ISSN- 2394-5125 VOL 7, ISSUE 19 2020

DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIO-CULTURAL

PARTICIPATION OF TINGGUIAN WOMEN OF
ABRA, PHILIPPINES
Nero M. Paderes1, Rhea A. Quileza2, Michael Vene A. Abalos3, Bernie Dela Fuente4

1
Assistant Professor III, College of Arts and Sciences, Mathematics and Natural Science Department,
Abra State Institute of Sciences and Technology, Abra, Philippines
npaderes@asist.edu.ph/neropaderes37@gmail.com
2
Assistant Professor III, College of Arts and Sciences, Languages and Social Sciences,
Abra State Institute of Sciences and Technology, Abra, Philippines
rquieleza@asist.edu.ph
3
Assistant Professor I, College of Arts and Sciences, Mathematics and Natural Science Department,
Abra State Institute of Sciences and Technology, Abra, Philippines
asistisodocctrl@gmail.com
4
Assistant Professor I, College of Arts and Sciences, Mathematics and Natural Science Department,
Abra State Institute of Sciences and Technology, Abra, Philippines
bdelafuente@asist.edu.ph

ABSTRACT

This paper raises the question as to how demographic and sociocultural inequalities shape the Tingguian
women‘s participation in the cultural and social context of Abra, namely participation in domestic and child
related decision-making in the household, cultural and environmental preservation, women‘s mobility, family
planning and politics. To attain this, the case study method was used employing the use of questionnaires, to
describe, inquire deeper and examine the existing status of participation of Tingguian women in the Province.

The average mean result of the descriptive statistical analysis of the study shows that in all aspects of
participation in domestic and child related decisions (4.01), participation in cultural and environmental
preservation (4.02), women‘s mobility (3.9), Family planning (3.4), and politics (3.97) fall under the descriptive
interpretation as ―often‖ observed. In other words, Tingguian women often participates in their tribes in all
socio-cultural activities.

KEYWORDS: participation, demographic, sociocultural, decision making, Tingguian

I. INTRODUCTION

Undertaken yearly are countless number of researches to study the socio-economic background and
determinants of different household structures. (Padmini et. al., 1994). However, women‘s participation in
different ethnic cultures receive very little attention. Allowing women to participate enhance their capacity to
make choices and to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes (Pavanelo et. al., 2015).

According to Rahimi (1991), in studying the status of women in a socio-cultural context, the role-played by both
sexes in society should be carefully evaluated. Whether men or women play the determinant role in subsistence
pursuits has an important influence on several aspects of the family, kinship and status of men and women.
Research on women‘s participation supports the view that it is a multidimensional, complex and context-specific
issue (Charmes and Wieringa 2003; Kabeer 2005; Malhotra and Mather 1997). Therefore, what is valid in one
region may not be valid for other regions, while socio-cultural systems vary considerably from one setting to
another, and even within the same country.

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It is necessary therefore to study women‘s empowerment from the perspective of women‘s demographic and
socio-cultural characteristics, as women are divided by heterogeneous categories based on class, life cycle, or
ethnicity. Scholars also point out the need to consider the intersectionalities of women's empowerment—that is,
how social, economic, cultural, and other categories related to gender relations interact with each other in such a
way that they create inequalities among women (Calvès 2009; Charmes and Wieringa 2003). This is an
important issue to tackle if the policies that promote gender equity are not to benefit only privileged groups of
women, while leaving disadvantaged groups voiceless (Calvès 2009).

In the Philippines, numerous indigenous tribes exist that have a rich diverse culture that is unique from one
another. One of these indigenous tribes that is located in the province of Abra are the Tingguians. According to
Salamanca et al. (1994), the word Tingguian, which is pronounced as ‗tee-ng-yan,‘ originates from the
Malaysian word Tinggi/Tingue whose meaning encompasses mountains/ elevated place and
mountaineers. Another spelling variation of Tingguian is ‗Tinguian.‘ Upon the arrival of the Spanish to the
Philippines, the Spanish called the Tingguians ―mountain dwellers‖ or ―the people of the mountains.‖ The word
Tingguian in later years changed to describe the people of Abra. Based from the National Commission on
Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) there are 11 Tingguian tribes.

The Masadiit tribes reside in Sallapadan, Bucloc, and Boliney. They are probably among earliest inhabitants of
Abra. Their language has a 70% lexical similarity with Guinaang Kalinga, and has words in common with the
Besao and Sagada of Mountain Province. The Banao tribe are concentrated in eastern Abra. They have three
dialects — Malibcong Banao, Banao Pikekj, and Gubang Itneg — which, interestingly, belong to the Kalinga
subgroup. The Binongan tribe are found in Licuan-Baay. Their language has similarities with Ilocano and
Masadiit; they use it enthusiastically. The language and dialects of the Inlaud tribe have quite a number of
lexical similarities to the Ilocano language, which is their second language. The Inlaud are found in Peñarrubia,
Langiden, Danglas, and Lagangilang. Other Tingguian tribes such as the Maeng tribes are found in Viciosa,
Tubo and Luba. The Muyadan tribe are from Manabo while the Adasen tribes are found in Parts of Lagangilang,
Tineg and Lacub.

At present, based from NCIP records there still no researches conducted on the status of Tingguian women
along socio-cultural activities.

This paper thus raises the question as to how sociocultural inequalities shape the Tingguian women‘s
participation in the cultural and social context of Abra, namely participation in domestic and child related
decision-making in the household, cultural and environmental preservation, women‘s mobility, family planning
and politics. Determining their present status will formulate measures that will enhance their capacity to decide
for themselves and to advance the understanding of Tingguian women‘s participation in contributing to the
government‘s efforts to mainstream the gender dimension into the country‘s development policies and
programs.

II. METHODOLOGY

The methodology employed in this study was adapted on the work of Reyes (2014) on the Socio-Cultural Life
of the Ifugao.

Research Design

The method employed in this research is the descriptive case study to gather the necessary data needed. A case
study is characterized by an intensive study of a person, group, organization, institution or a problem. This
approach leads to qualitative analysis. The case study method was used to describe, inquire deeper and examine
the existing status of Tingguian women in the Province of Abra in Relation to their Demographic and Socio-
Cultural Status.

Selection and Description of Respondents

All married female members of the Tingguian tribe were the respondents of the study for the demographic and
socio-cultural status. All information regarding demographic and socio-cultural status of Tingguian women were
observed and fully documented by the researchers.

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Data Gathering Instruments

For this study, the researchers considered both primary and secondary sources which include the following:

Questionnaire

This was employed to collect personal information concerning the subjects and the socio–cultural status of
Tingguian women as observed from the different Tingguian tribes. The instrument was made up of two parts.
The first part consists of items on personal circumstances of the Tingguian women such as age, civil status,
occupation, place of origin, religion, educational attainment and number of children. The second part consists of
an unstructured questionnaire seeking data about the participation of women in in domestic, cultural and child
related decisions, participation in cultural and environmental preservation, women‘s mobility, family planning
and politics. Items included in the questionnaire was based on the result of reviews of records and documents
compiled on the Tingguian Tribe and the preliminary interview and survey that was conducted among those
identified members who are knowledgeable of the Tingguian people. The questionnaire was translated into
Ilocano for clearer understanding of the questions and to be able to get authentic and relevant responses.

Documentary Analysis

An intensive review of documentary materials and readings about the Tingguian culture particularly on
Tingguian women was made to enrich the researcher‘s knowledge of their respondents and to identify the
relevant information that was needed to facilitate the conduct of the unstructured interview of the study.

Data Gathering Procedure

Before the formal conduct of the study, a well-planned preliminary survey on the research locale was conducted
by the researchers. This was done by asking help from the National Commission of Indigenous People (NCIP)
in identifying possible locale, contact person or tribal leader and respondents. Before the preliminary survey a
letter requesting permission to conduct the initial activities and the final study in various Municipalities where
the Tingguian tribe exist was personally handed by the researchers to the municipal mayors and barangay
captains. It was perceived that the Tingguian people has a deep reverence for the traditional beliefs and practices
and therefore must be equally respected by outsiders. The questionnaires were both structured and unstructured.
The interviews were made with the subjects by the researchers and their selected key informants who are
members of the tribe, literate, and therefore fluent in the Tingguian dialect. They were selected based on their
genuine interest to help the researchers, their educational background which should be at least college level, as a
member of the Tingguian tribe and have relatives in the place. They were trained by the researcher for this
particular task to gather the necessary information needed for the study. They were with the researchers during
the interview sessions to facilitate the discussion especially when the researcher needed to be clarified on
responses and what the respondents wanted to bring out or what the researcher wanted to elicit from the clients.
They also assisted the researchers in the distribution and collection of questionnaires for data on personal
circumstances. A well-translated questionnaire was made as gauged from the kind of data gathered. The items
were read to the respondents who are illiterate.

Data Analysis Procedure

The researchers described and analyzed the data on the existing demographic and socio-cultural status of
Tingguian women through frequency distribution and percentage analyses and narrative interpretation of
observations derived from read and learned concepts and theories of socio–cultural Tingguian life. The
implication of the identified demographic and socio-cultural status of Tingguian women and its implication to
gender awareness and empowerment were analyzed from the observations of and interviews made with the
Tingguian women.

III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Age groupings

Plate 1 provides the distribution of the respondents based on the age groupings. It can be observed that 35.83%
of the respondents are age 60 or above and are considered as old age based on the SocIndex. While 30.17% are
in their middle age which is at 40-59 years old. Only 24.20% are in their adulthood ranging from age 25-39 and

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9.80% are young adults between the age of 18-24 years old. Although some age has more samples than other
age groups, they have still had a sufficient number of representations. The difference comes as a result of
random sampling thus, the distribution according to age is acceptable.

Age Range Frequency Percentage

Young Adult (18-24 yrs) 128 9.80
Adulthood (25-39 yrs) 316 24.20
Middle Old Age (40-59 yrs) 394 30.17
Old Age (60 yrs and above) 468 35.83
Total 1306 100.00

Young Adult
128
Old Age
468 Adulthood
316

Middle Old
Age
394

Plate 1. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Age Grouping

Table 1. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to Age
Group

Age Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
a
18-24 yrs 3.9813 3.9647 a 3.8798 a 3.4452 a 3.9241 a
a
25-39 yrs 4.0349 4.0289 ab 4.0109 b 3.4954 a 3.9867 a
a
40-59 yrs 4.0228 4.0593 b 3.9968 b 3.4384 a 3.9915 a
a
60 and above 4.0019 3.9977 ab 4.0255 b 3.4350 a 3.9671 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Table 1 shows that different age groups have relatively equal participation along domestic and child related
decisions, family planning and politics. But on Cultural and Environmental Preservation, age bracket 18-24
(Young adult) has significantly lower participation than those of ages 40-59 (Middle old age). Similarly, the
same age group (18-24) has lower participation level in terms of women‘s mobility as compared to all other age
groups.

Consistent with Boateng et al. (2012), their findings show that age is an important determinant of women‘s
participation in all socio-cultural aspects. Reasons for this association could be that, women gain authority as
they age and they are more listened to in the community.

Civil Status

Plate 2 provides the civil status of the respondents. As presented on the figure, most of the Tingguian women in
the study are married which makes up 32.2% of the total respondents. A considerable number of them are living
with a partner which encompasses 24.2% of the total sample. While 22.2% are widowed and 21.4% are
separated. The distribution of respondents was expected which reflected the general population.

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Civil Status Frequency Percentage

Common
Common Law 316 24.2 Law Married
Married 421 32.2 316 421
Widowed 290 22.2 Divorced/
Divorced/separated 279 21.4 Separated
279 Widowed
290
Total 1306 100.00

Plate 2. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Civil Status

Table 2. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to Civil
Status

Civil Status Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
Common law 3.9964 a 3.9805 a 3.9991 a 3.3909 a 3.9674 a
a
Married 4.0346 4.0695 b 4.0070 a 3.4960 b 4.0016 a
a
Widowed 4.0058 3.9966 a 4.0000 a 3.4616 ab 3.9718 a
a
Divorced / Separated 4.0122 4.0172 ab 3.9859 a 3.4430 ab 3.9466 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Table 2 shows that in Cultural and Environmental Preservation, the married Tingguian women have
significantly higher participation than widowed and common law (live-in), furthermore, married Tingguians
have a higher level of participation in family planning than those who are common law (live-in). The different
marital or civil status have relatively equal participation along domestic and child related decisions, women‘s
mobility and in politics.

According to Qurra-tul-ain Ali Sheikh et. al. (2015), civil status plays an imperative role in influencing women‘s
participationt if the household decisions are mainly taken by women either autonomously or in conjugation with
spouse. On the other hand, unmarried women also participate in various household‘s chores if the parents are
familiar with the decision-making power of their daughter. Both positive and negative signs are predictable
amongst the marital status and various participation of women.

Occupation

Plate 3 shows the status of Tingguian Women as to occupation. A greater number of the respondents which is
36.9% are unemployed. While those that are working in the private sector makes up 30.9% while 28.3% of the
women are in public service. Only 3.9% of the total respondents are retired or too old to work. Based from the
results a significant number of Tinnguian women are presently working or employed.

Occupation Frequency Percentage

Unemplo
Public 369 28.3 Private
yed
404 30.9 404
Private 482
Unemployed 482 36.9
Retired / too old 51 3.9 Public
1306 100.00 369
Retired /
Total Too Old
51

Plate 3. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Occupation

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Table 3. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to

Occupation

Occupation Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
a
Public 4.0148 4.0184 a 4.0061 a 3.4579 a 3.9793 a
a
Private 4.0094 4.0148 a 3.9883 a 3.4141 a 3.9926 a
a
Unemployed 4.0196 4.0268 a 4.0026 a 3.4795 a 3.9579 a
a
Retired/too old 3.9953 4.0235 a 4.0000 a 3.4400 a 3.9653 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Regardless of their occupation, Table 3 shows that Tingguian women participate equally in all aspects of socio-
cultural activities. This means that Tingguian women whether they are working or just plain housewives are
equal in all attributes of participation mentioned in this research.

The result of the study contradicts most researches conducted on the relationship of occupation to participation
of women in other countries. Based on the results of Dr. Mausumi Sen et al (2015), the result of their study
show a low average participation level among Indian women having different occupation. In their study the
higher the occupation level the higher the socio-cultural participation. The results also show that there is a
positive relationship between the occupational status (income-based) of women and their participation level in
India.

In Africa, study shows that being employed is also a factor positively and significantly associated with women‘s
greater say on all aspects of household decision-making. Women who are employed might be better able to
make their case in household bargaining, as they have the means of supporting the costs related to their
decisions (Madeleine Wayack Pambè et. al, 2013).

Origin or Tribe

Place of Origin Frequency Percentage 200

176
Adasen 166 12.7 180 166 168
Balatoc 84 6.4 160 147
Banao 176 13.5
Belwang 85 6.5 140
113 116
Binongan 113 8.7 120
Gubang 91 7.0 100 85
91 87
84
Inlaud 147 11.3 73
80
Mabaka 87 6.7
Maeng 116 8.9 60
Masadiit 168 12.9 40
Muyagan 73 5.6 20
0
Masadiit
Balatoc

Gubang
Binongan

Muyagan
Maeng
Banao

Inlaud
Belwang

Mabaka
Adasen

Total 1306 100.00

Plate 4. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Place of Origin

Plate 4 represents the place of origin or tribe included in the study. The largest group of respondents are from
the Banao tribe (13.5%) that resides in the Municipality of Malibcong particularly in Barangay Poblacion,
Taripan, Duldulao, Gacab, and Binasaran. The second largest group are from the Masadiit Tribe (12.9%) that
resides in the Municipalities of Boliney, Sallapadan, Bucloc, Daguioman. The third group are from the Adasen
tribe (12.7%) which are residents of Lagangilang particularly in Barangay Cayapa, Bacuok, Palpalipit and
Paganao. Other municipalities include Tineg and Lacub. The fourth group are from the Inlaud tribe (11.3%)
which are from the municipalities of Dolores, Tayum, Penarrubia, Lagangilang (some part), San Juan

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(Poblacion/Ganagan and Barangay Colabaoan), and boundaries between Abra and Narvacan Ilocos Sur. The
fifth group are from the Maeng tribe (8.9%) that resides in the municipalities of Villa Viciosa, Tubo and Luba.
The sixth group are from the Binongan tribe (8.7%) that resides in Malibcong (Barangay Manapnap), Baay and
Lacub. The seventh group are from the Gubang tribe (7%) that resides in the municipality of Malibcong
(Barangay Umnab, Buanao, Lat-ey, Sitio Alligang, Sitio Adugao, and Sitio Kubkuba). The eight group are from
the Mabaka tribe (6.7%) that are residents in the municipalities of Lacub, Malibcong (Mataragan, Dulao,
Pacqued, Sitio Matalibeng, Sitio Putol and Barangay Bayabas). The ninth group are from the Belwang tribe
(6.5%) that resides in the Municipality of Boliney particularly Barangay Dao-angan. The tenth group are the
Balatoc tribe (6.4%) which are also residents of Boliney Barangay Danac. And the eleventh group are from the
Muyadan tribe (5.6%) that are residents of Manabo Abra.

Table 4. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Empowerment Status of Tingguian Women
as to Origin or Tribe

Place of Origin Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
Adasen 4.0422 a 4.0163 ab 3.9540 a 3.4489 a 3.9684 a
a
Balatoc 4.0769 3.9818 ab 4.0251 a 3.4575 a 3.9256 a
a
Banao 4.0099 4.0308 ab 4.0015 a 3.4468 a 3.9423 a
a
Belwang 3.9948 3.9895 ab 4.0419 a 3.4440 a 3.9880 a
a
Binongan 3.9997 4.1302 b 4.0411 a 3.5834 a 3.9902 a
a
Gubang 4.0596 4.0416 ab 4.0198 a 3.4418 a 4.0622 a
a
Inlaud 4.0012 4.0321 ab 4.0015 a 3.4793 a 3.9951 a
a
Mabaka 3.9822 4.0257 ab 4.0424 a 3.4454 a 3.9774 a
a
Maeng 3.9902 4.0232 ab 4.0047 a 3.4140 a 3.9622 a
a
Masadiit 3.9858 3.9560 a 3.9455 a 3.4170 a 3.9698 a
a
Muyagan 4.0442 4.0062 ab 3.9818 a 3.3605 a 3.9667 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Table 4 shows that under participation on cultural and environmental preservation, the Binongan Tribe
significantly exhibits higher participation than the Masadiit Tribe. This could be attributed to the fact that both
Tingguian Tribes are well situated in forested areas and river systems based on interviews gathered from tribal
leaders. Within their tribes exist a traditional law that practice strict preservation of their environment. While
other Tingguian tribes regardless of their origin shows that they participate equally in all aspects of socio-
cultural activities.

Based on the research of Uda Prakash Sinha (2007), the participation of women may be based on tribal cultures
and beliefs. Most of the time women are encouraged to participate in cultural and environmental preservation.
This is due to the reason that the preservation of the ones culture and environment is universal in nature.
Without the participation of both sexes it is harder to implement such act. Thus, sex is not a factor in
preservation of culture and environment.

Another interesting result in line with others studies conducted in African contexts is the role of ethnicity (Kritz
and Makinwa-Adebusoye 1999). Compared with Mossi women (the reference group) in their logistic
regressions, Bobo/Diula, Gourmantche, Senoufo, and Lobi/Dagara women appear to have greater control over
household decisions, being significantly more likely to have a say on major household purchases. The behavior
of these groups of women is in line with what the literature says about their being traditionally more
autonomous.

Religion

Plate 5 represent their current status as to Religion. In terms of religion, it can be observed in the figure that
majority of the respondents at 52.1% are Catholic, 14% are Born Again, 12.7% are Jehovah Witness, 8.4% are
Iglesia ni Cristo, 7.7% are protestant, and 5.1% are Anglican.

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Plate 5. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Religion

Religion Frequency Percentage Born Anglican

Catholic 680 52.1 Again 67
Jehovah's 183
Protestant 100 7.7 Witness
Iglesia ni Cristo 110 8.4 Ignlesia
166
Jehovah‘s Witness 166 12.7 ni Cristo Catholic
110 680
Born Again 183 14.0
Protestant
Anglican 67 5.1 100
Total 1306 100.00

Regardless of their religion, Table 5 shows that Tingguian women participate equally in all aspects of socio-
cultural participation. As stated in article 18 of the ICCPR speaks of the right of everyone to freedom of thought,
conscience and religion (Claudia Derichs, 2010). Meaning religion in our country is not a factor in connection to
Tingguian Women participation on socio-cultural activities.

Table 5. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to

Religion

Religion Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
a
Protestant 3.9800 3.8963 a 3.9763 a 3.4347 a 3.9817 a
a
Jehovah‘s Witness 3.9977 4.0701 a 3.9639 a 3.4716 a 3.9627 a
a
Anglican 4.0063 4.0051 a 4.0151 a 3.4222 a 3.9552 a
a
Catholic 4.0118 4.0133 a 4.0092 a 3.4351 a 3.9674 a
a
Born Again 4.0307 4.0189 a 3.9734 a 3.4933 a 4.0011 a
a
Iglesia ni Cristo 4.0584 4.0507 a 4.0409 a 3.4992 a 3.9965 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Educational Attainment

Plate 6 provides the Educational Attainment of the respondent. The figure shows that 32.1% of the respondents
are college graduate, 26.5% are high school graduate, 9.5% are college undergraduate, 8.7% are elementary
undergraduate, 8.2% are elementary graduate, 8.0% are high school undergraduate, and 7.0% are vocational
graduates.

Plate 6. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Educational Attainment

Educational Attainment Frequency Percentage High Elementary

School Graduate
College Graduate 419 32.1 Undergrad 107 Elementary
Undergrad
College Undergraduate 124 9.5 High uate
uate
School 105
Vocational 91 7.0 114
Graduate
High School Graduate 346 26.5 346
Vocational
High School Undergraduate 105 8.0 91
Elementary Graduate 107 8.2
College
Elementary Undergraduate 114 8.7 Undergrad
Total 1306 100.00 uate College
124 Graduate
419

Table 6 shows that regardless of their Educational Attainment Tingguian women also participate equally in all
aspects of socio-cultural activities. Again, result of the study suggest that Tingguian culture is more open as to

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women participation. Unlike with the findings of Boateng et al. (2012) in Ghana and Acharya et al. (2010) in
Nepal, they found out that relative to women with no formal education, women with secondary education or
more are more likely to be involved in all three dimensions of decision-making studied. Women with primary
education also show more involvement in decision-making regarding their own health care or family visiting.
These results can be attributed to the fact that educated women are likely to be better able in terms of knowledge
to negotiate their participation in household decisions, and to some extent also because women with more
education are in a better position to be employed.

Table 6. Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to

Educational Attainment

EDUCATIONAL Participatio Participation on Women’s Family Politics

ATTAINMENT n Along Cultural and Mobility Planning
Domestic Environmental
and Child Preservation
Related
Decision
college graduate 4.0361 a 4.0537 a 4.0084 a 3.4931 a 4.0063 a
college undergraduate 4.0119 a 3.9872 a 3.9823 a 3.4198 a 3.9588 a
vocational 3.9591 a 4.0196 a 3.9914 a 3.3564 a 3.9554 a
high school graduate 4.0325 a 4.0105 a 4.0137 a 3.4250 a 3.9718 a
high school undergraduate 4.0066 a 4.0120 a 3.9779 a 3.5159 a 3.9839 a
elementary graduate 3.9868 a 4.0042 a 3.9861 a 3.4479 a 3.9200 a
elementary undergraduate 3.9571 a 3.9903 a 3.9758 a 3.4347 a 3.9462 a
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Number of Children

Plate 7 represents the Number of Children. Among the total number of respondents 91.81% of Tingguian
women have 3-5 children. Only few have 0-2 number of children which is 4.21% and the rest have 6 or more
children which is only 3.98% of the total number.

Plate 7. Percentage distribution of Tingguian Women as to Number of Children

No. of Children Frequency Percentage 3-5

0–2 55 4.21 1199
3–5 1199 91.81
More than 5 52 3.98 more
1306 100.00 than 5
52
Total 0-2
55

As to socio-cultural participation, it has been noted in Table 7 that different number of children has no
significant effect as to participation in domestic and child related decisions. As to participation in cultural and
environmental preservation it has been noted that they are significantly different from one another. While under
women‘s mobility, those having a minimal number of children (0-2) translates to higher participation as
compared to Tingguian women whose children are more than 5. And under Family planning, interestingly the
higher participation is exhibited by those who have minimal or numerous children. This might occur when
parents make plants to increase the number of children when they are at minimal range or they plan to control
the family to limit the burden of living with numerous children. In politics, when children at minimal, the
mother can perform and participate to a higher extent in the different political programs and projects as
compared to those who have 3-5 children that needs supervision in their family.

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Table 7 Significant Differences between the Socio-Cultural Participation of Tingguian Women as to

Number of Children

Occupation Participation Participation Women’s Family Politics

Along on Cultural Mobility Planning
Domestic and and
Child Related Environmental
Decision Preservation
0-2 4.0575 a 4.3484 c 4.0927 b 3.7878 b 4.1631 b
a
3-5 4.0153 4.0001 a 3.9981 ab 3.4426 a 3.9629 a
a
More than 5 3.9417 4.1458 b 3.9206 a 3.7410 b 4.0542 ab
*means with the same letter are insignificant

Empowerment was also demonstrated to be positively associated with fertility preferences, such as the ideal
number of children and desire for no more children. When empowerment was measured as higher spousal
communication around fertility and women‘s reported fertility decision-making ability, they were more likely to
be associated with the desire for fewer children. While all of these studies found that at least some women‘s
empowerment variables were positively associated with fertility preferences, the associations were less
consistent than with number of children. Many found significant positive and negative findings, depending upon
the measure used and the level of the measure (e.g., individual and/or community-level). These inconsistent
findings call attention to the need to better understand the indicators that best approximate empowerment in
each study setting (Moursund and Kravdal, 2003; Upadhyay and Karasek, 2012).

Implications of the Gathered Data on The Participation of Tingguian Women in Socio – Cultural
Activities and Its Implications to Gender Sensitivity and Equality

The Tingguian Women of Abra as to the average mean result of the descriptive statistical analysis shows that in
all aspects of participation in domestic and child related decisions (4.01), participation in cultural and
environmental preservation (4.02), women‘s mobility (3.9), Family planning (3.4), and politics (3.97) fall under
the descriptive interpretation as ―often‖ observed. In other words, Tingguian women often participates in their
tribes in all socio-cultural activities showing their equality with that of their Tingguian men.

V. CONCLUSION

Based from the results that were gathered this study it reaffirms the complexity of how Tingguian women are
already empowered. Although, it constitutes a start to the knowledge and the understanding of Tingguian
women‘s empowerment in the province of Abra, where to our knowledge there is a scarcity of studies on this
issue. Our findings confirm the major role of Tingguian women as to domestic and child related decisions,
cultural and environmental preservations, womens mobility, family planning, and politics. The development of
national policies and programs aiming to substantially increase women‘s status in the province of Abra should
also consider women‘s economic position, as well as fostering positive socio-cultural attitudes toward gender
equality. Finally, more extensive investigations are needed to understand the specific situations of Tingguian
households in the province of Abra.

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