by new employment opportu-
nities fostered by increased tourism development. An increase in tourism activity
will be the harbinger of social change stimulated by the ancillary improvements
and innovations in destination communications, transport and infrastructure that
benefit the entire host community. Tourism development increases the income
levels of hosts and the proportion of the population involved in the tourism opera-
tional sector. As Cooper, Fletcher, Gilbert and Wanhill (1998: 175) noted, this will
alter the consumption patterns of the host population, inducing further sociocul-
tural change due to changes in their spending behaviours.
The magnitude of the direct sociocultural impact associated with tourism
development will also be determined by the extent of the difference in sociocul-
tural characteristics between hosts and guests. Inskeep (1991) suggests that these
differences include:

n Basic value and logic system

n Religious beliefs
n Traditions
n Customs
n Lifestyles
n Behavioural patterns
n Dress codes
n Sense of time budgeting
n Attitudes towards strangers

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To add further complexity to the understanding of the problems, the speed of

development and change will have an important role in determining the magnitude
of the sociocultural changes because time allows for the process of adaptation.
Compounding the issue further is the fact that the tourists’ cultures when abroad
(it is probable that the tourists will represent several different cultures) are differ-
ent from the tourists’ cultures at home. In other words, tourists often take on dif-
ferent attitudes and adopt different codes of behaviour when they are on vacation
and away from their normal environment.
As noted previously, the sociocultural impacts associated with tourism and
tourist–host interactions can be both positive and negative (Crandall 1994: 421,
Jafari 2001: 29, Smith 2001). Host–guest interactions and the factors affecting
these relationships have been increasingly documented by researchers (Ap and
Crompton 1993, King, Pizam and Milman 1993, Wilkinson 1989, Williams and
Lawson 2001, Pearce, P.L. 2005, Ryan 1991). Factors that encourage or discourage
friendly host–guest interactions have been identified, such as scale of tourism,
types of tourism, physical isolation of tourists, length of stay, novelty of tourists,
tourists’ transience, language and communications, perceived economic import-
ance of resident friendliness, resident access to and involvement in tourism occu-
pations, tourists as agents of desired change, and national pride and the resident
as a promoter of it. These factors are interrelated and isolation of any one is
difficult. Notwithstanding the complexities of these factors, plus others such as
the stage of tourist development, ethnicity, local involvement in tourist planning,
and tourists’ attitudes towards service and quality, their identification is relevant
and they should be considered in tourism planning. Certainly, tourist–host irrita-
tions and negative social impacts could be mitigated at the very least, even if it
may be impossible to eliminate them entirely.
The literature which examines the sociocultural impacts of tourism has usu-
ally been directed towards either social or cultural aspects. Using these terms very
loosely, the social studies usually consider interpersonal relations, moral conduct,
crime, gambling, safety, religion, language and health, whereas the cultural studies
consider both material and non-material forms of culture and processes of cul-
tural change. There is no clear distinction between social and cultural phenomena
but this dichotomy has proved to be useful in categorizing studies and organizing
the remainder of this chapter. A discussion of the social impacts of tourism will be
followed by an examination of its cultural consequences.

SOCIAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM

The social impacts of tourism are not to be confused with the increasingly popu-
lar term ‘social tourism’. Social tourism has not reached a high level of develop-
ment in North America, but it has achieved more widespread acclaim in Europe.
The objective of social tourism is to ensure that tourism is accessible to all people.

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Special efforts are made to include members of society who otherwise would be
prevented from participating in tourist travel for reasons such as economic hard-
ship, or physical and psychological disabilities (Kaspar 1977: 19). Social impacts of
tourism may arise as a result of social tourism, but they are not endemic to it.
Social impacts of tourism are here considered to be the changes in the quality of
life of residents of tourist destinations that are a consequence of tourism of any
kind in that destination.

FRAMEWORK FOR THE MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL IMPACTS

The body of literature on social impacts of tourism has grown significantly as
noted earlier, but Mathieson and Wall (1982) and Ap (1992: 666) have maintained
that although these studies have provided useful inventories of social impact indi-
cators, they have remained largely descriptive, exploratory and specific to small,
rural or resort communities and they lack a strong conceptual base.
Only a few studies suggest ways of assessing the social impacts of tourism
(Brown and Giles 1994: 958). Although such authors as Cohen (1972: 164), Robinson
(1976: 137), Pizam (1978: 8), Pearce and Moscardo and Ross (1991: 147) have stressed
the need for a greater emphasis on the behaviours of the visitors and residents, and
the reciprocal effects of interaction between a community and its tourists, only a
few theoretical frameworks have emerged which appear to be widely applicable
to social impact research in tourism. These frameworks constitute the beginning
of the development of a conceptual basis for the assessment of social impacts. The
frameworks recognize that the social impacts of tourism change through time in
response to structural changes in the tourist industry, and the extent and dura-
tion of the exposure of the host population to tourist development. Further, they
attempt to address why residents or what kinds of residents support or oppose
tourism development and what factors and their relative importance contribute to
such attitudes and behaviours.
The first framework which we shall consider was developed by Doxey (1976).
Doxey’s work has already been introduced in Chapter 3. On the basis of his research
projects that were undertaken in Barbados in the West Indies, and Niagara-
on-the-Lake in Ontario, Canada, Doxey (1975: 195) suggested that the existence
of reciprocating impacts between outsiders and residents may be converted into
varying degrees of resident irritation. Irritations may have their origins in the
number of tourists and the threats which they pose to the way of life of permanent
residents. Doxey argued that the responses of residents in different destinations
will vary and that resident responses will change through time in a unidirectional
sequence comparable to that of the resort cycle described by Butler (1980), Noronha
(1976), Plog (1977) and Stansfield (1978). The value system of the destination is at
the root of Doxey’s framework and it is this which he considered to be of para-
mount importance in the measurement of social impacts.

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Table 6.1 Index of tourist irritation

1. The level of euphoria

People are enthusiastic and thrilled by tourist development. They welcome the stranger and there is
a mutual feeling of satisfaction. There are opportunities for locals and money flows in along with the
tourist.
2. The level of apathy
As the industry expands people begin to take tourists for granted. They rapidly become a target for
profit-taking and contact on the personal plane begins to become more formal.
3. The level of irritation
This will begin when the industry is nearing the saturation point or is allowed to pass a level at
which the locals cannot handle the numbers without expansion of facilities.
4. The level of antagonism
The irritations have become more overt. People now see the tourist as the harbinger of all that is
bad. ‘Taxes have gone up because of the tourists.’ ‘They have no respect for property.’ ‘They have
corrupted our youth.’ ‘They are bent on destroying all that is fine in our town.’ Mutual politeness
has now given way to antagonism and the tourist is ‘ripped off’.
5. The final level
All this while people have forgotten that what they cherished in the first place was what drew the
tourist, but in the wild scramble to develop they overlooked this and allowed the environment to
change. What they now must learn to live with is the fact that their ecosystem will never be the
same again. They might still be able to draw tourists but of a very different type from those they so
happily welcomed in early years. If the destination is large enough to cope with mass tourism it will
continue to thrive.

Source: Doxey 1976: 26 –7

Drawing upon his experience in the Barbados and Niagara-on-the-Lake studies,

Doxey devised an irritation index (Table 6.1). Tourism destinations pass succes-
sively through stages of euphoria, apathy, irritation and antagonism, to the final
stage in which people have forgotten what they cherished and the environment is
destroyed. The level of irritation arising from contacts between the hosts and the
tourists will be determined by the mutual compatibility of each, with the assump-
tion that even with seemingly compatible groups, sheer numbers may generate
tensions, with differences in colour, culture, economic status and nationality as
complicating factors. In Doxey’s example of Niagara-on-the-Lake, it was clear that
the number of visitors and the threat that they posed to lifestyles in the town were
a source of irritation that had reached serious proportions.
Bjorklund and Philbrick (1972: 8, 1975: 68) developed an attitudinal frame-
work to analyze the processes which take place when two or more culture groups
interact. This framework is also mentioned in Chapter 3. It was suggested by
Butler (1975b: 89) as being applicable to the social relationships between tourists
and their hosts. Figure 6.1 shows the matrix that is the basis of this framework.
The attitudes and behaviour of groups or individuals to tourism may be either
positive or negative, and active or passive. The resulting combinations of reac-
tions to tourism may take one of four forms as shown in the diagram. Within any

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Fig. 6.1 Host attitudinal/behavioural responses to tourist activity

(Source: After Bjorklund and Philbrick 1972: 8. Found in Butler 1974: 12)

community, all four forms may exist at any one time but the number of people
in any one category need not remain constant. For example, entrepreneurs who
are financially involved in tourism are likely to be engaged in aggressive promo-
tion while an often small but highly vocal group, uninvolved in tourism, can be
expected to lead aggressive opposition to tourism development and the changes
which it brings. The majority of the population is likely to fall into the two remain-
ing passive categories, either silently accepting tourism and its impacts because of
the benefits which it brings or because they can see no way of reversing the trend
(Butler 1975a: 11).
Like the frameworks proposed by Doxey and Bjorklund and Philbrick, Dogan’s
(1989: 225) extensive research was also at a macro-destination level (across whole
communities). Dogan’s research identified and reviewed the major sociocultural
consequences of tourism and the behavioural responses adopted by the hosts
affected by these impacts. Five types of response to tourism pressures were iden-
tified that could exist individually or coexist in a destination:
1. Resistance. In places of intense and broad negative impact there was wide-
spread hostility and aggression against tourists and tourism facilities.

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2. Retreatism. It involves the community avoiding contact with tourists and the
revival of old traditions and an increased cultural and ethnic consciousness.
3. Boundary maintenance. It involves the establishment of physical and social
boundaries or distance between tourists and local residents.
4. Revitalization. In some cases tourism may be a factor in the preservation of local
culture or traditions and the community adopts strategies to preserve, display
and promote their cultural resources to tourists.
5. Adoption. It involves the conscious replacement of the traditional host social struc-
ture with the adoption of the tourist culture symbolized by tourist behaviours.

Other framework studies with a narrower orientation have been proposed by

Ap and Crompton (1993) and Brown and Giles (1994). They focus upon individual
residents and their adaptations and adjustments. These frameworks also derived
a continuum of behavioural responses by residents. In the former study, four
responses were identified:

1. Embracement or the enthusiastic welcoming of tourists;

2. Tolerance. Residents were prepared to accept the inconveniences of tourism,
cognizant of its benefits to the community;
3. Adjustment. Residents actively altered their former behaviours to avoid the
inconveniences caused by visitors, rescheduling activities or using different
facilities to avoid the presence of tourists;
4. Withdrawal. This could be physical (moving out) or psychological (staying silent
and not getting involved with tourists).

Brown and Giles (1994) did find limited support for the above-mentioned em-
bracement condition. However, the majority of the residents’ response behaviours
involved reorganizing their daily routines to avoid tourism areas. Others actually
retreated from normal life, particularly during the peak tourism season. Other
coping strategies were evident in shopping patterns, travel activities and recre-
ation behaviours: first, to avoid congestion and interaction with tourists and second,
to be seen and to reaffirm their own identity as a resident of the host community.
The studies by Liu and Var (1986) and P.L. Pearce (1998) also proposed a segmenta-
tion approach but question the sequential process of such tourism models.
The above frameworks are similar in that they incorporate a dynamic and pro-
gressive element, assuming that social impacts will change over time. However,
they differ in their conceptions of the directions in which change may take place.
Doxey assumed that change is unidirectional whereas Butler’s framework allows
attitudes and behaviour to change in a variety of directions. Furthermore, the
scale of the frameworks is rather different. Doxey’s framework is to be applied to
the prevailing mood of a resort in its entirety. On the other hand the frameworks

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proposed by Butler (1997), Ap and Crompton (1993) and Brown and Giles (1994)
examine groups and individuals within a single resort. The latter recognizes that
there may be different attitudes towards tourism within a resort and these may
lead to tensions and even political pressures between different groups in that
resort. The more recent frameworks do examine resident behaviours and suggest
that the social impact of tourism is a reflection of the extent to which resident space
is perceived to have been invaded at particular times during the tourist season.
All frameworks stress a further need to identify empirically the dimensions of
resident responses over a behavioural continuum, the levels of resident response
and threshold levels in proportion to the degree of tourist impact. Although there
is no universality in the application of these frameworks, the following discussion
reveals examples of many of the salient points which they portray.
The process of creative destruction has been used to describe the sequence of
circumstances by which heritage areas, particularly small towns within day-trip
distance of major cities, are transformed in large part by tourism (Mitchell 1998,
Mitchell, Atkinson and Clark 2001). The landscape, reflecting changes in economic
activities, is modified in a process akin to Butler’s cycle (see Chapter 5) by chang-
ing relationships among three variables: entrepreneurial investment, consumption
of commodified heritage and destruction of the rural idyll. The premise underly-
ing the model is that the desire to accumulate capital drives investment in the sale
of tradition and heritage. These investments entice an increasing number of con-
sumers, whose expenditures provide entrepreneurs with profits for reinvestment.
As the landscape unfolds, it results in the destruction of the old, and the pre-
commodified rural and small-town landscape is replaced with one that is crowded
and congested. The process of creative destruction occurs in a series of stages. In the
first stage, the commodification of tradition or heritage is initiated. Investments
made during this period are used to generate financial benefits and improvements.
In the next period, that of advanced commodification, there is an acceleration
in investment: new businesses are opened and others are converted to meet the
demands of the visiting population. The community is marketed extensively and
visitor numbers escalate. Those involved in the tourism industry extol its virtues
whereas others point to the disadvantages of growing popularity. The period of
early destruction is one where surplus value is reinvested into businesses that
provide for the needs of the growing visitor population. Crowding and conges-
tion increase further and a growing number of residents perceive the erosion of
the quality of their community and the deterioration of their lifestyles. The end of
this phase is reached when residents perceive that the atmosphere that attracted
them initially has been completely destroyed, moving the community into a state
of post-destruction. The settlement becomes a recreational or tourism shopping
village, appealing not to the heritage-seeking consumer but, rather, to the mass
tourism market. Residents who remain must learn to adjust to this new situation.
Mitchell (2003) has examined these processes in a number of small towns in

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Southern Ontario, Canada, and it is likely that the process of creative destruction
may apply to many other areas. Mitchell’s ideas have some similarities to those of
the earlier work of Doxey but encompass a wider range of variables and are much
more concerned with the process of change. The similarity is not surprising
because much of their work was grounded upon the same study area, Niagara-on-
the-Lake, Ontario, Canada.

TOURISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE: EUPHORIA TO XENOPHOBIA

The initial stages of tourism development are normally accompanied by enthusiastic
responses on the part of individuals within the host population as they perceive
the potential benefits that investors and visitors will bring to their area. As we
have already seen, tourism can often bring new, and sometimes necessary, sources
of capital and income that may supplement or replace traditional sources of earn-
ings. For this reason, tourism development has often received support from gov-
ernments and local residents in stagnating or developing areas who recognize the
economic benefits that may be earned. The initial euphoria and enthusiasm which
are associated with the preliminary phases of tourism begin to dissipate as the
industry expands and tourist numbers increase. As Fox (1977) noted in his review
of social impacts in the Pacific Islands, the political leaders of newly developed
destinations, such as Tonga, the Cook Islands, Samoa and Fiji, at one time professed
that: ‘tourism will improve our country’s economy and will benefit our island’s
people. . . . We are proud to have tourists see our culture and our beautiful island’.
They now express a fearful concern for the increased strains imposed on traditional
customs and lifestyles. Fiji’s Minister for Communication, Works and Tourism
epitomized local and governmental feelings towards further tourist expansion
when he stated (Fox 1977: 31): ‘Equally grave is the deterioration of social values
in Fijian society. . . . We recognize some erosion of our traditional social fabric is
inevitable in the pursuit of economic prosperity and we are prepared to accept a
degree of erosion. What we are not prepared to accept is destruction of that social
fabric’. In the comprehensive study by King, Pizam and Milman (1993: 662) in Fiji
some years later, it was concluded that the concerns of the politicians were shared
overwhelmingly by residents. Most residents of Nadi were directly involved in
tourism and supported its existence but were discriminating in their thinking by
highlighting concerns over the numerous negative social impacts: crime, openness
to sex, alcoholism and traffic congestion. There are many commentaries that indi-
cate tourism contributes to social and cultural change rather than being a cause of
such changes. In many cases, tourism has become the scapegoat for sociocultural
change, particularly when it is perceived by locals as negative (Crick 1989). How-
ever, societies and cultures are dynamic and evolving and the social and cultural
influences brought about by tourism should be viewed and measured against this
backdrop (Sharpley 1994).

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Host perceptions of and attitudes towards continued expansion of facilities and

services to satisfy tourist demands may rapidly become increasingly antagonistic
and may eventually reach xenophobic proportions. Xenophobia occurs when the
capacity, or saturation point, is reached and exceeded. It refers to the overtly
expressed resentment of and contempt for tourists and their behaviours. Attitudes
of this kind vary in intensity and mode of expression from grieving statements
expressed by hosts, such as ‘Many of our villagers are now in the towns trying to
be like the foreign tourists that are swarming over us’ (Fox 1977: 38) to outbursts
of hostilities and violence such as those noted by Rivers (1973a: 250).
Tourism literature has revealed a number of sociocultural impacts, positive and
negative, related to tourism development and evolving tourist–host interrelation-
ships and their influences (Brunt and Courtney 1999). In recent decades, there have
been a number of studies focusing on residents’ perceptions and attitudes towards
tourists (Allen, Hafer, Long and Perdue 1994, Ap and Crompton 1993, 1998, Chen
2001, Jurowski, Uysal and Williams 1997, Kang, Long and Perdue 1996, Lankford
and Howard 1994, Lankford, Williams and Knowles-Lankford 1997, Lea, Kemp and
Willetts 1994, Smith and Krannich 1998). In the text by Pearce, Moscardo and Ross
(1996), there are at least thirty references to such studies. Many studies focus on
the sociocultural impacts of tourism in rural areas (Allen, Hafer, Long and Perdue
1994, Ap and Crompton 1993, 1998, Long, Perdue and Allen 1990, McCool and
Martin 1994), with fewer studies examining the host perceptions of tourism impacts
in urban areas where the tourism industry is more developed (Chen 2001, Evans
1998, Fredline and Faulkner 2000, Soutar and McLeod 1993, Van der Borg 1999).
Researchers acknowledge that tourism development over the past fifty years
has led to changes in the structure of host societies. They also agree that in respect
to sociocultural impacts, there is a threshold of tolerance of tourists by hosts which
varies both spatially and temporally. As long as the numbers of tourists and their
cumulative impacts remain below this critical level, and economic impacts con-
tinue to be positive, the presence of tourists in destination areas is usually accepted
and welcomed by the majority of the host population. Once the threshold has been
exceeded, numerous negative symptoms of discontent make their appearance,
ranging from mild apathy and irritation to extreme xenophobia, and from grudg-
ing courtesy to open exploitation. The critical point of tolerance varies between
host groups with:

1. The cultural and economic distances and differences between tourists and
hosts. Resort residents vary in their tolerance to peoples who differ from them,
especially by virtue of appearance, affluence, race and nationality. The greater
the divergence of characteristics between the interacting groups, the more
pronounced are the social impacts, in particular on small, unsophisticated and
isolated host communities. Interaction difficulties often occur through a lack of
education and understanding by the tourists and hosts of each other’s cultural

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differences, and lack of knowledge of which behaviours are acceptable and

those that are not. The degree and nature of social contact are also related to the
interacting people’s attitudes to each other and the desire by both to have social
contact (Reisinger 1994).
2. The capability of the destination and its population to absorb tourist arrivals
physically and psychologically without undermining or squeezing out desir-
able local activities. The scale of dislocation is related to the travel intensity
index, i.e. the ratio of visitors to residents (Lundberg 1974: 85). For example,
in London, Paris and New York, cosmopolitan cities which are inundated by
millions of tourists every year, tourists are absorbed by the vast complex of
facilities and merge with their large resident populations. On the other hand, in
Barbados and the Virgin Islands, tourist arrivals greatly exceed the size of the
local population and overwhelm their facilities and services. Host resentment
is likely to be more pronounced, therefore, in Barbados than in London.
3. The rapidity and intensity of tourism development. When tourism is introduced
gradually into a large, established economy, the waves of impacts are usually
small. Most developed countries, with the exception of small pockets of inten-
sive development, have adjusted to the growth of tourism in the course of their
general economic expansion. However, when tourism replaces another activ-
ity in a short period of time and heavy reliance is placed upon it as a dominant
means of acquiring foreign exchange, sociocultural and psychological reper-
cussions are inevitable. Tourism resorts in the Greek islands, the Pacific and the
Caribbean that are heavily committed to the tourism industry as a source of
income, are incurring numerous unwanted social and cultural side-effects as a
result of the rapid growth of the industry.
4. The degree of host involvement in the delivery of tourist services and products.
It is generally concluded that members of the host community who derive
employment and income from tourism have more positive views of tourism
development (Lankford and Howard 1994, Milman and Pizam 1988). Further,
more local hosts who have identified the need to protect their communities
from a deterioration of their lifestyle from tourism have become involved in
community-based organizations that attempt to shape tourism development.
The more involved citizen in such community-based planning was generally
supportive of specific types of tourism whereas the general public was more
generic in terms of their support of tourism overall (Jurowski and Brown 2001).
Although it is extremely difficult to determine if communities have reached the
critical tolerance level, it appears that many studies have concentrated on areas
either on the verge of, or currently exceeding, the threshold of tolerance.
Growing animosity to tourism and tourists, as Rivers (1973a, b), Jafari (2001)
and Cohen (1987) inferred, is not confined to the socially and economically deprived,
but has also been expressed by concerned politicians, academics, churchmen and

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even some business people. Past reluctance to mention the shortcomings of tourism
because of its economic benefits is disappearing. Resentment tends to be highest
in what Jafari (1974: 246) termed ‘tourist magnetic’ areas, where tourism is the
principal source of income to the community and all activities become oriented
to accommodating tourist demands, which may be limited to a short season.
Although the livelihood of residents may be derived from the presence of tourists,
they view the approaching season with mixed feelings and value the off-season
when only permanent residents are present (Jordan 1980).
Numerous situations provoke feelings of resentment of tourists. The most
intense feelings appear to develop from particular conditions:
1. The physical presence of tourists in the destination area, especially if they are in
large groups. Residents frequently resent having to share facilities and services
with visitors and often mention congestion as a problem.
2. The demonstration effect. Residents frequently resent the apparent material super-
iority of visitors and may try to copy their behaviours and spending patterns.
3. Foreign ownership and employment. The employment of non-locals in managerial
and professional occupations, carrying greater responsibility and superior
salaries to those available to local residents, also provokes resentment.
These conditions have been labelled in the literature as outgrowths of neocolo-
nialism. They are examined in detail below.

The physical presence of tourists

There is ample literary and pictorial evidence which indicates the congregation
of large numbers of tourists in resorts. The ‘Jam-up at Vacation Spots’ (US News
1976: 26) occurring on the beaches of Hawaii, in the ski gondolas of the Swiss
Alps, in the harbours of the Virgin Islands and on the streets of Disneyland are
expected in the tourist season and are even a sign of their success. Many studies
have mentioned the presence of large numbers of tourists in particular places at
specific times and the associated congestion of facilities and services. Few studies
have attempted to estimate empirically existing levels of congestion or saturation.
A number of crude measures have been employed as a first step towards such
estimates. These include the ratio of the number of visitors to the local population,
the average area of arable land per visitor, and measurements of the physical
size of tourist facilities (Lundgren 1973: 2). Little is known about the responses
of visitors or residents to various levels of congestion as indicated by these
measures, or the means which are available to alleviate the irritations which
may occur with high levels of congestion. Tourist densities can be reduced by dis-
persing tourists more widely so that the ratio of tourists to hosts is reduced with-
out decreasing the number of tourist arrivals. Alternatively, it may be feasible to

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create a tourist enclave on the theory that residents are less likely to be upset if
their contacts with tourists are limited (Gray 1974: 394).

The demonstration effect

The disruptive role of tourism in drawing attention to locally unattainable socio-
economic aspirations has been noted frequently (Jafari 1974: 249–50, Rivers 1973a:
250). The introduction of foreign ideologies and ways of life into societies that
have not been exposed to tourist lifestyles has ‘tended to call up that all-embracing
concept, the demonstration effect’ (Bryden 1973: 95). The demonstration effect can
be advantageous if it encourages people to adapt or work for things they lack.
More commonly, it is detrimental and most authors indicate concern for the effects
of foreign domination of the industry and the impacts of tourists who parade
symbols of their affluence to interested hosts. Alien commodities are rarely desired
prior to their introduction into host communities and, for most residents of
destination areas in the developing world, such commodities ‘remain tantalisingly
beyond reach’ (Rivers 1973a: 250). As a result, discontent grows among the hosts.
The hosts’ resentments are heightened by the development of luxurious hotels and
other ‘foreign’ tourism facilities, and also by unusual tourist behaviour. Tourists
on vacation have fewer constraints than they do at home and they behave and
spend in a less inhibited fashion. As a consequence, hosts often develop miscon-
ceptions about tourists. Rivers, for example, reported that young Spaniards were
convinced that all unattached female tourists were easy conquests. Similarly,
Cohen (1971: 225) reported that fair-haired girls from Scandinavia were thought
to be seeking sexual adventures in their travels and were sought by his study
group of Arab boys. Furthermore, the hosts quickly perceive the desire of tourists
to spend money lavishly to gain experiences and acquire souvenirs of their stay.
UNESCO (1976: 93) suggested that, at the outset, hosts may develop an inferior-
ity complex, which sets off a process of imitation. The weaknesses of the tourists
are quickly perceived and are subsequently exploited. A dual pricing system often
develops and bargaining may be required for the purchase of goods and services.
Sutton (1967: 219) portrayed this situation when he quoted: ‘The American notic-
ing the successive price reductions of the shopkeepers, the suppliant attitude
and emotional appeals that may be merely routine for him, will perceive these as
overdrawn and see the merchant merely as one skilled in exploiting his ignorance,
playing upon his sympathies and fleecing his pocketbook’. It would not take
many such experiences to fix an adverse stereotype in the mind of either host
or guest.
Heightened economic expectations among the local population who aspire to
the material standards and values of the tourists may lead to the copying of con-
sumption patterns. In an attempt to attain the consumption levels of tourists, a
growing number of the indigenous population may take jobs in service industries

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since these appear to offer a greater chance of advancement than traditional agri-
culture. Also an increasing proportion of the local population may try to migrate
to other countries for fuller participation in western, cash economies. Young mem-
bers of host communities are supposedly particularly susceptible to the demon-
stration effect. Young people of traditionally closed societies observe the freedom
and material superiority of young travelling westerners and respond in one of the
ways discussed above to achieve similar status.
Most case studies which examine the demonstration effect show that tourism
can modify local behaviour and divide the population of destination areas. In her
analysis of the Eskimo (Inuit) communities of Kotzebue and Nome, Smith (1977:
68) noted the development of a specialist minority population in the community.
This group included those individuals who danced and demonstrated crafts to
visiting tourists. They were mainly older members of the community who had
retained, overtly, their traditional costumes and crafts and were, thus, in a position
to capitalize on them. The young and better educated acquired jobs in govern-
ment and business in an attempt to achieve their western aspirations. Smith (1977:
71) described the older members of the community as ‘marginal men’ who had
adopted some foreign ways of life, including new products, but, at the same time,
lived the culture of their ancestors.
Tourism has also changed the economic and social structure of rural com-
munities in western nations. Greenwood (1976) and Pacione (1977) wrote on the
effects of tourism on rural communities in Spain. In both cases, traditional society
resembled that of other rural Mediterranean areas consisting largely of fishermen,
craftsmen, shopkeepers and peasant farmers. The advent of tourism had pro-
found effects on the traditional peasant economies. Employment in the tourism
industry has been one way for locals to improve their standard of living. Both
Greenwood and Pacione noted that greater wealth and upward social mobility
had become increasingly desirable, particularly for young members of the host
communities. In consequence, class distinctions within the host communities were
accentuated and they reflected the degree of involvement in tourism. Moore (1970),
working in the Canary Islands, showed that such changes could modify local
political powers, with the emergence of new elites based upon tourism. These
studies all show that tourism has improved the economic well-being for those
involved in it, but it has also caused a transformation of the local communities.
Migration, both international and intra-national, is another important mani-
festation of the demonstration effect. Rural–urban migration is not a recent pro-
cess nor is tourism a major cause of the phenomenon. Nevertheless, the ability
of tourism to create employment, commonly in urban resorts, has facilitated the
drift of people from rural to urban locations in many countries. Somewhat sim-
ilarly, although on a different scale, aspirations of upward social mobility and
higher material standards have caused many members of host communities to
travel to foreign countries in search of employment and to satisfy these goals. The

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relationships of both intra-national and international migration to tourism devel-

opment are not well documented but the example of Pacific Islanders migrating
to New Zealand is enlightening. Since 1971, thousands of Tongans have migrated
to New Zealand in search of employment. The extent to which either the unstable
social and economic conditions in Tonga or the increased prosperity available in
New Zealand has been the principal causative factor of migration has been
debated by Urbanowicz (1977a, b). The natural resources of Tonga are inadequate
to feed the growing population. In spite of attempts to increase and modernize
the agricultural base, in an attempt to generate cash flows to meet consumer
demands for western products, Tonga has had to export much of its own agricul-
tural produce. Inflation and unemployment have placed great pressure on local
resources and have encouraged the government to expand the tourism industry
in an attempt to rejuvenate the economy. Tongans are migrating in response to the
serious lack of domestic employment. Tourism may help to support the island’s
growing population but it may also aggravate other problems. The exposure to
and subsequent demand for western products can be attributed, primarily, to the
influence of tourism. Migration is contributing to social problems in both Tonga
and New Zealand. In the latter country, racial tension and violence have emerged,
and alcoholism and crime have increased. In Tonga, a gradual erosion of the tra-
ditional extended family system, chain migration (continued migration aided by
Tongans already in New Zealand) and an increased reliance upon remittance pay-
ments have become common (Koea 1977: 68–9). Although it would be wrong to
ascribe all these ills solely to tourism, tourism has certainly played a part. In spite
of the generation of employment and income, tourism has had serious effects on
Tongan communities, which include:
1. Increases in crime rates and tension with the inability of local residents to
achieve their western-induced desires by legitimate means;
2. Intensification of resentments with the continued employment of expatriates in
tourism occupations;
3. The disruption of traditional kinship and community bonds through the loss of
important individuals by migration.
The secondary implications of the demonstration effect on employment and
migration contribute to modifications in the internal structure of host commu-
nities. This may occur through:
1. Changes in the roles of women;
2. Changes in community cohesion;
3. Changes in demographic structure;
4. Changes in institutional structures and membership.
Information on these trends is fragmentary. In most traditional societies, rela-
tionships between the generations are governed by strict patterns of authority,

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underpinned by the financial dependence of youth on the older generation. The

widening of employment and earning opportunities for both young people and
women decrease their dependence and cannot but strain interfamilial relations
(de Kadt 1979: 43). However, it would be wrong to regard all such changes as
undesirable. For example, Reynosoy Valle and de Regt (1979: 130–1) found signi-
ficant changes in the employment of women in their Mexican case study. As a
result of the opening of alternative job opportunities in new hotels, working con-
ditions and salaries for domestics improved sharply. Opportunities also increased
in the informal labour market for such activities as washing clothes, renting
rooms, selling food and petty vending. Some women were able to formalize their
businesses by opening hotels, restaurants and shops. According to Wilson (1979:
205–36), in the Seychelles females have received preference over males in a num-
ber of hotel and restaurant jobs, with the result that women lead less restricted
lives than was previously the case. According to Wilson (1979: 224): ‘If a young
girl lands a good job, she can earn more money than her father and is better able
to dictate her own life-style’. However, in Tunisia, employers in the tourism
industry have been prevailed upon to pay girls’ wages to their fathers rather than
directly to the employee (de Kadt 1979: 44).
The disruption of kinship and community bonds will reduce cohesiveness
within the host society. This may be manifested in declining memberships in
community organizations and a decrease in the quality of local services. How-
ever, Manning (1979: 157–76) argued a contrary case and has suggested that
tourism has contributed to a revitalization of black clubs in Bermuda. Greenwood
(1976: 139) noted that the upward social mobility associated with the demonstra-
tion effect also implies residential mobility. In his Spanish study, he argued that
the decline in community cohesion was most visible in the isolation and aban-
donment of the aged members of the community, many of whom were left alone
and uncared for. The construction of tourism facilities can lead to an influx of
labour with consequent changes in the demographic structure and associated
social problems (Reynosoy Valle and de Regt 1979: 127–9, Tourism and Recreation
Research Unit, University of Edinburgh, 1976–77). Again, the situation is com-
plicated for there are other cases where tourism has provided jobs, slowed the
emigration of young people and has made a positive contribution to demographic
structure (Diem 1980).
The undesirable consequences of the demonstration effect for the socio-
economic development of host communities has been widely recognized. Turner
and Ash (1975: 197) and Burns (2002) even postulated that the demonstration
effect is tourism’s chief weapon against the maintenance of authenticity in cul-
ture and community identity. They see tourism as an exporter of western lifestyles
to developing countries, disseminating metropolitan values and decadence which
are, themselves, being questioned in their countries of origin. The positive effects of
demonstration are seldom mentioned, except by those involved in the promotion

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and marketing of tourism. It still remains to be determined if the display of a higher

standard of living will produce an energizing effect on local people, encouraging
more strict work ethics and increased initiative in search of wealth.
Bryden (1973: 96) adopted a different perspective and called into question the
utility of the demonstration effect as an aid to explanation, calling it ‘a vague,
unsatisfactory concept’. He suggested that, on its own, the concept does not
explain who is demonstrating what to whom, why, to what extent, or at what
speed demonstration is occurring. He also asked why it is assumed that the tastes
of foreigners are adopted by indigenes and not vice versa. In fact, it is common
to see western tourists in tropical destinations dressed in batik and sarongs and
eating local food. Though not well documented, international travel has probably
helped tourists to develop an interest in a diversity of national cuisines.
Tourism has undoubtedly engendered a more ‘foreign’ atmosphere in tour-
ism resorts in both developed and developing countries. Radical commentators
criticize the foreign domination of tourism services and facilities, and see beyond
the demonstration effect a more insidious phenomenon which they attribute to
neocolonialism. This is another condition which promotes resentment of tourist
activities.

Neocolonialism
The view that tourism is a new form of colonialism and imperialism is one extreme
perception of tourist development and its effects (Matthews 1977: 21). However,
the evidence presented in Chapter 4 and to be found in the writings of Levitt and
Gulati (1970), Lewis (1972), Bryden (1973) and Perez (1975) indicates that this per-
spective is not without foundation. The movement of metropolitan citizens from
the developed economies of Europe and North America to societies of the less
developed world has a long history. According to some authors, the growth of
tourism in these destinations has been only a change in the form and magnitude
of travel without a major alteration in its colonial quality. Although the legal ties
between metropolitan powers and tourism destination countries have changed as
many developing nations have received independence, the economic relationships
between them have remained essentially the same. This condition has prompted
the charge that tourism is a neocolonial activity.
Three economic conditions substantiate this claim. Firstly, many developing
countries have grown to depend upon tourism as a means to secure revenue. Many
countries attempting to boost foreign exchange earnings have turned to tourism
as a means of achieving this goal. Their success depends, in part, on their willing-
ness to accommodate fully the needs of tourists. The West Indies, for example,
waived tax and import restrictions, developed appropriate infrastructures and
relaxed environmental safeguards in an attempt to encourage the development

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of the tourism industry. In other words, their political and economic priorities and
organization have been directed towards the satisfaction of the demands of tourists.
Secondly, the development of tourism may be accompanied by a one-way
transfer of wealth from the destination area to points of tourist generation. A large
proportion of expenditures and profits are now gained by foreign investors. High
leakages may leave little profit in the destination area. A large proportion of the
goods and services which are consumed by the tourists are often not produced in
the destination and, thus, most of the profits accrue elsewhere.
Thirdly, the employment of non-locals in professional and managerial positions
and the frequent existence of foreign, absentee employers have also provoked
charges of neocolonialism. These features also contribute to high leakages through
the remittances of salaries and profits to the tourist-generating countries. Bugnicourt
(1977: 2), writing specifically on African tourism, believed that these situations
contributed to what he called ‘tourism with no return’.
Perez (1975: 141), Bugnicourt (1977: 3) and Matthews (1977: 23) also argued that
tourism is neocolonialist through the herding of indigenous groups into ‘reserva-
tions’ for the purpose of entertaining tourists, and through the transformation of
the relics of past colonial regimes, such as old fortresses and historic buildings, into
tourist attractions. Similarly, cultural symbols of art, music, dance and literature
are exploited to cater to tourist curiosity and to make money.
The above discussion represents a radical perspective on the role of tourism
in developing countries, a theme prevalent in many earlier studies and literary
works. There is certainly evidence suggesting that tourism is exploitative and that
it displays many of the characteristics of colonial economies. Nevertheless, the
validity of the viewpoint is still debated. First, many governments of developing
countries welcomed tourism as a means of stimulating economic growth. The
encouragement of the growth of the industry is not typical of colonial beginnings,
which are usually imposed. Secondly, most developing countries are independent
politically, and foreign powers do not determine the decisions of the governments
of those countries. However, the manipulation and control of local politicians
and elites by foreign metropolitan interests undoubtedly exist but are unlikely to
be as influential and domineering as under colonial rule. Detailed investigations
into patterns of ownership, investment, decision making and profits, and levels of
involvement of foreign investment would be required to substantiate either per-
spective. This is a daunting task but it has been started by van der Werff (1980).
The above discussion has examined some of the more important conditions that
provoke intense feelings of resentment towards tourists and tourism activities. The
responses of hosts to tourism also may reflect a number of other social impacts.
These effects have usually been examined separately in the literature and have not
been related specifically to host feelings or behaviour. These social impacts are
examined below.

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TOURISM AND MORAL CONDUCT

Archer (1978: 129) believed that one of the most significant and least desirable
by-products of tourism is its effects on the moral standards of the host population.
The growth of prostitution, crime and gambling has been mentioned frequently as
negative effects of tourism development.

Sex tourism and prostitution

Prostitution, which has been called the ‘oldest profession’, was as much, if not
more, a part of ancient society as travel. It certainly existed prior to the growth
of mass tourism. It is exceedingly difficult to say how much tourism has been
responsible for upsurges in prostitution in such tourism locations as Bali, Fiji, the
Seychelles, Tonga and Thailand. One might expect one or more of the following
hypotheses to explain increases in prostitution in tourism resorts:

1. The processes of tourism have created locations and environments which

attract prostitutes and their clients.
2. By its very nature, tourism means that people are away from the puritanical
bonds of normal living, anonymity is assured away from home, and money is
available to spend hedonistically. These circumstances are conducive to the
survival and expansion of prostitution.
3. As tourism affords employment for women, it may upgrade their economic
status. This, in turn, may lead to their liberalization and, eventually, to their
involvement in prostitution to maintain or acquire new economic levels.
4. Tourism may be used as a scapegoat for a general loosening of morals.
5. The overt component of attractiveness of some destinations is the liberalization
and promotion of prostitution by the destination and hence the development of
sex tourism.
6. Poor people with few economic opportunities are forced into prostitution to
survive and tourists are a convenient clientele.

There is growing evidence illustrating the complex relationships between tourism

and the commercial sex industry, its nature and risks (Oppermann 1998, Shaw
and Williams 2000). Early studies gave passing reference to the effects of tourism
on prostitution (Archer 1978, Pizam 1978, Urbanowicz 1977a, b) but now detailed
and comprehensive studies and reviews by Cohen (1988c), Symanski (1981) and
Graburn (1983) have attempted to determine the relationship between tourism
and prostitution specifically. Sex tourism has received significant attention over the
past two decades, including Cohen’s (1988c) work in Thailand, Leung’s (2003)
study in Cambodia, Ford and Wirawan’s (2000) study in Indonesia and Graburn’s
(1983) and Hall’s (1992b) summaries in Asia, Wilson’s (1994) analysis in the

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Seychelles, Pruitt and LaFont’s (1995) study in Jamaica and Oppperman’s (1998)
and Shaw and William’s (2000) collection of international case studies and a num-
ber of recent books address the topic (Bauer and McKercher 2003, Ryan and Hall
2001, Clift and Cater 2000).
Oppermann (1998: 19) concluded that although recent studies have provided
insights into the sex tourism and prostitution relationship, there are still many
areas requiring more attention not the least of which is the collection of accurate
primary data and hence less reliance on data supplied by others and estimates.
There have been several attempts to quantify the incidence of sex tourism and its
associated health problems. In Thailand, for example, Hall (1996) noted that the
number of prostitutes rose to over 500,000 with almost 40 per cent working in
Bangkok. There was also a corresponding increase in HIV-positive prostitutes with
nearly 15 per cent of Bangkok prostitutes being HIV-positive in 1990. A decade
later it has risen to 18 per cent. However, it is not clear what part international
tourism has played as the data does not permit differentiation between prostitutes
whose clients are tourists from those that are locals (Carter and Clift 2000). Further,
the development of sex tourism in Thailand was closely connected with a range
of diverse issues often occurring simultaneously. The use of Thailand by American
servicemen in the Vietnam War as a place for rest and relaxation, the local and
international dimension of gendered labour, social and technological changes in
world tourism markets, and changing attitudes around sexuality, gender and race
were all influencing factors (Truong 1990). Much the same set of factors applies to
areas of prostitution concentration in the Philippines and South Korea. Tourism
has, however, created new opportunities for tourists to engage in sexual activity
but tourism alone cannot account for prostitution in Thailand or for its increase.
Sex tourism may be defined as tourism where the main motivation is to consum-
mate commercial sexual relations (Graburn 1983: 437). It has emerged as a highly
visible and marketed component of the tourism attractiveness of many destina-
tions around the world. However, prostitution comes in many different forms and
this complicates the relationship between sex tourism and prostitution. There are
casual prostitutes who move in and out of prostitution according to financial need.
There are call girls and boys who operate through intermediaries such as brothels
and club owners. There is forced involvement where young people are sold by fam-
ilies in order to pay local debts or reduce loans (Ackerman and Filter 1994). There
is street prostitution as well as outlets such as massage parlours and KTV lounges.
Sex tourism has become an important component in some destinations’ eco-
nomic development but it is not clear whether the increase in standards of living
will reduce the dependency on sex tourism or whether the growth of consumer-
ism will become a new factor in the maintenance of the sex tourism industry (Hall
1992b: 69). Notwithstanding the sociological, economic and political complexities
surrounding sex tourism, there are concerns being addressed by researchers over
the sociocultural impacts of the phenomenon. These include:

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n The appearance of new forms of sexually transmitted diseases particularly AIDS

(Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) and the resulting costs associated
with treatment and education/training programmes (Cohen 1988c: 475);
n The sociological issues of denying human rights through forced prostitution,
the exploitation of children and the commercialization of women. The sex tour-
ism industry continues to shape and reaffirm gender roles and the perception
of gender in the host society (Leheny 1995: 381);
n The questioning of religious laws that prevent prostitution with the operation
of red light districts and brothels as seen in such Islamic countries as Pakistan
and Malaysia (Hong 1985 cited in Hall 1992b: 67);
n The effects on traditional family structures of the involvement of young people
in prostitution;
n Resident responses to tourists because of sex tourism may further discourage
future visitation to the destination.
Balancing the economic gains of sex tourism and prostitution with the wider
psychological and social damage they create in the host community involves an
important but contentious social, political and emotional debate. Effective mech-
anisms of controlling sex tourism will place a heavier proportion of costs of law
enforcement and controls in hotels and entertainment establishments. As Truong
(1990: 524) noted, the banning of prostitution may be counter-productive and cre-
ate hardship for those who engage in it. Legislation to protect prostitutes and
improvement of the occupational health standards of their work place may be a
preferred response.
Many studies of gender and tourism indicate that the relationship between
sex and tourism is complicated, takes many forms and should not be reduced to
a consideration only of prostitution. Some people meet their spouses while on
holiday, some tourists may be on a honeymoon, others fall in love with their tour
guides and so on. Sex may be a central or peripheral part of the reason for travel
and the relationships between partners may be commercial or otherwise. Baum
and McKercher (2003) have explored a diversity of tourism contexts involving
romance, love and lust, and have discussed the role of tourism in facilitating a
diversity of encounters between residents and visitors, between tourists and those
involved in serving tourists and among the tourists themselves.

Crime
Unlike information on prostitution, data on crime are much more easily secured,
although it is often difficult to relate the data to tourism. A wide variety of ques-
tions can be asked concerning the contribution of tourism to crime. They include:
1. Does tourism stimulate an increase in crimes against people and property?
What types of crime, if any, are particularly associated with tourism?

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2. Does the tourist season in resorts attract criminals from other areas and pro-
voke the unlawful ambitions of local criminals?
3. Do people consciously consider crime when they evaluate destinations in their
travel plans? Do perceived levels of crime in resorts influence travel decisions?
4. Does tourism affect the perceived levels of safety and security of inhabitants of
destination areas?
5. What measures are most appropriate to ensure the safety of both hosts and
guests and their property and, at the same time, maintain a carefree, holiday
atmosphere?
6. Does the tourism industry itself become a direct source of crime or does it
induce its own unique forms of crime?
7. Is there a specific relationship between tourism and crime or is it a reflection of
more fundamental social forces found in our overall lifestyle?

The literature on crime as an externality of tourist development is not large,

but most is empirically based. McPheters and Stronge (1974), Jud (1975), Pizam
(1978, 1999) and, to a lesser extent Rothman (1978) and Ryan (1993a), indicated a
positive relationship between increases in tourism and crime rates. However,
with the exception of Jud, all are cautious in their interpretations because of the
large number of complicating factors. Jud developed a mathematical model in his
analysis of tourism and crime in Mexico but he was restricted in the variables
that he was able to include. Lin and Loeb (1977: 165) indicated that because of spe-
cification errors, many of Jud’s estimates could be mistaken. Nevertheless, Jud’s
substantial empirical evidence was an early example suggesting a relationship
between tourism and crime. In the last decade, two major texts on the relationship
of tourism and crime have been produced (Pizam and Mansfield 1996, Ryan
1993a, b). Ryan (1993a, b) identified five different relationships between crime and
tourism:

1. Tourists are incidental victims of criminal activity;

2. The tourism location is a venue for crime;
3. Tourism is the provider of victims and crime is therefore opportunistic;
4. There is organized criminal activity to meet certain types of tourist demand;
5. There is organized criminal and terrorist group activity against tourists and
tourist destinations.

The occurrence of tourists falling victim to crime is dependent on the existing

levels of criminal activity, the stage of development of the destination and proxim-
ity of tourist zones. There are examples of crimes against tourists in designated
tourist zones but also of others against tourists in remote areas. In the early stages
of the tourist destination development cycle, it is assumed that local involvement
and values supporting tourist hospitality are conducive to lower criminal activity.

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Tourist locations as venues for enhanced criminal activity are governed to a

large extent by such characteristics as the large number of visitors staying short
durations; large numbers of seasonal workers; transient relationships between
hosts and guests; leisure being the main motivation of activity, spending is usu-
ally unrestricted, and local businesses and services reflect the impacts of tourism.
The open accessibility of a destination area and the unfamiliarity of the place,
make tourists an easy target and, therefore, it is not surprising for tourist activi-
ties to attract criminal behaviours.
Both tourists and residents can be victims of crime and rates for robbery,
burglary, larceny and crimes against property are increasing in tourist areas
(Chesney-Lind and Lind 1986). Although there are apparent and recorded dif-
ferences in such crimes between tourism and non-tourism areas, it is clear that
residents perceive that tourism zones do attract crime (Milman and Pizam 1988;
Walmsley, Boskovic and Pigram 1983).
Tourists generate opportunities for criminal activity at two levels: individual
and institutional (Ryan 1993a, b). The former reflects the fact that tourists will
often indulge in behaviours in a destination that are foreign to them in their places
of residence (Ryan and Kinder 1996). These may include excessive drinking, drug-
taking and prostitution. Institutional illegal behaviour may involve the illegal pur-
chase of land at a destination and its resale at higher prices to tourism suppliers.
Tourism is vulnerable to terrorism activities as evident in hijackings, attacks on
tourism facilities and on the tourists themselves. As Wall (1996d: 144) and Fieler
(1986: 88) noted, the attraction of tourism to terrorists is due to the amount of
international publicity it receives, further publicizing the terrorists’ political cause
and their ability and resourcefulness in carrying out such acts. The implications of
terrorist activity for destinations are obviously wide-ranging: reduced tourist
arrivals, reduced investment in tourism infrastructure, job losses, and increased
tourist fees to pay for increased security, to suggest but a few.
The following factors are critical in influencing relationships between tourism
and crime:
1. The population density during the tourist season;
2. The location of the resort in relation to an international border;
3. The per capita incomes of hosts and tourists, large differences between them
tending to encourage robbery;
4. The level of tourism development and level of dependence of the destination
on tourism;
5. Level of existing conventional crime.
Two Florida studies (McPheters and Stronge 1974, Schiebler, Crotts and Hollinger
1996) noted a close similarity between the tourist season and the crime season. It
was suggested that this reflected the response of criminals to the increased avail-
ability of targets and congestion during the tourist season, since these factors

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increased the potential gains and reduced the probability of detection from the
point of view of the criminals. Harper (2001) reported in five studies that in most
instances the rate of crime to tourists, particularly larceny, theft and robbery, was
higher than that experienced by local residents. Further, crimes against tourists
occurred at a higher level in areas with a high level of existing conventional crime.
Prideaux and Dunn (1995) suggested that the image a destination has attained in
its marketing and promotional initiatives will influence the type of tourists visit-
ing and their corresponding behaviours. They found that economic crimes (robbery,
larceny and burglary) had a similar season to tourism, while auto theft and crimes
of passion (murder, rape and assault) did not.
Rothman’s (1978) attitude studies of two seasonal resorts in Delaware indicated
that inhabitants of Bethany and Rehoboth perceived a decline in personal safety
and an increase in crime rates during the tourist season. It was widely believed
that it was more dangerous to be out after dark during the summer than at any
other time. Police protection was increased greatly during the tourist season at
great expense to the local communities.
There are some additional studies evaluating the relationships of tourism
and crime with varying findings, but many have found that crime and overall
resident perceptions of tourism development are linked (Haralambopoulos and
Pizam 1996, Long, Perdue and Allen 1990, Pizam, Milwan and King 1994). De
Albuquerque and McElroy (1999: 981), in their Caribbean study, found that tourists
in mass tourism destinations were more likely to be victims of serious crimes than
residents. Harper (2001) revealed that tourists were much more likely than resid-
ents to be victims of property crime and robbery whereas the reverse was true for
murder and aggravated assault. A consistent relationship between the victimiza-
tion rates on tourists (robbery, burglary, larceny and rape) and the increase in
tourist arrivals was also found by Chesney-Lind and Lind (1986) in Hawaii and in
five other case studies investigated by Harper (2001).
Two studies were located that focused specifically on crime rates in tourist hotels
(Bach and Pizam 1996, Jones and Groenenboom 2002). Unlike most studies of tour-
ism and crime which have addressed the tourists as the victims, these two ana-
lyses also looked at the tourists as perpetrators of crimes. The two types of crime
most prevalent in hotels were public area theft and credit card fraud. The authors
suggested that there were a number of different ways that these were perpetrated.
They also indicated that they were influenced by the hotel design, its location, the
effectiveness of hotel security and the grade and customer mix of the property.
Although findings vary, it appears that tourism contributes to an increase in
crime, in certain circumstances, especially on a seasonal basis. It does this partly
through the generation of friction between the host population and tourists, which
may be manifest in criminal activities. However, probably of greater significance
is that the target for criminals is expanded and situations are created where gains
from crime may be high and the likelihood of detection small.

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The effects of crime on host communities appear to be:

1. Increased expenditures on law enforcement and security systems during the
tourist season;
2. Monetary losses from burglary and larceny, property damage from vandalism,
commercial embezzlement, tax dodging and the growth of black markets;
3. Heightened tension;
4. The visible presence of the law in increased foot patrols and traffic controls may
lead to a false sense of security.
Although direct linkages between tourism and crime have not been established
conclusively, Ryan (1993b) concluded that this is a reflection of the complexities
of both phenomena. Both are derived patterns of action informed by social values,
cultures and economic systems that generate demands for escape by both the
tourist and host from current realities. Research priorities should be directed to
the examination of the causes of increased crime in tourism areas, the indirect
effects of this on the host community, perceived safety issues and their impacts on
tourist demand, the costs created and the determination of who should bear them.

Gambling
There has been a transformation of attitudes towards gambling in the past twenty
years and this has been accompanied by an unprecedented growth in the legitim-
ate gambling industry. Gambling has been long recognized as a tourist attraction
and for several centuries was an important part of the experience available at
European spa resorts. Today it is undoubtedly a growth industry. In Australia in
1984, there were two casinos and a decade later fourteen. Similarly, in the United
States, gambling legislation has proliferated since the 1970s as is evident in the
growth of the casino hotels of Nevada and Atlantic City, the stakes casinos of
Colorado, Iowa and South Dakota, and riverboat casinos and casinos on Indian
reservations in several states. Historically, casinos in Europe and America were
geographically isolated from the main population centres (Eadington 1995, 1996,
Leiper 1989, Roehl 1994: 156). Location strategies of separating the casino from its
main markets led to the rise of Monte Carlo, Las Vegas, Reno and Macau. Eadington
(1978: 446) argued that casino tourism areas should be located away from their
principal markets to ensure casino gambling remained a speciality and novelty,
attributes contributing to its popularity. The emergence of urban casinos, how-
ever, is quite recent as part of new jurisdictions in the USA and particularly in
Canada. The latter has seen considerable public sector ownership and franchised
monopolies in its approach to legalizing casinos. A detailed review of growth trends
in North America casino tourism has been prepared via the numerous case studies
edited by Meyer-Arendt and Hartmann (1998) and Hsu’s (1999) collection of
papers. The main justifications for the legalization of gambling and its organization

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and promotion by the state were the tax revenues that could be obtained, and the
belief that the gambling industry, if illegal, would operate anyway. Legalization
was seen as a means of diverting revenues from illegal operations to the state.
Gambling, like prostitution, is not endemic to tourism. However, it has been
largely responsible for the fame and notoriety of such tourism destinations as
Monte Carlo, Las Vegas and Tijuana, and for the rise and fall of Cuba’s Batista in
Havana. Atlantic City, New Jersey, openly voted in favour of legalizing casinos in
an attempt to revive the resort’s fading tourist trade (Stansfield 1978: 238). In spite
of the concern on the part of local police and church groups that gambling would
attract organized crime, prostitution and violence, casinos were legalized in the
hope that they would:
1. Generate tourist activity;
2. Generate local employment and economic activity to the resort and surround-
ing region;
3. Increase the income of the city by expanding its tax base.
The casino industry now generates 21 per cent of the direct income for Atlantic
City, 28 per cent of its direct employment, 33 per cent of local property taxes and
7 per cent of the state’s taxes and is a significant catalyst in attracting tourists,
stabilizing employment and attracting capital investment (Stokowski 1996, 1998).
The increasing interest in the use of casino gambling as a means of reviving
declining resorts has been associated with a growing concern for the problems
that follow. Pizam (1978: 9) reported that, because of its side effects, gambling was
perceived as one of the most undesirable consequences of tourism by residents of
Cape Cod. Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 47) reported that casinos were banned in
Trinidad and Tobago because of these problems. The spread of casino tourism has
also brought with it a corresponding body of research literature that attempts to
provide a balanced perspective between the readily apparent economic benefits
(tax revenues, employment opportunities, regional development, and capital invest-
ment stimulation) and many of the social and economic costs emerging. The positive
economic impacts of casino tourism on resort communities have been documented
by Pizam and Pokela (1985: 12), Roehl (1998) and Heneghan (1999). To date these
economic benefits have been related to specific casino tourism locales in specific
jurisdictions. These effects will ultimately change with the proliferation of casino
gaming, the development of gaming opportunities close to and in urban areas and
the increasing number of competing gaming jurisdictional zones being legislated.
There is also agreement that economic, social and political costs emerge from
casino development although these have not been well researched. In many cases,
particularly in smaller communities, the large revenues accruing do not always
offset the costs associated with increased traffic congestion and noise, parking,
additional security costs, loss of local business activity and business bankruptcies
(Kindt 1994).

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Gambling and casino tourism remain an activity with continued moral ambigu-
ity stimulating substantial public debate. It is the increasingly documented social
and economic costs of casino tourism that fuel these situations. A number of social
impact assessments of casino developments and resident attitude surveys towards
the impacts of gambling in their communities have been undertaken by Pizam
and Pokela (1985), Stokowksi (1996, 1998) and Caneday and Zeiger (1991). Casino
tourism affects residents and, taken as a whole, the literature on casino tourism
suggests a number of social implications:
1. Residents are often unprepared for the rapidity and magnitude of changes
brought about by casino tourism.
2. Gambling can lead to personal and family tragedies from compulsive or patho-
logical gambling behaviour and these are likely to grow as access to legalized
gambling increases.
3. There has been political corruption and organized crime linked to casino
gaming. However, as legal casinos have become more common and accepted
and regulations more stringent, opportunities for corruption or organized crime
infiltration have diminished. This relationship has not been established conclu-
sively but Hakim and Buck (1987: 416) noted that increases in specific crimes
such as larceny, burglary, auto theft and violence were statistically related to
the presence of casinos.
4. The inequitable distribution of the benefits of casino tourism to residents and
inequitable taxation for those in casino tourism locales versus other resort resid-
ents or residents in the surrounding area. Studies reveal that gambling taxes tend
to be regressive, i.e. taxes being levied disproportionately against residents of the
resort versus the surrounding area (Mason, Shapiro and Borg 1989, Roehl 1994).
5. Residents of casino tourism resorts do recognize both positive and negative
impacts. Interestingly, despite this seeming ambivalence, the perceptions of the
impacts of casino tourism by residents are tolerant, tempered by the expectations
of future benefits. While casino tourism shares many of the same characteristics
of mass tourism, the added dimension of gambling does provide significant
differentiation in terms of social impacts. These need to be studied in more
detail and be differentiated according to residents employed in tourism, resid-
ents employed in gambling, and residents employed outside of the industry. A
closer examination of the externalities and distribution of benefits and costs and
tracking these longitudinally and over the product life cycle will also provide
greater insight into the social impacts of casino tourism.

TOURISM AND RELIGION

A substantial literature exists on pilgrimage and there has been considerable dis-
cussion of the relationships between pilgrimage and tourism (Cohen 1992a, Jutla

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2002, Din 1989, Rinschede 1992, Eade 1992). Are they the same thing? In what ways
are they different? Tourism has been called a ‘sacred journey’ and pilgrimage
has many attributes of tourism: a trip, a sojourn at one or more destinations, food
and beverage requirements, souvenirs and interaction with a host community, to
name but a few.
Religion has been a powerful force which has long caused people to travel to
religious centres in many parts of the world. Travel to the ancient cities of Palestine
and Christendom, Mecca, Medina and Bangkok is not new. Pilgrimages by the
Persian Shiites to their sacred death place at Kadhimain in Iraq, by the Jews to
Jerusalem and by the Sunnis to Medina, have been described by Ritter (1975: 57) as
‘tourism of the dead’, a form of travel which is little known in the western world.
Although tourists of Western Europe do not often travel for spiritual reasons to
their aspired burial place, they are often motivated to travel because of religious
affiliations or curiosity. The peak tourism periods in Jerusalem and Damascus dur-
ing Easter and the time of the Passover are partly a result of the spiritual devotion
of western Christians. Rome or, more specifically, the Vatican, attracts Catholics
from all parts of the world. The cathedrals of England have become such popular
tourist attractions that their very fabric is threatened by pressures from visitors
(English Tourist Board 1979). Similarly the re-enactment of Christ’s crucifixion at
Oberammagau in Germany once every ten years is one of the largest single reli-
gious events and brings to the region massive injections of tourist dollars.
Relationships between tourism and religion have changed from their traditional
form. Holy places, such as Jerusalem, Mecca and Medina, have become tourist
destinations for visitors lacking a strong spiritual motivation. Anti-western senti-
ment has increased in such places because of political factors and because locals
and devout pilgrims find that their living conditions and religious experiences
have been marred because of frequent photography, the proliferation of signs and
rowdy behaviour. Thus, conflict is arising between locals, the religiously devout
tourist and the curious visitor. There is concern that holy places are being developed
for tourism and that this is detracting from the religious significance which has
made them famous.
The Church, and religions generally, have also realized the economic benefits
of tourism although in some more orthodox sects they are not promoted yet not
denied. Tourism is being used as a source of revenue. Collection boxes are often
found at entrances and exits to cathedrals and shrines, and souvenir booklets and
postcards are frequently displayed for sale. In some churches guided tours are
conducted and donations are requested on leaving. This situation is not the pre-
rogative of any one religion or culture: it is as prevalent in the temples of India
as in the cathedrals of Britain. Numerous situations now exist where visitation to
a specific shrine also includes visits to surrounding areas as part of the overall
tourist experience. Lourdes and Fatima, two of Europe’s best-known places for
pilgrimages, have become focal points of attraction for the entire French and

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Iberian tourist regions. Other examples worldwide also reveal the same economic
realities of the links between tourism and pilgrimage noted by such authors as
Hudman and Jackson (1999: 120), Vukonic (2002), Cohen (1992b), Eade (1992) and
V. Smith (1992).
The Church has often expressed concern over the growth of tourism because
of the emergence of associated social, cultural and environmental problems. Such
concerns have been expressed by the World Council of Churches (1970) and
the Caribbean Ecumenical Consultation for Development (1971) in the proceed-
ings of their meetings. They have attempted to define the role of the Church in
contributing towards a more adequate understanding of tourism. They saw their
role as primarily an advisory one. They proposed the following:

1. The education of the populace of host countries. This would include a reorienta-
tion of attitudes to enable hosts to fulfil their role in a positive and responsible
manner.
2. Churches of host countries should initiate pastoral relationships which would
encourage visitors to share their anxieties and personal problems with a friendly
and receptive host community.
3. Ensuring that tourism experiences renew the human condition, promote the
perception of things not customarily perceived, and thereby promote a spiritual
rethinking.

Both of these early conferences put forward recommendations concerning the social
and environmental compatibility of tourism, self-renewal and spiritual awakening.
Their recommendations, although ideological and perhaps unrealistic, are some
of the first suggestions which attempt to tackle the social problems of the tourist
industry. A third conference on ‘the pastoral care of tourism on the move’ (Inter-
national Congress on Pastoral Care of Tourism on the Move 1979) was very wide-
ranging in its deliberations, discussing such issues as the preparation of guides
for holy places, the Lord’s Day in the context of tourism, the pastoral reception of
pilgrims, pastoral possibilities in health resorts, and the apostolate among hoteliers
and young seasonal visitors. Such conferences are a clear indication that the
churches have recognized that tourism is an important component of life, with
both desirable and undesirable consequences worthy of their attention.
As tourism, particularly religious tourism, has grown, the churches and religions
have not been able to remain indifferent to the consequences induced by religious
tourism itself. Sacred facilities are becoming used as much for tourists’ pleasure as
for religious observance (Vukonic 2002). The arguments of spiritual needs coming
before material ones has always been at the forefront of religion’s opposition to
tourism and remains central to many hosts’ perceptions of the presence of tourists
in their places of worship. Others have criticized the commercialization of sacred
sites, claiming that tourism dictates local worship schedules, and sees the selling

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and mass production of religious souvenirs as profaning their religious symbol-

ism. However these arguments seem to be localized among religious practitioners
and have not interfered with the widespread notion that tourism, religion and
economics have a symbiotic relationship.

TOURISM AND LANGUAGE

The scarcity of research investigating linguistic impacts of tourism means that it
is not possible to discuss this social aspect in detail. As a preface to this discussion,
it is appropriate to examine briefly the sociocultural role of language in society
and its relationship with tourism. Language is a vehicle of communication and
it is a part of the social and cultural attributes of any population. The great signi-
ficance of language to society and as a sociocultural indicator was stressed by
Wagner (1958: 86) when he stated: ‘Language exercises a decisive influence on
the composition and distribution of inter-communicating social units – on who
talks to whom – and thus on the activities in which men are able to participate in
groups’. In a situation of social and cultural contact, the degree to which the native
language is still spoken is an indicator of the extent of social assimilation and
the strength of the culture and identity of the indigenous population. Moreover,
changes in language may also be associated with changes in attitudes and behavi-
our on the part of local residents towards visiting groups. Language is an import-
ant factor in an analysis of social and cultural change and could be a useful
indicator of the social impact of international tourism.
Only a few studies (Butler 1978, Cohen and Cooper 1986, Huisman and Moore
1999, White 1974) were located which identified the effects of tourism on the use of
language. The study by White (1974) examined relationships between the growth
of tourism and social change, using language change as an index of the latter. He
represented these relationships, and the possibilities of change within them, in the
form of a conceptual model. The model identifies three ways in which tourism can
lead to language change:

1. Through economic change. The new jobs associated with expanding tourist devel-
opment are frequently not filled by local residents and immigrants are hired. A
shift towards the use of the immigrants’ language may occur as immigrants
exert pressure on local residents to speak their language. Further, the expansion
of cultural brokers mediating between tourists and hosts will also lead to a
number of involved locals learning the language of tourists.
2. Through the demonstration effect. Tourists’ portrayal of their material and financial
background, and their attitudes and behaviour, may introduce new viewpoints
and stimulate a broader interest in non-local affairs within the indigenous com-
munity. Aspirations of achieving similar status on the part of hosts may prompt
them to replace their own language with that of the tourists.

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3. Through direct social contact. This involves direct communication between tourists
and hosts and, although it may occur under a variety of circumstances, workers
in the retail and service sectors may be required to converse in the tourists’ lan-
guage, for the latter may not be able to speak the local tongue. White’s study of
twenty-eight communes in the south-east of the Swiss Canton of Graubunden
showed that the use of Romanish as the first language had declined markedly.
For example, in areas where tourism activity was high, the percentage of resid-
ents claiming Romanish as their first language declined from 66 per cent in 1888
to 29 per cent in 1970. In areas of limited tourist activity the decline was much
less: from 86 per cent to 80 per cent.

Butler’s (1978) study of the rural, insular, crofting parish of Sleat in the Isle of
Skye, Scotland, found less striking results to that of White, although both studies
indicate that tourism acts to displace the indigenous language by that of the
tourists. In Sleat, a slight majority of residents felt that tourism had no impact
upon the Gaelic language and culture. Of those who did think there was an effect,
the majority felt this to be negative towards Gaelic. This was because the presence
of tourists inhibited the use of Gaelic. In the Sleat study (Butler 1978: 200), it was
suggested that the increase in summer homes and the employment of seasonal
labour from the mainland were the major factors contributing to the replacement
or deferment of the use of Gaelic. This was especially the case if second homes
became retirement homes. Both developments increased the proportion of English-
speaking people remaining in the community for relatively long periods of time.
Both Butler and White found that tourists staying in private homes, farmhouses
and locally-based accommodation units had less impact on the linguistic loyalties
of their hosts than those staying in hotels or motels. The links between tourism
and language change through the direct contact of tourists with hosts were less
important than the economic link, i.e. the use of non-local labour.
Both studies illustrated that the linguistic solidarity of host cultures is seri-
ously threatened by the assimilating forces of tourist development. Declines in the
use of indigenous language have disturbed well-established social patterns and
local social and cultural identities. White (1974: 35) concluded from the decline
in the speaking of Romanish that tourism was a principal cause of the disappear-
ance of local sociocultural features and their replacement by a greater degree of
homogeneity.
Cohen and Cooper (1986) suggested that changes in host language use and
preservation are also related to the nature of the tourist–host relationship and the
social and economic characteristics of the interacting groups. The use of the tourists’
languages in these communication encounters is crucial. Tourists are temporary
visitors whose contact with the host society is superficial and brief. The authors
also believed that the linguistic interactions between tourists and locals is also a
reflection of a ‘power relationship’ that will depend on the level of institutionaliza-

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tion of the tourist (individual or mass tourist), the level of education and language
capabilities of both groups, and the degree of dispersal of the tourist beyond the
normal tourist areas. In cases of tourists from developed countries visiting devel-
oping countries, the accommodation of or the desire to speak the local language
is usually minimal. Tourists and hosts who are both from developed countries are
more likely to speak and be more capable of speaking the local language as was
noted with German tourists visiting New Zealand (Huisman and Moore 1999).
Tourism is also a service industry and engaged economically in providing such
services. Individuals providing services, or sellers, therefore, will be more likely to
demonstrate multilingualism than the tourists or buyers, although language skills
may be largely confined to ‘tourist talk’, only existing for the subjects of transactions.
Although these studies, and less detailed ones by Tsartas (1989), Ryan (1991: 138)
and Sharpley (1994), are in substantial agreement, it may be premature to extend
their findings to other areas. More detailed investigations are required for differ-
ent geographical locations, for different cultural and linguistic groups, and for
different types of tourist development before generalizations can be made with
assurance.

TOURISM AND HEALTH

Tourism and health are linked in four ways:

1. The health of travellers going to particular destinations, including health edu-

cation for travelling to and of the conditions at destinations, medical aspects of
travel preparation, health problems of returning tourists and the costs associ-
ated with tourists’ ill health;
2. The betterment of health is a common motive for travel;
3. The standards of public health in destination areas contribute to the quality of
the tourist product;
4. Diseases may be contracted by tourists in one place and transferred to other
destinations or their home.

One of the most ancient links between travel and health is the taking of waters
at mineral and hot springs (Lowenthal 1962: 124). Health tourism, as defined by the
IUOTO (1973: 7), is ‘the provision of health facilities utilizing the natural resources
of the country, in particular mineral water and climate’. Many other health estab-
lishments and rest homes with minimal dependence upon natural resources, such
as health farms, should be added to this definition. Health tourism originated in the
belief in the curative power of climate, mineral springs and other environmental
conditions. The therapeutic value of mountain air, mineral water and sunshine led
to the emergence of spas in different parts of Europe. Although many of the his-
toric spa resorts (for example Bath, Baden-Baden and Bad Gastein) have declined

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or developed other attractions, the importance of health tourism remains. The

IUTO in 1972, reported the existence of 516 health resorts in Germany (48 per cent
of the European total), 290 in Poland (27 per cent), 90 in Spain (8 per cent) and 80
in Switzerland (7 per cent). The main aim of health tourism is personal regenera-
tion through an active physical life coupled with mental relaxation. According to
Wolski (1977: 203), this is an important component of the demand for tourism
within contemporary society.
The public health conditions in the destination area have an important bearing
upon the quality of the tourist product and the tourist experience. Tourists, like
any other travellers crossing an international border, have a duty to conform to the
health formalities in force but, at the same time, can be expected to be protected
against risks during their stay. The interests of the tourists and the destination area
are served by the provision of high-quality health facilities which should receive
the highest priority. As Richard (1973: 32) pointed out: ‘People go on holiday above
all for a change, to indulge in sports in a different climate and to enjoy local
amenities; but no matter how excellent the amenities provided, tourists attach the
utmost importance to their health and comfort’. The quality of public health facil-
ities contributes to levels of visitor satisfaction and also determines the likelihood
of tourists contracting diseases which may be transferred to other destinations
or back to the place of permanent residence. For example, it is common to hear
of western tourists contracting stomach ailments or dysentery from the food and
water in many developing countries. This is such a common occurrence that the
ailments have been given such nicknames as ‘Delhi belly’ and ‘Montezuma’s
revenge’.
The impact of tourism on the health status of hosts and their communities has
received limited attention. Historically, there are well-documented examples where
the arrival of foreigners to a particular host country or region has altered the
health status of the host by the introduction of new diseases. This was seen with
the conquest of the New World by the Spanish and Portuguese, where diseases
such as smallpox, yellow fever and influenza, were introduced and, in many cases,
dramatically reduced the native population (Bauer 1999).
The emergence of new infectious diseases, the accelerated spread of infectious
diseases and the re-emergence of diseases thought to be eradicated have now been
the focus of some recent tourism commentaries (Cossar 1994, Lea 1988, WHO
1996, Wilson 1995). Tourism brings about direct and indirect impacts on the health
status of host communities. Direct impacts refer to the introduction and spread of
infectious diseases, accidents causing death or injury to local residents and tourist
industry personnel, and the conditions related to host employment in tourism.
The introduction of foreign diseases to the host population is now common and
although many of these diseases are normally easily treatable, the low hygiene,
poor nutrition and poor economic conditions of host populations often add to the
severity of and ease of transmission. Tourism has also exposed industry workers

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to additional health risks in the routines of their work. For example, jungle and
mountain guides are often exposed to animal bites, malaria, altitude sickness and
accidents. Mental health problems may also arise as traditional lifestyles and loss
of identity occur as changes in social and cultural values are eroded. Indirect
impacts may be attributed to the social and economic consequences of increased
tourism revenues, visible through the improvement in medical health care facilit-
ies within destinations for use by the entire community. Conversely, the develop-
ment of new medical facilities in a destination has sometimes been to provide
such services to tourists and these may not be accessible or affordable for locals
(Yunis 1996). A further indirect impact is related to the environmental problems
induced by tourism. In many underdeveloped tourist areas, inadequate waste
management and sewage systems and pollution of water supplies pose health
risks for local communities and affect their local food supply.
A recent upsurge in the number of cases of sexually transmitted diseases within
host populations has accelerated concern for the overall impact of tourism on the
health of destination communities. Researchers like Bauer (1999), Wilson (1995),
Wanjau (1987), Agrusa (2003) and Cohen (1988c) urge the use of epidemiological
research specifically for tourism and tourist–host interaction and the extension of
the anecdotal work done so far through undertaking longitudinal, empirically-
based research programmes.
Another area of the tourism–health relationship not examined here is that of
tourists’ health as components of their pre-trip and trip experiences. These have
been examined in a limited number of studies (Cossar 1996, Page and Meyer 1996,
Page, Clift and Clark 1994, Petty 1989).
Tourism does play a dual role in its effects on the health of host populations.
On the one hand it can improve and provide better access to health facilities for
members of the host community. On the other hand it can simultaneously be the
driving force for the spread of and re-emergence of infectious diseases. The recent
outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003 as well as foot-
and-mouth disease in the United Kingdom drew attention to the importance of
health issues in both human beings and animals to tourism because of their major
disruptive effects. The former had global effects as potential tourists were afraid to
travel. Countries such as China and Canada found their tourist industry suddenly
curtailed, and locations far away from the centres of disease were impacted (Mason,
Grabowski and Du 2005, Wall in press, Zhang, Gu and Kavanaugh 2005). In the
latter case, tourism throughout the United Kingdom, particularly in rural areas, was
drastically curtailed. The situation demonstrated vividly that many rural areas in
the United Kingdom depend as much on tourism as on agriculture (Butler and
Airey 2004).
According to Wall (2004), health may even offer a perspective that can enlighten
understanding of relationships between tourism and environment. A health
perspective is being incorporated into many fields. Thus there are discussions of

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healthy economies, healthy cities, healthy communities, healthy environments and

even healthy tourist industries. Rapport (1995) states that the utility of the health
paradigm rests upon a number of suppositions which are identified below and
modified to fit a tourist context:
1. That healthy tourism can be defined in an operational manner and that assess-
ments of health status can, at least in part, be based upon objective criteria;
2. That systematic diagnosis of tourism conditions is possible;
3. That careful study of the state of tourism can yield early warning indicators of
degradation and decline;
4. That practices of healthy tourism require not only diagnostic and curative cap-
abilities but, perhaps most importantly, preventative measures.
The adoption of a health paradigm need not involve an endorsement of the
‘react and cure’ approach of Western medicine. As the medical and health pro-
fessions gradually change perspectives from cure to prevention, and their scale of
analyses from the individual to the community, their concerns may, by analogy,
raise questions of interest to researchers on tourism. Could general screening
indicators, diagnostic indicators, risk assessment indicators and fitness measures
be developed? Is the notion of sensitivity to stresses of value in generating new
ideas and approaches? Could and should diagnostic protocols for assessing the
health of tourist destinations be put in place? Could a taxonomy of tourism ills be
developed?

SUMMARY
The literature that has been accessed and summarized reveals a broad range of
social impacts related to tourist development, tourist–host interactions and result-
ing influences. A number of other scholars have also summarized these studies
and extensive bibliographies have been developed (Brunt and Courtney 1999,
Pearce, P.L. 1998). A number of other works have contributed greatly to the con-
ceptual and methodological development of measuring the social impacts of
tourism (Ap and Crompton 1993, Brown and Giles 1994, Chen 2001, Liu and Var
1986). A growing body of work has also emerged focusing on resident attitudes
towards tourists and the nature of tourist interactions (Ap and Crompton 1993,
Hernandez, Cohen and Garcia 1996, Lankford 1994, McCool and Martin 1994,
Pearce, P.L. 1998).
It is clear that tourism has significant social impacts and is instrumental in alter-
ing the social structure of host communities with consequences for the attitudes
of residents towards tourism. There is room to further examine these impacts and
perceptions according to different types of residents and their characteristics, and
to disentangle the impacts resulting from tourism from those of general economic
development and other forces of change.

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CULTURAL IMPACTS

It would be difficult to overlook the importance of culture as a motivator of travel.

While it is easy to state the general significance of culture, it is more difficult to
define the term in a way which will receive general acceptance and, consequently,
it is hard to be precise about the impacts of tourism on culture. The concept of cul-
ture has been debated in anthropological literature for at least two centuries and
has acquired almost as many definitions as those trying to define it. According to
Singer (1968: 540), recent definitions of culture have grown progressively more
formal and abstract. Culture has often been loosely defined as behaviour as observed
through social relations and material artefacts. Although these may provide some
raw data for a construct of culture, they are not, in themselves, the constituents of
culture. Culture, in a deeper anthropological sense, includes patterns, norms, rules
and standards which find expression in behaviour, social relations and artefacts.
These are the constituents of culture. Singer’s definition (1968: 528) revealed this
development: ‘Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for beha-
viour, acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achieve-
ment of human groups including their embodiments in artefacts; the essential
core of culture consists of traditional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas
and especially their attached values’. Thus, according to the above definition, cul-
ture is the conditioning elements of behaviour and the products of that behaviour.
Similarly Burns (2002: 56) argued that culture is ‘acquired’ through learning and
the interaction between people. How they learn from each other may be observed
through both social relations and material artefacts. Culture consists of behaviour
patterns, knowledge, values and traditions which have been passed down through
generations. Richards (1996) summarized the range of definitions of culture argu-
ing that is a complex whole and is both a process and a product. Culture as a pro-
cess covers the behaviours of individuals of a specific group, or processes through
which people make sense of themselves and their lives. Culture as a product is
a manifestation of individual or group activities to which certain meanings are
attached. Richards argued that in tourism both these overlap and are integrated.
As a process, tourists engage in cultural experiences searching for authenticity and
meaning. The motivations of such tourists and their behaviour in a destination
lead to the creation of cultural manifestations developed specifically for tourist
consumption (Cohen 1988c). Tourism, as such, has transformed culture as a process
into culture as a product. This definitional approach is important in the examina-
tion of tourism and culture in that underlying the concept of culture and its com-
ponents is the fact that it is dynamic and that it may change over time. The extent
to which tourism has influenced the process of cultural change is a critical part of
the subsequent discussion in this chapter.
It may be argued that tourism itself is a culture industry in that cultural prod-
ucts and experiences are promoted as tourist attractions (Prentice 1997). Craik

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(1995: 87) concluded that there are three elements of tourism as culture: the
cultural elements of tourist products and packages, the sophistication of tour-
ist perceptions and experiences of destination cultures and the cultural con-
sequences of tourist development on resident communities. In response to the
latter, there is also a growing body of literature regarding sustainable tourism that
now addresses issues that are cultural as well as environmental. These cultural
dimensions are examined in this chapter in the context of cultural impacts of
tourism.
Literature which examines the cultural effects of tourism has tended to con-
centrate upon the manifest expressions of culture from which the conditioning
elements are inferred. Few works measure the deeper cultural effects, i.e. impacts
on values, norms and identities. Graburn’s (1976) and Smith’s (2001) commentaries
and their collections of papers are exceptions as they adopt a broader perspective
and are concerned with changes in culture as a whole. They were particularly con-
cerned with the material expressions of indigenous people and ‘Fourth World’
peoples, by which they meant indigenous people in developed countries. Graburn
(1976: 1) stated that:

The Fourth World is the collective name for all aboriginal or native peoples whose lands
fall within national boundaries and technobureaucratic administrations of countries of
the First, Second and Third Worlds. As such, they are peoples without countries of their
own, peoples who are usually in the minority and without the power to direct the course
of their collective lives.

This portion of the chapter examines cultural effects of tourism and includes
the effects of ‘cultural’ tourism. A growing body of literature has emerged on
cultural tourism and its consequences and corresponding planning and visitor
management strategies (Boniface 1998, Evans 1994, McKercher and du Cros 2002,
Richards 1996, Robinson and Boniface 1999). Reference is also made to heritage
tourism and ethnic tourism. Both of these themes fit within the broad framework
of tourism and culture and its consequences. Ethnic tourism involves travelling
for the purpose of observing the cultural expressions and lifestyles of indigenous
peoples, searching for the ethnically exotic and often untouched primitive and
authentic. Several researchers have studied this from the perspective of tourist–
host relationships, and from tourists’ and hosts’ perspectives separately (Jamieson
1994, King 1994b, McIntosh and Goeldner 1990, Moscardo and Pearce 1999, Pearce
1995, Smith 2001).
There have also been a number of books and articles on the nature and impacts
of heritage tourism (Garrod and Tyall 2000, Li 2003, Poria 2001, Prentice 2003).
Heritage tourism is based on society’s passion to preserve the past from which
people can claim a sense of identity and understanding of the present. Not all his-
tory, but specific elements of history, will over a period of time and via a certain
process, become heritage (Poria 2001). Heritage tourism attractions are discussed

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at four levels: world, national, local and personal, recognizing that there will be
overlaps between the levels of experiences or shared heritage (Timothy 1997). The
impacts of heritage tourism visits to historic monuments, museums, works of art
or historic buildings are discussed in this chapter and also, in the context of envir-
onmental impacts, in the preceding chapter.
There is not a widely accepted definition of cultural tourism. This is not sur-
prising given the definitional debates on tourism and culture already discussed.
Richards (1996), Kemmerling-Clack (1999), Bonink (1992) and McKercher and du
Cros (2002) have sought such a definition. Bonink (1992) suggested two approaches,
one product-based and the other more conceptual. The first product-based
definition describes the elements of culture that attract tourists to destinations
and portrays cultural tourism as a form of consumption of tourist products. This
approach was adopted by Ritchie and Zins (1978: 257), Munsters (1996), ECTARC
(1989), Richards (1996) and Jamieson (1994). A summary of these elements of cul-
ture are listed:
n Art, music and drama, including concerts, theatre and film (classical, folk and
contemporary)
n Handicrafts
n Language and literature
n History, heritage and tradition
n Religious festivals and pilgrimages
n Architecture (ruins, famous landmarks)
n Archaeological sites and museums
n Gastronomy
n Complete cultures or sub-cultures (old or primitive)
McKercher and du Cros (2002) described participation in and consumption of
culture by tourists in the above features or combinations of them, as an opera-
tional definition but cautioned that the omission of motivational and experiential
analyses blurs the boundaries of what is and what is not cultural tourism. This
explains the use of cultural tourism as an umbrella term for art tourism, ethnic or
indigenous tourism, heritage tourism, museum tourism and others.
A second approach is more conceptual in nature and seeks to describe the
motivations and experiential aspirations attached to the cultural tourism activity
(McIntosh and Goeldner 1990). Cultural tourism involves tourists experiencing and
having contact with a host population and its cultural expressions, experiencing
the uniqueness of its culture, heritage and the characters of its place and people.
Tourists are motivated by such experiences and from them aspire to be both enter-
tained and educated (Blackwell 1997, Boniface 1998). Such definitions are more
clearly process or behaviour based. Both of these approaches have been encom-
passed in the widely acknowledged definitions put forward by the European
Association for Tourism and Leisure Education (ATLAS) in 1991.

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Although there is some literature examining the motivational and experiential

elements of cultural tourism (Bywater 1993, Richards 1996, Silberberg 1995), most
of the academic works on cultural tourism has focused on the products identified
earlier. Research into the cultural impacts of tourism has a similar emphasis and
is centred on three major forms of culture which attract visitors:

1. Forms of culture which are inanimate or which do not directly involve human
activity. Tourists visiting places of unique architecture and art, historical build-
ings and monuments, and purchasing traditional arts and crafts are notable
examples.
2. Forms of culture reflected in the normal daily life of a destination. Visiting ‘for-
eign’ peoples to observe their normal social, economic and leisure activities in
an attempt to understand their lifestyles, ideologies and customs is a common
tourist motivation.
3. Forms of culture that are especially animated and may involve special events
or depict historic or famous occurrences. Examples include musical festivals,
carnivals, festivals reflecting old traditions and behaviour, re-enactments of
battles and displays of old machinery.

Analyses of tourism from a cultural perspective have increased substantially

in number over the last decade and many of these seminal works have provided
new insight into the nature and dynamics of the cultural impacts of tourism.
Such works include MacCannell (1992), Wood (1993), Urry (1990), Cohen (1988c),
de Kadt (1990), Dann (1981), Robinson, Evans and Callaghan (1996), Jafari (1987)
and a state-of-the-art review by Selwyn (1994). This book does not endeavour
to unravel or extend the definitional or conceptual debates of the anthropology
of tourism. Rather, it attempts to review systematically the cultural impacts of
tourism in the context of the relationship between culture and tourism. In doing
so, components of culture as they are affected by tourism are examined, including
cultural dynamics, dimensions and structures as they are revealed by tourist–host
relationships. This perspective is similar to that of Burns (2002), Craik (1995) and
Wood (1993) and is a step towards identifying acceptable forms and thresholds of
tourist development from the perspective of their cultural consequences.
The first anthropological symposium on tourism was held in Mexico City in
1974 and it has been conducted every year since then. Pacific tourism has been
the subject of at least two early symposia (Farrell 1977, Finney and Watson 1977).
A number of texts and academic articles in a wide range of journals have been
devoted to anthropological aspects of tourism. They include McKercher and
du Cros (2002), Richards (1996), Robinson and Boniface (1999), Burns (2002) and
journals such as the Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change and Annals of Tourism
Research. This is a sign of the recognition in anthropological circles that tourism is
finally a respectable subject of enquiry.

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This section of the chapter concentrates upon two major themes:

1. Tourism and processes of cultural change: acculturation and cultural drift;
2. Intercultural communication and the marketing of culture, or cultural mani-
festations of tourist development.

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Cultural change is induced both by factors which are internal and external to
culture. Cultures would change in the absence of tourism. Cultural change may
occur as a result of:

1. The modification of the ecological niche occupied by a society. Changes to the

habitat of a society induce changes which may involve cultural adaptation and
change.
2. The contact between two societies with different cultures may bring about
changes to both groups.
3. The evolutionary changes occurring within a society. This refers to the process
of adaptation where societies change in response to internal biological and
social needs to ensure satisfaction from their environment.
Tourism could conceivably influence all three of these modes of change but the
literature on tourism deals primarily with the effects in the second category, i.e.
changes induced through contact between societies with different cultures. Few
communities and societies are immune from outside contact and the tourist is
more ubiquitous than any other representative of outside cultures and, as a result,
has the power to profoundly affect the host community (Nunez 1989).The process
has the following attributes:

1. Selectivity (items of material culture are more strongly infused than the ideas
and behaviour patterns);
2. Reciprocity (involving two-way borrowing);
3. Transformatory nature (involving reinterpretation of cultural process and pro-
duction in both form and function);
4. Interaction variables such as duration and intensity of contact and the degree
of cultural integration.
Analysts face severe difficulties in separating the effects of tourism on host
cultures from those changes induced by other causes. Tourism is only one form of
exposure of hosts to elements of societies with a different culture. It appears that
tourism is able to accelerate cultural change but the effects are not specific to
tourism, and some of the modifications mentioned in the literature may reflect a
series of changes not the least of which are the inexorable forces of modernization.
The notion that tourism damages or is in conflict with culture is well documented

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(Robinson and Boniface 1999). However, Burns (2002) and Wood (1993) both con-
clude that tourism is often unfairly targeted as the cause of the cultural ills of a
community.
International tourism neither destroys culture nor does it ever simply preserve
it. It is inevitably bound up in an on-going process of cultural invention in which
‘westernization’ is probably, in most cases, of lesser importance that other new
directions of cultural change. It has its own peculiar dynamics, which make it an
interesting and challenging field of study, but the impacts of tourism are always
played out in an already dynamic and changing cultural context (Wood 1993: 67).
The early work of Nunez (1963) documented the interaction between Mexican
villagers and urban tourists, noting rapid and dramatic changes in economic and
political structures, land-use patterns and value systems. McKean (1976: 238)
described similar results in a study undertaken with Taos Pueblo Indians: ‘They
have come to be allied in a “cultural symbiosis” with the Anglo motel and shop
operators recognizing the importance of the Indians in attracting the tourists and
the Indians knowing that the whites operate necessary tourist services that enable
them both to profit’.
The acculturation theoretical framework is common to these pioneering studies
and to many that have been undertaken subsequently. Anthropologists have
been examining acculturation for decades, arguing that when contact takes place
between a strong culture and a weaker one, it is usually the former which influ-
ences the latter (Petit-Skinner 1977: 85). These studies have the underlying assump-
tions that cultural changes:
1. Occur primarily to the indigenous society’s traditions, customs and values
rather than to the visiting group;
2. Are leading to a gradual homogenization of cultures in which local identity is
being assimilated into the stronger visiting culture.
Acculturation theory asserts that when two cultures come into contact of any
duration, each becomes somewhat like the other through a process of borrowing
(Nunez 1989: 207). Borrowing is by no means symmetrical and is largely influenced
by the nature of the contact situation, the socio-economic profiles of interacting
individuals or groups, and the numerical differences in the populations. As many
destinations of cultural tourism are in less developed countries, tourists, who are
often western and wealthier, are less likely to borrow from their hosts than their
hosts are from them. It seems to be inevitable that, as host societies adapt to
tourism and attempt to satisfy the needs of tourists, they will succumb to tourists’
attitudes and values and become more like the culture of their visitors. Burns
(2002) concluded that language is a key indicator of the asymmetry of the tourist–
host relationship and of the extent of local acculturation (see comments on lan-
guage earlier in the chapter). The host population produces a number of bilingual
individuals to provide services to the tourists but rarely does the tourist make any

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attempt to learn the language of the host community. Most studies and examples
illustrated in this section have noted a gradual weakening of traditional culture
and what has been termed the development of a ‘Coca-Cola’ society within
indigenous lifestyles (Shiviji 1973: 10)
Tourism is one means by which acculturation can be studied. Changes result-
ing from intercultural contact are not exclusive to contemporary times nor are
they solely attributable to recent mass tourism. Almost all communities had been
exposed to outside contact before the recent upsurge in tourism. Increases in
mobility, the processes of urbanization, and contact of indigenes with explorers
and missionaries are but a few of the factors contributing to the breakdown of
cultural barriers. It is inevitable that difficulty is encountered in separating the
changes induced by tourism from those which are the result of other processes of
modernization. Many souvenir art forms have been termed ‘arts of acculturation’
and may be the result of successive phases of modification, only the last of which
is attributable to tourism.
The degree to which tourism contributes to the acculturation process, the nature
and direction of effects emanating from the process, and factors which could be
manipulated to minimize the role of tourism in acculturation are topics scarcely
covered in the literature. Furthermore, there is some ambiguity in the tourist
literature concerning acculturation and its derivatives. Persistent loose usage has
given it the meaning of cultural assimilation. Cultural assimilation means the
replacement of one set of cultural traits by another (Spicer 1968: 21). Cultural
assimilation and cultural symbiosis have been used in situations where the inter-
acting cultures have similar economic conditions. Gee, Makens and Choy (1989)
introduced the term ‘cultural collision’ in their analyses of the impacts of tourism.
Using the Doxey Irridex (1975: 198) (see earlier in this chapter), they concluded
that, through an evolutionary process, the end result is one of diffusion: the two
cultures begin to converge through symbiotic and borrowing processes. Although
such deterministic models have received some approval, they are not strong
enough empirically to develop a theory (Burns 2002). It is evident that cultural
change is a process that itself changes over time in accordance with the nature
and development stages of tourism and the behavioural dimensions of the two
cultures. The writings are inconsistent in their use of the terms which have been
applied to both the processes and the effects of change.
Cultural drift is an alternative conceptualization to explain the manifestations
emanating from relationships between tourists and their hosts. It represents a
relatively new approach to the study of the cultural effects of tourism. Cultural
changes, as articulated through the processes of acculturation, are assumed to be
the result of continuous, first-hand contacts between hosts and guests. However,
relationships are frequently of a seasonal, intermittent and multiple-contact form
marked by a cultural ‘distance’ between the hosts and guests. The changes that
result have been called cultural drift. According to Collins (1978: 278):

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Cultural drift in this sense states that the role of the guest differs from that of the host
and that the temporary contact situation results in change of phenotypic behaviour
in both the host and the guest. The phenotypic change may be permanent in the host
society/culture but temporary in the guest society/culture.

Change is initiated with the exploitation of the cultural distance between hosts
and guests. The theory suggests that the normative behaviour of both groups is
still produced but with additional actions that were originally either unaccept-
able or constrained under previous circumstances. Contact under the cultural
drift process results from both parties interacting and exploiting each other and
the host environment as they strive for personal satisfaction. Phenotypic change,
which is a visible change in behaviour resulting from the interaction of two
groups, results. The host adjusts to the needs of the tourists when they are present
but may return to a previous lifestyle on their departure. Cultural drift has the
assumption that the hosts’ behaviour is transformed temporarily for the duration
of the hosts’ interaction with tourists. This is a different perspective from that of
acculturation.
On the other hand, in locations where contacts between hosts and guests are
more continuous or permanent, changes to the norms, values and standards of
hosts may occur and these may be passed on to subsequent generations. When
changes in a society or culture are handed down from one generation to the
next it is known as genotypic behaviour. A situation in which both genotypic
and phenotypic behaviours occur is essentially one of acculturation. If phenotypic
behaviour occurs in the absence of genotypic behaviour the situation is one of
cultural drift.
The adaptive process that takes place will depend upon the duration, perman-
ence and intensity of interaction with tourists, and the strength of the host’s cul-
tural affiliations or capacity to withstand both internal and external influences
of change. The debate over acculturation versus cultural drift reflects deeper and
more complex conflicts in anthropology. Anthropological investigations of tour-
ism, such as those of Graburn (1976), McKean (1977), Nunez (1989), Smith (2001)
and Burns (2002) reflect this debate. In spite of some differences of emphasis, these
ideas ‘open new vistas to the perception of culture change processes’ (Collins
1978: 280).

Effects on culture

As in other areas of impact, there is some debate over the nature and direction of
the consequences of tourism for culture. Many researchers have concluded that
tourism brings about damaging effects on culture. Turner and Ash (1975: 130–1)
typified this perspective: ‘The tourists’ superior economic wealth rapidly erodes
the sensuous and aesthetic wealth of cultures that have developed in isolation

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from the western world . . . Tourism of the present has already begun the work
of obliterating cultures’. A number of other studies stress the positive effects
of tourism on culture. If support for conservation is regarded as a desirable cul-
tural trait, then the comments of Dower (1974: 938) illustrate this viewpoint:
‘Tourism and conservation can be brought to work together to mutual benefit . . .
Tourism and conservation are interdependent and . . . both stand to gain from
close and effective collaboration’. Thus, tourism can be viewed as a source of or
remedy for problems. Both perspectives are examined below. The positive effect
of tourism on culture through the promotion of intercultural communication is
presented first and then the numerous other effects of tourism on culture are
examined.

INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION

Mobility, which is a prerequisite of tourism, is necessary for the contact of differ-

ent social groups, nationalities and cultures. It has been argued that such contacts
may contribute to the removal of social or national prejudices and the promotion
of better understanding and positive social change. Evans (1976: 191) and D’Amore
(1983) postulated that cross-cultural communications between tourists and their
hosts may promote adaptive changes in local culture while preserving or revital-
izing local ethnic and cultural identity. This will motivate visitors to return to their
own communities where they will disseminate knowledge and perceptions of
the host society. Growing recognition of the role tourism plays in cultural inter-
change came in 1997 with the sponsorship and initiation by UNESCO and the
Tunisian Government of an ‘International Forum on Cultural Tourism as form
of Cultural Interchange’. The main findings and recommendations were sum-
marized by Casellas and Galley (1999). Evans (1976) considered the quality of the
cross-cultural communication to be of paramount importance if it is to contribute
to the promotion of understanding between tourists and their hosts. She noted
that the quality of cross-cultural communication could be related to a number of
factors.

1. The type of tourists. An adaptation of Cohen’s (1972) typology of tourist roles was
used to illustrate Evans’s point. Institutionalized forms of tourism (organized
and individual mass tourism) yield different opportunities for tourist–host inter-
actions from non-institutionalized tourism (drifters and explorers). Variations
in interaction will occur according to tourist travel arrangements and their
motivations, tastes, preferences and experiences. For example, the organized
mass tourist is largely confined by the itinerary of the package tour which
has been purchased and such people remain predominantly within the ‘micro-
environment’ of their own culture. On the other hand, the drifter avoids
developed tourist attractions and services, lives and works with members of

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Fig. 6.2 A cultural tourist typology

(Source: McKercher, R. and du Cros, H. © 2002 The Haworth Press Inc.)

the host culture, and shares, accepts and tries to understand their customs. In
other words, non-institutionalized forms of tourism allow for more intense
interaction on the part of smaller numbers of people than institutionalized
forms which lead to relatively little intercultural contact. Other typologies
have also been suggested (McKercher and du Cros 2002, Silberberg 1995).
McKercher and du Cros (2002) developed a typology of cultural tourists, recog-
nizing that a divergence of cultural tourist types exists and that culture and the
depth of cultural experiences will vary among tourists and with their motiva-
tions to select a specific destination or attraction (Figure 6.2). The horizontal
axis in Figure 6.2 reflects the degree to which cultural tourism influences the
decision to visit a destination: it ranges from being a principal motivator to no
role at all. The vertical axis represents the depth of experience, ranging from
meaningful cultural experiences and interactions to entertainment from cultural
performances or observations. From the two dimensions, McKercher and du
Cros (2002: 144) identified five possible types of cultural tourists:
(a) The purposeful cultural tourist: cultural tourism is the primary motive for
visiting a destination and the individual has a deep cultural experience;
(b) The sightseeing cultural tourist: cultural tourism is a primary or major
reason for visiting a destination, but the experience is shallower;
(c) The serendipitous cultural tourist: a tourist who does not travel for cultural
tourism reasons, but who, after participating, ends up having a deep cul-
tural tourist experience;
(d) The casual cultural tourist: cultural tourism is a weak motive for visiting a
destination, and the resultant experience is shallow;

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(e) The incidental cultural tourist: this tourist does not travel for cultural tourism
reasons but, nonetheless, participates in some activities and has shallow
experiences.
All five types of tourists will interact with local host cultures in a different way
and may all exist simultaneously. The mix of tourist types will vary amongst
destinations and attractions within a destination and by the origin and motiva-
tions of the tourist.
2. The spatial, temporal and communicative context in which contacts take place. The
nature of tourist–host interactions is influenced by the length of stay of the
tourists, the time-frame of actual contact, the physical and social space shared
by the interacting groups, their linguistic compatibility, and the willingness of
both groups to share their values, attitudes and experiences.
3. The role of the cultural broker. The host must also play a part in the commun-
ication process and this part may be taken by a cultural broker. The individuals
in this role are usually bilingual and innovate in introducing change within
their culture. In tourism they act as mediators between tourists and hosts,
normally as translators and guides, and often as the organizer or retailer of
goods and services which are sold for tourist consumption. Cultural brokers,
therefore, have control over the amount and quality of communication between
the interacting groups. They are also in a position to manipulate local culture
for tourist purposes without affecting the cultural identity of the host society in
a detrimental manner. Cultural brokers are also responsible for the marketing
and exporting of culture and may be doing so in situations where tourist and
host do not interact at all (Smith 2001). This is increasingly evident in the
number of art deco stores in western cities selling African and Asian art and
artefacts. There is a growing literature on cultural brokers in tourism, particu-
larly the roles of tour guides, which can be accessed in the following references:
Ap and Wang 2001, Cohen 1982, 1988a, Dahles 2002, Gurung, Simmons and
Devlin 1996, Holloway 1981, McLeod 1981, Moscardo 2003, Pond 1993 and
Weiler and Ham 2002.
Contrary to expectations, contemporary tourism seldom generates strong inter-
cultural relationships (Hassan 1975: 27). Many forms of tourism, particularly mass
tourism, offer only incidental opportunities to learn about the social, cultural and
political conditions of the destinations which are visited. Instead of destroying
misconceptions between the residents of different countries, tourism perpetuates
them and often creates new prejudices. Many tourists arrive with stereotypic images
of their hosts and selectively perceive stimuli which will reinforce those images.
Hassan’s (1975) interactional analysis of Japanese tourists in Singapore spe-
cifically examined the relationships between tourists and hosts and the factors
influencing communication between them. Two out of every three tourists travel-
ling to Singapore are members of a tour group. Hassan’s study was examining,

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therefore, the effects of institutionalized tourism where tourists were likely to

remain within their own ‘environmental bubble’. Hassan’s study involved tracing
the movements and activities of a typical Japanese tour group and he drew the
following conclusions:

1. Although many Japanese tourists desired to have meaningful contacts with

local Singaporeans, they were restricted from doing so by the stringent adher-
ence to the timetable of the package tour.
2. The duration of their stay was brief and, as a result, the Japanese preferred to
hurry on to new attractions and to see as much as possible rather than to waste
time talking to locals.
3. Almost all contacts that were made were highly institutionalized. Contacts
were limited to shop assistants, hotel staff and other individuals servicing the
requirements of the tour.
4. Language barriers intensified the problem of communication. The Japanese
tourists compensated for the lack of communication by taking photographs of
almost everything and everybody.

Interaction between the mass tourists and the host culture was slight, generally
impersonal and superficial, and occurred primarily in the economic sphere. From
the perspective of intercultural communication, Hassan (1975: 35) concluded that:
‘organized mass tourism, which is the characteristic feature of Japanese tourism
in South-east Asia, does not contribute a great deal to it’. He also concluded that
in mass tourism the desire to ‘sightsee’ restricts the opportunity for interaction
between the tourists and the people who are sighted. Relating Hassan’s study
back to the typology developed by McKercher and du Cros, the findings are not
surprising. The typology indicates that it is likely that only the purposeful cultural
tourist would be seeking and experiencing meaningful intercultural communica-
tion. McKercher and du Cros (2002), McIntosh and Goeldner (1990: 257) and
Stebbins (1996) all noted that international visitors, where there is greater cultural
distance between the host and tourist cultures, are likely to fall into this category.
By their very nature, other cultural tourism typology types would be less likely to
develop the highly meaningful cultural communication often purported.
Information on the nature of contacts for forms of tourism other than the mass
type is not readily available. More information is required concerning the influ-
ence of intercultural interactions on hosts’ attitudes towards tourists and towards
tourism as a medium promoting change. Pearce (1980) found that most residents
expected a high level of acceptance of foreign visitors in an area of West Virginia
being considered for a tourism development programme. However, the question
is a hypothetical one until those tourists actually arrive. Although intercultural
communication is often commended as being an important attribute of tourism, it

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is clear that cultural change is a more common outcome. Miller (1974: 75) even
went so far as to suggest that the tourist is a counter-agent of cultural diffusion.
He envisaged a gradual erosion of local culture with increases in tourist arrivals.
The remaining sections examine this theme.

CULTURE AS A COMMODITY
Many anthropological and sociological investigations have been concerned with
the effects of commercialization on culture. Geographically, most studies have
considered peoples in developing countries and the Fourth World (see above).
With increasing exposure to manifestations of the ‘outside’ world, local cultures
have become ‘pseudo-native’, their cultures becoming more closely integrated
with that of the surrounding majority.

AUTHENTICITY IN THE TOURIST EXPERIENCE

An underlying theme in the subsequent discussions of cultural impacts is the
frequently debated notion of authenticity and ‘commodification’ (also sometimes
called ‘commoditization’) of culture. Although there were earlier authors who dis-
cussed the theme (e.g. Boorstin 1961), MacCannell (1973) brought to prominence
the concept of authenticity in the discussion of tourism motivations and experi-
ences and, since then, it has received widespread attention (Brown 1996, Cohen
1988a, McIntosh and Prentice 1999, Pearce and Moscardo 1986, Salamone 1997).
Although authenticity as a concept is too simple to explain many tourist experi-
ences, it does have relevance in some forms of tourism, such as heritage, ethnic
and cultural tourism (Urry 1990). It is not our intention to debate the sociological
constructs or the conventional meaning of the concept or its applicability. This has
been done elsewhere (Wang 1999). Suffice to say authenticity is a slippery term
that is not easy to measure and one of us is on record as suggesting that authenti-
cation (to ask who authenticates and why) may be a more tangible way forward
(Xie and Wall 2003). Rather, the aim here is to examine some of the emergent
themes in the literature on the subject and their relevance to the discussion of cul-
tural impacts. Cohen’s (1988a) and Wang’s (1999) papers summarize many of the
sociological approaches to the study of authenticity in tourism. A number of early
themes emerged:

1. Commodification. On the one hand tourism promotes authentic experiences and

on the other needs to commodify cultural assets to market them as consumable
products. Local culture, visible through costumes, rituals, folk and ethnic art
being for tourist consumption, is often said to change its meaning and, being
modified to suit the tastes of tourists, loses authenticity as a local cultural

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product. Linking cultural heritage to tourism requires the standardization of

cultural forms for tourist consumption via packaging and marketing (Swain
1993). A loss of meaning for the locals and increased pressure to continue to
supply cultural tourist experiences may lead to the emergence of ‘staged’ pro-
ductions manipulated to appear authentic.
2. Staged authenticity. It can also lead to the creation of contrived attractions or
experiences and a dilution of the tourists’ desire for genuine authentic experi-
ences. Paradoxically the commodification of culture can damage or destroy the
authenticity and meaning of the experience for both the tourists and the host
culture. Conversely, commodification may also lead to newly acquired mean-
ings for locals as they often focus on the spectacular forms of entertainment that
become visible identifiers for the local culture (Cohen 1988a: 383). Further com-
modification may not destroy the meaning of tourist products for the tourists
either as they are often prepared to view and accept such products as being
authentic. The latter view will depend on the level and depth of cultural experi-
ence possessed and expected by the tourists. The scope of these varied assump-
tions is detailed in the remainder of this chapter.

TOURISM AND MATERIAL FORMS OF CULTURE

As a result of tourism, the arts and crafts of many indigenous peoples have
changed in style and form, and also in the purpose for which they are produced.
Artefacts formerly produced for religious or ceremonial purposes are now pro-
duced for sale. Graburn’s (1976) collection of anthropological writings on changes
in Fourth World arts, emerging ethnicities, changing identities and the com-
mercialization of cultural traditions is the earliest comprehensive statement on
this type of tourist impact. More recent works include the case studies presented
by Smith (2001), Robinson and Boniface (1999), Robinson, Evans and Callaghan
(1996) and Butler and Hinch (1996). Other succinct case studies include: in Africa
(Schadler 1979), the Inuit in Canada (Notzke 1999, Smith 1996), the Maori in New
Zealand (Hall, Mitchell and Keelan 1992, Ingram 1997, Ryan 1999), the Aboriginals
in Australia (Mercer 1998a, Reynolds 1994, Simons 1999), South Pacific Islands
(Nason 1984, Sofield 1991), the Pueblo Indian in the South-west United States
(Lujan 1993), and South-east Asian countries (Cohen 1988c, Crowley 1983, McKean
1977, Smithies 1988).
Anthropologists generally agree in early works on the three major phases of
change in traditional art forms resulting from outside contact:

1. The disappearance of traditional artistic designs and art and craft forms, par-
ticularly those with deep religious and mythical affiliations. There is also often
an upsurge in creativity to meet new demand opportunities. This is followed
by;

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2. The growth of a degenerate, unsophisticated replacement, which develops in

association with mass production techniques and stereotypical designs. This is
often followed by;
3. The resurgence of skilful craftsmanship and distinctive styles incorporating
the deeper cultural beliefs of the host society. This phase is a response to the
deleterious impacts evident in phase 2 and also to the gradual decline in the
symbolic meaning of traditional arts which also occurs in the second phase.

The most comprehensive review of what is known about the subject of tourist
arts is by Cohen (1992b). Although there are no specific texts or journals devoted
to this subject, there are now a number of articles and case studies undertaken and
published under the umbrella term of ethnic and cultural tourism. As with other
tourist impacts, it is important to note that traditional ethnic arts and crafts cur-
rently affected by tourism have changed over time, influenced by both internal
and external forces. In fact, some arts and crafts went through major changes and
declines even before the advent of tourism (Bascom 1976, O’Hear 1986). Undir-
ectional typologies of the type noted above have been criticized by recent authors
as being too simplistic. The commercialization of ethnic arts may change along
divergent lines with varying impacts coexisting simultaneously. Both Graburn
(1976) and Cohen (1992b) have written succinctly on this transformation and a
summary of their conclusions is presented here.
Tourism has accelerated the promotion of pseudo-traditional arts and is largely
responsible for the emergence of phase 2 of the process. However, there are also
cases where tourism has induced a rejuvenation of particular forms of art and
craft. The fact that many arts and crafts produced in the Fourth World are
intended for external consumption indicates the formation of new relationships
between peoples of the Fourth World (hosts) and art consumers of the western
world (tourists). Objects that are produced in one society and are transported to
and consumed in another society have been termed ‘art by metamorphosis’. In
some cases, the ‘new art’ creates a new external identity for the ethnic groups. It
is this process of transformation and its ramifications for the artefacts and their
producers which form the basis of this section.
The complexity of tourism is expressed again in its impacts on traditional arts
and crafts. Some studies have concluded that tourism contributes to the renais-
sance and preservation of traditional art and craft forms (Boyd 2002, Deitch 1977,
Forster 1964, Grekin and Milne 1996, Hartstonge 1973, McKean 1977, Mead 1976,
Popelka and Littrell 1991, Ryan and Crotts 1997). Others have indicated that tour-
ism has resulted in a decline in the quality of art forms and the traditional meaning
of production has been debased with production for tourist consumption (Bascom
1976, Burns and Holden 1995, May 1977, Ropponen 1976, Simons 1999). It is clear
that tourism and its commercialization have been factors of social and cultural
change and that tourism is one form of influence on culture but not the only one.

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The preservation and renaissance of traditional art forms

Deitch’s (1977) study of the Indians of the South-western United States and
Graburn’s (1976) work with the Eastern Canadian Inuit are clear examples of the
positive effects of tourism on the arts and crafts of hosts. Arts and crafts have
been a part of Indian culture in the United States for centuries. The present forms
reflect an evolutionary process and a series of adaptations by host communities to
new ideas, symbols and materials diffused into their culture from outside. As
Deitch noted, the exposure to other ethnic groups has resulted in the widespread
adoption of art traditions not endemic to the Indian. These include weaving, silver-
work, shell jewellery and pottery. Following the initial borrowing, subsequent
modifications and refinements by Indians have meshed together traditions of the
Pueblo and Mexicans, and have led to the development of a particular form of art
distinctive to the South-western Indian.
The effects of tourism in this part of the United States date back to the early 1900s,
beginning with the construction of the Santa Fe railroad. Interest in the indi-
genous cultures and traditions of the South-west expanded with their increased
exposure to Anglo-Americans and Europeans. Tourism greatly increased the
demand for Indian arts and crafts. The Indians responded with the result that
there is an abundance of Indian rugs, pottery, jewellery and baskets available
for purchase. Unlike in many other areas of Indian culture, arts and crafts have
increased in number with continued European exposure. Their survival during
early contacts, their revival with the advent of new audiences, and their manu-
facture using traditional technologies indicate the depth of their symbolic signi-
ficance to the hosts as an important link with the past and the strength of the
hosts’ identity and pride in their heritage. Although there have been refinements
in the art forms with the infusion of new ideas, the quality and sophistication of
the products has remained at the highest level.
In another study of South-west Indian art forms, particularly Navajo weaving
and Pueblo pottery, Brody (1976) attributed their success to the fact that:
1. Production continues in an organic relationship with members of the tribal
communities.
2. The variety of markets has meant that the arts have not been exposed to stand-
ardizing market pressures.
3. Strong positive symbolic value of the products has been maintained.
4. Trained craftsmen were available so that the effects of mechanized mass pro-
duction could be avoided.
5. The culture experienced a gradual exposure to contemporary tourist pressures.
Tourism has provided employment in the fabrication of arts and crafts and
induced a renaissance in the production of art forms. It has been accompanied by
an improvement in the quality and artistic designs of arts and crafts. Indian art

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forms of the South-western United States have largely avoided the trends toward
specialization, standardization and simplification which have occurred in some
other host societies.
The Canadian Inuit also illustrate the rejuvenation, even creation, of traditions
as a consequence of tourism, but in a rather different way. Art, specifically carving,
did not play an important part in Inuit life until after the arrival of Europeans.
Insatiable tourist demands for souvenirs were accompanied by an upsurge in
Inuit carving, particularly in soapstone, complemented by the development of art
prints. Graburn (1976: 42) and Smith (1996) claimed that such carvings were made
solely for the profit which they generated for the host producer. Although this
form of art was initiated to meet the demands of the souvenir market, it has a
number of positive attributes:

1. It is of a superior quality to most souvenir art. The satisfactions gained from the
occupation have superseded the initial economic motives for production.
2. The carvings draw upon the traditional, ancestral lifestyle. The figures are
not imitations of western products. Subject matters range from ‘idealized self-
portraits’ to game animals hunted for food.
3. The carvings are a new means by which the Inuit can express the qualities of
their culture which is slowly disappearing.

The Maori in New Zealand (Ryan and Crotts 1997) are similar in terms of the
considerable degree of involvement and control exercised by the host commun-
ity in managing tourism within their communities. In both cases, the indigenous
communities have been insistent in controlling the tourist process, realizing also
that it is a means by which they can achieve legitimacy in the movement to seek
political and economic recognition. In the case of Maori art, the demand for it
created by tourism resulted in a search by the Maori for and subsequent revital-
ization of traditional values and meanings and, importantly, preservation of the
Maori beliefs. For example, the Maori believe that they do not own land but
belong to it and that all live things are connected and bound together in forms of
life from past to present. Although the development of Maori art for souvenirs has
been associated with some changes in appearance, all pieces possess tapu, the con-
ceptualization of shared life and its relationships with place. Hence, the Maori are
less concerned with the physical changes to art as influenced by tourist consump-
tion as their belief remains that the consumption of the art is a gift and that the
values and meanings of that art remain in the ownership of the giver. Although
there have been many examples of the commodification of Maori culture, it has
also provided the financial resources to assist in the preservation of the cultural
foundations that make Maori artefacts and customs attractive to visitors (Hall,
Mitchell and Keelan 1992).

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The case study of the South-west Indian culture resembles that of the Inuit and
has contributed to what has been called a ‘borrowed identity’. As economic con-
siderations emerged as survival factors, the Indians manufactured reproductions
of their sand paintings for the consumer market. Brody (1976) concluded that
painting had no roots in any of the communities that produced them. Whereas the
Inuit responded to consumer demands and produced crafts which reflected the
innermost themes of their culture, the Indians, in the case of painting, responded
solely to the market for souvenirs and developed non-characteristic forms. In both
cases, as in the Maori case, tourism has been a stimulus for the revitalization of
traditional art forms and the impetus for new creations.

The deterioration of traditional art forms

Other case studies have portrayed a less positive picture of the impacts of tourism
on traditional art forms (Bascom 1976, May 1977). They accept that tourism has
provided a market that has helped to preserve traditional art forms and keep cul-
tures alive. Against this, they suggest that tourism has encouraged the production
of pseudo-traditional art forms. At their best, such works can have great merit, as
is the case with the prints of the Indians of the western coast of Canada. At their
worst, pseudo-traditional arts, which are sometimes called ‘airport art’, consist of
stylized works which bear only the most tenuous relationship to anything in the
traditional culture. Much airport art is mass produced, often by people with little
knowledge of the traditional culture who may not be members of the society
whose art they purport to portray (May 1977: 125). A growing demand for original
art and crafts has now reached beyond tourist–host interactions within a destina-
tion to actually form part of a lucrative export trade (Pye 1986). Although May’s
viewpoint is an extreme one, it does represent a growing theme within the litera-
ture. The demands of tourists for cheap, exotic, portable and durable souvenirs
have taken their toll on traditional art forms. Changes have occurred in the mean-
ing of art and in its social and spiritual significance for art makers. Changes have
also taken place in the size, form and function of art objects, in the methods of
making them, in the materials used and in the quality of production. Bascom
(1976: 306), in his analysis of African art, regretfully concluded that ‘great pieces
of African art are no longer produced and recent pieces are of no artistic value’.
Most researchers declaim tourist art and deplore its rapid growth mainly
because of its cultural insignificance and aesthetic inadequacies when compared
to traditional art forms. Four attributes of tourist art prompt this attitude and they
are applicable to art forms of the Pacific, Asia and Latin America, as well as Africa:
1. Workmanship. Increased volumes of production have often been made at the
expense of careful, precise workmanship. The Kamba carvings of Kenya are
currently manufactured in Dar-es-Salaam and bear little resemblance to those
created by tribesmen. Shoddy workmanship now prevails;

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2. The relationship between the art and the producer. Tourist art is usually produced
in advance of a sale and differs, in this respect, from traditional African art
which was individually commissioned and reflected a more personal relation-
ship between the craftsman and the person for whom it was made. The imper-
sonal nature of the tourist market and the growth of middlemen have removed
much of the spiritual meaning from the creator’s work, whether it be ivory
carvings from West Africa or wooden masks of the inland tribes of East Africa.
3. Motives for art production. Art is manufactured according to the tastes of tourists.
Sandelowsky (1976) recorded in personal interviews with tribesmen of the
Okavango Valley in Northern Botswana that they attempt to find out what
people want to purchase and then make it. Three stylistic trends have emerged,
in Africa and elsewhere, which reflect the tastes of tourists:
(a) A trend towards naturalism: many tourists like carvings of animals. This is
also true of Inuit art.
(b) A trend towards grotesqueness. Features which tourists recognize as a com-
ponent of local styles are exaggerated and distorted. According to Bascom
(1976: 314), this has caused masks produced by Zambian indigenes for
tourist tastes to lose much of their inspiring qualities.
(c) A trend towards gigantism. Size, regardless of quality or materials, is often
a major determinant of price. Many art forms, because of the incomegen-
erating potential, are considerably larger than their predecessors and, in
consequence, are not used for their traditional purposes. However, it is
desirable that they are not too large to fit into a suitcase. Where the original
is very large, as in the case of Indian totem poles, it may be necessary to
make small replicas.
4. The quality of production. In particular the production of fakes and spurious
antiquity. Misrepresentation of the age or authenticity of objects is a further
effect of production for tourists. The impression that great art is characteristic-
ally old has placed age as one of the major determinants of the market value
of many art forms. Faking has been an outgrowth of this attitude. Ropponen
(1976: 108) reported that many Lapp goods bear the label ‘handmade’ and
‘original’, even if they are not. Loeb (1977: 185) also found fakes to be common
among antiques collected by tourists in Iran. Similar findings have arisen from
research undertaken in the Pacific, Africa and Asia.
Although art is not dying by any means, contemporary forms are often a sim-
plification and degeneration of traditional styles. Brasser (1975) argued that the
disappearance of aboriginal woven basketry and the adoption and diffusion of
wood splint basketry in Indian communities of north-eastern North America is an
adaptation of Indian crafts to an expanded white market. Similarly, Abramson
(1976: 259) stated in reference to the art forms of the native New Guineans of the
Upper Sepik River:

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These artifacts exhibit elements of traditional form and iconography, but they seem to
lack something. They appear to be sloppily done and the fine flowing line and rhythmic
curves have been replaced by a summary, almost soulless execution. The intricate curvi-
linear designs and surface motifs, once carved into the wood with extreme delicacy, are
now carelessly daubed on in gaudy trade-store paint. Rather than being ‘primitive art’,
the objects are quick impressions of what art once was in this area.

Subtle changes to traditional art forms are emerging from societies in the Pacific
(Maori and Sepik), Africa, and in North and South America (Pueblo, Navaho,
Cuna) who are in contact with tourism. Art objects prepared for tourists have lost
much of their former meaning and the old messages they once portrayed have
become simply a matter of curiosity or have been lost completely. Art in the form
of pottery, sculpture or painting is an expression of the craftsman’s experience,
values and meaning of life and is sold as ‘native symbols of identity’ (MacKenzie
1977: 83). These may be symbols of the age group of the creator, insignias of
occupation, or copies of weapons of war. However, most tourist purchases are
not stimulated by a genuine interest in the host culture, but are acquired as a
memento of the visit and as a sign to peers of the extent of the buyer’s travel experi-
ences. This assertion supports the claim of Turner and Ash (1975: 139) that: ‘even
when his tourism is directly concerned with the culture and history, the tourist is
not encouraged to develop any real sense of history. Nor is he encouraged to view
a foreign culture as a totality (of people and environment, art and religion, past
and present)’. In Tunisia the local production of traditional craft goods (carpets,
ceramics, basketware) has been stimulated by tourism. Although there have been
adaptations of the crafts for tourist consumption, in colours, designs and materials,
the quality and their production by local women working in the home has been
preserved (Bleasdale and Tapsell 1999).
Much of the deterioration in art forms is the result of the severance of the link
between art and its traditional functions in society, be they religious or secular.
This is partly a consequence of the growth of excessive demands over a short
period of time and also a reflection of non-traditional craftsmen being attracted
to the industry. From an anthropological perspective, the sacrilege of religious,
mythical and secular symbols and beliefs is one of the most significant impacts
of tourism on native arts and crafts. Francillon’s (1975: 40) study in Bali revealed
that there is an increasing tendency to use religious symbols and attributes, such
as pennants, bamboo poles and strips of decorated palm leaves, for the sake of
tourism. Most Balinese have failed to recognize that their religion is being used by
the tourist industry and that some of the most beautiful cult implements are being
desecrated and transformed into decorative gimmicks.
Market forces have not only contributed to changes in art forms and their
quality, they have often created a new manufacturing class which is not always
of host origin and an emerging tourism artefacts trade. Sepik arts are no longer

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a specialty occupation (Abramson 1976: 256). The almost total functionalism of

objects was a distinctive feature of primitive Sepik art. Art portraying religious
and mythical figures was created by priests, whereas war shields were designed
by warrior craftsmen and decorated by priests. Shields, which are now commer-
cial objects, have merged into one size, suppressing both the functional qualities
previously incorporated into the design and also any family, religious or mythical
affiliations evident in the decoration. Aesthetic rather than functional considera-
tions are now of paramount importance. Standardization of design has occurred
to meet the requirements of visual impact and many handmade arts and crafts
have been replaced by a new mass product facilitated by the use of technology
(Littrell 1990: 239). Large quantities are needed for sale and manufacturing is
undertaken by most men and even women (who were not warriors). The commer-
cialization of ethnic arts also significantly changes the nature and organization of
production. Men and women interchanging production roles, some product spe-
cialization, an increase in the intensity of production, raw material substitutions
and commercial distributors have all emerged and are well documented (Jules-
Rosette 1984, Parezo 1983, Stephen 1987).
The trend of mass commercialization of tourist arts has been uniquely described
by Evans (1994) as ‘Fair Trade’ and exacerbated by the increasing role of tourist
art intermediaries (‘cultural brokers’). Middlemen (either local or foreign) act as
buffers between participating host groups and the tourist, facilitating, mediating
and benefiting from the tourist–host interaction (Van den Berghe 1992). In some
cases interaction remains but in others the intermediaries are separating the art
producer from the consumer. Tourists are buying arts and crafts away from the
local villages where they are produced. In other cases the actual production of
tourist art is occurring at studios and factories in large quantities marketed for
local tourist consumption in the destination or exported to galleries and boutiques
internationally. In the example of the Sasak women potters in Lombok, Indonesia,
the craft of making pottery for domestic and ritual functions has now been trans-
ferred into production for tourist consumption and export. The introduction of
technology (kilns) under a government-funded project has seen production signi-
ficantly increase. The assistance programme has monitored quality and attempted
to preserve the intrinsic values associated with its production (Van den Berghe
1992: 788). A similar trend of global market forces and tourism art export were
observed by Henrici (1999) in the village of Pisac in Peru, and with Aboriginal art
in Australia (Altman 1989, Altman and Finlayson 1993, Sofield 1993). In the latter,
tourism has created an international market for Aboriginal art and over the last
few years has resulted in a doubling in the number of Aboriginal artists. In both
examples, the artists’ involvement became increasingly indirect with little or no
contact with tourists. In other cultures, such as in Bali, the export market favours
more direct involvement where marketing of indigenous silver-works, carvings
and artefacts involves the artisan displaying products at village sites.

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Conscious attempts by host societies to express their identities and to restrain

the pervasive influence of tourists have contributed to the revival of old art forms.
MacKenzie (1977: 84) suggested that the increase in tattooing among Samoan males
exemplified this trend. New Zealand’s establishment of an Institute of Maori Arts
and Crafts shows that the concern over the effects of tourism on culture is being
transformed into action. There is a similar school for young stone carvers at
Mahabalipuram in Tamil Nadu, India. Perhaps tourist apologists are gradually
being proven correct: tourism may yet bring about a revival of traditional cultures
after all.
Analyses of this aspect of tourist impact are made extremely difficult by the fact
that indigenous arts have been undergoing change prior to their recent exposure
to the influences of mass tourism. In fact, one would not expect a vibrant art form
to remain unchanged through centuries. Furthermore, the problem of differenti-
ating between changes in arts and crafts induced by tourism, and those induced
through previous and other contacts with outsiders hampers research immensely.

TOURISM AND NON-MATERIAL FORMS OF CULTURE

When tourists purchase a vacation as a package they also buy culture as a pack-
age. Regardless of how ancient or complex the destination culture, it is reduced to
a few recognizable characteristics, such as arts and crafts, dance, music, buildings
and special functions or ceremonies, and is promoted as a commodity (Turner and
Ash 1975: 140). Marketing of specific or combinations of unique destination assets
is typical of the ‘product oriented’ marketing approach (Wahab, Crampon and
Rothfield 1976: 10). In spite of the success of this strategy, it has often conjured up
inaccurate and romanticized images of destination areas and their populations.
For example, New Zealand is portrayed as the home of Maori poi dances, hakas
and costumes, sheep-shearing, home-spinning, knitting and gardening. These
symbols are evident in travel advertisements and promotional literature on New
Zealand and contribute towards the creation of a simplistic and stereotypical
image of the country. It would be an easy task to draw up a list of symbolic arte-
facts and customs for other countries. Tourist experiences such as these have their
basis in entertainment (McKercher and du Cros 2002).
Given that most tourists’ consumption of cultural experiences is for a sense of
enjoyment and not for a deeper learning experience, it is not surprising that host
communities and even heritage sites have viewed themselves as being in the
tourist entertainment business (Prideaux and Kininmont 1999, Tighe 1986, Zeppel
1998). In this context, the development of tourist products requires the conversion
of a cultural asset into a tourist consumable product and that process is achieved
through some level of modification, standardization and commodification. As
noted earlier, these concepts have yielded both positive and negative impacts to

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arts and crafts. Similarly they have had a range of impacts on non-material forms
of culture as well.
The marketing of culture is greatest, but not limited to developing countries.
Tourist images may be built up around illusions but they, in turn, are what tour-
ists expect and demand when they arrive and that is what is provided. Boorstin
(1961: 99) described the inevitable result: ‘These “attractions” offer an elaborately
contrived indirect experience, an artificial product to be consumed in the very
places where the real thing is free as air . . . They are cultural mirages now found
at tourist oases everywhere’. Traditional ceremonies, festivals and customs acquire
new status and values when they are transformed into prearranged entertainment
rituals. Hip-swinging ‘Hula’ girls greet tourists in Honolulu airport, Maori concert
parties perform daily in Rotorua, and Highland bagpipers play in the background
while tourists mingle in Edinburgh Castle. These have become characteristic fea-
tures of the respective destinations. As Lengyel (1975: 756) summarized, the tourist
sees the country or destination visited in terms of its superficially picturesque,
predictably ‘exotic’ or ‘typical’ aspects, and experiences local life highly selectively
and episodically. The shorter the stay, the greater the distortions of reality.
The expropriation of local culture and the exploitation of local peoples per-
forming or portraying their culture are worldwide phenomena which are not
limited to the Fourth World, although the emphases of the literature may give this
impression. The commoditization of culture, be it Inuit sculpture, Bantu shields,
Spanish bullfights, Maori poi dances or peasant markets, is also evident in the
tourist resorts of developed countries, where the cultural distance between hosts
and guests is less marked.
Greenwood’s (1977) analysis of the effects of tourism on the Alarde, the major
public ritual of Fuenterrabia, Spain, is an enlightening European case which illus-
trates similar patterns to those of developing countries. The Alarde is a ritual
festival which commemorates Fuenterrabia’s victory over the French in the siege
of 1638. However, it is more than a simple commemoration. It is a re-enactment
of the historic event and, until recently, involved virtually the entire town. The
Alarde signifies the solidarity and unity of the village and it is one occasion on
which the ideas of equality and common destiny are openly expressed. It is per-
formed solely for those who participate. Rapid increases in Spanish tourism,
and the timing of the Alarde during the peak of the tourist season, have led to a
collapse of the cultural meanings of the ritual. The Alarde, traditionally a private
ceremony of the town, has become a public attraction through government and
commercial promotion. As the event depended upon voluntary participation,
when it was undertaken for profit many of the local community no longer wished
to be involved because of the erosion of the historical and ideological meanings of
the festival. Although the ritual is still performed, it is marred by greatly reduced
levels of local participation and the resulting organizational headaches. However,

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the situation is complex and Greenwood has provided different interpretations of

what transpired in different publications.
Although it is a minor example, this case study is instructive. It demonstrates
that the consumption of host cultures by tourists is not exclusive to societies of
developing nations. It illustrates that transformation of a culture is the result of
its commercial exploitation. It echoes the finding of other studies of non-material
cultural manifestations in the conclusion that cultural forms lose their traditional
meanings when they are modified for tourist consumption. It confirms that the
commercialization of culture does not require the approval of the host society
and rarely does it have the power to reverse the process. Finally, the commodit-
ization of culture has induced other undesirable side effects: the abandonment of
traditional occupations to participate in the tourist industry; entrepreneurial com-
petition from sophisticated, non-local, retailing organizations, and the unequal
distribution of wealth.

Cultural arrogance
In some destinations, the demands of cultural tourism have outstripped the supply.
To compensate for the lack of real cultural experiences, many destinations stage
attractions so that tourists can view and experience cultural aspects of host com-
munities. This development has become an accepted out-growth of contemporary
tourism. For example, it is not uncommon to see regular hourly concerts of native
dances in Hawaii, to be able to experience a fire-walking display every evening in
Fiji, or to see mock wedding ceremonies in Tunisia (Rivers 1973a: 250). The stag-
ing of contrived experiences is a way ‘for the traveller to remain out of contact
with foreign peoples in the very act of “sightseeing” them. They keep the natives
in quarantine while the tourist in air conditioned comfort views them through a
picture window’ (Boorstin 1961: 99). MacCannell (1973, 1977) suggested that
tourism places over-express their underlying structure and thereby disturb the
sensitive expectations of the tourists. Both Boorstin and MacConnell have been
critical of contrived attractions for what they offer to tourist experiences, but they
make no reference to the long-term implications such attractions have on local
culture.
The staging of cultural attractions can have both positive and negative con-
sequences. It is positive when the staged activities divert tourists from and relieve
pressures upon local people and their culture. Buck (1977: 31–2) offered a positive
assessment of artificial attractions in his study of tourism and its effects on the
folk culture of the Old Order Amish of Pennsylvania. He argued that the estab-
lishment of other attractions, such as the sale of souvenirs, and individuals in
Amish dress participating in traditional activities, diverted tourist attention away
from the real domestic and agricultural activities of the Amish. In this case, staged

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attractions helped to preserve the culture from the pressures of tourists. In several
villages in Ngada in Indonesia, tourism has enhanced local pride in their unique
musical traditions, which has fostered and encouraged locals to aspire to higher
international standards (Cole 1997: 225). Inskeep (1991) and McKean (1977) drew
attention to Balinese culture where regional government actually organized annual
competitive cultural festivals of dance and music not only for tourist consumption
but as a means to maintain quality and educate younger generations about the
intrinsic values of their culture. An increase of awareness about and preservation
of customs amongst young schoolchildren was also found to be a by-product of
tourism and tourist planning of the Lanna people in Chiang Mai (Nimmonratoana
2000). The religious festivals of the Solu area of the Sherpa country of Nepal
have also seen a revival in religion, maintenance of cultural continuity and a high
standard of performance for tourist and host alike (Shackley 1999: 109). Similar
conclusions were drawn by Daniel (1996) in her case studies of the authenticity of
indigenous dance as a tourist attraction. In the cases of the Haitian and Cuban
dances, they are exact simulations and recreations of an historic past and mani-
festations of the host communities’ traditions and living history. They represent
authentic experiences for both the tourist and the performer. In other examples
such as the Tahitian and Hawaiian dances used as welcoming gestures for tourists,
they have adopted new forms shaped totally by foreign influences that have been
created specifically for tourist practices. These new forms of dance have now been
viewed by tourists as being authentic but are generally referred to in the literature
as another form of ‘tourist art’.
Picard’s (1995, 1996) analysis in Bali extrapolates the conclusion of the above
examples by moving beyond the traditional impact paradigm (positive or negative)
to gauge over time how the host population has adapted to and shaped tourism
in the region. Involvements in tourism by the host communities and conscious
efforts by government to formulate a policy on cultural tourism have been used to
strengthen and promote Balinese culture. Tourism has been used to nurture cul-
ture and culture has been used to nurture the economy. A revealing example was
the transformation of the pendet, a welcoming dance for the gods. A special secu-
lar version of this dance was choreographed for tourists and, owing to its over-
whelming popularity, the tourist welcome dance migrated back to temples from
where the dances originated. Picard (1995, 1996) suggested that Bali is unique in
that the international tourism industry and the Indonesian state have taken on the
project of ‘Balinizing Bali’, a process viewed positively by tourists, many Balinese
and other Indonesians alike.
In other cases, the staging of contrived attractions has had negative implica-
tions for local culture. Tourism has been accused of being ‘culturally arrogant’ for
manipulating the traditions and customs of people to make tourist experiences
more interesting and satisfying. The attractions usually only display a small and

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superficial part of local culture. Cultural arrogance is also displayed by tourist

developers and promoters. The architectural designs of most international hotels
are in western styles and, where they are found in developing countries, they
often exhibit little knowledge or appreciation of the social traditions of the local
inhabitants. Although some attempts have been made to relate hotel architecture
to indigenous styles, they have met with only marginal success in Tunisia and East
Africa. Tourists travelling under package arrangements apparently still prefer
the reassurance of high-rise developments. However, the construction of simple
lodgings in local styles has proved to be acceptable to both hosts and guests in
Senegal (Saglio 1979: 321–35).
Some hotel developers have attempted to incorporate local indigenous features
within western-style structures. Hotel interiors are adorned with local paintings,
murals and sculpture, and symbols of present and past lifestyles. Porters, maids
and tellers are often local people dressed in native costume. In Bali, where the
uniqueness of the Hindu–Balinese religion is a tourist attraction, developers have
copied sacred buildings for hotel decorations and have used sacred objects for
furnishings (Francillon 1975: 740). Furthermore, many of the Balinese temples are
used as a permanent background for stages on which sacred dances are performed
for tourists. Although these are usually honest attempts to portray local culture,
as in other examples, they have abstracted local cultural qualities from their real,
meaningful context.
The above examples indicate that tourism is a poor medium for intercultural
communication and the preservation and rejuvenation of traditional cultural forms.
Although most studies have indicated that tourism’s concern with culture is gen-
erally superficial, it still has the potential to educate, since, in its highest form, it
seeks to view and understand the origins and development of cultures. Anecdotes
of tourist crassness are numerous but there are also tourists who do experience
new feelings: who come to some new realization of their relation to the world and
themselves when visiting cultures other than their own, or observing the monu-
ments of past cultures. A new awareness of the complexities and tribulations
of past or foreign cultures may turn the tourists’ thoughts back to the attributes,
merits and complexities of their own culture (Turner and Ash 1975: 149).

CONCLUSIONS
The rapidly growing body of literature on the social and cultural impacts of tour-
ism has arisen with the recognition that tourist developments do not always bring
benefits to host areas. They may lead to the accentuation of existing problems and
the creation of new ones. Until recently most people accepted that mass tourism
was a ‘good thing’, largely because of its economic benefits. Now, a lively contro-
versy has grown about whether, in fact, local people are really better off for playing
host to these affluent hordes (Rivers 1973b: 349).

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Social impacts

If it is assumed that beneficial effects are those which are conducive to the survival
of the social systems of destination areas in an unchanged form, then the social
effects which have been assessed in this chapter must be considered to be pre-
dominantly negative. The effects of tourism which collectively contribute to the
disruption of social systems are:

1. The overcrowding of infrastructures, accommodation, services and facilities,

which tourists have to share with the local population;
2. The display of prosperity amidst poverty may cause explosive situations by
way of the demonstration effect;
3. The increase in activities deemed to be undesirable, such as prostitution,
gambling and crime;
4. The employment of non-locals in managerial and professional occupations
carrying greater responsibilities and superior salaries to those occupations
available to members of the host community;
5. The gradual erosion of indigenous language and culture with increasing num-
bers of the host society speaking the language of their visitors.

The detrimental direction of social and cultural changes in many areas is coin-
cident with the growth of tourism. Whether they are all attributable to tourism is
another matter. It is also uncertain if the sometimes contradictory findings revealed
in the case studies can be extended to other destinations, under different condi-
tions, and with different types of tourist development. Future research must not
only extend the work which has already been done, it must also seek to identify
and examine social and cultural impacts which have yet to be studied. Research
in this domain should also distinguish between actual and perceived impacts
amongst host populations. Some of these effects are listed in Table 6.2.
A full assessment of social impact requires an appraisal of all of these impact
categories and analyses undertaken from longitudinal studies comparing resident
perceptions of tourist impacts with the level and stages of tourist development.
Researchers must also improve their techniques for measuring such changes.
There are numerous case studies but often an inadequate attempt to place them
in context or to build upon the existing research. This is particularly important in
social impact assessment and studies requiring comparison across impact domains.
Dann and Cohen (1991) support a multidisciplinary approach and, in particular,
the increased contribution of sociology to the understanding of tourist phenomena
and its ability to link it to other disciplines. In fact, this is a somewhat parochial
plea for it is fully integrated studies, involving many disciplines and economic,
environmental and sociocultural dimensions, as well as institutional and political
input, that are really needed.

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Table 6.2 Social impacts: future research priorities

Impact categories Impact indicators

1. Demographic structure Age/sex structures, migration, resident displacement,

2. Social amenities (perceptions
of facilities and services)
3. Institutional memberships
4. Personal safety and privacy
5. Psychological features
6. Host attitudes/perceptions
7. Inter-ethnic relationships
8. Health
population density and composition
Transportation, educational facilities, freedom of choice,
preservation of lifestyle, participation versus alienation
Religious groups, social clubs, civic groups, political and
sporting groups
Quality of police standards, crime rates, time spent with family
Psychological stress, work satisfaction, self-expression, mobility,
national or community cohesion
Attitudes by different populations/community segments
Inter-ethnic relationships, partnering, competition and
communication within host communities
Disease transmission, workplace health and safety

Cultural impacts
The latter part of this chapter has documented the potential of tourism to act as
an incentive for the renaissance of local culture. Whenever tourism becomes an
important component of the local economy there is an increase in interest in
native arts and crafts. However, it is the cultural components which have value to
the tourists that have been preserved or rejuvenated and not necessarily those
which are highly valued by the local people. This type of cultural awakening has
sometimes made host populations more aware of the historical and cultural con-
tinuity of their communities and this may be an enriching experience. In other
cases the new appreciation of indigenous culture, the revival of ancient festivals
and the restoration of cultural landmarks have emerged in ways which pose long-
term threats to the existence of culture in its original form.
The section examining cultural impacts was divided into two parts. The first
examined the effects of tourism in promoting intercultural communication. There
appears to be only limited communication between mass tourists and their hosts.
Tourism, in its present form, seldom promotes understanding between peoples of
different cultures. However, little is known about the quality of communications
between hosts and guests in non-institutionalized forms of tourism.
The second part of this section examined the effects of tourism on material and
non-material elements of host cultures. Commercialization of culture is a con-
sequence of tourism but changes in culture were occurring prior to the advent of
tourism and continue to take place in response to other forces of modernization.
Some authors claimed that the tourist art market was a positive force, that a strong

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symbolic value was still attached to the products, and that it was conducive to the
survival of traditional culture. In other examples, the influx of tourists led to a
gradual deterioration of the quality of art forms. Arts and crafts were removed
from their original contexts and, in some cases, fakes have been introduced. The
abrasive effects of tourism were also found in non-material art forms and pro-
duced what has been called a ‘fake culture’. It has been argued that detrimental
changes in art forms reflect broader changes occurring in culture and society.
However, little is known of the extent to which changes in art forms can be used
as an indicator of such changes.
De Kadt (1979: 14–15) has presented a concise and balanced summary of the
cultural impacts of tourism:

The frequent charge that tourism contributes to degeneration in this field appears to be
an exaggeration. Even though curio production, ‘airport art’, and performances of fake
folklore are of course stimulated by tourist demand . . . frequently arts, crafts, and local
culture have been revitalized as a direct result of tourism. A transformation of tradi-
tional forms often accompanies this development but does not necessarily lead to degen-
eration. To be authentic, arts and crafts must be rooted both in historical tradition and
in present-day life; true authenticity cannot be achieved by conservation alone, since
that leads to stultification.

Tourism has undoubtedly enabled cultures to be rehabilitated and has made them
known to the rest of the world. However, mass tourism has also controlled the
direction in which the rejuvenation takes place and many developments may not
be conducive to the survival of the cultures in which they are embedded.
This chapter has examined the effects of tourism on inhabitants of destination
areas resulting from their interaction with tourists. Although the literature on the
sociocultural effects of tourism is now quite extensive, its focus has tended to be
on case studies in specific countries. Only a few authors have offered more gen-
eral assessments (Dann and Cohen 1991, Dogan 1989, Reisinger and Turner 2003,
Saveriades 2000, Smith and Brent 2001). These authors and others stress the need
for more multidisciplinary approaches to the study of the sociocultural effects of
tourism and, in particular, to develop alternative measurement approaches, lead-
ing to the quantifications of socio-economic costs and benefits, and the examina-
tion and application of social concepts to host destinations. Although there are some
signs of the development of a conceptual base for studies of this phenomenon,
most studies have been largely descriptive. Many social and cultural impacts are
difficult to quantify. Future research should be directed at determining more
explicitly the perceptions and attitudes of hosts towards the presence and behavi-
our of tourists. A growing number of studies actually involve the collection of the
experiences and opinions of the residents of host communities through social sur-
veys. Unless local inhabitants are contacted, it may not be possible to identify the
real significance of any change.

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Given the many varied consequences of tourism that have been outlined in pre-
vious chapters, it is reasonable to ask why destination areas, whether countries,
communities or rural areas, want tourism? The answer to this question is that
often their spokespersons and many of their residents believe that tourism will
improve the quality of their lives. It usually does this mainly through economic
means: by creating employment and income. It may also sometimes help to pro-
tect their environment and culture although the case for these is much less clear.
Two things follow from the above observation:

1. Destination areas do not get involved in tourism simply because they want
tourists to have a good time. Of course, it is hoped that tourists will have a
rewarding experience so that they will tell others to visit, word of mouth being
one of the best forms of advertising, and that they will return themselves.
2. Tourism should be encouraged more for the fact that it may contribute to the
well-being of local people in destination areas (however defined) and less for
the reason that it is good for the tourist industry (however defined) per se. Thus,
tourism planning should be as much about planning for residents as it is about
planning for tourists.

The implication is that tourism should be viewed as a means of achieving other

goals and not as an end in itself. This should influence the nature of the goals and
objectives that are set in tourism plans. They are commonly specified in terms of
the number of visitors but these are really means rather than true goals. Such
goals can be relatively easily met, for example by giving people free trips or even
paying them to come! However, this would result in numerous management
problems and would not satisfy the aspirations of local residents. Also, because
different stakeholders, such as representatives of the tourism industry and local
residents, commonly have different objectives, there may be tensions and even
conflicts between them, particularly in the short term, although objectives may be
more congruent when viewed on a longer time scale.
In the context of above observations and bearing in mind the three chapters
on economic, environmental and social consequences of tourism that have gone
before, this chapter will discuss the nature of relationships between sustainable

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development and tourism, comment briefly on the practical application of sus-

tainability principles, make some observations on the current status of tourist
planning, management and evaluation, and examine some of the practicalities of
moving forward based on both analytical methods and stakeholder involvement.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Since the pronouncements of the Brundtland Commission (World Commission
on Environment and Development 1987) which defined sustainable development
as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs, sustainable development
has been widely accepted as an approach to foster future states in which economic
well-being and environmental quality can coexist. This was the dominant dilemma
addressed by the Brundtland Commission which indicated that sustainable devel-
opment should, as a minimum, address the following elements:
1. Maintain ecological integrity and diversity;
2. Meet basic human needs;
3. Keep options open for future generations;
4. Reduce injustice;
5. Increase self-determination.
It was further suggested that in order for this to occur, it would be necessary to:
1. Revive economic growth;
2. Change the quality of growth;
3. Meet essential needs such as for jobs, food, energy, water and sanitation;
4. Conserve and enhance the resource base;
5. Reorient technology and manage risk;
6. Merge environment and economics in decision making.

Sustainable development requires a long-term perspective that works towards

equity between people, and between people and other inhabitants of the planet. It
also supports the empowerment of people to be involved in the decisions that
influence the quality of their lives. Belatedly, the sustenance of culture has also
been incorporated so that it is commonly argued that initiatives ideally should be
economically viable, environmentally sensitive and also culturally appropriate.
Sustainable development has been written into the legislation of many countries
and regions and has become common rhetoric in discussions of desired future
states at both global and local scales.
Unfortunately, in its wide-ranging discussion, the Brundtland Commission did
not mention tourism although this was rectified in the subsequent meeting in Rio
de Janiero in 1992 which prepared the Rio Declaration and Agenda 21 (World
Travel and Tourism Council, World Tourism Organization, Earth Council 1996).

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However, the concept has been adopted by many economic sectors, including
tourism, and it is common to see references to sustainable agriculture, sustainable
forestry, sustainable fisheries and even sustainable cities. Similarly, sustainable tour-
ism is frequently advocated and there is even a journal entitled Journal of Sustain-
able Tourism to which one might look for advice and current thinking. Sustainable
development in the context of tourism has been defined by Butler (1993b: 29) as:

tourism which is developed and maintained in an area (community, environment) in

such a manner and at such a scale that it remains viable over an indefinite period and
does not degrade or alter the environment (human and physical) in which it exists to
such a degree that it prohibits the successful development and wellbeing of other activ-
ities and processes.

In contrast, he defined sustainable tourism thus (Butler 1993b: 29):

Tourism is in a form which can maintain its viability in an area for an indefinite period
of time.

Sustainable development, and its derivative sustainable tourism, appears at first

to offer a way forward that simultaneously considers the economic, environmental
and sociocultural dimensions of development. It is reasonable, therefore, to con-
sider the potential of the concept of sustainability to give guidance in the man-
agement of change and in the selection of opportunities to pursue, and impacts
that are to be encouraged or to be redressed. Thus, attention is now directed to the
concept of sustainable development and its application in a tourism context.

Sustainable development as an oxymoron

Sustainable development can be viewed as being an oxymoron – as involving con-

trasting ideas that cannot be reconciled. Sustainability requires a long-term per-
spective and something that is sustained should be enduring and, ideally, exists in
perpetuity. In contrast, development implies change: a progression from an exist-
ing situation to a new, ideally superior, state. Putting these two themes together, it
is not difficult to come up with bizarre paraphrases for sustainable development,
such as ‘ongoing’ or ‘perpetual’ change. Such notions would not be acceptable to
most proponents of sustainable development.
Advocates of sustainable development may choose to emphasize either the
former or latter word of the phrase. Thus, some stress sustainability and forms of
human existence that will not exceed capacities or do not deplete natural capital,
however these may be defined, and that can be maintained indefinitely. Others
focus upon the enhancement of livelihoods and environments in ways that will
improve the lot of disadvantaged people and species, pointing out that conserva-
tion practices and long-term perspectives are difficult to adopt by those existing
below the poverty line and who do not know where their next meal is coming from.

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To complicate matters further, there is considerable latitude in the meaning of

both ‘sustainable’ and ‘development’, leading to such questions as ‘What is to be
sustained?’, ‘At what scale should the concept be applied?’ and ‘What is develop-
ment?’ Taking the initial question first, one might ask whether it is the environ-
ment that is to be sustained, the economy, a community, the way of life of a people
or all of these things simultaneously. Also, is the notion to be addressed at global,
national, regional or local levels or at all of these scales simultaneously?
There is a large and evolving literature on development. This literature has
been thoughtfully and concisely reviewed in a tourism context by Telfer (2002a).
Starting with a predominantly economic focus, the concept has been successively
broadened to encompass other dimensions, such as local empowerment (Wall
1997b). At the same time, there has been fragmentation, as new schools of thought,
such as feminism, have injected their own perspectives (Wall and Norris 2002).
Furthermore, there have been evolving discussions concerning the merits of top-
down and bottom-up approaches to development, and whether people should be
the objects or subjects of development, the latter perspective placing control of the
development agenda into local hands.
As indicated above, sustainable development was initially seen as being a
response to tensions between economic growth and the maintenance of environ-
mental quality but it has since been pointed out that there may be other dimen-
sions that require sustenance, such as culture (Wall 1997b). Furthermore, it is not
clear what this means in practice. For example, if a fishing community is no longer
able to support itself through fishing but successfully turns to tourism to main-
tain its well-being, albeit with associated lifestyle changes, should this be viewed
positively or negatively from a sustainable development perspective? Is it appro-
priate to move from a holistic concept such as sustainable development, to single-
sector approaches, such as sustainable agriculture or sustainable tourism, leading
to a focus upon the perpetuation of the latter activities but, potentially, undermin-
ing sustainable development more broadly conceived? Should one be attempting
to sustain tourism or would it be better to explore whether and in what form
tourism might contribute to sustainable development? Should tourism be seen as
a means rather than an end and is it possible to conceive of situations in which
tourism might be viewed as a temporary activity that is to be encouraged as an
interim measure while other development options are being sought?
Thus, while sustainable development has been widely endorsed, its practical
implications are far from clear.

The value of a fuzzy concept

The imprecision associated with sustainable development is both a strength and
weakness of the notion. A major positive attribute is that people with very differ-
ent perspectives can ‘buy into’ the concept and dialogue can be generated among

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individuals (stakeholders) who, at first sight, may appear to have little in common.
Of course, they often misunderstand and ‘talk past’ each other and discussions
may break down. However, the very fuzziness of the notion allows many differ-
ent interests to sit at a common table with the potential for exchange of views and,
hopefully, learning that results from this. Sustainable development may be used,
among other things, in reference to a philosophy, a process, a policy, a plan or a
project, again the number of terms suggesting the flexibility and adaptability of
the concept. The lack of clarity in meaning permits people with a diversity of per-
spectives seemingly to agree, deferring contentious issues to a subsequent phase
of deliberation when a basis for cooperation may have already been established.
Thus, sustainable development has political attractions because it is easy to sup-
port initially, even if further examination suggests that it is difficult to know or
determine what it really means. The imprecision that has been discussed above as
an asset reduces the scientific utility of the notion and hampers its application as
an analytical tool.

Sustainable development, sustainable tourism and sustainable

livelihoods
Sustainable development is a holistic concept. Ideally, it should refer to the
sustainability of an entire system (again, however defined). However, when a
single-sector approach is adopted, such as sustainable tourism or sustainable agri-
culture, it is conceivable that that system may be sustained but at the expense of
other systems to which it is connected. In the case of tourism, there are links with
many other systems: water, energy, waste assimilation capacity, transportation
and culture, to name a few. But there are other activities that are competing for the
scarce resources of land, labour and capital and there is commonly insufficient to
go around. Thus, it is possible for tourism to thrive but, at the same time, for it to
threaten the sustainability of other phenomena.
The term ‘sustainable tourism’ suggests that tourism must be sustained. It is
impossible to have sustainable tourism in the absence of tourism! Therefore, the
concept implies that tourism is the solution to whatever problems have been or
may be identified. The minds of its proponents have already been made up: tourism
must be sustained. This is a very narrow perspective. It implies that tourism should
be sustained in some form, almost regardless of costs! Rather than advocating the
perpetuation (even growth) of tourism as an end in itself, it is suggested that it is
more appropriate to ask whether, and in what forms, tourism might contribute to
sustainable development more broadly conceived. Of course, the answer is likely
to be different in different places and times.
The most common situation is that tourism is not being developed in a totally
pristine area: the world contains very few of these. Rather, tourism must be inserted
into an existing economy. Ideally, it should not displace this economy but should

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be complementary to it. It should help to diversify the economy rather than replace
one sector by another. One approach that may be useful in understanding this is
sustainable livelihoods (Scoones 1998) and the contribution that tourism might
make to such livelihoods. Whether one is dealing with individuals or commun-
ities, it is useful to explore how tourism is and might be incorporated into the
exisiting mix of livelihood strategies so that it enriches rather than replaces the
means by which people may be sustained.

THE STATUS OF TOURISM PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT

Planning is the process of making decisions about future desired states and how
to attain them. Thus, it should be a means of addressing changing opportunities
and impacts. In spite of the considerable discussion on sustainable development
and sustainable tourism, there is still a gap between rhetoric and reality, between
academic writing on tourism planning and the practice of tourism planning as it
actually exists. There is a substantial literature on tourism planning with differ-
ent emphases, such as Gunn’s work on spatial planning, Murphy’s emphasis on a
community approach, and Inskeep’s comprehensive approach. These books focus
upon how tourism planning should be done. There is surprisingly little work
which assesses the effectiveness of tourism plans, that considers if the plans were
actually implemented and if their goals and obectives were achieved. This is an
important research need if current practitioners are to learn from past experiences.
Most tourism plans set goals in terms of numbers of visitors and focus on means
for attracting tourists and the infrastructure that is required for destinations to
do this. It is often assumed that if more tourists visit then local people will benefit
more. However, there are many examples where this has proven not to be the case.
It means that more attention must be given to types of tourism, types of tourists
and ways by which the involvement of local people in tourism can be facilitated,
perhaps through education and training programs, encouragement of local entre-
preneurship, making capital loans more readily available and the like. It should
not be assumed that locals will automatically benefit from a ‘trickle down’ mechan-
ism. Rather, as indicated above, it means that the interests of residents should be
a central component of tourism plans, and not absent or an afterthought as is often
the case.
Although the above comments apply to tourism planning in general, it should
be acknowledged that there are substantial differences in tourism planning between
developed and developing countries. In the former, tourism planning is increas-
ingly being confined to specific relatively small sites, such as a large hotel complex
or an attraction such as a theme park. There has been a decline in the emphasis on
tourism master plans for larger areas. Rather, tourism is treated much as other
forms of development in other sectors and controlled by traditional forms of devel-
opment control, such as zoning systems, Environmental Impact Assessment and

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Social Impact Assessment procedures and development permissions. At the same

time, the emphasis is increasingly on the process of development with opportu-
nities being provided for public input and stakeholder involvement, rather than the
creation of a static plan in the form of a document which is not exposed to public
scrutiny. Also increasingly, there is shared responsibility for marketing between
the public and private sectors, with the former taking control over any possible
excesses of the latter through exercising development controls in the public interest.
In contrast, in the case of developing countries, there is a continued emphasis
on master plans which are often made by external consultants (who often do not
undertake such tasks in their places of origin because, as explained above, they
are often of western origin where such plans have come to be used with much less
frequency). Such master plans are required not simply to set the direction for
development: they are designed to attract external investors by ensuring potential
developers that there is a broad vision for the destination area and that their
investments are desired and secure. In most developing countries, where invest-
ment capital is in short supply, governments are involved in both investing in and
controlling development. In contrast, in the case of so-called developed countries,
while considerable public investment may be involved in major infrastructure
developments, such as airports, the mix of investment and control responsibilities
is more distinct.

Management
In contrast to tourism planning, management has a shorter time horizon. One
might argue that there is little true tourism planning that encompasses the total
tourism system, rather that it is destination areas that may be planned. In much
the same way, most destination areas are not truly managed as an entity, rather it
is the sub-sets of the system, such as the attractions, the accommodation, the trans-
portation and so on, that are managed, often largely in isolation.
It is important that management steps are taken before degradation of the
resource proceeds to the point where the initial environment that attracted visitors
is no longer a reality or the quality of life of residents has been compromised.
Management strategies are all too often applied only after signs of deterioration
have become apparent. Some areas of a destination will necessarily be subjected
to intense use beyond that which can be sustained by natural reproductive sys-
tems. Hence, management techniques must be employed to sustain the area in
a desired condition. Managers essentially have three choices: to manipulate the
environment or modify visitor behaviour or a combination of the two.
With respect to the environment, it may be necessary, for example, to recognize
that vegetation cannot be maintained on heavily used portions of a site. Heavily
used paths and roadways may have to be surfaced: the result concentrates use,
thereby protecting the surrounding areas. Replanting with resilient grass species

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and the addition of fertilizers has been effective in campground and picnic areas.
Other strategies are reported in Wall and Wright (1977: 45–6).
Methods of modifying human behaviour can be divided into two categories:
regulative or manipulatory. The former imposes requirements on visitors that
they must adhere to, such as fees or licences, whereas the latter are more subtle
but may be just as effective and are often more palatable to visitors, such as the
provision of information and site design (which should consider site limitations
as well as attractions). Gilbert, Peterson and Lime (1972) identified a variety of
ways of modifying human behaviour (Table 7.1).
The following list includes some of the major means of accommodating tourists
and, at the same time, minimizing their adverse impacts:
1. Concentrate or channel visitors and their vehicles into places where they can be
managed;
2. Attract people away from vulnerable areas;
3. Disperse use over a wide area so no part is unacceptably altered;
4. Institute a system of rotation so that used areas get a chance to recuperate;
5. Use hard surfaces, barriers, and specialized site layouts and designs to control use;
6. Employ cultural treatments including watering, fertilizing, seeding of durable
species and artificial loosening of compacted soils;
7. Pricing;
8. Information provision through such means as signage and interpretation.
The types of management techniques employed will vary with the objectives for
each destination or site (i.e. whether the area is an urban area, an historic site,

Table 7.1 Some measures to control the character and intensity of recreational use
to meet desired management objectives

Type of control Method Specific control techniques

Site Management Harden site Install durable surfaces (native, non-native, synthetic)
(Emphasis on site Irrigate
design, landscaping, Fertilize
and engineering) Revegetate
Convert to more hardy species
Thin ground cover and overstory
Channel use Erect barriers (rocks, logs, posts, fences, guardrails)
Construct paths, roads, trails, walkways, bridges, etc.
Landscape (vegetation patterns)
Develop facilities Provide access to underused and/or unused areas
Provide sanitation facilities
Provide overnight accommodations
Provide concessionaire facilities
Provide activity-oriented facilities (camping,
picnicking, boating, docks, and other platforms,
playground equipment, etc.)
Provide interpretive facilities

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Table 7.1 (cont’d )

Type of control Method Specific control techniques

Direct Regulation of Use Increase policy Impose fines

(Emphasis on regulation
of behaviour; individual
choice restricted; high
degree of control)
Indirect Regulation of Use
(Emphasis on influencing
or modifying behaviour;
individual retains freedom
to choose; control less
complete, more variation
in use possible)
enforcement Increase surveillance of area
Zone use Zone incompatible uses spatially (Hiker only zones,
prohibit motor use, etc.)
Zone uses over time
Limit camping in some campsites to one night, or
some other limit
Restrict use Rotate use (open or close roads, access points, trails,
intensity campsites, etc.)
Require reservations
Assign campsites and/or travel routes to each camper
group in backcountry
Limit usage via access point
Limit size of groups, number of horses, vehicles, etc.
Limit camping to designated campsites only
Limit length of stay in area (max./min.)
Restrict activities Restrict building campfires
Restrict fishing or hunting
Alter physical Improve (or not) access roads, trails
facilities Improve (or not) campsites and other concentrated
use areas
Improve (or not) fish or wildlife populations stock,
allow to die out, etc.)
Inform users Advertise specific attributes of the area
Identify the range of recreation opportunities in
surrounding area
Educate users to basic concepts of ecology
Advertise underused areas and general patterns of use
Set eligibility Charge constant entrance fee
requirements Charge differential fees by trail, zone, season, etc.
Require proof of ecological knowledge and
recreational activity skills

Source: After Hendee, Stankey and Lucas (1978: 324)

a nature reserve, a wilderness or a multi-purpose area). Clearly, many of these

management strategies would conflict with the goals set for many natural areas
although they may be acceptable in urban resorts. There is no simple recipe for the
efficient design and management of tourist sites. Management decisions will need
to vary to reflect goals and objectives and the demands of particular situations.

POINTS, LINES AND AREAS

Tourism has many manifestations, making it difficult to generalize. Nevertheless,
the implications of some simple spatial characteristics will be described because

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of their wide applicability and their relevance across economic, environmental

and social dimensions.
Tourist regions and even many individual attractions can be divided into three
types based on their spatial characteristics: points, lines and areas (Wall 1997c).
Points may be viewed as essentially one-dimensional, lines as two-dimensional,
albeit with some depth, and areas as multidimensional. Each type has different
implications for visitor behaviour, different potentials for commercial develop-
ments, and requires contrasting planning and management strategies if a balance
is to be achieved between resource protection and commercial exploitation.
Point attractions require large numbers of visitors to concentrate in a small area
for, if the point is not visited, then the attraction is not experienced. Examples of
such sites include waterfalls, spas, temples, monuments, historic and archeological
sites, museums, galleries, theatres and many sporting events. Concentration results
in opportunities for commercial exploitation of visitors for when many people are
in close proximity, they can be catered to efficiently and the minimum thresholds
of successful business operation are most likely to be exceeded. However, there
are associated dangers of congestion, over-commercialization, reduction in the
quality of visitor experiences and, in some cases, destruction of the resource. Point
resources may easily be over-commercialized by private-sector enterprises and
strong actions may be required by the public sector to protect the resource and
associated visitor experiences. One way to do this is to give careful consideration
to the setting in which the point resource is located and, possibly, to discourage
the development of commercial enterprises immediately adjacent to the site. For
example, as early as 1870, a public park was created on the Canadian side of Niagara
Falls to displace all the hucksters that congregated at the lip of the waterfall, pes-
tering visitors and detracting from their ability to experience the natural wonder.
Linear resources include coastlines, lakeshores, rivers, scenic routes and trails,
and linear landforms such as mountain valleys. Some of these resources are attrac-
tions with linear properties, others are routes which channel visitors along par-
ticular paths and some are both. In all of these cases, large numbers of visitors
are concentrated along a narrow strip of land or a transportation corridor. Linear
resources tend to concentrate visitors but not to the same extent as point resources
because a line is two-dimensional and, as opposed to a point, encourages some
dispersal. The concentration of visitors may still be sufficiently great to attract con-
siderable commercial development which can lead to destruction of the resource.
Linear resources can easily become over-commercialized because large numbers
of users are drawn to narrow strips of land and water. The enforcement of set-
backs is often a useful strategy in coastal locations but, more generally, the break-
ing up of the lines into a series of nodes and links, or nodes and less developed
or undeveloped areas may be a wise strategy to pursue. In these ways, parts of the
resource are protected, visitors are provided with access to a variety of experiences,
and visitor facilities and commercial enterprises are concentrated in the nodes.

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Unfortunately, many coastal areas have been overdeveloped so that few natural
areas remain and public access to the shoreline is reduced by the creation of an
impenetrable line of hotels.
Areas may attract large numbers of people but their spatial extent may permit
and even encourage the wide dispersion of visitors. Such places include parks and
protected areas and scenic landscapes. The extensive nature of the resources and,
sometimes, the nature of the experiences being sought by visitors, which encour-
ages them to seek isolated or remote locations, mean that there are few dense
concentrations of visitors and, thus, their commercial exploitation may be more
challenging to potential entrepreneurs. In such locations it may be necessary to
create visitor concentrations, for instance at access points to parks, at scenic over-
looks or at interpretation centres to impart information to visitors, to monitor them,
and to provide facilities which they may require, such as washrooms, restaurants
and accommodation. It is in such locations within or, preferably, adjacent to the
area resource that commercial opportunities are most likely to be successful. The
danger here is that, if one is not careful, the scale and nature of such developments
may be at odds with the experiences available elsewhere in the area. Thus, for
example, service centres for wilderness parks should not be too large or too intru-
sive. However, the concentration of many visitors in a limited number of commer-
cial centres may expedite their management, allow greater access to visitors by
the business community and, at the same time, leave much of the area relatively
unexploited for those in search of lower intensities of use.
Points, lines and areas can be viewed as occurring at different scales. Thus,
for example, at the scale of a country, destination areas, such as coastal resorts
or national parks, may be viewed as a series of points. On the other hand, a single
destination area may be viewed as a combination of points, lines and areas, or as
a series of nodes and links. Thus, the conceptualization provides some flexibility
with respect to scale.
The three-fold classification of tourist attractions into points, lines and areas,
while extremely simple, is a useful way of viewing a wide range of heterogene-
ous tourist attractions because it encourages consideration, at the same time, of
specific attributes of the resource, visitor behaviour and spatial distributions, the
potential for commercial exploitation, impacts and associated planning and man-
agement strategies. Wall (1993b) has discussed the application of this conceptual-
ization to Bali and has suggested that the number of visitors can be regulated by
the provision of infrastructure, such as the volume of commercial accommodation
and parking places.

IMPACT ASSESSMENT AND MONITORING

Given the numerous questions raised above, how can one determine whether
or not a particular plan, policy or activity is sustainable? This is a particularly

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difficult task in a time of rapid technological change and when, in reality, deter-
mining whether or not something is sustainable can only be done in retrospect.
Nevertheless, there are legal requirements in many places that evaluations of ini-
tiatives, particularly new projects but sometimes even new policies, be evaluated
prior to acceptance and implementation. Two methods, benefit–cost analysis and
environmental impact assessment (EIA), will be examined briefly in this context
as examples of methods that can be used and, indeed, are sometimes required to
guide decision making. However, it is increasingly being recognized that one-
time assessment may be inadequate, particularly where impacts are cumulative,
and longer-term monitoring may be necessary to permit fine-tuning of planning
and management strategies. Either way, it will be necessary to decide what mea-
surements are required to assess progress or lack thereof. These are known as
indicators and they will also be discussed below.

Benefit–cost analysis
Benefit–cost analysis (also called cost–benefit analysis) is a procedure which is
often employed in the economic evaluation of proposed projects. It is essentially
an accounting procedure in which the positive aspects of a project are com-
pared with the negative aspects on the assumption that, if the former exceed the
latter, then the project may be worth undertaking. (The word ‘may’ is emphasized
because, for example, of the distributional effects which will be mentioned below.)
This seemingly simple task is in fact complex and such assessments involve
numerous challenges. First of all, ideally all aspects and implications of the project
need to be measured in similar terms so that they can be summed and compared.
Usually, the metric which is used is monetary: dollars and cents. Unfortunately,
not all manifestations of a project, particularly the so-called intangibles and
incommensurables, can be easily ascribed a dollar value (for example, how much
is a life worth?). If this is the case, then quantitative comparisons are frustrated.
Furthermore, even should such measures be obtainable, the estimation of the life
of the project and the interest rates which are ascribed to costs and benefits occur-
ring at different times will have considerable implications for the calculations and
the resulting overall assessment. On the other hand, it does encourage the sys-
tematic documentation and comparison of all benefits and costs and thus enables
interested or concerned individuals to see that all foreseeable consequences are
incorporated in the analyses and to question the bases on which decisions are made.
The requirement to assess and, ideally, combine economic, environmental and
sociocultural measures in benefit–cost analyses and assessments of sustainability
is a further confounding factor. In part this is because they are usually measured
in different ways. For example, economy may be measured in dollars and cents
or the number of jobs (often in person-years to reflect seasonal and part-time
employment) that are created; environmental impacts through coliform counts or

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changes in biochemical oxygen demand or measures of species diversity; whereas

social concerns may be indicated by the proportion of respondents answering in
a particular way to a questionnaire. Clearly it is almost impossible to combine such
contrasting impact measures to synthesize results into one figure and hence to
determine if benefits exceed costs and by how much. Such measurement problems
are likely to be of greatest importance where the differences between benefits and
costs appear to be small. Thus, in one sense, the technique tends to let one down
at the very time one needs it most! At the same time, the disaggregated informa-
tion may be required to inform management, and trade-offs and balance may be
the preserve of policy makers, perhaps informed by precautionary principles, risk
assessments, legal precedents and public opinion polls.
The above discussion concentrates upon technical issues of evaluation involved
in the determination of whether the benefits of a project exceed the costs and, thus,
whether or not a project should be implemented. However, this is often a moot
question. The decision on whether or not to proceed may have been made by
another, perhaps political, process and if the decision is positive, then the question
becomes not whether but how to proceed. The data collected in a benefit–cost
analysis may be very useful input into such decisions. However, at this point dis-
aggregated information may be required for planning and management purposes,
for the introduction of mitigation measures and to deal with trade-offs and com-
promises. One needs to know the dollars and cents if one is interested in the eco-
nomic dimension of development, the coliform count if one is interested in water
quality, and the responses to surveys if one is concerned with social issues. Thus
the extent to which benefit–cost analysis can replace the need for value judgments
can be debated.
This is not the place to review the extensive literature which is concerned with
both the substance of the economic impacts of tourism and the means employed
to estimate them. The former was the primary task of Chapter 4. Certainly much
more is at stake than jobs and incomes, including taxes, inflation, investment
incentives and the balance of payments to name a few additional economic vari-
ables. At this juncture, a series of points will be made of a somewhat polemical
nature to draw attention to issues which we believe deserve more discussion than
is possible here.
How much is spent in the destination and how much remains? These are
questions that are often not addressed in benefit–cost analyses for they involve
the application of different techniques of analysis such as an examination of the
direct, indirect and induced consequences of tourism, often through the assess-
ment of multipliers and leakage. It is important to consider both the amount of
visitor expenditures and the magnitude of multipliers for it is the interaction of
both which determine the size of economic impacts. It is conceivable that reduced
numbers of visitors and smaller associated expenditures may generate larger net
benefits if leakages can be curtailed and multipliers increased.

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The distribution of impacts may be as important as their magnitude: who gains

and who loses? This usually reflects underlying power relationships. Similarly the
quality of employment may be as important as the quantity, as well as whether
the jobs that are created go to local people or outsiders. There may be different
perspectives in areas of high unemployment, where jobs of almost any kind may
be welcome, as compared with situations of labour shortage. Perspectives may
differ between so-called developed and developing countries, the informal sector
being of greater significance in the case of the latter although this is all too rarely
considered adequately in the formulation of plans (Wall 1996b).

Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)

EIA is another procedure which is used to assess the likely consequences of tour-
ism projects. EIA has been defined by the Canadian Environmental Assessment
Research Council (1988, quoted in Doberstein 1992: 12) as:

A process which attempts to identify and predict impacts of legislative proposals, policies,
programs, projects and operational procedures on the biogeophysical environment and
on human health and well-being. It also interprets and communicates information about
those impacts and investigates and proposes means for their management.

In other words, EIAs are undertaken to assess the likely consequences of initia-
tives so that decisions can be made concerning whether and in what form the ini-
tiative should proceed. EIA is future-oriented and the conduct of an EIA requires
an ability to predict the impacts of tourism. EIAs are often legally required by
governments as a step in the approval process for new initiatives and, as such,
they are undertaken to improve the quality of development and to protect the
public interests. The product of an EIA process is a document. Such documents
should, ideally, include information on likely consequences of development, devel-
opment alternatives and mitigation strategies. The content of EIAs usually covers
more than the environment and often includes economic and social considera-
tions. The inclusion of impacts on human well-being in the above quotation sug-
gests that social impact assessment is a fundamental part of the EIA process. The
definition also indicates that EIA can be useful both in analyzing specific projects
and as a tool at the planning and policy levels of development, and that it may
provide a framework for management of impacts. At the project level, Werner
(1992) suggested that EIA can be used as a decision-making tool in determining
the acceptability of a project, or as a planning tool to minimize negative impacts
of an already-accepted project. Tourism initiatives, as a form of development, are
often subject to EIA.
This is not the place to discuss in detail the difficulties of preparing useful EIAs
and complying with legal requirements that EIAs be undertaken which, in any
case, vary with jurisdiction (see for example, Doberstein 1992, and Simpson and

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Wall 1999). Although many countries have sophisticated legislation and regula-
tions concerning the application of EIAs, implementation and enforcement of EIA
procedures is variable. It is influenced by such factors as political will, availability
of resources (including the availability of expertise) and knowledge of impacts of
tourism. Thus, it is one thing to have policies in place and quite another to imple-
ment them.
Biswas and Agarwal (1992) and Hunter (1995) have discussed many of the prob-
lems with formal EIA procedures and concluded that there is a tendency for EIAs
to focus on physical impacts and neglect social and cultural ones, often resulting
in the production of overly-mechanistic reports that deal almost exclusively with
the presentation of data rather than its analysis. For example, waste or emission
concentration levels may be provided with an emphasis on whether acceptable
limits will be exceeded, rather than an evaluation of their likely consequences for
human or ecosystem health. EIA often focuses upon mitigating negative impacts,
rather than attempting to increase beneficial impacts, and compliance monitoring
is seldom performed. Assessments often delay developments and cost more than
expected, sometimes because they are not undertaken in a timely manner and
are not well-integrated into the project cycle. And, because it is often narrowly
focused, EIA often looks only at the direct impacts of a new development, and not
its addition to the cumulative impacts of development in the area.
In addition to the above problems, the characteristics of tourism result in par-
ticular challenges for those undertaking EIAs. The physical changes to areas will
affect the way of life of local populations, while interaction with tourists may have
an enormous influence on the entire society. In fact, there are many cases where
residents have been displaced by tourism (Wang and Wall 2005). No other kind of
development includes the anticipation of a continued influx of outsiders, who are
not expected to try to integrate with the local community, and who will interact
with them in such a wide variety of situations. As well, the resources devoted to
tourist developments are often no longer available for the traditional users, which
may cause inconvenience or even hardship.
As is the case with other economic sectors, tourism competes for scarce resources
of land, water, energy and waste assimilative capacity. However, tourists tend to
have extremely high demands, using more energy and water and generating more
waste than the average resident. In many developing countries, labour is not in
short supply although labour with the appropriate skills is often not available. If
such attributes are not fully appreciated, it is easy to underestimate the environ-
mental and other consequences of tourism. Given the above discussion, an argu-
ment can be made that in many jurisdictions, legislation and regulations are ahead
of the ability to implement them.
To be effective, EIA should be based upon a thorough understanding of the
nature of the agent of change if the full implications are to be foreseen. Unfor-
tunately, tourism has a number of characteristics which make it particularly

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challenging for the conduct of EIAs. Some of these characteristics will now be
examined briefly.
Tourism is an extremely complex phenomenon. For example, the tourist indus-
try is fragmented, involving both multinational corporations and a multiplicity
of small and intermediate-sized operations interacting in a web of institutional
interrelationships: it is an example, par excellence, of the intricate links between
interacting phenomena operating simultaneously at both global and local scales.
These linkages involve operators in both the private and public sectors, and span
a diversity of economic phenomena, such as transportation, hotels and restaur-
ants, attractions and shopping purchases, which are not always considered as
being part of the same economic sector and whose roles in tourism may be dif-
ficult to separate from their other functions (Smith 1988).
With reference to tourism, EIAs are usually conducted for specific develop-
ments such as new resorts. As such, the focus of the EIA may be restricted to the
confines of that resort development. However, most tourists do not remain within
the resort. They arrive by air or another form of transportation and must be trans-
ported to the resort. Thus, the new resort has implications for the number of jets
arriving at the airport and the number of taxis and buses on the road. They also
travel to see the sights in the vicinity and thus penetrate other parts of the desti-
nation region. Such situations are difficult to document and result in challenges in
drawing up the terms of reference for the conduct of a tourism EIA to ensure that
it will include both on-site and regional impacts.
While large developments are natural candidates for EIAs, the cumulative
impacts of many small developments may be just as troublesome but much more
difficult to encompass within traditional EIA processes. Also, tourism exhibits
many of the characteristics of common property resources, where there may be an
incentive for individual entrepreneurs to expand their operations to the detriment
of others, resulting in the degradation of the resources on which they all ultimately
depend (Hardin 1968). The gradual, insidious, development of a multitude of small
accommodation units, restaurants and souvenir outlets can rapidly change the
character of a place but it is time-consuming and expensive to conduct assess-
ments of every minor initiative.
It is easy to write of tourism as if it were an undifferentiated phenomenon.
However, there are many manifestations of tourism which vary in scale, environ-
mental setting and activities undertaken. The consequences of tourism will also be
modified by the policy context and the roles which intermediaries, such as tour
guides, play in influencing interactions between visitors and local people. This
makes it difficult to adopt class assessments as is sometimes done for some sectors
and activities, such as forestry or road construction where the lessons learned
from one development may be more readily applied to another.
It is desirable that both the negative and positive consequences of tourism be
assessed prior to development in order that undesirable effects can be avoided or

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mitigated, and the desirable effects enhanced. Unfortunately, the literature on

impact mitigation as it might be applied to tourism is extremely limited (although
see Long 1992). To complicate matters further, tourism is often directed at special
environments where the mitigation of adverse environmental changes may be
particularly difficult to address. High-energy environments, such as coasts and
mountains, are often sought by tourists. Also, tourists are often not satisfied with
experiencing usual situations but wish to see noteworthy buildings, special cultural
festivals or endangered species, making their potential for disruption particularly
marked. Yet in many places tourism has been allowed to develop without being
previously evaluated by EIA processes. Furthermore, while social impact assess-
ment (SIA) is incorporated into most current EIA processes, it is traditionally an
area of weakness (Hunter 1995). Although current tourism literature supports the
use of EIA in evaluating tourist developments (Ceballos-Lascurain 1996), EIA lit-
erature does not make much mention of tourism, nor does it address the unique
nature of its impacts.
To be effective for tourist developments, the EIA process must be based on
a good understanding of tourist behaviour, and geared to encompass its wide-
ranging and cumulative impacts. Some of the challenges in undertaking EIAs for
tourism are listed in Table 7.2. In 1982, Mathieson and Wall (1982) wrote that,
due to the newness of EIA, there was a paucity of methodological guidelines for
undertaking investigations of the impacts of tourism. Now, more than twenty years
later, though guidelines for undertaling EIAs are plentiful, few are specifically
targeted to assess the impacts of tourist developments. Mieczkowski (1995) sug-
gested that such studies should be made comparable with one another through

Table 7.2 Eight challenges in undertaking EIAs for tourism

1. There are many types of tourism with different impacts so experiences gained with one type of
tourism might not be readily applicable to another.
2. Tourist experiences consist of many components (attractions, accommodations, food and
beverage outlets, transportation, etc.) each of which may require separate evaluation.
3. Tourism is inherently inter-sectoral and data availability as well as authority and responsibilities
may be dispersed.
4. EIAs are often conducted for specific developments and may be confined to specific sites but
tourists are mobile and impacts may occur elsewhere off-site.
5. Cumulative impacts and rate of change may be critical issues. Numerous small changes, when
taken together (such as the proliferation of buildings along a formerly pristine coastline) may be
just as significant as one major development. On the other hand, rapid change may be much
more difficult to adjust to than gradual change.
6. Impacts vary with stage of development, the same project having different implications in a
remote location with little experience with tourism when compared with one with a long history
of tourist development.
7. Extending the previous point, the impacts of similar developments will be different in different
settings.
8. It may be difficult to separate changes due to tourism from those attributable to other agents of
change.

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the use of similar methodologies, scales, and levels of analysis. Hunter (1995),
in suggesting some general criteria for use in determining the necessity of EIA,
recommended that EIA should be performed for all planned and pre-existing
tourism developments, and suggested that they will be most successful if they are
performed within the context of a national framework for balancing development
goals and environmental concerns.

Ecological footprints
EIA is usually a requirement that is mandated by government in order to acquire
permission to proceed with a development. As such, although EIAs are beginning
to be undertaken at a broader strategic level and sometimes EIAs are prepared for
classes of development initiatives with seemingly similar consequences, most
EIAs are highly focused and concentrate upon a specific development proposal.
In contrast, there is a concern that the full consequences of tourism may extend
beyond the specific site. For example, true ecotourists may have limited environ-
mental impacts on-site, but may use planes, airports and expensive equipment so
that their environmental and even their economic impacts may be small in the
destination area but may be substantial overall. The calculation of an ecological
footprint is an attempt to provide an accounting, from an environmental perspec-
tive, of a particular activity or development. It is essentially an accounting tool
designed to estimate the resource consumption and waste assimilation require-
ments of the subject of concern in terms of a corresponding productive land area
(Wackernagel and Rees 1996), thereby potentially facilitating the comprehension
and comparison of tourism of different types. The approach has yet to receive
widespread application in tourism although informative examples do exist
(Gossling et al. 2002, Hunter 2002). A succinct review of the ecological footprint
concept and its application to sustainable tourism can be found in Hunter and
Shaw (in press).

Indicators
Whatever method of evaluation is undertaken, it will be necessary to decide what
attributes of the destination are significant and are likely to be modified, in order
to determine what data are to be collected and assessed. The general response
to this concern has been the development of indicators, so much so that the con-
struction of sets of indicators has become a growth industry in sustainable develop-
ment research in general and in sustainable tourism research in particular. Much
of this work has adopted a top-down approach in which international agencies
have espoused sets of indicators with supposed wide applicability (World Tour-
ism Organization 1996). However, there is usually a need to complement general
indicators with site-specific indicators both because of different environmental,

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economic and cultural circumstances, and also because of differing local priorit-
ies. Furthermore, it can be debated whether indicators are best promulgated by
an international agency or are better formulated with the input of stakeholders
to reflect their specific concerns. Wallace and Pierce (1996) have advocated the
involvement of local stakeholders so that the suite of indicators can reflect both
their aspirations and incorporate local knowledge. Unfortunately, this is an
approach that has yet to be widely adopted. Indicators are required for the imple-
mentation of monitoring systems and to inform judgements on whether an initi-
ative is likely to move the system in the direction of sustainability. Kreutzwiser
(1993) has suggested that useful indicators will have the following characteristics:
they should be sensitive to temporal change and spatial variation, have predictive
or anticipatory capability, have conceptual validity and relevance to management
problems. Furthermore, he opined that relative measures are more useful than
absolute measures and that their utility is enhanced by reference to threshold
values. However, even with a well-designed system of indicators, it will probably
not be possible to say with certainty whether a particular policy, plan or produc-
tion system will be sustainable.

ANALYSIS VERSUS INVOLVEMENT

Analytical approaches to the assessment of impacts tend to empower experts
because of the experience and skills that are needed to implement methodologies
such as those that have been described above. In contrast, residents of destination
areas and other stakeholders in the tourist industry are likely to have their own
opinions concerning what are desirable states and what costs are acceptable in the
search for tourism-related benefits. These opinions will be based upon many factors
such as previous experiences, current or prospective involvement in tourism, per-
sonal hopes and fears, and a multiplicity of other individual circumstances.
Analysis and involvement are not antithetical approaches and, ideally, they
should be combined so that the insights of experts can be melded with local
knowledge and priorities. However, different societies place different emphases
on these procedures. In the so-called developed world, the right of people to have
input into the decisions that are likely to affect them has become widely acknow-
ledged. Such a process may be costly in terms of both time and money and slow
down the speed of decision making. It tends to put planners and experts in an
advisory capacity and, although consultation cannot assure that conflicting views
will disappear and be replaced by a common agreed-upon position, it should help
to assure that a wide range of possible outcomes of and perspectives on initiatives
is taken into consideration.
In contrast, many developing countries have top-down decision-making sys-
tems and limited expertise in tourism planning. In such circumstances, the oppor-
tunity for local people to participate in decisions concerning tourist development

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Community-based tourism, stakeholders and partnerships

may be minimal. Indeed, Timothy (1999) found in his study of tourist planning in
Yogyakarta, Indonesia, that many local people did not expect to be involved in tour-
ism planning. In this situation, the inputs of outside experts may be given more
weight and the opinions of local elites may be implemented to the disadvantage
of the less powerful majority whose interests have not been considered adequately.

COMMUNITY-BASED TOURISM, STAKEHOLDERS AND

PARTNERSHIPS
Since the publication of Murphy’s (1985) text on the topic, community-based
tourism has become a growth area in tourist writing in recognition that, although
tourists emanate from communities, they visit destinations, or host communities
and that is where many of the impacts occur. Great concern is usually expressed,
both by residents and researchers, for maintenance of the characteristics of host
communities, particularly in remote or developing areas and, as we have seen, for
the changes that their residents, economies, landscapes and political structures
undergo as tourism evolves. Residents of such communities are often encour-
aged to take greater control of their futures by becoming involved in community
planning and thereby influencing decisions about tourist developments in their
home areas and protecting desired community attributes. This will usually involve
some form of public participation process. However, this is easier said than done.
Communities are not homogeneous, there are uneven power distributions, a mul-
tiplicity of stakeholders that are involved, different degrees of experience with
tourism, a lack of desire to be involved on the part of many, and a political and
administrative history in many countries that is not conducive to such processes.
In the context of this book, local empowerment is seen as an important way of
affecting impacts in ways that are benign to destination communities.
It is probably unrealistic to expect all decisions that affect a community to be
made within it. The tourists, by definition, come from elsewhere and there are
travel agents at the place of origin that influence where tourists will go and what
they will do. Also, destinations must abide by national policies and regulations.
Thus, there are many stakeholders involved in tourism and they come from both
within and outside destination areas. There is also a growing interest in research
on partnerships (Reed 1997) and stakeholder involvement (Selin and Chavez 1995).
Other initiatives are also being undertaken to encourage the development of
tourism in ways that are more benign, particularly from an environmental per-
spective. Codes of ethics have been put forward for tourists, tour operators and
other tourist stakeholders. For example, Australia has established a code of ethics
for ecotourism and the Ecotourism Society has produced its own guidelines for
operators (Ecotourism Association of Australia undated, Ecotourism Society 1993).
New Zealand has established a code of environmental principles for tourism (New
Zealand Tourist Industry Federation undated). Some codes are required to be

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followed by members of relevant organizations but the majority are voluntary.

Some may see these as signs of progress and as attempts at quality control: others
who are more cynical may see them as pre-emptive strikes to avoid the external
imposition of improved practices. Another initiative is environmental labelling
which is designed to provide information to tourists and prospective tourists so
that they can make purchasing decisions on the basis of more complete informa-
tion on the unwanted impacts of their activities (Mihalič 1996). Research is also
underway, particularly on hotels, to assess the factors that constrain the adoption
of more environmentally friendly business practices. These can all be seen as
initiatives designed to reduce the undesirable consequences of tourism. Little is
known about their effectiveness and, to date, they have focused particularly on
environmental rather than sociocultural consequences.

AN EVALUATION TRIANGLE
While tourism can undoubtedly have negative consequences, it also has many
positive attributes. However, the positive impacts will not occur by chance, rather
they must be identified and planned for. Ideally, synergistic relationships should
be developed between components of the tourist system. In an ideal situation,
destination residents, local resources and biodiversity, and tourism may each
help to sustain the others in an interrelated, symbiotic fashion. For example, high-
quality tourist experiences can be provided in an area in which there is rich bio-
diversity if the local people are supportive. Local residents may be more willing
to protect the resources if they are able to gain a living from tourism. The profits
from tourism may be used to support the local economy and to protect and man-
age the resources.
Ideally, too, the status of tourism in a destination should be evaluated periodic-
ally to see if steps can be taken to move it in the direction of sustainability. Working
on ecotourism, Ross and Wall (1999a) suggested that the success of a destination
reflects the extent to which it provides high-quality tourist experiences and is able
to protect natural resources and biodiversity, generate money to finance con-
servation and contribute to the local economy, educate visitors and members of
local communities and, thereby, encourage environmental advocacy and involve
local people in conservation and development issues. They developed a simple
framework for assessing the status of tourism in a destination. It is presented in
Figure 7.1. The framework implies that tourism, much like any industry striving
to be sustainable, should be considered in the contexts of both the natural environ-
ment and the aspirations of local communities. Although simple, the framework
emphasizes the significance of fostering positive links between people, natural
resources or biodiversity, and tourism. The strength or weakness of any one link has
implications for other links. Theoretically, the qualities that emerge from applica-
tion of the framework (e.g. local empowerment, environmental stewardship,

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An evaluation triangle

Fig. 7.1 A Framework for conceptualizing and evaluating ecotourism

(Source: Ross and Wall 1999a)

intercultural appreciation) make the whole greater than the sum of its parts. An
examination of the relationships that exist, or have the potential to exist, between
local communities, natural resource or biodiversity and tourism may be a good
starting point from which to evaluate tourism, using a list of relevant indicators
informed by consultation with stakeholders (Wallace and Pierce 1996).
In a symbiotic relationship between local populations and resources or bio-
diversity, local residents act as stewards of the natural resources and, in return,
they benefit through sustainable harvesting and protection of important resources
such as water catchments. Even so, it is quite possible that in some circumstances
local people may not welcome tourism at all and that view should be respected, but
in many developing countries and in peripheral locations in so-called developed
countries, tourism is often seen to be one among a limited number of development
options. In addition to the benefits which may accrue from protection of resources,
local residents may receive a variety of benefits from becoming host communities
for tourists. By participating in tourism, communities can receive tangible eco-
nomic, infrastructural and social benefits – benefits which are less likely to leak
out of the community if participation is local. In turn, experiences of tourists may
be enhanced by opportunities to interact with local people. If positive attitudes to
tourism are to be fostered, residents living in or adjacent to the destination should
be receiving economic and social benefits or compensations which will support
or complement their livelihoods. Local economic benefits from tourism have
been documented both in the form of increased employment opportunities and
incomes, community sharing in the distribution of revenues, and compensations.
The contributions which tourism can make to biodiversity and the integrity of
natural areas are as important as the potentially positive effects on adjacent com-
munities. The provision of environmental education through enhancement of

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opportunities to appreciate local nature and culture is fundamental to the success

of tourism. Biodiversity and natural areas can provide this service in return for
economic revenues which can contribute to protected area conservation.
Tourism will not be successful without effective planning and management
and the framework which has been presented will be of little consequence in the
absence of adequate institutional arrangements and administrative commitments.
The development of positive relationships between people, resources and tourism
is very unlikely to occur without implementation of effective policies, manage-
ment strategies, and involvement of a wide range of organizations, including
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and, in developing areas, conservation
and development-assistance agencies. The qualities of protected area policies
and of those who are employed to carry them out may influence everything from
the extent of resource exploitation which occurs, to the amount of revenue gener-
ated and the quality of interpretation. NGOs, research teams and conservation
and development-assistance agencies have important roles to play, particularly
in rapidly-developing tropical countries where funding for the preparation of
management plans or community development programs may be insufficient
and personnel with the necessary knowledge, skills and training may be lacking
(Mackinnon, Mackinnon, Child and Thorsell 1986). Such agencies may assist in
developing resource inventories and also can provide opportunities for education
and local capacity-building through the hiring and training of local people.
Ross and Wall (1999a) discussed relastionships between various elements of the
framework in detail. They also suggested examples of indicators which may be
used to assess the status of relationships between people and resources. Relation-
ship indicators are measurable variables which may be used to reflect antagonistic
or symbiotic links between people and resources. An evaluation employing such
indicators can provide insight into the challenges and possibilities for local devel-
opment, capacity-building and tourism. Through use of dotted lines for embryonic
relationships and omission of lines where positive relationships remain to be forged,
the framework can also provide a visual assessment of the status of tourism in a
destination.
Ross and Wall (1999a) applied this framework successfully to three ecotourism
sites in Indonesia and it has also been used in other locations. While the frame-
work was designed specifically for ecotourism, it is suggested that it has much
wider application. Should not all destination areas provide high-quality tourism
experiences that are in harmony with the environment and benefit local people?
As discussed throughout this book, the characteristics of communities will
influence the extent to which tourism affects social changes and attitudes towards
tourism and conservation. For example, social and familial cohesion may encour-
age the spreading of positive attitudes (if an individual benefits, it may be viewed
as a benefit to the broader community), in contrast to a community where indi-
viduals are only concerned for their own personal benefits (Lindberg and Enriquez

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1994). Furthermore, communities already exposed to outside influences, exogen-

ous technological advances or other forms of change, will likely respond differ-
ently to development opportunities than populations which have not experienced
such changes (Brandon 1996). Similarly, characteristics of ecosystems reveal a nat-
ural area’s capacity to withstand activities such as resource harvesting, which
may be required or desired by local communities.
Thus, the introduction of tourism can encourage socio-economic development,
if it is desired by the community. External judgements and assumptions about the
benefits of development, however conceived, should be avoided. Miller (1980)
pointed out that whether or not increased economic activity or changes in the
educational system of a rural area are needed or desirable may be a point of dis-
pute. Such a perspective emphasizes again the importance of involving members
of destination communities as stakeholders in tourism planning and decision
making. The interrelatedness of people–resource–tourism relationships is likely to
be evident in the attitudes of local peoples: if local people are already disgruntled
about resource-use restrictions, for example, from protected area regulations, it is
likely that this negativity may influence attitudes towards tourist development.
However, communities should not be encouraged to become solely dependent
upon tourism: rather, tourism ideally should complement other activities and help
to diversify an economy. Tourism of any type should not be viewed in isolation
and its development should be considered as part of a broader plan for the use
of resources. The challenges in developing such plans should not be underestim-
ated for reasons as diverse as the fact that powerful interests may benefit from
the absence of a plan and governments in some locations have withdrawn from
many planning functions in favour of the operation of an unfettered market.
Strengthening the capacity of host communities to achieve other forms of positive
change, if desired, should be considered alongside tourism development.

CONCLUSIONS
In summary, sustainable development, as applied to tourism, can be viewed as
being an approach that can accommodate and address the numerous impacts that
have been examined earlier in this book. While there is a large literature on sus-
tainable development, and research on the meaning of the term is a legitimate
endeavor (Hunter 1997), it is suggested that sustainable development lacks the
conceptual precision for it to be readily measured or for it to act as a clear guide
for research. Therefore, for this and other reasons which have been introduced
briefly above, sustainable development and sustainable tourism planning are cur-
rently more rhetoric than reality.
The very fact that Hunter (1997) was able to describe a sustainable development
spectrum from ‘very weak’ to ‘very strong’ confirms that the term encompasses a
diversity of points of view. On the other hand, the very fuzziness of the concept

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can be an advantage which can be used to bring people with differing perspec-
tives together, thereby promoting dialogue concerning possible impacts and
desirable future states between seemingly disparate groups, including academics,
policy makers, conservationists, developers and the communities that they serve.
The major points that have been made can be summarized as follows:

n Sustainable development lacks the conceptual precision for it to be readily

measured or for it to act as a clear guide for research.
n Yet, fuzziness can bring people with differing perspectives together, thereby
promoting dialogue between seemingly disparate groups, including academics,
policy makers and the communities that they serve.
n A multi-sectoral perspective is essential if sustainable development is to be
achieved.
n The concept of sustainable livelihoods may merit explorations as a useful
organizing framework.
n Practical application of sustainable development requires the development
and use of indicators, including their employment in the evaluation of specific
projects as well as in longer-term monitoring systems.
n The status of tourist planning differs between jurisdictions (and there have
been very few evaluations of tourist plans).
n Good planning requires the input of both careful analysis, which may require
the input of experts, as well as the input of those who are likely to be affected
by the decisions, including local residents.

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8 Conclusions

It is inevitable that the development of tourism will induce some impacts, some of
which are wanted and some of which are not. The very nature of tourism means
that it is likely to bring about land-use conflicts and modify the economic, envir-
onmental and social conditions of destination areas. Some of these consequences
cannot be avoided completely and it is important that planners of tourist develop-
ment should bear these realities in mind. This book has illuminated the consider-
able array of consequences of contemporary tourism. Since the predecessor of
this work was published in 1982 (Mathieson and Wall 1982), there has been a
diversification of the forms that tourism takes, but the continued expansion of
tourism at its present rate and in its existing form is not a desirable phenomenon
in many destination areas. Planning measures should be directed at restraining
and redirecting growth in some areas, as well as encouraging it in others, the
emphasis varying from place to place. Of course, some newly emerging resorts
will be required to relieve the pressures on existing destinations and, if they are to
be successful, they must attract visitors. However, it should not be assumed that
all resorts should strive to expand.
A number of factors have contributed to the undesirable situation in which
many resorts find themselves:

1. Inadequate forecasting. In the desire for expansion, many overloading and

congestion problems have not been foreseen or have been overlooked. It is as
important to examine and, if possible, to quantify tourist pressures and assess
the resilience of destinations to the adverse consequences of tourism as it is to
indicate new directions for tourist development.
2. The resource-oriented emphasis of tourist marketing. The tradition of basing
tourist development upon unique and frequently fragile resources has con-
tributed to the emergence of many overloaded destinations. Furthermore, it is
common to try to stimulate demand and, when successful, this has tended to
concentrate tourists into a small number of places. The spatial and temporal
imbalance of tourism has contributed to the problems which are being experi-
enced by many well-established destination areas.
3. The inefficiency of planning measures. There has been a failure to recognize the
many disparate components of the tourist industry and to integrate them into

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an overall planning framework. Furthermore, few attempts have been made to

evaluate the successes and failures of tourist plans and this inhibits the ability
to learn from experience.
4. There has frequently been a tendency to sacrifice long-term benefits for short-
term gains. This issue has been discussed in some detail by Travis (1980: 79–92).
5. Inadequate attention has been given to the appropriate scale of development.
Too much emphasis has been placed upon large, prestigious projects when
there is growing evidence that greater returns may accrue to destination areas
from more modest developments (Hyma and Wall 1979, Rodenburg 1980).
6. A failure to specify goals adequately. Tourist development is usually a means
to achieve other objectives rather than an end in itself. However, goals are often
specified in terms of the number of visitors who are to be attracted. It is not
always clear who the major beneficiaries of tourist development are expected
to be. For example, should the objective be to satisfy the needs of tourists, to
promote regional development, to decongest popular tourist destinations, or to
enhance the lifestyles of residents of resorts? The strategies needed to meet each
of these objectives are likely to be different.
There is an urgent need to provide solutions for the numerous negative side-
effects of tourist development. Sustainable development, at first sight, may offer
a promising way forward but the practical application of the concept is fraught
with difficulties. Enthusiasm on its own is not enough: it must be transformed into
action. Planning for tourist development is a complex process which involves the
insertion and usually the perpetuation of tourism in places with diverse economic,
environmental and social structures. From a social standpoint, planners should
understand the complex and contradictory feelings of tourists. On the one hand, they
seek change, novelty, new experiences and excitement. On the other hand, tourists
frequently feel insecure and afraid in a strange environment. At the same time,
planners should consider the conflicting opinions of members of the host commun-
ity. Many individuals involved in the tourist industry are likely to welcome tourists,
whereas others may resent their presence and behaviours. From an environ-
mental perspective, planners should recognize that some environments are more
resistant to the effects of tourism than others and that the types of tourist activity
will also influence the nature of impacts. Moreover, the consequences of tourism
are likely to be mixed, enhancing some components but causing deterioration in
others.
Tourism, then, is a complex phenomenon which gives rise to diverse and
often contradictory consequences. It is easy to say that planners of tourism should
maximize the benefits from tourism and minimize the costs. However, it is not
possible to maximize some effects and minimize others at the same time: this is
a mathematical impossibility. Trade-offs will be required and compromise will

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be necessary. However, it is desirable that steps should be taken to move the

entire tourist system, and the system with which it interacts, in the direction of
sustainability. This will not happen all at once and but will occur through incre-
mental steps in each of the economic, environmental and social domains. Given
that it is difficult to determine the sustainability of projects and policies in
advance, a pragmatic approach will be required, with efforts being made, at the
same time, to move each of the economic, environmental and social sub-systems
in the direction of sustainability. In this way, the economic viability, the environ-
mental integrity and the sociocultural characteristics of destination areas can be
enhanced.
Alternative development policies should be considered prior to the commitment
of resources and they should be assessed for their feasibility, limitations, effects
and ability to satisfy the requirements of hosts and guests. De Kadt (1979: 21) indic-
ated that he was aware of no evidence that any government has deliberately
set out to assess the overall effects of alternative types of tourism in order to pro-
mote those that appear to promise the greatest net social benefits. This situation
has changed somewhat since De Kadt made his observation but only slowly. On
the one hand, many tourist plans advocate the establishment of ‘quality’ tourism,
which is all too often a euphemism for the attraction of rich tourists. On the other
hand, ecotourism may be advocated, as in China’s Year of Ecotourism in 1999,
with very little appreciation of what this might entail. Faced with a considerable
variety of tourists and types of tourism, a destination interested in tourist devel-
opment needs to ask whether, and to what extent, it can match its own resources
with the requirements of different types of tourists. It also needs to ask what
options it faces in developing these resources.
It is necessary that studies of tourism supply the information on which sound
planning decisions can be made. Difficulties have arisen in the establishment of
measures to quantify or otherwise evaluate the many aspects of tourist devel-
opment. The assessment of alternative policies implies the existence of a sound
knowledge base but much of the research on the consequences of tourism has
been less valuable than it might have been because of a frequent failure to specify
the context in which the impacts occur.
The planning and marketing of tourism have been primarily oriented towards
the needs of tourists and the provision of interesting and high-quality tourist
experiences. Key questions of traditional planning approaches have been: how
many tourists will desire or can be attracted to come to a destination and what
services and facilities will they require? It is imperative that planners become less
preoccupied with the visitor and devote more attention to the welfare of those
being visited. Planners should be asking such questions as: how can tourists con-
tribute to the enhancement of the lifestyles of residents of destination areas and
how many and what types of tourists will best meet local needs and wants?

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PLANNING FOR TOURIST IMPACTS

Planning for the consequences of tourism can be addressed in two ways. Firstly,
planning measures can be devised to mitigate the existing negative impacts of
tourism. Where tourism planning has been undertaken it has often been remedial,
attempting to intervene after much development has taken place. As in other
fields, many locations have exhibited limited ability to learn from mistakes made
elsewhere, and much planning may be characterized as ‘shutting the stable door
after the horse has bolted’ (de Kadt 1979: 21). Most measures have been of this
reactionary type. The main aim of such measures has been to increase the capa-
city of the destination area in order to alleviate current tourist pressures and, at
the same time, to maintain or even increase the number of visitors. Some of the
more common methods of manipulating the destination area include the closure
of vulnerable sites and attractions, the elimination of private transportation in the
core areas of resorts, the imposition of building and design regulations on new
structures, the introduction of entry fees, and the establishment of barriers and
paved walkways in areas which are ecologically sensitive.
Secondly, planning measures may manipulate the tourists by encouraging them
to make travel decisions in certain directions. The marketing of tourism is a wide-
spread phenomenon but marketing and planning need to be more closely linked.
The gentle manipulation of tourists could be both a positive and a preventative
planning approach.
The two types of measures are not mutually exclusive. If planning measures
are to be directed at the decisions of tourists, knowledge is required of the ability
of destination area sub-systems to sustain use. For example, resentment among
permanent residents over the presence of large numbers of winter vacationers
may encourage planners to seek alternative destinations for a proportion of these
tourists, thereby relieving some of the pressures. If alternative destinations are to
be promoted, planners should be aware of the densities and conditions which
prompted the initial concerns and, if possible, the capacities of alternative destina-
tions to welcome additional visitors if the initial situation is not to be replicated
elsewhere.
It is widely recognized that planning is urgently needed to alleviate the negative
impacts of tourism. It is less apparent who should bear the planning responsibil-
ities. The difficulty of determining who plans in specific areas or circumstances is
compounded by the diversity of scales at which impacts of tourism occur. For
example, should impacts occurring at a local level be the responsibility of local
governments when the effects are the outcome of tourist patronage from other parts
of the country? Or should costs accruing to local areas be mitigated through fin-
ance made available from regional agencies or national governments? This debate
reflects the lack of an integrated planning framework for tourist development

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and, in some cases, particularly in the developing world, the lack of planning
organizations. The formulation of jurisdictional frameworks for planning for the
effects of tourist development is beyond the scope of this work, although a small
step in this direction has been made by Wang and Wall (in press) in a Chinese con-
text. In fact, no one organizational structure is likely to be suitable for all eventu-
alities in all cultures. Reference to the absence of such structures and difficulties
of administration are sufficient, in themselves, to indicate the complexity of plan-
ning for tourism.

IMPACT RESEARCH AND PLANNING

Sound research is a prerequisite of good planning. Perhaps, then, the inefficient
planning of the tourist industry is partially a reflection of an inadequate research
base in studies of tourism. There is certainly some truth in this deduction.
Research in tourism examines what is and what has been; planning asks or states
what could be or what should be. The two may not be as different as they may
at first appear. The former provides information in order that the latter may be
achieved.
There are two types of research of significance to planning (Gunn 1978b: 61):
1. Project oriented research. This involves the use of systematic approaches for the
analysis of a specific project on a particular site. The findings have local use and
value but may or may not have applicability to other projects or sites.
2. Building a knowledge base. This type of research tackles basic problems facing the
tourism industry and produces results which have wider implications than the
previous type of research.
This present work is of the second type and is extremely broad in its conception
and content. The information contained in this investigation should be of consid-
erable use to tourism planners. This study provides an assessment of what is and
what has been. To some extent it also suggests what should not be and what could
be done to remedy the undesirable consequences of what exists. It provides a
knowledge base for further research and for more informed inputs into planning
for tourism.

Examples of tourism research and planning

Tourism development has often taken place without the guidance of and in the
absence of plans. In the majority of cases detailed development plans do not exist
at the community or regional level. Where plans exist they have usually been
devised by government agencies and their consultants or by private developers.
Unfortunately, many of these documents are not readily accessible. In consequence

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it has been necessary to base this work primarily upon the academic literature.
However, much valuable information is contained within planning and consult-
ing reports: the Prince Edward Island Study (Abt Associates 1976), the Canadian
Government Office of Tourism (1974) national economic study, and Butler’s
(1975a) work for the Inuit Tapirisat continue to be instructive examples of such
documents.
Both the costs and benefits of tourism have been identified in this text. The
negative impacts of tourism, in conjunction with the emergence of environmental
problems resulting from other human actions, have stimulated widespread public
concern over the effects of development decisions. Furthermore, the public now
demand that their concerns be incorporated into the decision-making process.
This has resulted in:
1. The emergence of public participation programmes;
2. Requirements that environmental impact statements are prepared.
Together they attempt to ensure that public concerns can be voiced, that public
interests are protected and that procedures are adopted which will ensure a bal-
anced approach to the assessment of development problems.
The development and evaluation of public participation programmes in resources
management are well documented (Sewell and Burton 1971, Sewell and Coppock
1977). Public involvement in planning is now an accepted part of the planning
process in many parts of the developed world but it still seldom occurs in devel-
oping countries. Some studies by governmental agencies (Canadian Government
Office of Tourism 1974), consultants (for example, D’Amore and Associates 1979)
and academics (Pizam 1978) have tried to assess public attitudes to specific tourist
developments, but a widely accepted means of doing this has to be agreed upon.
Parks Canada now is regularly involved in public participation, consultation
and outreach programmes. In earlier years, many of their planning and manage-
ment modifications were reactive rather than premeditated, but they are now
attempting to incorporate public input into the early stages of park planning. For
example, Riding Mountain National Park was the subject of public discussion and
evaluation and, with some reservations (Kariel 1979, McFarlane 1979), the public
participation programme for the park proved to be a successful case of citizen
participation in an environmental planning project (Hoole 1978: 50). One can
only applaud any attempt to solicit input from the public and to keep interested
parties informed of developments, but one wonders how much can be achieved
when set positions are taken with little prospect for compromise. In the case
of Kouchibouguac National Park, for instance, consultation rapidly turned into
confrontation.
In a theoretical sense, public participation is a positive contribution towards
more effective decision making. From a practical perspective it is difficult to arrive
at decisions which are socially and environmentally acceptable and, at the same

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time, economically feasible. Measurement problems compound the difficulties of

reaching such decisions. A decision requires the weighting of the significance of a
myriad of effects and this is difficult to do satisfactorily.
Cost–benefit analysis is designed to measure the costs and benefits of projects
in monetary terms and a considerable literature has developed concerning this
technique (Sewell, Davis and Ross 1961). However, satisfactory procedures have
yet to be developed for integrating social and environmental impacts into an
economic framework. Many effects of tourism are difficult to quantify and social,
economic and environmental effects are not measured in similar ways. In spite
of the large literature on cost–benefit analysis, there have been few attempts to
integrate the analyses of social, economic and environmental effects of tourist
development to derive an overall assessment of the desirability of a project. This
problem was summarized concisely by Wall and Maccum Ali (1977: 48) when
they stated: ‘A more definitive summary statement must await detailed studies of
social and environmental impacts and the development of a means of integrating
economic apples, social oranges and environmental pears’. There is a growing litera-
ture on environmental accounting but this needs to be linked to socio-economic
concerns. Little work of this type has been attempted in the area of tourist impact.
Butler (1975a), in a study commissioned by the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, assessed
the likely impact of a variety of types of tourist development on the northern
environment and on Inuit lifestyles. This is one of the few studies which attempt
to assess a wide range of possible impacts before they have occurred. Butler did
not suggest a specific course of action which should be followed by the Inuit.
Rather, his study was designed to point out the diversity of possible types of
development and their consequences so that the Inuit could adopt a development
strategy which would be most closely in tune with their goals.
In our previous work, we made comments on an investigation of Prince Edward
Island as an example of an initiative examining tourism from a broad perspec-
tive. Such studies are still not common so we have decided to retain it. How-
ever, we have decided to complement this with some brief comments on the Bali
Sustainable Development Project in which one of the authors was involved. In this
way, a more recent example pertaining to a developing country is also provided.

The Prince Edward Island study

There are still only a few accessible studies that attempt to provide a balanced
assessment of tourist impacts and also incorporate an assessment of the attitudes
and priorities of residents of the destination area. One such study is that by Abt
Associates (1976) for Prince Edward Island. It considered the major trade-offs
between economic and other impacts which would be associated with alternative
policy options for tourist development on the island. The study provided a com-
prehensive view of the impacts of tourism on the provincial economy, the island’s

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environment and residents’ attitudes. A conceptual model for assessing tourist

impact was devised and provided a guideline for analysis, and a number of innova-
tive social science research methodologies and economic simulation models were
applied. As in Butler’s study for the Inuit, no attempt was made directly to resolve
the debate over the best alternatives for tourist development, nor was an exhaus-
tive list of possible alternatives provided. The principal concern was to suggest
conclusions and recommendations which should be considered during the policy
development and implementation processes.
A number of trade-off issues requiring the attention of policy makers were out-
lined. These included the relative importance of tourism when compared with
other sectors of the island’s economy; the balance between economic benefits,
social inconveniences and environmental risks; relationships between private
property rights and public interests; and the costs and benefits to different regions
of the island. A number of recommendations were made for consideration by the
Provincial government and residents of the island. The need for a comprehensive
development plan for tourism was stressed and it was indicated that this should
be based upon a balance between economic, environmental and social priorities.
According to the study, a careful consideration of these priorities should provide
the foundation for the formulation of a policy reflecting the interests, values and
aspirations of residents of Prince Edward Island.
The Prince Edward Island study is one of the few attempts to assess tourist
impact from an overall perspective incorporating and integrating the results of
studies from each of the economic, environmental and social impact categories. It
is innovative in methodology and quite comprehensive in scope but, realistically,
did not come to a single conclusion on the most appropriate form which tourist
development should take. This is ultimately a political decision.

The Bali Sustainable Development Project (BSDP)

BSDP was a collaborative programme of research primarily involving Indonesian
and Canadian academics (Martopo and Mitchell 1995). The project was funded
by the Canadian International Development Agency as a part of the EMDI (Envir-
onmental Management and Development in Indonesia) programme. It was
designed to provide input to BAPPEDA Bali (the Planning Department of Bali) to
inform its planning initiatives. BSDP was not directed solely at tourism. In fact, as
argued above, single-sector approaches to sustainable development are unlikely
to lead to true sustainable development for intersectoral interrelationships are likely
to be of critical importance. Following approximately three years of research,
workshops and exchanges, a preliminary sustainable development strategy was
tabled in June 1991. A more refined version of this strategy was presented in Bali
in June 1992 leading to the submission of a final document in November 1992 (Bali
Sustainable Development Project 1992).

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The official tourism policy of Bali is cultural tourism (pariwisata budaya) in which
the way of life of the people of Bali is a major attraction. The Balinese landscape,
while being dominated by natural features such as mountains and coasts, is a
manicured landscape in which sawah (irrigated rice fields) constitutes a major
source of livelihood as well as an important scenic amenity. However, the majority
of visitors reside in coastal resorts in the south of the island. The growing number
of visitors was putting increasing pressures on a finite resource base and was com-
peting with more traditional activities, such as agriculture, for the use of scarce
resources such as land and water.
At the outset, and in collaboration with Indonesian and Balinese colleagues
from both government and academia, three broad research strategies were iden-
tified: village studies, sectoral studies and area studies. Further information on
these research approaches can be found in Wall (1993a). Of greater significance
here is that sustainable development had to be defined in a way that was con-
ducive to application in Bali. The BSDP definition of sustainable development has
three features:

1. The continuity of natural resources and production;

2. The continuity of culture and the balances within culture;
3. Development as the process which enhances the quality of life.

This conception of sustainable development was the source of seven sustain-

able development assessment criteria. These criteria are continuities rather than
absolutes. They are also interlinked and they draw to a considerable extent upon
concepts rooted in Balinese culture. Sustainable development will not occur unless
all of these criteria are realized: equity as well as efficiency, both ecological and
cultural integrity, and the continuity of the mediating and sustaining forces of tra-
ditional institutions. A brief elaboration of each of the BSDP sustainable develop-
ment criteria follows along with some of their implications for tourism:

1. Ecological integrity refers to the maintenance of life support systems (land, water,
air and vegetation), the preservation of genetic diversity, and the perpetuation
of species and ecosystems. It means that tourist activities and infrastructure
must be compatible with environmental capabilities. Since the capabilities of the
environment vary from place to place then it follows that the scale and types of
tourist development should vary from place to place.
2. Efficiency is concerned with the evaluation of alternative paths or methods in
terms of costs measured in time, money, personnel and public convenience. In
other words, can the same result be achieved in different ways and at less cost?
In the case of tourism, this means that there must be adequate returns to capital
and labour. This requires catering to well-defined markets of adequate size and
stability. Information on the characteristics of the market for Bali is required if
this is to be achieved.

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3. Equity refers to equality of opportunity and recognition of needs amongst indi-

viduals and households, social groups and communities, women and men, pre-
sent and future generations, and human and other species. It does not mean
uniform development in scale and types of tourism. Rather, it means provision
of the opportunities to participate in and benefit from tourism commensurate
with the available cultural and natural resources. This implies greater dispersal
of tourism than was then currently the case in Bali, or spatial equity; a greater
variety of types of tourism to make fuller use of potential; and enhanced oppor-
tunities for the Balinese to participate in tourism. Note that this participation
may be both direct and indirect. Inequity promotes distortions in the uses of
resources. Equity also implies that the costs of tourism should be borne by the
beneficiaries and suggests that tourists may be required to pay more for their
experiences, possibly through increased accommodation and departure taxes.
4. Cultural integrity refers to the preservation and renewal of the life-enhancing,
celebratory traditions of culture as expressed in religion, arts and institutions.
Tourism must be used to develop, enhance and protect culture through a pol-
icy of cultural tourism.
5. Community refers to enhancement, at the local level, of the capability to par-
ticipate in the development process. Opportunities should be provided for local
participation in tourism, both directly through investment in and employment
in tourist businesses as well as in supporting activities such as agriculture and
craft industries.
6. Balance is a reflection of a number of Balinese trilogies such as Tri Hita Karana
(the three sources of goodness: human–human, human–environment and
human–god relationships) and Desa, Kala, Patra (space, time and condition: what
is done should be appropriate to the situation) and refers to the struggle for
integration, balance and harmony between key factors (for example between
economy and environment, between sectors such as agriculture and tourism,
and in patterns of regional development). Since the resource base of different
locations varies substantially, different forms of tourism must be developed in
line with the capabilities of places to sustain those forms. This implies careful
local planning of tourist areas and integration of tourism with other activities
rather than single-sector development.
7. Development as realization of potential through which capabilities to improve the
quality of life are enhanced. Growth may be a product of development but not
in forms which are exploitive or ecologically destructive. This means that it is
insufficient to consider only numbers of tourists. Activities, locations and sup-
porting infrastructure must all be considered. As well, the rates and timing of
growth in all of these must receive attention. This implies that attention must
be given to the timing and phasing of development.

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The criteria which have been described can be viewed as being standards
against which the achievement of sustainable development can be assessed. Thus,
it is suggested that developments and policies, including those for tourism, can
be evaluated against each of the seven sustainable development criteria to deter-
mine the extent to which they are likely to promote sustainability. These criteria
can also be applied to particular types of tourism to assess their suitability for par-
ticular places. In order to do this, it would be necessary to develop a set of indi-
cators. Further discussion of tourist development principles for Bali can be found
in Wall (1993b).
The process through which plans are prepared is also of extreme importance.
From the outset it was recognized that great efforts should be made to be as cul-
turally sensitive as possible. This was essential in order to establish rapport with
colleagues and collaborators, and to ensure that any suggestions which emerged
from deliberations were in line with local institutions and culture. If they were not
then there would be little prospect that they would be implemented.
Many small actions were taken to cement relationships and establish credibil-
ity. They included repeated visits to Bali, the customary exchange of presents, the
establishment of an office in Bali, the hiring of Balinese research assistants, con-
tracting specific research tasks to Balinese experts, the payment of language train-
ing fees for some participants, and the invitation of Indonesian personnel to
Canada for workshops and training.
A key element in the exchange of ideas and information was an annual work-
shop in Bali. Each workshop attracted approximately eighty participants from
government, universities and other interested people. These workshops were
used to expose BSDP thinking to local expert opinion before important project
decisions were made and, at the same time, to solicit input from Balinese aca-
demics and officials in areas of known BSDP deficiency. Care was taken to ensure
approximate equality in the proportion of BSDP and other speakers. Translators
were available in each workshop although the final workshop was conducted
largely in Indonesian. Following each workshop summaries were published and
distributed in both English and Indonesian.
Of course, there is a big difference between the development of a strategy and
its successful implementation. Tourism development in Bali has continued apace
and new issues, such as international terrorism have come to prominence.
Nevertheless, it is suggested that there is much that can be learned, both in sub-
stance and process from the BSDP initiative. If there are general points that,
though not novel, are worthy of emphasis, they are:

1. It may be more productive to work where one can within existing institutional
frameworks than to try to impose radical modifications in existing decision-
making structures.

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2. It is suggested that informal links based on mutual respect, if not complete

understanding, may be preferable to formal agreements in the absence of
mutual trust and willingness to exchange ideas with open minds. Furthermore,
respect must be earned and should not be taken for granted.
3. The absolute necessity of doing everything in one’s power to be as culturally
sensitive as possible.

SUMMARY

Tourism has become one of the largest and fastest-growing world industries and
an economic and social phenomenon of major importance. The unprecedented
expansion of tourism has given rise to a multitude of economic, environmental
and social impacts which are concentrated in destination areas. These effects
have become pronounced with changes in the volume and character of the tourist
industry. The growth of tourism has stimulated research on many aspects of the
tourism phenomenon. This volume is a synthesis of the major works concerning
the economic, physical and social consequences of tourism.
Most research on tourism has been undertaken at the international and national
levels. Data have been relatively easy to collect at international boundaries and
this has enabled studies to be undertaken at these scales. However, tourism is
not evenly distributed throughout countries, but is concentrated in resort areas.
Generalizations derived from studies at the national scale may be misleading if
applied to more restricted areas. There is a need to undertake additional invest-
igations in destination areas where most of the impacts of tourism occur.
Tourism research has tended to emphasize economic impacts and there has
been a disproportionately large number of studies examining the economic bene-
fits of tourism. They have often overlooked the economic costs of tourism and its
widespread environmental and social effects. The economic orientation of much
tourism research is a reflection of the viewpoint that tourism commonly makes a
positive contribution to the economic development of destination areas. Govern-
ments, development agencies, financial organizations, planning departments and
other tourist-related bodies have supported and promoted the tourist industry in
the belief that tourism will bring considerable returns on investment and aid in
rectifying economic problems. It is not surprising, then, to find that much research
on the economic benefits of tourism is instigated, conducted or sponsored by
these agencies.
The rapid development of tourism has given rise to a number of physical
and social problems, and concern about the effects of tourism on host societies
and their environments is growing. The adverse effects of tourism have attracted
attention only recently and this is now being reflected in the growing number of
studies of environmental and social impacts. In the past, tourism was encouraged

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Summary

for its economic benefits with little consideration for the effects on host communit-
ies or the environments in which they are situated. This is now starting to change.
Although the body of knowledge about tourist impacts is growing, it is still
highly fragmented and the findings of studies are often divergent. The tourist
industry is, itself, highly fragmented. In purchasing a tourist package, the tourist
is buying services from a number of different suppliers. Tourist services and facil-
ities are also sold on an individual basis. A transportation enterprise carries the
tourist to a destination, a hotel supplies accommodation and food, and a local bus
company offers sightseeing tours. Although each element of the industry may
remain in isolation, it has limited utility to the tourist in that form. It is the com-
bination of these elements that constitute their value and appeal. In spite of the
high level of complementarity between elements of the tourist industry, the effects
of tourism on each of these elements are separate and differ widely. The variety
of components of the tourist industry causes both definitional and data-collection
problems.
Research on tourist impacts has concentrated upon individual components of
each of the economic, physical and social impact categories. The impacts of tour-
ism are rarely so confined. The components should not be considered in isolation
but researchers should integrate the findings within and between each impact
category. In considering specific impacts in isolation, investigations of tourism
have followed separate and often divergent paths. Research on impacts of tourism
has been undertaken in many different disciplines ranging from the social sciences
of economics, anthropology, geography and sociology, to the physical sciences,
including botany, pedology and zoology. There has been little attempt to integrate
the research themes and findings between disciplines. Each has undertaken its
own research, often oblivious of the work being carried out in other disciplines.
The development of interdisciplinary journals, such as Annals of Tourism Research,
Tourism Management and Journal of Sustainable Tourism may be a sign that this
situation may be changing.
The highly fragmented nature of tourism makes it extremely difficult to devise
a single measure of tourist impact. Different measures are used to assess different
impacts. Measures of economic impact, that is monetary measures, are not appro-
priate to the assessment of many of the intangible social effects. Furthermore, the
costs and benefits of tourism are not evenly distributed through society. The
benefits to one group or individual in a community may be gained at a cost to
others in the same community. The tourist industry may expand but residents of
the destination area may suffer crowding, noise, pollution and modified lifestyles.
Researchers should try to identify those aspects of destination areas and their
populations which have low tolerance levels to tourist activity and those which
have relatively high capacities.
The dynamics of impact make it difficult to assess the magnitude of change.
Impacts of tourism will alter with changes in the economic and social goals of

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Conclusions

tourists and their hosts, modifications of the physical environment, and with vari-
ations in the nature of tourist activity. Spatial and temporal discontinuities between
tourism and its impacts imply that effects will vary from one part of the destina-
tion to another and may occur some time after the initiation of tourism. These fea-
tures have been responsible for the research emphasis on primary impacts. This
has occurred at the expense of the assessment of important secondary effects.
It is usually difficult to disentangle the effects caused by tourism from those
initiated by other forces of modernization. Few studies have been initiated prior
to the commencement of tourist development so that base conditions have seldom
been established as a yardstick against which change can be appraised. Longitudinal
studies are needed which can differentiate between changes induced by tourism
and those attributable to other processes.
Research on tourist impacts has produced contradictory findings. Tourist activ-
ities have both positive and negative impacts upon a destination but these may
differ considerably from the effects which are occurring elsewhere. Tourism gen-
erates a diversity of experiences for tourists and their hosts but few attempts
have been made to explain spatial differences in effects or to identify the key vari-
ables which give rise to these inconsistencies. A growing proportion of research is
empirically based but there is a lack of conceptual and methodological guidelines
for the assessment of tourist impacts. The synthesis of research in this book is an
attempt to provide a foundation for future studies in the hope that many of the
deficiencies of existing research can be overcome and gaps in the knowledge filled.
Given the obstacles to, and deficiencies of, current research, it is appropriate
to identify the main themes which emerge. From the evidence that has been pre-
sented it is clear that the economic impacts of tourism are largely beneficial, the
social impacts are mainly undesirable, and the environmental impacts are mixed.
The negative sociocultural effects are likely to be reduced if the growth of tourist
facilities is neither rapid nor massive, and if there is time for local populations to
adjust to this activity and for tourism to fit itself to the local society. Although our
knowledge of tourist impacts is far from complete it is possible to make some gen-
eral statements concerning the factors that influence the impacts that tourism may
have. The size and level of development of a country are of particular importance,
and these same characteristics are also likely to be of significance when consider-
ing destination areas within countries. De Kadt (1979: 16–17) summarized the
situation as follows:

Small countries, with relatively underdeveloped production facilities and infrastructure

and relatively low levels of skills among their people, are likely to experience more
negative sociocultural effects as a result of tourism development than are larger, more
developed countries. Resource poor island economies with limited space are, however,
precisely the ones that may have most difficulty in identifying viable development
strategies which do not rely heavily on tourism.

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It is ironic that the destinations with the most to gain from tourism, particularly
the developing countries, also appear to be the most vulnerable to its undesirable
consequences. Tourism is a means of reducing unemployment and contributing to
foreign earnings but the areas most in need of these benefits often suffer from high
leakages, fragile traditional cultures and are prone to pronounced demonstration
effects.
Paradoxically, tourism is a force for both homogenization and diversification.
Certainly, tourism has many common characteristics and there are many similar-
ities in the forms that tourist development has taken throughout the world. Indeed,
they are often instigated by the same developers, in response to global market
forces and guided by the same consultants who offer similar advice in their plans.
On the other hand, tourists want to visit special places and, as destinations strive
to compete, they accentuate what is special and unique, striving to develop a dis-
tinctive brand to attract particular market segments. As we have seen, tourism is a
complex phenomenon and global forces are mediated by particular local conditions.
The future of tourism is also paradoxical for tourists are destroying the very
resources that they have come to enjoy. The same is often true of destinations pro-
moting tourism. With the rapid growth of tourism and its numerous and diverse
impacts, it is imperative that planning be implemented to manage these effects.
Planners should consider both the costs and benefits of tourism. Many countries
and resorts promoting tourism have ignored the fact that there are limits to how
much tourism a particular destination can absorb. Destinations need to consider
these limits and plan their tourist industry accordingly. Research on the impacts
of tourism should provide an understanding of the capacities of destination areas
and of the consequences which occur both prior and subsequent to these limits
being reached. Unfortunately, little has yet been done to devise measures or
guidelines to determine such thresholds of change.
It has been suggested that the impacts of tourism may be large, diverse, grow-
ing, vary by gender, difficult to assess and challenging to manage. But, at the same
time, tourism is ultimately dependent on accessibility to and, in the long term,
maintenance of high-quality environments, especially in a competitive global
marketplace. As tourism is one of the most rapidly growing industries in the
world, it is vital that its impacts are foreseen and understood, so that they can be
accurately incorporated into planning and management. The main objectives of
tourism planning are to ensure that opportunities are available for tourists to gain
enjoyable and satisfying experiences and, at the same time, to provide a means for
improving the way of life of residents of destination areas. Impact research is an
indispensable input to the planning of tourist destinations and can help to ensure
that these goals are met.

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Index

Note: Figures and Tables are indicated by italic page numbers

SUBJECTS

Aboriginals 272, 279 attitudes of tourists 47

access restriction 38, 152, 166, 210 attitudinal frameworks for social impact analysis
accommodation sector 54 – 5, 227– 32
employment in 132 authenticity 271–2
entrepreneurial activity in 137– 8 staged 272
labour productivity in 132
rates of return on investment 150 balance, in Bali Sustainable Development Project
share of tourism industry 108, 123 322
accommodation types balance of payments 90–101
in coastal resorts 200, 201 effects of tourism 92– 4, 148
and economic multipliers 115 –17 examples 96–7
economic multipliers 128 structure 91, 92
features associated 65, 66 Bali Sustainable Development Project (BSDP)
and income generation 120, 121, 121 320–4
acculturation 264 – 5 sustainable development criteria 321
adoption of tourist culture 230 beaches 188, 204
Agenda 21, 289 bed-and-breakfast accommodation, economic
agriculture, effect of tourism 7, 9, 78, 138, 140, factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128
184, 215, 216, 237 behavioural characteristics of tourists 45–9
agro-tourism 215 behavioural decision-making models 40
AIDS/HIV 243, 244 benefit–cost analysis 70, 299–301
air pollution 173 – 4 ‘billiard ball’ approach 54
air transport body of knowledge 62–5
deregulation of 25 borrowing of cultures 263, 264–5
pollution caused by 174 Brundtland Commission, definition of
‘airport art’ 276 ‘sustainable development’ 289
alternative destinations, planning for 316 buffer zones around national parks 184
alternative development policies 315 built environments, impacts on 195–213, 219
Amish 282–3 business types, and import propensity 103
analytical approach to impact assessment buying decisions 42 – 4
306–7 phases 43 – 4
antagonism stage (in social interaction) 228 unusualness 42 – 3
apathy stage (in social interaction) 228
archaeological sites 166, 261 campsites (tents)
architectural impacts 203 – 4, 208, 219 economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121
areas (resources) 298 environmental impacts 169, 188
arts and crafts 261, 272–3 capacity measures 34
deterioration of 276 – 80 capital investment 104–6
preservation and renaissance of traditional foreign investment 77–8, 88, 105–6
forms 274 – 6 nature and origin 87–8

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Index

capital–output ratio 87 coping strategies 230

caravans, economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, coral reefs and atolls 179, 186, 189–90
128 core–periphery concept 50
carrying capacity 33 – 5, 51, 177 cost–benefit analysis 319
relevant considerations 37 cost–benefit analysis see benefit–cost analysis
social context 221 costs 145–50
variation between various sub-systems 38 countryside 213–17
casino resorts 248, 250 creative destruction 231
economic aspects 249 crime 244 – 8
casinos 197, 202, 248, 249, 250 effects on host communities 247
changes as result of tourism 52 – 67 cross-cultural communication 267 – 71
Balinese example 56 crowding 231, 234, 235–6
destination characteristics affecting 61–2 cruise tourism 57, 62, 144–5
evolving perspectives 54 – 6 cultural arrogance 282 – 4
spatial factors affecting 60 –1 cultural assimilation 265
temporal factors affecting 57– 60 cultural change 263 –7
types of tourism affecting 62 factors affecting 263
charter air travel 25, 81 cultural consequences 259–84, 286–7
churches/cathedrals/temples 166, 251 economic effects 151
cities 49–50, 207–12, 234 cultural drift 265 – 6
see also urban tourism cultural integrity 322
coastal resorts see seaside resorts cultural symbiosis 264
coastlines, impacts on 187–9 cultural tourism 27, 28, 260–1
codes of ethics 307– 8 in Bali 321
colonialism, tourism as 240 –1 features covered 261
commercialization supply/demand 282
of culture and arts 5, 271–2, 274, 279, 286 – 7 cultural tourists, types 268–9
of religion 251, 252–3 culture
commodification (of culture/heritage/tradition) commercialization of 5, 274, 279, 286–7
231, 271, 271–2, 281 as commodity 231, 271, 281
community, meaning of term 322 definitions 259
community-based tourism 307 forms 262
community cohesion, breakdown in 238, 239 material forms 272 – 80
community involvement 165, 212, 307, 311 non-material forms 280 – 4
complementary contribution of tourism 311 culture brokers 62, 64, 253, 279
conceptual frameworks 19 – 51 role of 269
consequential elements 19, 20, 38 – 9 curio trade 181, 182
destination elements 19, 20, 33 – 7 currency controls 77
dynamic elements 19, 20, 22 – 33 currency flows 93
for ecotourism 309, 310 factors affecting 102 – 6
conflicts between tourism and environment customer service skills 134
168 – 86, 217, 219
consequences 52 data collection, economic data 70, 71
see also economic consequences; decision-making process 39–42, 50–1, 51
environmental consequences; social demand for tourism 22 – 6
consequences factors affecting 23 – 6
conservation demographic changes 238
factors affecting 160 –1 effect on tourism 24, 32
relationship with tourism 160, 162 – 3, 167 demonstration effect 236–40, 253
see also restoration destination area(s)
conservatism of (mass) tourists 28, 29 attributes 48
consumers, tourists as 30 –2, 44 benefits–costs analysis 70
cooperation between national organizations characteristics 36, 37, 61–2, 65
86 –7 definition 17

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destination area(s) (continued) efficiency of tourism 321

limits on capacity 39, 326 elephants 180–1, 182, 183
reason for tourism 288 employment 68, 81–2, 125–36
seasonality 57 – 8 categories 126, 130–1
destruction stage (in social interaction) 228, 231 characteristics in tourism industry 132 – 6
developing countries migration of workers 135, 237–8
economic characteristics 77 – 8 occupational shifts 141
propensity to import 102–4 research questions 126 – 7
tourism in 78, 80 –1, 241 employment multiplier 110 –11
development, meaning of term 290 employment multipliers 118, 128 – 9
development-assistance agencies 310, 324 entrance fees 162, 210
direct employment 127 entrepreneurial activities 74, 136–40, 229
direct impacts 53 environment, meaning of term 154
direct social contact, language affected by 254 environmental auditing 159
diseases 256 environmental consequences 38, 154–219
sexually transmitted 243, 244, 257 economic effects 151–2
water-borne 172 research perspectives 156 – 7
Disneyland/world 205, 235 environmental features 36
distance travelled 10, 11, 13 environmental impact assessments (EIAs) 293,
distribution channels 24 – 5 301–5
dolphin watching 162, 176 difficulties in conducting 155, 301–2, 303, 304
domestic tourism 66 – 7, 212 guidelines for use in tourism 304 – 5
‘drifters’ (tourist type) 28, 29, 224, 267 limitations 302, 304
dual pricing system 236 requirements for major developments 151,
duty-free concessions 77, 88 155, 303
environmental impact statements (EISs) 6–7,
e-tourism 26 155
ecological footprint approach 305 mountain resorts 192, 193
ecological integrity 321 environmental labelling 308
economic approach 15 environmentally responsible initiatives 166 – 7
economic assessment tools 70 –1 equity 322
economic benefits 89 – 90 erosion 188, 189, 191, 216
economic carrying capacity 34 estuary developments 189, 202
economic consequences 1, 4, 38, 68 –153 ethnic tourism 260
economic costs 89 – 90 euphoria stage (in social interaction) 228, 232
economic development European Association for Tourism and
conditions for 85 – 8 Leisure Education, definition of cultural
tourism affecting 88 – 9 tourism 261
tourism and 77 – 82 European Regional Development Fund (ERDF)
economic impact assessment 142
factors affecting 70 –1 eutrophication 172, 190
uses 72 – 3 evaluation triangle 308–11
economic modelling 69, 70 –1 evolutionary changes 54–6, 65–6
economic multipliers 109 –19 excursionist, definition 13
see also income multipliers expatriate labour 104
economic structure 36, 141–3 expenditure see tourist spending
economic uncertainty 151 ‘explorers’ (tourist type) 28, 29, 224, 267
ecosystems, impacts on 187–95 export, tourism as 73, 83
ecotourism 62, 159, 315 extended family system, erosion of 238
evaluation of 308 –11
see also dolphin watching; safaris; whale Fair Trade 279
watching; wildlife tourism fakes 277, 287
education programmes 211 farm tourism 215
educational levels, effect on tourism 24 festivals 281, 283

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fire hazards 169, 188, 216 host–guest interactions 65, 223–6

fishing activities 179, 214, 216 characteristics 223 – 5
food and beverage, local sourcing of 103 in resorts 204
food and beverage sector in rural areas 183–4, 213, 216
employment in 132 in wildlife tourism 183 – 4
labour productivity in 132 host irritation/resentment 36
share of tourism industry 108, 123 hotels
foot-and-mouth disease outbreak (UK) 257 architectural aspects 203, 206, 219, 284
forecasting 313 crimes in 247
foreign exchange earnings 77, 79, 83, 106 economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128
leakages 79, 103, 106, 241 and entrepreneurial activity 137– 8
foreign investment 77 – 8, 88, 105 – 6, 241 features 66
forms of travel 27– 32 rates of return on investment 150
Fourth World 260 residential displacement effects 208, 219
arts and crafts 273, 274 urban 208–9, 219
fragmented nature of tourism 22, 59, 62, 74, 303, hunting activities 179, 214, 216
325
frame conditions, meaning of term 33 impact assessment and monitoring 298–306
frameworks see conceptual frameworks analytical approaches 306–7
fuel costs 151 benefit–cost analysis 299–301
future of tourism, economic indicators 150–2 environmental impact assessments 301– 5
fuzzy concept 291–2, 312 indicators 305 – 6
impact indicators 7, 305–6, 312
gambling 197, 248 –50 impact research 2
garbage dumping 169, 181 contradictory findings 326
gastronomy 261 examples 317–24
GDP (Gross Domestic Product), tourism’s limitations 63 – 4
contribution(s) 68, 106, 107, 108, 108 types 317
generation point characteristics 47– 8 impacts by tourism 5–8, 19
genotypic behaviour (cultural change) 266 impacts of tourism 38, 50
geographical location 87 imperialism, tourism as 240 –1
geology, impacts on 186, 218 import multiplier 111
‘ghetto’ effect 204, 224 import propensity 102 – 4
globalization, effects 76, 105 – 6 of hotels 138
goals and objectives 314 imported labour 122, 133, 135
government organizations, functions 71, 86 incidental costs 145 – 6
government revenue multiplier 111 income elasticity 75, 76, 83
government revenues 124 – 5 income from tourism 1, 68, 251
guest houses income generation 120 –2
economic factors 116, 117, 120, 121, 128 income multipliers 110, 111–13
features 66 applications 113–19
guides (culture brokers) 269 factors affecting 112
information given by 119
habitat loss 184 – 5 ‘orthodox’ income multiplier 111, 117
halls of residence, economic factors 116, 117, ‘unorthodox’ income multiplier 111, 117
120, 121, 128 values quoted for various regions 114
health 255 – 8 weakness of concept 112
health tourism 255 – 6 incommensurables 299
heritage/historical tourism 27, 62, 260 –1 indirect employment 127
high-rise developments 203, 205, 206 indirect impacts 53
history of tourism 59, 163, 274 induced employment 127
Holiday Inns 29, 88 induced impacts 53
horse riding 190, 192, 214, 216 industry, tourism as 15–17, 73–7, 99
horse riding activities 170 inflationary consequences 141, 148–9, 151

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information search 48 – 9 marine ecosystems, impacts on 189–90

information technology, effects 25, 26, 32 marine tourism 176, 187
infrastructure 72, 78, 84, 115 market research 211
and growth in tourist numbers 141 marketing 51, 86, 211, 231, 280, 313, 316
overloading of 204 Masai people (of Kenya) 185, 186
input–output (IO) analysis 70 –1, 82 mass tourism 28, 29, 62
instability of tourism as export 74 and cultural interactions 267, 270
institutional illegal behaviour 246 migration
institutionalized tourism 15, 29, 267 of wildlife 185
intangibles 73, 83, 91, 222, 299 of workers 135, 237–8
integrated resort developments 199, 205–6, 205–7 mineral springs 162, 255
shortcomings 205 see also spas
intercultural communication 267 – 71 mitigation/modification initiatives 38–9, 53
factors affecting 267 – 9 factors affecting 65 – 6
interdisciplinary research 325 moral conduct 242–50
international travel statistics 71–2 motivations of tourists 40, 46–7, 75
International Union of Official Tourist motor vehicle emissions 173, 174
Organizations mountain resorts 162, 196
data collection by 72 mountains, impact on 190–2
definition of ‘tourist’ 13 multinational corporations 88, 105–6
interpretation facilities 162, 211 multiple holidays 74 – 5
Inuit 237, 272, 274, 275, 318, 319
investment see capital investment national parks 7, 164–5, 176
irresponsible behaviour 178, 186, 216, 219 carrying capacity 177
irritation index 228, 265 community involvement 165
irritation stage (in social interaction) 228 economic benefits 164
islands national tourism indicators (NTIs) 101
economic impacts 135 national tourist multipliers 115
environmental impacts 189 natural resources, conservation of 164
nature-based tourism 159
knowledge base building 62 – 5, 317 nature reserves 164
Navajo Indians 274
labour intensity of tourism activities 133 needs of individuals 45
labour shortages 82, 216 neocolonialism 240–1
land use conflicts 9, 215 ‘new tourism’ 30 –2
land values/prices 55, 141, 149 noise pollution 174
language, role in society 253 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) 310
leakage of foreign exchange earnings 79, 103,
106, 241 oceanic islands, impacts on 189
leisure 8, 11 off-road vehicles 170
length of stay 10, 11, 12, 35 off-season measures 58, 75
life-quality costs 146 oil spills 172, 173, 190
lifestyles 32 opportunity costs 146–7, 186
linear developments of resorts 200, 202 opposition to tourist development 229
linear resources 297– 8 output multiplier 110
linguistic impacts 253 – 5 overdependence on tourism 147– 8
litter 55, 181, 191
low-wage occupations 134, 135 – 6 package holidays/tours 25, 28, 85–6, 106, 194,
267, 270, 325
management 294 – 6 park movement 160
techniques 32, 295 – 6 see also national parks
see also visitor management strategies parking 57, 204
mangroves 189 partnerships 307
Maori 272, 275, 280 part-time jobs 134, 135

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phenomenon, tourism as 17 cyclical model 197– 8

phenotypic behaviour (cultural change) 266 environmental impacts 203 – 4
physical presence of tourists 235 – 6 growth and change 59, 196–8
pilgrimages 250 –1 integrated developments 199, 205 – 7
planning 293 – 4, 312, 313 –14, 316, 327 meaning of term 199
planning/development controls 39, 165 – 6, 202, morphology 200 – 3
206, 293 remedial measures 206 – 7
poaching of wildlife 182 types 196
point attractions/resources 297 see also integrated resorts; mountain resorts;
polar ecosystems, impact on 192– 4 seaside resorts; ski resorts
political organization/structure 36 restoration/conservation of
predator–prey relationships (wildlife) 180, 185 buildings/monuments 38–9, 163
price elasticity 75 – 6 retirement areas 198, 254
primary effects of tourism on balance of retreatism 230
payments 92 return visitors 224, 288
Prince Edward Island study 318, 319 –20 ribbon development 204
product life cycle, of resorts 59, 197 – 8 Rio Declaration 289
production practices 32 rural tourism 213–17
project-oriented research 317 rural–urban migration 237–8
examples 317 –24
propensity to import 102– 4 safaris 7, 177, 178
property uses, changes 198 see also wildlife tourism
prostitution 242 – 4 sales/transactions multiplier 110, 118
protection of scenic and historical areas 38, 152, SARS epidemic 148, 152, 257
163 satellite accounts see tourism satellite accounts
pseudo-traditional art 276 scale of development 314
public health facilities 256 seaside resorts 196
public participation programmes 318 morphology 200–3
Pueblo Indians 272, 274 renewal developments 203
purchasing decisions 42 – 4 seasonality 57–8, 74–5, 134–5, 149–50, 205
purpose of trip 13 criminal activities 246 – 7
typologies based on 27 economic disadvantages 149–50
measures to offset 58, 75
rainforests 194 – 5 second-home developments 212–13, 254
realization of potential 322 secondary effects of tourism on balance of
recreation 8, 9 payments 92–3
and tourism 9 –11 segregation of locals and tourists 204, 224
regional economic development 142 – 3 Sepik art forms 277–8, 278–9
characteristics of tourism’s role 142 – 3 sex tourism 242 – 4
factors affecting 143 sexually transmitted diseases 243, 244, 257
regulation of use 296 short-term gains 314
religion 250 – 3 sightseeing 160, 188, 270, 282
commercialization of 251, 252–3 siltation 190
religious centres 47, 251 site management 295
religious symbols in traditional art 279 site modification 163, 210
remedial measures 38 – 9, 206, 217 ski resorts 162, 192, 196, 205, 206
remittance payments (repatriation of earnings) skill shortages 82, 134
135, 238 small-to-medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) 84
resentment social consequences 38, 220–58, 285
alternative policies to avoid 316 economic effects 151
factors affecting 235 – 41 future research priorities 286
resistance to tourism 229 literature on 221–2
resorts 196 –207 research categories 220
classification 199 research platforms 222

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social impact assessment (SIA) 294, 304 significance 1–2

social impacts social consequences 38, 220–58, 285–6
definition 226 – 7 types 62, 66
frameworks for measurement 227 – 32 tourism balance 95
social organization/structure 36 tourism–environment relationships 157– 60
social tourism 226 –7 conflicts 160, 168–86, 217, 219
socio-economic characteristics, of tourists 35, symbiotic 160–8, 217, 309–10
44 –5 tourism planning 293–4, 312, 327
soil, impacts on 169, 170, 218 tourism satellite accounts (TSAs) 72, 98–101
souvenirs 42, 181, 275 consumption /demand 99
space tourism 58 definition 98
spas 196, 200, 255 definition of tourism 14
see also mineral springs employment data integrated into 131
spatial classification 296 – 8 measures used 100
spatial constraints on tourist–host objectives 100
interrelationships 204, 224 supply/production categories 99
spatial relationships 49 –50 tourist–host interrelationships 220, 223 – 6
special events 143 – 4 inequality 225
specific activities/locations, economic impacts sociocultural differences 225 – 6
143 –5 spontaneity lacking in 224–5
staging of cultural attractions 282 – 3 temporal and spatial constraints 204, 224
stakeholders 307 transitory nature of 223–4
‘sunlust’ tourism 46, 81 see also host–guest interactions
supply-and-demand aspects 9 tourist industry 15 –16
sustainability, meaning of term 290 economic characteristics 73 – 7
sustainable development(s) 53, 159, 288 –312 tourist resorts see resorts
difficulties of application 291, 292, 314 tourist spending
meaning of term 289 – 91, 292, 312, 321 beneficiaries 74, 122–4
sustainable livelihoods 293, 312 in Canada 68
sustainable tourism 290, 292 global 1, 68
symbiotic relationships types 110
cultural 264, 265 tourist(s)
with environment 160 – 8, 217, 309 –10 behavioural characteristics 45–9
characteristics 35 – 6
tax and duty revenues 74, 124 – 5 definition(s) 12–14
temporal factors 57 – 80 socio-economic characteristics 35, 44 – 5
terrorist activity 22, 148, 246 typologies 27–32
time–distance relationship 10 trade barriers 84, 103
tolerance threshold, factors affecting 233 –4 traditional art forms
tourism deterioration of 276 – 80
advantages in economic development 83–4 effects by outside contact 272–3
conceptual frameworks 3 – 4, 19 – 51 preservation and renaissance of 274–6, 280
consequential elements 19, 20, 38 – 9 traffic congestion 57, 204
definition(s) 1, 11–15, 15 –16 remedial measures 206
destination elements 19, 20, 33 – 7 trampling 38, 169
dynamic elements 19, 20, 22 – 33 marine ecosystems affected by 190
economic consequences 1, 4, 38, 68 –153 transportation sector
environmental consequences 38, 154 –219 air pollution caused by 173–4
history 59, 163, 196, 200, 274 effect of fuel costs 151
impacts 5 – 8, 19, 38, 50 employment in 132
as industry 15 –17, 73 –7, 99 labour productivity in 132
as institution 15 share of tourism industry 108
as phenomenon 17 travel account 94, 95
research issues 4 –5 travel awareness 48

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trip features 48 wholesaling 138, 139

tropical islands 189 wilderness destinations 64, 190, 192
tropical rainforests 194 – 5 see also mountains; polar regions
wildlife
United Nations direct impacts on 176–80, 218
conferences 13, 79, 190 –1 disease risks 180
definition of ‘tourist’ 12, 13 disruption of feeding and breeding 178
urban regeneration 209, 212 effects of hand feeding 178 – 9
urban tourism 50, 207–12 hunting and killing of 179
visitor management strategies 209, 210 –12 indirect impacts on 180 – 3, 218
management programmes 181–2, 183
value systems 220, 227 natural control mechanisms 180
vandalism 186 physiological and behavioural responses to
vegetation stress 177
impacts on 168 – 72, 194 – 5, 218 poaching of 182
protection measures 294 – 5 predator–prey relationships 180, 185
VFR (visiting friends and relatives) tourists, wildlife tourism 175 – 86
income from 116, 117, 120, 121, 121, 123 effects on local (human) residents
visitor, definition 13 183 – 6
visitor management strategies 38 – 9, 165 – 6, 209, opportunity costs 186
210 –12 women, in workforce 135–6, 239
volunteers 212 workmanship 276, 277, 279
workshops, sustainable development project
‘wanderlust’ tourism 46 323
wars and military confrontations, effects on World Bank 87, 88
tourism 21–2, 148 World Tourism Organization, definition of
water pollution 172 ‘tourist’ 13, 15
water quality, impacts on 172–3, 218, 257
whale watching 176, 177 xenophobia 233

AUTHORS

Abramson, J.A. 277, 279 Anderson, D.W. 178

Abt Associates 318, 319 Anderson, S.H. 176
Ackerman, L. 243 Anderson, T.D. 221
Adams, W. 165 Annals of Tourism Research (1994) 192
Adu-Febiri, F. 80, 81, 89 Anthony, W. 124
Affeld, D. 220 Ap, J. 220, 226, 230, 231, 233, 258, 269
Agarwal, R.K. 159 Apter, H. 221
Agarwal, S. 197, 198 Aramberri, J. 223
Agarwal, S.B.C. 302 Archer, B.H. 5, 23, 69, 70, 71, 89, 91, 103, 107,
Agrusa, J.F. 257 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119,
Airey, D. 91, 92, 96, 257 121, 122, 123, 125, 128, 129, 136, 138, 145,
Alder, J. 187, 188 150, 214, 242
Alexander, L.M. 69, 163 Arthington, A.H. 173
Allen, C. 221, 233, 247 Ash, J. 5, 167, 220, 239, 266, 278, 280, 284
Allen, I. 183 Ashworth, G. 49
Allen, L.R. 233 Ashworth, G.J. 207, 209
Allison, W.R. 190 Atkinson, R.G. 231
Almedal, S. 115, 118
Altman, J. 279 Bach, S. 247
Anderson, B. 221 Baier, S. 115
Anderson, D. 183 Bainbridge, S. 39

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Bali Sustainable Development Project 320 Brislin, R. 55

Ball, D.A. 83, 89 Britton, R. 10, 50
Baloglu, S. 49, 85 Britton, S.G. 79
Bar On, R.V. 149 Brody, J.J. 274, 276
Baretje, R. 96 Brohman, J. 79
Barnes, R.F.W. 181 Brown, D. 271
Barrett, J.A. 200, 201 Brown, D.O. 234
Barrow, E. 165 Brown, G. 227, 230, 231, 258
Bascom, W.W. 273, 276, 277 Brown, G. Jr 175
Bateman 125 Brownrigg, M. 78, 115, 117, 117
Baud-Bovy, M. 11, 14, 106, 196, 200, 205, 212 Brunt, P. 221, 233, 258
Bauer, I. 256, 257 Bryan, F. 162
Bauer, T.G. 243 Bryden, J. 79, 102, 104, 113, 221, 236, 240
Baum, T. 125, 126, 134, 135, 149, 187, 244 Buck, A.J. 250
Beard, C. 30 Buck, R. 282
Beauregard, R. 142 Buckley, R. 36, 154, 156, 157, 159, 161, 187
Becheri, E. 190 Buckley, R.C. 192, 193
Beck, B. 162 Budowski, G. 159
Becker, C. 159 Bugnicourt, J. 241
Beed, T.W. 158 Buhalis, D. 105
Belisle, J.F. 138 Bull, A. 69, 95, 105, 112, 133, 145, 146
Bell, R.H.V. 175 Bull, P. 208
Berno, T. 55 Burkart, A.J. 10
Bianchi, R. 198 Burn, H.P. 176, 205
Biswas, A.K. 302 Burns, G.L. 175, 183, 185
Bjorklund, E.M. 55, 228, 229 Burns, J.P.A. 144
Blackwell, C. 261 Burns, P. 273
Blaine, T.W. 76 Burns, P.M. 126, 135, 239, 259, 262, 264, 265, 266
Blake, A. 114 Burton, I. 318
Bleasdale, S. 278 Bushell, R. 189
Bojö, J. 175 Butler, J.R. 144
Bollaert, L. 27, 29 Butler, R.W. 5, 24, 34, 59, 65, 78, 79, 141, 149,
Bond, M.E. 82, 83, 89, 129, 140 155, 159, 197, 198, 206, 214, 215, 216, 217,
Boniface, P. 260, 261, 262, 264, 272 221, 227, 228, 229, 229, 231, 253, 254, 257,
Bonink, C. 261 272, 290, 318, 319
Boorstin, D.J. 224, 271, 281, 282 Butynski, T.M. 175, 180
Boote, R.E. 188 Bywater, M. 262
Booth, R. 175
Borg, M.O. 250 Callaghan, P. 262, 272
Borgstrom-Hansson, C. 305 Cambourne, B. 30
Boskovic, R.M. 246 Canadian Government Office of Tourism 318
Bouquet, M. 214 Canadian Tourism Commission 68, 100, 100,
Bover, M.J. 189 108, 132
Boyd, S. 273 Caneday, L. 250
Bracey, H.E. 214, 216 Canoves, G. 136
Bramwell, Bill 187, 188 Carbyn, L.N. 180
Brandon, K. 162, 311 Caribbean Ecumenical Consultation for
Bras, K. 137 Development 252
Brasser, T.J. 277 Carson, R. 154
Breathnach, P. 135 Carter, R.W.G. 189
Breen, A. 209 Carter, S. 243
Breit, M. 47 Casas, J.A. 189
Brent, M. 221, 287 Casellas, A. 267
Brinberg, D. 85 Castley, R.J.Q. 126

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Cater, C. 189 Crotts, J.C. 48, 246

Cater, E. 159, 187, 189 Crouch, G. 77
Ceballos-Lascurain, H. 304 Crowley, D.J. 272
Chadwick, R.A. 12, 15, 70 Cukier, J. 29, 79, 125, 135, 136
Charkravorty, U. 69, 71 Cukier-Snow, J. 125
Chavez, D. 307 Cullingford, C. 45
Chen, J.S. 233, 258 Cullington, J. 216
Cheong, W.K. 109, 114, 125, 129 Cunningham, H. 8
Chesney-Lind, M. 246, 247 Curry, S. 79, 81, 89
Child, G. 310 Curwen, M. 176
Choi, H.S. 49
Chon, K.S. 49, 79, 205 Dahles, H. 136, 269
Choy, D. 265 Dalal-Clayton, B. 175, 180
Choy, D.J.L. 198 D’Amore, L.J. 221, 267
Christaller, W. 50, 60, 197 D’Amore & Associates Ltd 318
Christie, I. 85 Dana, L.P. 222
Church, A. 208 Daneshvary, R. 144
Clancy, M.J. 89 Daniel, Y.P. 283
Clare, P. 172 Dann, G. 46, 262, 285, 287
Clark, A. 231 Dann, G.M.S. 79
Clark, N. 257 Darling, F.F. 181
Clarke, J. 159 Davidson, T.L. 16
Clement, H.G. 124, 158 Davis, J. 319
Clift, S. 243, 257 De Albuquerque, K. 247
Clout, H.D. 213 De Holan, P.M. 115
Cochrane, J. 165, 183 De Kadt, E. 221, 223, 225, 239, 262, 287, 315, 316,
Cohen, E. 5, 12, 13, 27, 28, 29, 154, 162, 200, 202, 326
207, 219, 220, 221, 224, 227, 234, 236, 242, De Regt, J.P. 239
244, 250, 252, 253, 254, 257, 259, 262, 267, Deane, B. 70, 91, 125
269, 271, 272, 273, 285, 287 Dearden, P. 159
Cohen, J. 258 Debarbieux, B. 191
Cole, D.N. 168, 169, 171, 173, 192 Debbage, K.G. 69, 197, 198
Cole, S. 283 Decker, D.D. 175
Collett, D. 183, 184, 185 Deitch, L. 273, 274
Collins, L.R. 265, 266 Delisle, J. 98, 101
Collins, P. 58 Dellaert, B.G.C. 43, 221
Conlin, M.V. 135, 187 Demars, S. 200
Cook, S.D. 32 Devlin, P. 269
Cooper, C. 5, 69, 105, 197, 198, 225 Diamond, J. 79, 80, 89, 134
Cooper, M. 70 Dieke, P. 78, 79, 88
Cooper, R.L. 253, 254 Dieke, P.U.C. 191
Coppock, J.T. 213, 318 Diem, A. 141
Cossar, J. 256, 257 Din, K. 251
Countryside Commission 215 Din, K.H. 137, 198
Courtney, P. 221, 233, 258 Ding, P. 155, 159
Craik, J. 259, 262 Doberstein, B. 301
Crampon, J. 42, 280 Dodson, B. 209
Crandall, L. 226 Dogan, H. 54, 221, 229, 287
Crick, M. 232 Domroes, M. 190
Crittendon, A. 159, 188, 206 Donatos, G. 149
Croall, J. 176 Dong, H. 142
Crompton, J. 46, 143 Douglas-Hamilton, I. 180
Crompton, J.L. 49, 76, 226, 230, 231, 233, 258 Dower, M. 159, 167, 215, 267
Crotts, J. 105, 273, 275 Dowling, R.K. 30, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, 188, 190

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Index

Doxey, G.V. 54, 227, 228, 228, 265 Font, X. 49

Drakakis-Smith, D. 189 Forbes, B.C. 192, 194
Drea, S. 135 Ford, K. 242
Driver, B.L. 9 Forer, P. 137
Du, W. 257 Forster, J. 273
du Cros, H. 221, 260, 261, 262, 268, 268, 270, 280 Forsyth, P. 70, 105, 112, 120, 144, 145
Dunphy, S. 137 Fox, M. 220, 232, 233
Dwyer, L. 70, 105, 112, 120, 144, 145 Francillon, G. 221, 278, 284
Francken, D.A. 43, 45
Eade, J. 251, 252 Franz, A. 99
Eadington, W. 220, 248 Fraser, J.D. 176
Eadington, W.R. 69, 73, 220, 248 Frechtling, D.C. 11, 12, 23, 69, 70, 109, 112, 114,
Eagles, P. 159 115, 136, 145, 146, 147
East, P. 191 Fredline, E. 233
Economist Intelligence Unit 79, 115 French, T. 25
Ecotourism Association of Australia 307 Frenzel, L.D. 176
Ecotourism Society 307 Fridgen, J.D. 23, 47
ECTARC (European Centre for Traditional and Frost, W. 195
Regional Cultures) 261
Edgell, D.L. 152 Gabbay, R. 79, 89
Edinburgh, University of, Tourism and Gabrielson, G.W. 175, 176
Recreation Research Unit 239 Galley, C.C. 267
Edington, J.M. 157, 159, 175, 178 Gang, X. 70
Edington, M.A. 157, 159, 175, 178 Garcia, G.M. 189, 258
Ehemann, J. 49 Garrod, B. 176, 187, 189, 260
Ehrlich, P.A. 154 Gartner, W.C. 213
Eichhorn, N.D. 181 Gauthier, D.A. 176
English Tourist Board 251 Gazel, R. 144
Enriquez, J. 310 Gee, C. 265
Ettema, D.F. 43 Getz, D. 69, 143, 144, 195, 197, 198, 214
Eurostat 14, 100 Ghosh, R. 79, 89
Evans, E. 262, 272 Giese, M. 159, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180
Evans, G. 260, 279 Gilbert, C. 295
Evans, K. 79, 80, 89, 208, 233 Gilbert, D. 225
Evans, N. 175, 267 Gilbert, D.C. 15, 49, 74
Evans, N.J. 215 Gilbert, E.W. 200
Giles, R. 227, 230, 231, 258
Faber, M. 113 Gill, A. 33
Fainstein, S.S. 207 Gill, R.B. 178
Farrell, B.H. 59, 60, 158, 159, 221, 262 Girard, T.C. 213
Farver, J.A.M. 106 Gjerald, O. 221
Faulkner, B. 60, 143, 144, 233 Glasson, J. 5, 208
Fayad, H. 25 Glendon, I. 46
Fennell, D.A. 187 Gnoth, J. 40, 45, 46
Fesenmaier, D.R. 39, 49 Godde, P.M. 187, 191, 192
Fieler, S.I. 246 Godfrey, K. 5, 208
Filter, C. 243 Goeldner, C. 77
Finlayson, J. 279 Goeldner, C.R. 260, 261, 270
Finney, B.R. 221, 262 Goffe, P. 127
Fleming, W. 70 Golden, J.E. 137
Fletcher, J. 70, 71, 225 Goldsmith, E. 159, 188
Fletcher, J.E. 69, 71, 89, 91, 109, 110, 112, 114, Gómez, V.B. 91, 97, 108
119, 125, 127, 129 Goodall, B. 159, 166, 167
Folks, M.C. 194 Goodall, G. 49

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Goodey, B. 5, 208, 209 Hartstonge, J.E. 273

Goodwin, H. 175, 183 Hassan, R. 269, 270
Goodwin, H.J. 69 Hatch, J.H. 144
Gossling, S. 305 Hawkins, D.E. 103
Grabler, K. 207 Hawkins, J. 189, 190
Grabowski, P. 257 Hawkins, J.P. 190
Graburn, N.H. 5, 160, 220, 242, 243, 266, 272, Hawkins, R. 166
273, 274, 275 Hayes, D. 98
Graefe, A.R. 209 Haywood, K.M. 198
Gray, F. 177, 178 Haywood, M. 198
Gray, H.P. 46, 69, 81, 82, 91, 95, 236 Heerschap, N.M. 130, 130
Green, H. 155, 159 Helber, L. 199
Green, R. 175, 176, 177, 179, 180 Hendee, J.C. 296
Greenwood, D. 141, 142, 221, 237, 239, 281 Henderson, D.M. 115
Greig, M.A. 78, 115, 117, 117 Heneghan, D. 249
Grekin, J. 273 Heng, T.M. 91, 94, 118, 125
Griffin, G. 159 Hennessy, S. 135
Griffiths, M. 195 Henrici, J. 279
Groenenboom, K. 247 Henry, E.W. 70, 91, 125
Grove, R. 183 Henry, M. 135
Groves, K.W. 186 Henry, W. 175
Gu, H. 257 Herbig, P. 137
Guerrier, Y. 50, 207, 208 Hernandez, S.A. 258
Gulati, L. 113, 240 Higginbottom, K. 30, 175, 183
Gunn, C.A. 160, 293, 317 Higham, J. 59, 176, 177
Gurung, G. 269 Hillery, M. 159
Gustavsen, T. 115, 118 Hinch, T.D. 272
Gutzwiller, K.J. 175, 178 Hjalagar, A.M. 166
Holden, A. 273
Hafer, H.R. 233 Hollinger, R.C. 246
Haider, D. 142 Holloway, J. 269
Hailey, A.J. 221 Hoole, A. 318
Haines, G.H. 167 Hooper, N.A. 190
Hakim, S. 250 Horner, S. 27, 44
Hall, C. 243 Horstmeier, O. 305
Hall, C.M. 30, 50, 60, 69, 78, 141, 143, 148, 193, Houghton-Evans, W. 174
207, 209, 212, 214, 215, 217, 242, 243, 244, Hovarth, E. 115
272, 275 Hovinen, G. 198
Hall, D. 135, 136, 143, 214, 215, 217 Howard, D.R. 221, 233, 234
Hall, G.B. 188 Hsu, C.H.C. 248
Hall, J. 34 Hudman, L.E. 103, 252
Hall, M. 59 Hudson, S. 30, 44
Hall, P. 208, 209, 214 Hughes, H.L. 119
Halpenny, E.A. 189 Hughes, J.W. 197
Hammitt, W.E. 169, 173 Huisman, S. 253, 255
Hanayama, H. 58 Hulme, D. 159, 165, 175, 183, 185
Haralambopoulos, N. 247 Hunter, C. 155, 159, 302, 304, 305, 311
Hardin, G. 303 Huse, M. 115, 118
Harmston, I.K. 123 Hutchinson, A. 177, 180
Harper, D. 247 Hutchinson, J. 50, 207
Harrington, L. 208, 209, 214 Huxley, J. 167
Harrison, M.J. 76 Hvenegaard, G.T. 144
Harron, S. 159 Hyde, K. 43
Hartmann, R. 248 Hyma, B. 314

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IMF (International Monetary Fund) 90, 94, 96 Kershaw, A.G. 91

Ingram, T. 272 Khan, H. 109, 114, 125, 129, 208
Inmann, K. 191 Kilian, D. 209
Inskeep, E. 159, 163, 167, 199, 225, 283, 293 Kimes, S. 76
International Congress on Pastoral Care of Kinder, R. 246
Tourism on the Move 252 Kindt, J.W. 249
Ioannides, D. 69 King, B. 197, 199, 221, 226, 232, 247
Ironside, G. 215 Kininmont, L. 280
Iso-Ahola, S.E. 46 Kinnaird, M.F. 195
IUOTO (International Union of Official Travel Kinnaird, V. 135, 136
Organizations) 13, 255 Knapper, C. 69
see also World Tourism Organization Knight, D. 188
Iwasaki, Y. 58 Knight, R.L. 175, 178
Knowles-Lankford, J. 233
Jaakson, R. 213 Koea, A. 238
Jackson, R.H. 252 Kothari, U. 135
Jackson, R.T. 105, 188 Kotler, P. 142
Jackson, S. 198 Kottke, M. 71
Jafari, J. 70, 137, 147, 220, 221, 222, 226, 235, 236, Kousis, M. 159
262 Krakover, S. 59
Jamieson, W. 261 Krannich, R.S. 233
Jansen-Verbeke, M. 207 Kraus, O. 179
Jarvis, S.L. 44, 45 Kreutzwiser, R.D. 306
Jeng, J. 39 Krippendorf, J. 46, 196
Jenkins, C.L. 79 Krishnamoorthy, M. 15, 69, 114, 125, 127
Jenkins, J. 78, 141, 214, 215, 217 Krystofiak, D.K. 144
Jensen, G. 166, 167 Kweka, J. 114
Johnson, P. 23, 126, 129, 136
Johnson, R. 220 Ladkin, A. 126, 134
Johnson, R.L. 71 Ladman, J.R. 82, 83, 89, 129, 140
Johnston, M.E. 60, 193 LaFont, S. 243
Jones, P. 247 Laimer, A. 99
Jones, S.B. 200 Lane, B. 159, 214
Jordan, J.W. 235 Lanfant, M.F. 54
Jud, G.D. 89, 220, 245 Lankford, S.V. 221, 233, 234, 258
Judd, D.R. 207 LaPage, W.F. 58, 157
Jules-Rosette, B. 279 Lapierre, J. 98
Jurowski, C. 45, 233, 234 Latham, J. 70
Jutla, R.S. 250 Lavery, P. 94, 200, 201
Law, C.M. 207, 209
Kalina, J. 175, 180 Lawson, F. 11, 14, 106, 196, 200, 205, 212
Kallenberger, M. 167, 199 Lawson, R. 226
Kalterborn, B.P. 193 Lawton, G.R. 137
Kanayama, H. 58 Lawton, L. 59
Kang, Y.S. 125, 233 Lea, J. 256
Kariel, H.G. 318 Lea, S.E.G. 233
Kaspar, C. 227 Leader-Williams, N. 175, 180
Kavanaugh, R.R. 257 Leckie, S. 30
Kay, A.M. 190 Lee, C.K. 76, 125
Kay, R. 187, 188 Lee, G.P. 79
Keelan, N. 272, 275 Leheny, D. 244
Keller, C.P. 59 Leiper, N. 13, 73, 248
Kemmerling-Clack, J. 261 Lengyel, P. 281
Kemp, S. 233 Leontidou, L. 136

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Lerner, S.C. 154 Macionis, N. 30

Leung, P. 69, 71, 242 MacKay, K.J. 49
Levitt, K. 113, 240 McKean, P.F. 221, 264, 266, 272, 273, 283
Lewis, G. 240 MacKenzie, M. 278, 280
Li, Y. 260 McKercher, Bob 159, 221, 224, 243, 244, 260, 261,
Lickorish, L.J. 70, 91 262, 268, 268, 270, 280
Liddle, M.J. 60, 156, 169, 172, 190 MacKinnon, J. 310
Lilieholme, R.J. 164 MacKinnon, K. 310
Lime, D. 295 MacLellan, L.R. 191
Lin, T. 69 McLeod, B. 269
Lin, V.L. 245 McLeod, P. 233
Lind, I.Y. 246, 247 McNeely, J.A. 159, 164, 192
Lindberg, K. 34, 220, 221, 310 McPheters, L.R. 245, 246
Lindh, C. 43 Madden, J. 70, 112
Lindsay, W.K. 183, 185 Makens, J. 265
Litchfield, C. 180 Manfredo, M.J. 175
Littrell, M.H. 273, 279 Mannell, R.C. 46
Liu, A. 82, 86, 134 Manning, F.E. 239
Liu, J.C. 114, 125, 129, 221, 230, 258 Mansfeld, Y. 40, 49, 85
Loeb, L.D. 277 Mansfield, Y. 40, 44, 245
Loeb, P.D. 245 March, R. 105
Long, P.T. 221, 233, 247 Marr, J.W. 191
Long, T.L. 233 Marren, P.R. 187
Long, V. 304 Marron, C.H. 195
Loukissas, P.J. 118 Marsh, J.S. 79, 105, 222
Low, L. 91, 94, 118, 125 Martin, C.A. 70, 76, 97
Lowenthal, D. 255 Martin, S.R. 233, 258
Lowman, G. 159, 187 Martin, W.H. 23
Lowyck, E. 27, 29 Martinka, C. 181
Lucas, R.C. 296 Martopo, S. 320
Lucas, R.E. 134 Mason, P. 257
Luger, K. 191 Mason, P.M. 250
Lujan, C.C. 272 Mason, S. 23
Lundberg, D.E. 15, 46, 69, 102, 103, 114, 122, 123, Mathieson, A.R. 2, 20, 34, 41, 52, 55, 199, 205,
125, 127, 221, 234, 235 227, 304, 313
Lundgren, J.O.J. 137, 138, 138, 139, 140 Mathisen, J.E. 176
Lundtorp, S. 198 Matthews, H.G. 240, 241
Lusseau, D. 176, 177 May, R.J. 273, 276
Mayo, E. 44, 45
McArthur, S. 212 Mazanec, J. 207
McCabe, A.S. 46 Mazzocchi, M. 59
MacCannell, D. 60, 61, 262, 271, 282 Mead, S.M. 273
McCleary, K.W. 49 Medlik, S. 10, 73, 199
McCloy, D.B. 127 Meis, S.M. 98
McCool, S. 34 Mercer, D. 272
McCool, S.F. 233, 258 Mercer, K.C.R. 46
Maccum Ali, I. 128, 249, 319 Mescon, T.S. 145
McDowell, A.J. 189 Meyer, D. 257
McEachern, J. 183 Meyer-Arendt, K.J. 248
McElroy, J. 247 Middleton, M. 163
McFarlane, R.N. 318 Middleton, V.T.C. 23, 30, 44, 51, 84, 159
McIntosh, A.J. 271 Mieczkowski, Z. 304
McIntosh, R. 77 Mihalič, T. 83, 142, 308
McIntosh, R.W. 46, 260, 261, 270 Miles, J.C. 174

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Miller, J.J.B. 271 Noake, D.W. 169

Miller, R. 311 Nolan, S.D. 48
Milman, A. 220, 221, 226, 232, 234, 246 Noronha, R. 227
Milne, S. 118, 125, 273 Norris, J. 125, 135, 136, 291
Milwan, A. 247 Norton-Griffiths, M. 175, 183, 186
Mings, R.C. 81 Notzke, C. 272
Miossec, A. 189 Nunez, T.A. 263, 264, 266
Mitchell, B. 33, 188, 320
Mitchell, C.J.A. 231 O’Brien, T.G. 195
Mitchell, F. 86, 87, 107 O’Connor, P. 26
Mitchell, I. 272, 275 OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation
Mitchell, R. 30 and Development) 108
Moment, G.B. 181 O’Flaherty, M. 135
Momsen, J.M. 136 Ogilvie, F.W. 12
Moncrief, L.W. 45 O’Hagan, J.W. 76
Montini, A. 59 O’Hare, G. 79, 80, 89
Monz, C.A. 192, 194 O’Hear, A. 273
Moore, E. 71 Ohnuki, M. 58
Moore, K. 237, 253, 255 Ongaro, S. 175
Moore, S.A. 30, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, 188, 190 Oppermann, M. 79, 142, 242, 243
Morey, M. 188 Orams, M.B. 159, 162, 175, 176, 178, 189
Morley, C. 25 O’Reilly, A.M. 33
Morrisey, O. 114 Ouma, J.P.B. 128, 221
Morrison, A. 136, 137 Ovington, J.D. 186
Morrison, A.M. 76 Owen, J.S. 164
Moscardo, G. 162, 175, 227, 233, 260, 269 Oxford English Dictionary 12
Moscardo, G.M. 271
Mosisch, T.D. 173 Pacione, M. 142, 237
Moss, L.A.G. 192 Pack, A. 175
Mountfort, G. 159, 177, 181 Page, S. 137, 257
Moutinho, L. 44 Page, S.J. 50, 148, 207, 209, 214, 257
Mules, T.J. 144 Papatheodorou, A. 49
Munsters, W. 261 Parezo, N.J. 279
Murphree, M. 159, 165, 175, 183, 185 Parker, S. 60
Murphy, P. 47 Parks Canada 147, 318
Murphy, P.E. 47, 146, 221, 293, 307 Parsons, J.J. 81
Mvula, C. 184 Patmore, J.A. 201
Myers, N. 45, 177, 178, 180, 183, 185, 214 Pavaskar, M. 129
Pearce, D.G. 70, 73, 79, 88, 142, 143, 148, 155,
Nancarrow, B. 159 156, 159, 174, 197, 199, 200, 201, 203, 207
Nangia, S. 159 Pearce, D.W. 125
Nason, J.D. 272 Pearce, J.A. 270
Nepal, S.K. 191 Pearce, P. 227
Netboy, A. 164, 182 Pearce, P.L. 221, 223, 226, 230, 233, 258, 260, 271
Nettekoven, L. 221, 223 Peebles, G. 76
Neulinger, J. 47 Pennington, G. 174
New Zealand Tourist Industry Federation Perdue, L.R. 221, 233, 247
307 Perdue, R.R. 49, 233
Newsome, D. 30, 154, 159, 162, 169, 177, 187, Perez, L.A. 79, 89, 221, 240, 241
188, 190 Pérez, M.V. 136
Nichols, C.M. 45 Peters, M. 69, 78, 91, 107, 196, 221, 222
Nicholson, M. 154 Peterson, G. 295
Nickerson, N.P. 45 Petit-Skinner, S. 264
Nimmonratoana, T. 221, 283 Petty, R. 257

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Philbrick, A.K. 55, 228, 229 Richards, G. 259, 260, 261, 262
Phillips, N. 115 Richter, L. 86
Picard, M. 283 Rickert, J.E. 200
Pickering, C.M. 154, 192, 193 Riley, M. 126, 134
Pierce, S.M. 195, 306, 309 Rimmington, M. 136, 137
Pigram, J. 70, 155, 159 Rinschede, G. 251
Pigram, J.J. 197, 200, 201, 202 Ritchie, J.R. 28, 261
Pigram, J.L. 246 Ritchie, J.R.B. 77, 221
Pimm, S. 175, 180, 181, 183 Ritter, W. 251
Pizam, A. 5, 40, 44, 85, 220, 221, 226, 227, 232, Rivers, P. 79, 176, 233, 234, 236, 282, 284
234, 242, 245, 246, 247, 249, 250, 318 Roberts, C. 189, 190
Plog, S.C. 24, 27, 29, 30, 46, 197, 227 Roberts, C.M. 190
Plummer, D. 208 Roberts, L. 143, 214, 215, 217
Pokela, J. 249, 250 Robertson, M. 50, 207, 208
Poland, R.H.C. 188 Robinson, H. 199, 200, 214, 227
Pollard, H.G. 189 Robinson, M. 260, 262, 264, 272
Pollard, J. 189 Robinson, M.E. 262, 272
Pollock, N.C. 164, 181 Rodenburg, E.E. 314
Pomfret, G. 30 Rodriguez, R.D. 189
Pond, K. 269 Roe, D. 175, 180
Poon, A. 26, 30, 31 Roehl, W.S. 248, 249, 250
Popelka, C.A. 273 Romney, L.R. 164
Popovic, V. 81 Ropponen, P.J. 273, 277
Poria, Y. 260 Ross, D.W. 319
Potts, F.C. 175, 183 Ross, G. 227, 233
Prasad, B. 79, 89 Ross, S. 308, 309, 310
Prentice, R. 259, 260 Rothfield, L. 42, 280
Prentice, R.C. 271 Rothman, R.A. 204, 245, 247
Price, M.F. 187, 191, 192 Roy, K.C. 154
Price, R. 189, 190 Ruhanen, L. 5
Prideaux, B. 280 Runyan, D. 158, 159
Prideaux, E.B. 247 Russell, R. 60
Pruitt, D. 243 Ryan, C. 46, 73, 122, 134, 220, 226, 243, 245, 246,
Przeclawski, K. 220 248, 255, 272, 273, 275
Putz, K. 177
Pye, E. 276 Sadler, P. 103
Saggel, S. 305
Quandt, R.E. 23 Saglio, C. 284
Quayson, J. 115, 118 Salamone, F.A. 271
Saltzer, R. 162, 175
Rapport, D.Y. 258 Samuelson, P.A. 91
Redman, M. 76 Sandelowsky, B.H. 277
Redman, M.R. 69, 73 Sanford, D. 142
Reed, M. 307 Satchell, J.E. 187
Rees, W.E. 305 Saveriades, A. 287
Regel, J. 177 Schadler, F. 272
Reid, D.G. 175 Schaer, U. 204
Rein, I. 142 Schiebler, S.A. 246
Reisinger, Y. 234, 287 Schmoll, G.A. 23, 51, 74
Rensberger, B. 176, 180, 181, 214 Schneider, H. 73
Reynolds, P.C. 272 Schwer, R.K. 144
Reynosoy Valle, A. 239 Scoones, I. 293
Ricciuti, E.R. 191 Selin, S. 307
Richard, C. 256 Selwyn, T. 262

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Seng, C.F. 109, 114, 125, 129 Stabler, M.J. 159

Sessa, A. 96, 126, 127 Stankey, G. 34
Sewell, W.R.D. 318 Stankey, G.H. 296
Shackley, M. 164, 175, 176, 182, 283 Stansfield, C.A. 197, 198, 200, 227, 249
Shapiro, S.L. 250 Statistics Canada 100, 108, 132
Sharples, L. 30 Stavenga, M.H. 15, 69, 114, 125, 127
Sharpley, J. 142, 214 Stebbins, R.A. 270
Sharpley, R. 79, 83, 88, 142, 143, 214, 232, 255 Stephen, L. 279
Shaw, G. 10, 12, 27, 30, 79, 118, 126, 127, 136, Stephenson, P.J. 195
137, 141, 242, 243 Sternlieb, G. 197
Shaw, J. 305 Stevens, P.R. 186
Shaw, R.R. 174 Stokowski, P.A. 249, 250
Shea, S. 69, 115, 116, 117, 121 Stonehouse, B. 193
Sheldon, P.J. 26, 76 Strange, W.B. 76
Shiviji, I.G. 265 Strapp, J. 198
Silberberg, Ted 262, 268 Stronge, W.B. 245, 246
Simmons, D. 269 Summary, R. 140
Simon, F.L. 115 Sun, D. 159
Simon, H.A. 40 Sung, Y. 69
Simons, M.S. 272, 273 Sutton, W.A. 223, 236
Simpson, P. 155, 301 Swain, M.B. 135, 136, 272
Sinclair, M.T. 68, 69, 91, 97, 104, 105, 106, 108, Swarbrooke, J. 27, 30, 44, 76, 142
125, 136, 175 Swift, J. 183
Sindiga, I. 79, 81, 175 Symanski, R. 242
Singer, M. 259 Syme, G. 159
Singh, A. 205 Syriopoulos, T. 97
Sinha, C.C. 189 Szivas, E. 126, 134
Sinnott, J. 50, 207
Sirakaya, E. 49 Talbot, N. 105
Sisman, R. 166 Tangi, M. 172, 187
Smeral, E. 76, 99 Tanton, M.T. 186
Smith, E.N. 175, 176 Tapsell, S. 278
Smith, M. 188 Taylor, P.D. 5
Smith, M.D. 233 Telfer, D.J. 79, 83, 84, 88, 103, 138, 143, 291
Smith, R.A. 199, 201, 205 Thapa, B.K. 191
Smith, S.L.J. 12, 15, 16, 23, 73, 98, 303 Thomas, B. 23, 126, 129, 134, 136
Smith, V. 5, 27, 61, 193, 221, 226, 237, 252, 260, Thomas, J. 46
266, 269, 272, 275 Thomlinson, E. 195
Smith, V.L. 60, 220, 221, 287 Thompson, C. 79, 80, 89
Smithies, M. 272 Thorsell, J. 310
Snaith, T. 221 Thorsell, J.W. 159, 164, 165, 192
Snepenger, D.J. 45 Thuens, H.L. 69, 91, 93, 102
Socher, E. 191 Tighe, A.J. 280
Sofield, T. 183 Timothy, D. 307
Sofield, T.H.B. 272, 279 Timothy, D.J. 59, 261
Song, H. 23 Tisdell, C. 79, 89, 154, 175
Sonmez, S.F. 22, 49 Tocher, S.R. 9
Soutar, G. 233 Toepper, L. 70
Southey, C. 186 Tolvanen, A. 193, 194
Spengler, J. 124 Tooman, L.A. 198
Spicer, E.H. 265 Topham, N. 174
Splettstoesser, J. 60, 194 Tosun, C. 89, 125
Spurr, R. 70, 112, 120 Tourism and Recreation Research Unit,
Stabler, M. 69, 125, 136 University of Edinburgh 239

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Towle, W.L. 183 Wall, G. 2, 5, 20, 21, 27, 34, 38, 41, 42, 50, 52, 55,
Townsend, A. 134 58, 59, 66, 69, 70, 82, 84, 86, 91, 103, 105, 112,
Travel Industry Yearbook 2003 68 113, 125, 126, 128, 134, 135, 136, 138, 155,
Travel Week Bulletin 152 156, 157, 169, 172, 176, 188, 199, 205, 207,
Travis, A.S. 314 218, 221, 227, 246, 249, 257, 271, 291, 295,
Tremblay, P. 97, 122 297, 298, 301, 302, 304, 308, 309, 310, 313,
Triantis, S.G. 117 314, 317, 319, 321, 323
Tribe, A. 175 Wallace, G.N. 195, 306, 309
Tribe, J. 69, 83, 94 Walmsley, D.J. 246
Truong, T.D. 243 Walpole, M.J. 69, 175, 183
Tsartas, P. 255 Walsh, D. 159
Tse, R.Y.C. 91 Wang, K.K.F. 269
Turner, L. 5, 70, 79, 80, 87, 105, 167, 220, 239, Wang, N. 271
266, 278, 280, 284 Wang, Y. 302, 317
Turner, L.W. 287 Wanhill, S. 198, 225
Turner, R.K. 125 Wanhill, S.R.C. 118
Twining-Ward, L. 59, 60 Wanjau, G. 257
Tyall, A. 260 Ward, R. 174
Tyler, D. 50, 207, 208 Warnken, J. 192, 193
Waters, S.R. 159, 162
Um, S. 49 Watson, A. 186, 221, 262
UNESCO 220, 223, 236 Waugh, R.E. 69
Urbanowicz, C.F. 238, 242 Wearing, S. 187
Urry, J. 196, 262, 271 Weaver, D.B. 59, 140, 154, 159, 187, 198
US News and World Report 235 Webster’s International Dictionary 12
Uysal, M. 23, 76, 124, 233 Weg, H. van de 197
Weiler, B. 269
van Aarde, R. 175, 180, 183 Wells, S. 99, 162
Van den Berghe, P.L. 279 Werner, G. 301
Van der Borg, J. 208, 209, 233 West, G.R. 70, 115
Van der Werff, P. 241 Westlake, J. 25
Van Doren, C. 94 Westvlaams Ekonomisch Studiebureau 29
Van Langenhove, L. 27, 29 White, P.E. 253, 254
Van Lier, H.N. 5 WHO (World Health Organization) 256
Van Raaij, W.F. 42, 43, 45 Whyte, I. 175, 180, 183
Van Schaech, C.P. 195 Wight, P. 166
Van Tiggelon, J. 176, 178 Wight, P.A. 159
Vane, R. 69, 115, 116, 117, 121 Wilkinson, P.F. 147, 189, 198, 226
Vanhove, N. 69, 76, 83, 90, 94, 98, 99, 114, 120, Willard, B.E. 191
147 Willetts, K. 233
Var, T. 76, 115, 118, 221, 230, 258 Williams, A. 79, 233
Vaske, J.J. 175, 209 Williams, A.M. 10, 12, 27, 30, 118, 126, 127, 136,
Vaughan, R. 69, 115, 116, 117, 120, 122, 128, 128, 137, 141, 242, 243
129, 146 Williams, C. 136, 137
Vetter, F. 50 Williams, D.R. 233
Vozikis, G.S. 145 Williams, G. 198
Vukonic, B. 252 Williams, J. 226
Williams, P.W. 33, 156
Wackernagel, M. 305 Wilson, C. 175
Wagar, J.A. 34 Wilson, D. 239, 242
Wagner, J.E. 69, 71, 91 Wilson, J.C. 176, 187, 189
Wagner, P.L. 253 Wilson, M. 256, 257
Wahab, S. 105 Wilton, D. 149
Wahab, S.E. 27, 42, 46, 151, 280 Wimberly, G.J. 203

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Winter, M. 214 Wright, P.L. 46

Wirawan, D.N. 242 WTO (World Tourism Organization) 1, 68, 90,
Witt, C.A. 46, 76 98, 107, 108, 155, 305
Witt, S.F. 23, 70, 97 see also IUOTO
Wöber, K. 207 WTTC (World Travel and Tourism Council) 68,
Wolf, C.P. 220 101, 105, 107, 108, 289
Wolfson, M. 86
Wolski, I. 256 Xie, P. 271
Wong, P.P. 187, 188, 189
Wood, R. 262, 264 Yan, M. 58, 70, 91, 103, 105
Wood, R.C. 134 Yanagida, J.F. 69, 71
Wood, R.E. 54 Young, G. 5, 70, 90, 105, 209, 220
Woodland, D.J. 190 Yunis, E. 257
Woods, B. 162
World Bank 88 Zairis, P. 149
World Commission on Environment and Zalatan, A. 45
Development 289 Zeiger, J. 250
World Council of Churches 252 Zeppel, H. 280
World Health Organization see WHO Zhang, W. 257
World Tourism Organization see WTO Zhou, D. 69, 71
World Travel and Tourism Council see WTTC Zimmermann, F.M. 187, 191
Wright, C. 6, 38, 156, 157, 169, 172, 176, 218, 295 Zins, M. 28, 261

LOCATIONS

Adriatic Sea 190 Avoriaz (France) 206

Africa 7, 164, 165, 166, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181, Ayers Rock (Australia) 186
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 214, 241, 272, 276, 277
see also Botswana; Chad; Gambia; Kenya; Bad Gastein (Austria) 255
Madagascar; Niger; Seychelles; South Baden-Baden (Germany) 196, 255
Africa; Tanzania; Uganda Bahamas 68, 69, 96, 104, 105, 108, 198
Alaska (USA) 177, 194, 237 Bali (Indonesia) 56, 81, 125, 136, 206, 221, 242,
Alpe-d’Huez (France) 205 278, 279, 283, 284, 298, 320 – 4
Alps 60, 235 Banff National Park (Canada) 75, 144, 200
Amboseli National Park (Kenya) 178, 185 Bangkok (Thailand) 243, 251
Anglesey, Gwynedd (UK) 128 Barbados 227, 228, 234
Antarctic region 60, 192, 194 Bath (England) 196, 255
Antigua 96, 140 Beamish (North England, UK) 129
Arctic region 192, 194 Beijing (China) 152
Arizona (USA) 129 Belize 162, 194, 195
Aruba 105, 108 Bermuda 69, 114, 115, 125, 131, 206, 239
Asia 134, 156, 182, 195, 214, 242, 276, 277 Bethany (Delaware, USA) 247
see also China; India; Indonesia; Japan; Biarritz (France) 203
Korea; Malaysia; Maldives; Nepal; Pakistan; Black Hills (South Dakota, USA) 168
Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; Turkey; Blackpool 199
Vietnam Bordighera (Italy) 196
Athens (Greece) 166 Botswana 164
Atlantic City (USA) 197, 198, 200, 248, 249 see also Okavango Valley
Australia 70, 98, 105, 108, 156, 166, 169, 176, 179, Brazil 91, 194
180, 183, 186, 200, 248, 272, 279, 307 Brighton (England) 196
see also Ayers Rock; Castlemain; Great Barrier Britain 94, 162, 166, 167, 201, 214, 251
Reef; Sydney see also United Kingdom
Austria see Bad Gastein; Vararlberg British Columbia (Canada) 177

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British Virgin Islands 104, 107, 114 Eastern Europe 156, 214
Buxton (England) 196 see also Croatia; Poland; Russia; Slovenia;
Yugoslavia
Cairo (Egypt) 208 Edinburgh, Scotland (UK) 115, 115–16, 116,
California (USA) 168, 169 120 –1, 120, 122, 128 – 9, 128, 129, 281
Cambodia 242 England 166, 251
Canada 54, 57, 68, 71, 74, 84, 96, 98, 98, 108, see also Stonehenge
108, 131, 132, 133, 147, 149, 162, 180, 194, Europe 25, 70, 134, 156, 163, 187, 196, 200, 202,
209, 212, 215, 248, 257, 272, 274, 275, 276, 213, 240, 248, 255
318, 319 see also Croatia; France; Germany; Greece;
see also Banff; British Columbia; Halifax; Ireland; Italy; Portugal; Slovenia; Spain;
Newfoundland; Niagara; Okanagan Valley; Switzerland; United Kingdom; Yugoslavia
Prince Edward Island; Stratford; Vancouver;
Whistler Fatima (Portugal) 251
Canary Islands (Spain) 237 Fiji 68, 79, 89, 114, 148, 232, 242, 282
Cape Cod (Mass., USA) 163, 249 Florida (USA) 25, 57, 122, 123, 144, 221, 246
Caribbean region 25, 68, 74, 78, 81, 87, 102, 104, France 81, 92, 96, 98, 142, 166, 172, 188, 200,
136, 137, 181, 198, 199, 221, 234, 247 203
see also Antigua; Aruba; Bahamas; Barbados; see also Alpe-d’Huez; Avoriaz; Biarritz;
Belize; Bermuda; Cayman Islands; Cuba; Carnon; Chamonix; Corsica; Deauville;
Dominica; Dominican Republic; Jamaica; La Grande-Motte; Languedoc-Rousillon;
Virgin Islands; West Indies Lourdes; Menton; Paris; St Cyprien
Carnon (France) 203 Fuenterrabia (Spain) 281
Castlemain (Victoria, Australia) 210
Cayman Islands 104, 198 Galapagos Islands 179
Cervinia (Italy) 205 The Gambia 79, 80, 89, 104, 106
Chad 107 Germany 94, 179, 256
Chamonix (France) 196 see also Baden-Baden; Oberammagau
Chiang Mai (Thailand) 283 Ghana 80, 81, 89
Chile 98, 108 Glacier National Park 181
China 70, 91, 96, 103, 105, 107, 134, 166, 182, 257, Gold Coast (Queensland, Australia) 202
315 Grand Canyon (Nevada, USA) 144
see also Beijing; Hainan Grand County, Colorado (USA) 114
Colorado (USA) 248 Graubunden Canton (Switzerland) 254
Cook Islands 232 Great Barrier Reef (Australia) 179, 186, 190
Corsica (France) 142 Greece 68, 80, 81, 136, 142, 166, 167, 172, 188,
Costa Brava (Spain) 81, 199, 205 234
Costa del Sol (Spain) 81, 188 see also Athens
Costa Rica 162, 165, 188, 194 Greenland 194
Croatia 172 Gwynedd (North Wales, UK) 110, 114, 115, 116,
Cuba 75, 115, 283 117, 117, 121–2, 121
see also Havana see also Anglesey
Cyprus 68, 136, 166
Hainan (China) 82
Damascus (Syria) 251 Haiti 283
Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) 276 Halifax (Nova Scotia, Canada) 212
Deauville (France) 196 Havana (Cuba) 249
Dominica 165 Hawaii 25, 81, 87, 102, 114, 125, 129, 199, 202,
Dominican Republic 114 206, 221, 235, 247, 282, 283
see also Honolulu
East Africa 81, 86, 88, 164, 176, 177, 178, 180, Himalayas 191
181, 184, 185, 221, 277, 284 Honduras 194
see also Kenya; Madagascar; Mauritius; Hong Kong 69, 114, 115, 148, 152
Seychelles; Tanzania; Uganda Honolulu (Hawaii) 281

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India 78, 107, 129, 182, 251 Mecca (Saudi Arabia) 251
Indonesia 79, 94, 96, 103, 134, 195, 242, 283 Medina (Saudi Arabia) 251
see also Bali; Lombok; Yogyakarta Mediterranean region 60, 94, 172, 188, 199, 237
Iowa (USA) 248 Menton (France) 196
Iran 277 Mexico 68, 74, 80, 82, 87, 88, 89, 94, 140, 142, 162,
Ireland 70, 91, 114, 125, 144, 148, 215 199, 239, 245, 264
Isle of Man 198 Middle East 148, 236
Isle of Skye, Scotland (UK) 114, 115, 117, 117, Minorca (Balearic Islands, Spain) 198
216, 254 Missouri (USA) 114, 123 – 4
Italy 81, 87, 96, 142, 172 Mont d’Arbois (France) 206
see also Bordighera; Cervinia; Rimini; Rome; Monte Carlo 199, 248
Venice Morocco 74, 80, 88, 94
Mount Hutt (New Zealand) 144
Jamaica 68, 114, 243 Mount Kenya National Park 177
Japan 94, 107, 108 Muskoka region, Ontario (Canada) 117–18
see also Tokyo Myanmar 182
Jerusalem 251
Nadi (Fiji) 232
Kadhimain (Iraq) 251 Nairobi (Kenya) 105
Kentucky (USA) 125 Nepal 88, 162, 191, 283
Kenya 68, 78, 79, 80, 87, 94, 102, 104, 105, 106, Netherlands 94
128, 135, 140, 164, 166, 179, 182, 185, 276 Nevada (USA) 144, 248
see also Nairobi New Guinea 277
Kinabalu Park (Malaysia) 165 New Jersey (USA) 248
Korea 96, 125, 243 New York (USA) 50, 152, 234
Kotzebue (Alaska, USA) 237 New Zealand 90, 93, 168, 177, 215, 238, 255, 272,
Kouchibouguac National Park (Canada) 318 275, 280, 307
Kruger National Park (South Africa) 183 see also Mount Hutt; Rotorua; Wellington
Newfoundland (Canada) 147
La Grande-Motte (France) 206 Ngorongoro National Park (Kenya) 185
Lake Manyana National Park 164 Niagara Falls 59, 198, 199, 200, 297
Lake Manyana National Park (Tanzania) 184 Niagara-on-the-Lake (Ontario, Canada) 227,
Languedoc-Rousillon (France) 142 228, 232
Las Vegas (USA) 248 Niger 162
Latin America 80, 214, 276 Nile 178
Leysin (Switzerland) 196 Nome (Alaska, USA) 237
Lombok (Indonesia) 279 North Africa 188
London (England) 50, 174, 208, 221, 234 see also Morocco; Tunisia
Los Angeles (USA) 174 North America 25, 70, 134, 156, 163, 176, 178,
Lothian region, Scotland (UK) 115, 117, 117, 179, 182, 213, 240, 248, 278
120, 122 see also Canada; United States
Lourdes (France) 251 Norway 115, 118, 221

Macau 131, 248 Oberammagau (Germany) 251

Mackinac Island 206 Okanagan Valley (Canada) 115
Madagascar 195 Okavango Valley (Botswana) 277
Mahabalipuram (India) 280 Ontario province (Canada) 68, 232
Majorca (Balearic Islands, Spain) 74 Orlando (Florida, USA) 144
Malaysia 165, 244
Maldives 68, 96, 107, 108, 131, 190 Pacific Islands 105, 221, 232, 234, 272
Manchester (UK) 174 see also Cook Islands; Fiji; Samoa; Tonga
Masai Mara National Park (Kenya) 178, 185 Pacific region 75, 186, 276, 277, 278
Mauritius 122 Pakistan 244

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Palestine 251 see also Canary Islands; Costa Brava; Costa

Paris (France) 50, 222, 234 del Sol; Fuenterrabia; Majorca; Minorca;
Pennsylvania (USA) 282–3 S’Agaró
Peru 279 Stonehenge (England) 38, 166
Philippines 79, 166, 243 Stratford (Ontario, Canada) 199
Pisac (Peru) 279 Stratford-on-Avon (England) 199
Poland 256 Switzerland 162, 166, 204, 235, 256
Portugal 166 see also Leysin; Zermatt
see also Fatima Sydney (Australia) 210
Prince Edward Island (Canada) 318, 318 –20
Tahiti 158, 283
Queensland (Australia) 115, 202 Tanzania 68, 79, 89, 114, 164, 181, 184, 206
Tayside region, Scotland (UK) 115
Red Sea 179, 190 Thailand 81, 94, 134, 221, 242, 243
Rehoboth (Delaware, USA) 247 see also Bangkok; Chiang Mai
Reno (Nevada, USA) 248 Tijuana (Mexico) 249
Riding Mountain National Park (Canada) 318 Tokyo 174
Rimini (Italy) 190 Tonga 6, 232, 238, 242
Rome (Italy) 47, 251 Toronto (Canada) 148, 152
Rotorua (New Zealand) 281 Trinidad and Tobago 128, 249
Russia 194 Tsavo National Park 177
Rwanda 162 Tunisia 80, 88, 172, 206, 239, 278, 282, 284
Turkey 80, 89, 114, 125, 135
S’Agaró (Spain) 199, 205
St Cyprien (France) 203 Uganda 178, 184
Samoa 232, 280 United Kingdom 84, 90, 94, 96, 107, 114, 122 – 3,
Scandinavia 194 134, 142, 156, 215, 221, 257
Scotland 92, 142 see also Bath; Blackpool; Brighton; Britain;
see also Edinburgh; Isle of Skye; Lothian Buxton; Edinburgh; England; Gwynedd;
Region Isle of Man; Isle of Skye; London; Lothian;
Senegal 284 Manchester; Scotland; Stonehenge;
Serengeti National Park 164, 177 Stratford-on-Avon; Winchester
Seychelles 70, 79, 81, 89, 91, 96, 107, 108, 123, United States 25, 84, 96, 108, 114, 124, 180, 182,
125, 129, 131, 239, 242, 243 200, 201, 249, 272, 274, 275
Singapore 91, 94, 114, 114, 125, 129, 166, 207, see also Alaska; Atlantic City; California;
269 Cape Cod; Florida; Grand Canyon;
Sleat (Isle of Skye, Scotland) 254 Kentucky; Las Vegas; Los Angeles;
Slovenia 179 Missouri; Nevada; New York; Orlando;
Smokey Mountain Region (North Carolina, Pennsylvania; Reno; Smokey Mountain;
USA) 198 Vail; Washington; Williamsburg; Yosemite
South Africa 183, 185
South America 156, 181, 278 Vail (Colorado, USA) 174
see also Brazil; Chile Vancouver (British Columbia, Canada) 212
South Dakota (USA) 168, 248 Vararlberg (Austria) 115
South Korea 96, 243 Venice (Italy) 208, 209, 222
South Pacific Islands 272 Victoria (British Columbia, Canada) 114,
South-east Asia 163, 165, 199, 270, 272 212
see also Indonesia; Malaysia; Philippines; Vietnam 107
Singapore; Thailand; Vietnam Virgin Islands 104, 107, 114, 234, 235
Southern Africa 164, 181
see also Botswana; South Africa; Zambia Waikiki Beach (Hawaii) 206
Spain 25, 68, 80, 81, 87, 91, 94, 97, 107, 108, 147, Washington city (USA) 115
172, 199, 206, 236, 237, 239, 256, 281 Wellington (New Zealand) 212

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West Africa 277 Yogyakarta (Indonesia) 307

see also Gambia; Ghana; Niger; Senegal Yosemite National Park (USA) 166, 173, 181
West Indies 54, 89, 227, 240 Yugoslavia 88
West Virginia (USA) 270
Whistler (Canada) 75 Zambia 277
Williamsburg (Virginia, USA) 163 Zermatt (Switzerland) 196
Winchester city (UK) 114

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