Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc.

RETHINKING PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPACE: RELIGION AND WOMEN IN MUSLIM SOCIETY
Author(s): Shampa Mazumdar and Sanjoy Mazumdar
Source: Journal of Architectural and Planning Research, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Winter, 2001), pp. 302-
324
Published by: Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43031047
Accessed: 18-01-2016 20:09 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of
Architectural and Planning Research.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 302

RETHINKING PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPACE: RELIGION AND

WOMEN IN MUSLIM SOCIETY

Shampa Mazumdar
Sanjoy Mazumdar

In thispaper we examine"public" space and "private"space withrespectto womenin Muslim

societies.Specifically
, we are interested in Islamicconceptualizationsofsociety, people, and space as
theyaffectnotionsof "public"and "private"spaces. Drawingon examplesfromIran and India we
delineatethe intricaciesof how theIslamic conceptualization affectsthe understanding and use of
thesetwokindsof spaces, and howmalesandfemalesexperiencedifferential levelsof inclusionand
exclusionin domestic"private"space and extra-domestic "public"space. Wepointto theIslamic
categorization ofpeople intothoseof theoppositesex withwhommarriageis permitted and those
withwhommarriageis explicitly forbidden and how thataffectsrelationsbetween people and space.
Wedescribetherole of womenand theirrelationship to space: therole womenplay in thewomen's
community , in themen's community , and in thedomesticpracticeof religion. Wearguethatreligion
bothlimitsthemobility of womenin "male"public space and simultaneously providesthecontext ,
and
pretext, opportunity for women to convene in "female"publicspace. In conclusion, we callfora
renewedfocus on religionas a way to facilitatea betterconceptualization of women's interaction
withpublic space in some non-western societies. We recommend a re-examination of notionsof
public space-privatespace, and a shiftfromthe equatingof public space withmales and private
space withfemales- a dichotomy commonly encountered in westernstudiesof space and gender.
Finally, wepresenta newmodelforunderstanding and depictingtherelationship betweenspaces that
are "public"and "private" and "female"and "male."

©2001,LockeScience
Copyright Publishing Inc.
Company,
IL,USA
Chicago, AllRights
Reserved
This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 303

INTRODUCTION

The role of womenin Muslimsocietyhas been the subjectof extensiveresearchin thepast thirty
years. Untilfairlyrecently, muchof thiswritinghas implicitly
or explicitlyfocusedon thesubor-
dinatestatusof womenin a rigidlysegregatedsocial system(Antoun,1968, 1972; Barth,1961;
Fuller,1961; Lutfiyya,1966; Mandelbaum,1988; Patai,1973). The emphasishas beenon thepublic-
privatedichotomy - withthepublicworldof menassociatedwithpower,status,controlof informa-
tionand decisionmaking,and theprivateworldof womenassociatedwithrelativepowerlessness and
domesticlife(El-Solh and Mabro,1994).1 Womenare portrayed as helpless,passivevictims,whose
veryidentity,status,andexistencearedependenton theirmalekin.

Otherscholarshave rejectedthisnarrowmonocentric view of Muslimwomen,and have arguedthat

despitelimitations,
theyplay significantroles in theMuslimfamily,community, and society(Abu-
Lughod,1993; Altorki,1973, 1986; Beck, 1980; Makhlouf,1979; Nelson,1974; El-Solhand Mabro,
1994; Kabeer,1994; Ridd, 1994; Tapper,1983, 1987, 1990; Mazumdarand Mazumdar,1999). Ac-
cordingto Nelson (1974) "... despitetheexistenceof segregatedsocial worldsand theimplication
thatthereexistsa differential of social knowledge- theman's and thewoman's- this
distribution
knowledgeis structuredin termsof relevancesand women'srelevancestructures withthose
intersect
of men at manypoints." Some of these"intersections" occurwhenwomenthrough theirnetworks
controlinformation,suchas in marriagealliance;information thatis crucialto menin thenegotiation
process(Altorki,1973, 1986), whenbuildingalliances and mediatingdisputesbetweenaffinesand
2
consanguines(Makhlouf,1979, citingPeters,1966), and whenwomenoperateas ritualspecialists
(Beck, 1980;Crapanzano,1972;Tapper,1990),to mentiononlya fewexamples.

This paper examinesa small segmentof the complexlives of Muslim women,specificallytheir

experiencein publicspace3 and themeaningsuch spaces have forthem. Althoughin recentyears
therehas been a resurgenceof interestin thestudyof publicspace withrespectto women(Franck
and Paxson, 1989; Gardiner,1989; Deegan, 1987; Ritzdorf,1994; Spain, 1992), it has focused
primarilyon westernsocietieswithwesternassumptions of privacy,community,familyrelationships,
and religion.4Furthermore, despitea few significant
writingson thespatialdimensionof women's
lives in Muslim societies(Khatib-Chahidi, 1981; Dragadze, 1981; Wright,1981; Mazumdarand
Mazumdar,1994, 1997b, 1999), therole of publicand privatehas been largelymisunderstood and
misrepresented.

Drawingon examplesfromethnographic writings5 and our own fieldworkin Iran and India, we
an
provide understanding of Islamic6 and notionsof publicand private,and how
conceptualization
theIslamicideas ofpurdahand gendersegregation affectthedefinition of
and thesocial construction
"publicspace." We discusshow withingender-segregated Muslimsocietiesmales and femalesex-
periencedifferential
levelsof inclusionand exclusion. We emphasizetheimportance of thehomein
Muslimsocietyand theoftenneglectedthoughsignificant roles womenplay in thewomen'scom-
munityand in domesticreligion.We showhow women,despitebeingcircumscribed, are notmute
victimsbut exerciseagencyin appropriating, negotiating,and usingpublic space. We call fora
re-examinationof generalnotionsof publicand privatespaces as well as a renewedfocuson religion
as a wayto facilitate
a betterunderstandingand conceptualizationof women'sinteraction withpublic
space in non-westernsettings.

WOMEN, MEN, AND SPACE IN ISLAMIC SOCIETIES

IslamicConceptualization

of publicand privateis largelycontextual.Whileoverall,homeis equated

Islamicconceptualization
withtheprivateworldof women,and theneighborhood withthepublicdomainof men,theseare not
selfcontained,
watertightcompartments, butratheropen to negotiationand re-definition
(Tett,1994;
Fruzzetti,
1980; Smith,1980; Beck, 1980; Davis, 1980;Joseph,1978).

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 304

7
Whatconstitutes publicand privateis predicatedlargelyon theIslamicnotionof mahram and na-
mahram.Mahramrefersto a specificcategoryof people of the othersex withwhommarriageis
forbidden
explicitly (e.g., fora woman: father,
brother,and fora man:mother, sister,etc.). This is a
verysmall numberof people. Na-mahramare those "of the oppositesex whose kinshipdoes not
representany impediment formarriage"(Khatib-Chahidi, 1981; Mazumdarand Mazumdar,1997a,
1997b). This categoryincludestherestof themembersof theoppositesex. It is withna-mahram ,
who can be kin or non-kin, thatinteraction
and contactbetweenmales and femalesis restricted by
Islam. For practicingMuslims,as Khatib-Chahidi (1981) pointsout,the sharingof space withna-
mahramis problematic.Places, bothat homeand in theneighborhood, whereone is likelyto en-
counter,meet,and interactwithna-mahrampeople become definedas restricted spaces forboth
womenand men. Thus,spacesper se are notseen as inherently "public"or "private,"butratherit is
whoone interactswithin themthatmakesthemso (Tett,1994).

The Islamicprinciplesdescribedabove mediatewomen'sexperienceof,and lives in, bothdomestic

space. Theseare describedin thefollowingsections.
andextra-domestic

Behaviorin DomesticSpace

In thehome,whenna-mahram male guestsarrive,partof thehomeis re-defined as public(see also

Tett,1994; Sinha,1987; Khatib-Chahidi, 1981; Mazumdarand Mazumdar,1994, 1997a, 1997b;Jef-
fery,1979; Roy, 1979). A frontroomor thefrontverandah(in India) is used as themoreaccessible
"public"space wheremencan interact, conductbusiness,and socializewithmenwho are na-mahram
to thewomenof thehousehold.8In thetraditional homesof wealthyMuslimfamiliesin bothIndia
and Iran,severalrooms(knownas thebirunin Iranand mardanaquartersin India) are set aside for
the "public,"whiletheinsideof thehomeremains"private."In thehomesof thepoor,thepublic-
privatedefinition is less physicaland more symbolic,emphasizingthe improvisational natureof
space. Screensand curtains are usedto differentiate
and partitionpublicfromprivate.
In thevillage, evenifone roomis all thereis in thehouse, it can be quicklytransformedfrom
an internalfamilyroomto an externalguest room, by havingthe householdhead stand in
greetingguests (and put on his trousersif he wasn't already wearingthem)9bringing
something specialforthevisitorto siton,and havingthewomenleave theroom.
(Beeman,1986)

In the absence of unrelatedmen,womenenterand use the more "public"areas of the home but
quicklyretreat to theinterior
of thehouseat thesoundof an approachingmale.10Clara ColliverRice
(1923/1971)describes:
Whena knockis heardon thefrontdoor, it is alwaysansweredbya loud "Whois there?"and
untilthisis satisfactorily
answeredthedoor is notopened. If thecallershouldproveto be for
themasterof thehouse, thefact is loudlyproclaimed: "A man is coming,womenaway!" or
something of the kind. A greatdeal of hurryingand scurryingand snatchingup of chadars
takesplace, and thewomenare quicklyindoors...

In ourfieldwork in Lucknow,India,we noticeda similarresponse.

Insidethehouse,a womanentertains primarilywomenfriendsand kin. If themanofthehouse
is away thewomenwill notopen thedoor and insteadreplyfromtheinterior, "Koi gharme
nahihai!" (no one is home) implying
thatno menare home.
(FieldNotesLKO)

Conversely,when womenentertain theirfemalefriends,who are na-mahramto the males of the

household,menare disallowedentryintotheinterior spaces of theirown homes. Sometimes,mah-
rammales socializingwithmahramfemalesof thehouseholdsuchas wife,sister,and mother, have
to cutshorttheirvisit,endall interactions,
and leave ifna-mahram femaleguestsarriveunexpectedly.
Vreede-de-Stuers (1968) givesone suchdescriptionfromherfieldwork in India:

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 305

If guestsarrivedwhenthe wholefamily , uncle, brotherswere togetherin thesitting

, mother
room the chaukidar(gatekeeper ) announcedthe arrival of ladies in parda by clappinghis
hands. All themenpresentwerestartledand tookrefugein a neighboring room... As longas
thecall lasted,father
, uncleand brothers
couldnotmove about buthad to wait forthe
patiently
"all clear"signalgivenbythemother.Onlythendid theyrecovertheirfreedomofmovement.

Similarly,
neighborhood streets, in less urbanizedsettings,
particularly becomeless "public"and more
"private"when men are at work the
during day or at Fridayprayersin mosques(see also Wright,
1981; Sinha,1989;Joseph,1978;Tett,1994; Kawi, 1989).
Friday, duringtheprayers , whenall the men were in the mosque, womencould go out to
socializeand visiteach otherfreely.
(Kawi, 1989)

and at hourswhenmenare usingthespace,theyare definedas "public." Wright(1981)

At nightfall
providesthefollowing description:
Towardsduskthewomen's gathering dispersed to heryard-spaceto receive
, and each returned
theolderchildrenwhentheycame homefromschool, and to preparetheeveningmeal. After
theinteractionof thewomenin themorning and theirgatheringsin theafternoon,
theirpublic
arena faded withthe light. At the same time , the men who had been workingin isolation
through theday, returnedfromthemountains to theirhousestofinishthelastoftheday's work
and eat, beforetheirvisitsand meetingslateron. Thereis thentheadded component of time
and thediurnaland nocturnal patternsofpublicspace usage.

Behaviorin Public Space

It is in spaces outsidethehomethatthechanceof meetingna-mahram kinand non-kinis magnified

many times. Consequently, women's in
mobility thisspatialarea is regulated.In traditional
strictly
families,a womanwishingto go out of thehomeis firstrequiredto seek herhusband'spermission
(Schacht,1964). If permissionis granted,she has to conformto a numberof protectivenorms
designedto minimizecontactand maximizesocial distancewithna-mahram males.

One protective normis theprovisionof a chaperoneto accompanyherwhenin publicspace. The

chaperonecouldbe a relatedmaleor an elderlyfemale,a femalewhosesexualityis no longera threat
to the social order(example:a mother-in-law).Oftenwomengo out in groups. The followingex-
cerptfrom our fieldnotesdescribes
thisphenomenon.
In thestreetsofLucknow, in theoldersectionsof thecity(suchas theChowkand
particularly
Kaiserbaghareas) Muslimwomenrarelywalkedalone or rode in a rickshawalone. They
usuallytraveledin groupsof threeor more. By contrast , Hindu womenwalkedalone or
traveledin a rickshawbythemselves.
(FieldNotesLKO)

A secondnormis the Islamicrequirement of modestyin dress. The dressneeds to be appropriate

according to the Islamic custom of hej (veil): womenare not requiredto be veiled in frontof
ab
mahramrelativessuch as husband,father, son, brother,but are requiredto be "modest"if theyare
likelyto be seen by na-mahram males. Femalesuse thephysicalact of veilingwhenentering spaces
wheresuch encounters are likely(e.g. extra-domestic "public"space), to maintainsocial distance,
anonymity, and to 'protect'themselvesfromthegaze of na-mahrammales. The form,shape,and
extentof coveragevariesfromregionto region,fromone socio-economicclass to another;it ranges
froma head-scarfto a full,all-encompassing cloak, coveringthe womanfromhead to toe.11 The
latterin Iranis called a chador, in Indiatheburkha.Full veilingbecomesa statusmarkersinceit is
practicedprimarily by thewealthy.Poor womenwho workhave to use variousadaptations to con-
formto the dress code and yet be able to conducttheirworkefficiently (see also Fischer,1978;
McPastner,1978). The followingexcerptfromour fieldobservations describesthedifferent inter-
pretations of thedresscode.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 306

Different typesof burkhasare used by womenwhenin public space. Some covertheentire

bodyand face withnettingaroundtheeyes to permitvisibility.Otherscoverthehead, body
and face but the eyes are exposed. Still othersdo not have theirfaces coveredat all.
Underneaththe burkha ( usually made of black cloth) women wear sarees or salwaar
kameezesl.12 The richhave theirburkhasmade of expensivematerialsuch as silkand satin
withlace at theedges. Althoughblackis thetraditional
colorothercolors, suchas brown
, are
seen in thestreets.
(FieldNotesLKO)

Iran(afterthefallof theShah),thelack of hejab (veil) in publicspace has led

In postrevolutionary
to harassment and physicalattackson women (e.g., Sanasarian,1982). Accordingto Ayatollah
Motahari,an Islamictheologianin Iran,thehejab requiresthata woman'spublicappearancebe as
as possiblewithno makeuporjewelryand a simpleoutergarment
nondescript (Azari,1983).

Behaviorally,bothmalesand femalesare expectedto conform to theIslamicnormsof modestywhen

in publicspace. The Quran(Surah,ch.24,verses30-31) says:
Tell thebelievingmento lowertheirgaze and be modest.Thatis purerforthem.Lo! Allahis
aware ofwhattheydo. Andtellthebelievingwomento lowertheirgaze and be modest , and to
displayof theiradornmentonly thatwhichis apparent , and to draw theirveils over their
bosoms, and notto revealtheiradornment save to theirownhusbandsorfathers,or husbands'
' ' sons or sisters9
or theirbrothers
fathersor theirsons or theirhusbandssons or theirbrothers
sons...

Roy (1979) and Jeffrey (1979) referto thisaspectof male-female modestyas nazar ka purdah(i.e.,
shieldingfromgaze), involvingnotlookingat theoppositesex if accidentally confrontedoutsidethe
home. Accordingto Muslimcustomsof etiquette,a male passerbyin a Muslimneighborhood is
expected notto look up at balconieslest he see the women of thehouse (Roy, 1979). Additionally,
womenusingpublicspace are expectednotto loiteror strayfarfromtheirhomesand to hurry back
aftercompletion of tasks(see also Tett,1994; Fischer,1978).

SeparativeTechniques
In orderto further minimizecontactbetweenthesetwo categoriesof people, otherprecautionary
controlsare instituted.In additionto veiling,ladiesof wealthtravelin a closedor curtained
vehicles,
be it a car, carriageor palanquin. Clara Colliver Rice (1923) providesa good examplefromearly
twentieth century Iran. She says:
Royalladies are allowedto visitonlytheirownrelatives.Theynevergo outexceptin a closed
carriage...In passingthrough a towntheblindsor shutters of thecarriagewillgenerallybe
drawnbutridersoftenprecedeitcryingout "menturnyoureyesaway."

Otherformsof transportation have separatesectionsallocatedforuse exclusivelyby women. Public

in India and Iran,suchas buses,trams,and trains,have compartments
transportation exclusivelyfor
women.13 In Iran afterthe 1979 revolution, separate buses were introduced for women. Other
separativetechniquesincludeprovisionof separaterecreational facilitiesforwomen. Parks,such as
thepurdah-wali-bagh in Delhi, were designedforthe use of veiled women(Roy, 1979). Public
beachesin theCaspianSea resortareasin Iranarepartitioned intomale-female zones. Thiscreateda
problem,
potential since onlyfemale could
lifeguards stafffemale sections. Due to insufficient
num-
bersof femalelifeguards, notmanybeach areascould be allocatedforwomen(Azari,1983). Public
swimming pools are similarlyseparated.14

Accordingto Khatib-Chahidi(1981):
[TJhepublic bathswereused at separatetimesby menand women;public librariesin some
provincialtownsin 1978 onlyallowedwomenaccess on one daya week.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 307

Similarly,thereare separatetimesallocatedformen and womenfortheaters,cinemas,and fairs

(Papanek,1973). Citystreetsin Iranhad one side allocatedfortheuse of women(Khatib-Chahidi,
1981; Bamdad,1977;Fischer,1978).
Therewerealso regulations whichstipulatedthatduringthelate afternoon
and eveningin busy
streetsof Tehran... menshouldwalkon one side and womenon theother. It was illegalfor
themto walk togetheron the same side after4:00 p.m. If as sometimeshappensa woman
wantedto reach her own homeor some otherplace such as a pharmacywhichlay on the
wrongside, she had to getpermission
froma policemanto go there. She was thenallowedto
crossor to hurryoutand hurryback.
(Bamdad,1977)

Accordingto Papanek(1973), "pathwaysmay be temporarily curtainedforwomenalightingfrom

vehiclesto enterbuildings,forexampleif thereare specialceremoniesin privateor publicbuildings
suchas weddingsor religiousoccasions."

Areas WithinPublic Space

Restricted

Thereare specificareas wherewomenare expectednotto enter. Accordingto Batesonand Good

(quotedin Fischer,1978),majorstreetsand squaresare used primarilyby men,so are thetea shops;
womenare almostneverseen in tea/coffee shops wheremen spend lot of timesocializingand
a
exchanginginformation (Papanek, 1973; Rice, 1923), nor are theyfrequentlyseen in the bazaar
(market).In wealthyfamilies,thedailyshoppingis doneby servants, whilein middleclass or poorer
familiesthemalesare in chargeof thistask. Khatib-Chahidi(1981) writes:
Veryrarely would any woman from "good"familygo out alone in theprovinces
a , evenfor
householdshopping , whichwas oftendone eitherby thehusbandifthefamilyhad no servant ,
or bythehusbandand wifetogether , or bythewifewitha femalecompanion.

Childrenoftenact as intermediaries betweenpublicand privatespace. Theydo someshoppingfunc-

tions,actingas traders,messengers, and conduitsof information.15 Since womenare discouraged
fromgoingto bazaars,merchants, in orderto capturethefemalemarket, bringtheirservicesto the
homeby goingfromhouseholdto householdsellingtheirwares. BegumIkramullah (1963) gives a
detailedpicture:
... therewere thewomen'svendors , thechoori-wali(bangle sellers), thebisatin(womenwho
sold ribbons,buttons , etc.). Theycame all day bringinga hundredand one attractivelittle
things, perfume, kajal,surma,embroidered , colouredpowderfordyeingone's dupattas.
slippers
But thesellingof theirwareswas theleastpart of thesewomen's jobs. Theirmostimportant
role was thatof purveyorsof news. Theywere in realitythenews carriersof the women 's
world.

Finally,womenare not a commonsightin publicsacredspaces, such as mosques.16Althoughnot

disallowed from such spaces, women are encouraged to pray at home. Congregational
(Jumma/Friday) prayersin mosquesare obligatory formenbutnotforwomen.Womenoccasionally
go to mosqueswiththeirhusbandsor withwomencompanions, duringthosehoursof the
particularly
day when men are notaround. When women do to for
go mosques congregational prayerstheyare
separatedfrom(na-mahram ) maleseitherby a screenor by beingseatedin a separateroom.Here,as
examples,aretwoexcerptsfromourfieldresearch:
At a mosqueon thebanksof theriverGomti,womenentered freelyeitherin groupsof women
or withtheirhusbands.The mosque was relativelyemptyduringthe day. At a mosque in
Hussainabad,whichwas relatively empty at thedaytimehourofthe[researchers 7 visit,women
wereentering.
(Field NotesLKO)

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 308

At anothertimehowever,thefirstauthorencountered reaction.
a different
Notaware ofall oftheculturalnormsregarding I madetheunfortunate
public/private, decision
of walkingintoa mosquewhilemenweresittingand recitingtheafternoon namaaz[prayers].
I was rebukedfor notbeingproperlyattired(I was wearinga longskirtbutmyhead andface
wereuncovered), andforbeingpresentin themosquewhenmenwerepraying.
(Field NotesLKO, author1)

Areas in Public Space

Non-Restricted

Despite limitations,however,womenin Muslimsocietieshave important extra-domestic roles (see

also Beck, 1980; Betteridge, in thewomen'scommunity
1989; Tapper,1990),particularly wherethey
are respectedfortheirknowledgeand the significant roles theyplay as marriagebrokers,domestic
ritualspecialists,healers,and care givers(Mazumdarand Mazumdar,1999). Cohesion,solidarity,
and thenetwork of interdependencies withwomenkinand non-kinhelpto mitigate theirdependency
on men(Beck, 1980). Womenleave thehometo visitfriends and relatives, in religious
to participate
discoursesand sermons(sofrehsin Iran,Betteridge, 1989; Fischer,1978; milatin India,Roy, 1979),
and to conductceremoniesconnectedto birth,marriage, and funerals.Thereare thencertainareas
withintheneighborhood wherewomenare allowedrelatively freeaccess, providedtheyare dressed
appropriately.
One suchspace is thehammam(publicbath)in Iran. A visitto a hammamis a big adventurein the
lifeof a woman.
... bathsweremeetingplaces whichwomengladlyfrequented and wheretheyusuallystayeda
long time
, a
often wholeday. Theyspenttheirtimechatting
togetherand getting
and spreading
news ... Therewas a proverb:"use the bath waterto makefriends"meaningthatonlyby
' be
pouringpitchersof waterover each others shoulderscould acquaintanceand friendship
gained.
(Bamdad,1977)

Publicbathsin Iranhad separatehoursand daysassignedforwomen'suse. Bathmistresses in charge

of hammamsduringwomen'shoursplayedan important role in the women'scommunity through
thebehaviorof
whichtheyoftenused to controland manipulate
theireasy access to vitalinformation,
otherwomen17(Davis, 1980, 1994). Such information constituted references
character and was par-
ticularly
important duringthemateselectionprocess.

Neighborhood shrinesand tombsof Muslimsaintsare anotherkindof space frequented by women.

Ziara (visits)to shrinesforsolace, relief,recreation,
mourning,and generalizedritualbehavioris a
significantpartof women's religiouslife (Beck, 1980; Betteridge,1989; Tapper, 1990; Mernissi,
1989; Fruzzetti, 1980). Accordingto Tapper(1990), "in theirziyaretvisitsto shrineswomenhave a
considerabledegreeof autonomyto choose theircompanyto managetheoutingand to construct a
personalrelationship withGod via the saint." Men do not activelyparticipatein ziara visitsto
shrinesand tombsalthoughoccasionallytheydo visitwiththeirwives and otherwomenof their
household(Tapper,1990; Mernissi,1989; Fruzzetti,1980). Thoughmanyshrinesare dedicatedto
male saints,someare dedicatedto females,forexamplethatof Fatimeh,Hazrat-e-Masumeh , sisterof
ImamReza at Qom in Iran. Thereare othershrinesthatareexclusivelyforwomensuchas theshrine
of Bibi Shahrbanu at Rey in Iran(Fischer,1978).

Visits to shrinesprovidewomenwitha muchneeded legitimatepretextand opportunity to stroll

through theneighborhood pace (Tapper,1990; Beck, 1980). Womenare usuallywell
at an unhurried
versedin the "sacredgeography"of the townand visitshrinesbothnear and far(Tapper,1990).
Therearemanykindsof visits.

First,aretheindividualvisits.Individualvisitsto shrinescan be forexpressinginadequacies,failures,

or problemssuch as grief,sorrow,or mourning over loss of a loved one, or forthe heartacheof

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 309

illness,and domesticdisharmony
infertility, (see also Tapper,1990; Beck, 1980; Mernissi,1989).
The intention One womandescribeditthus:
is mostlytherapeutic.
Thiswomanhad a nadr[vow] at theSheikh'sup there.Butevenifshe did nothavethatnadrI
wouldhavegoneup anyway . Because it is beautiful... onefeels at restthere. Whenyougo up
thereyoufeelyouare restedlikethat... thespotitselfis reallynice.
(Kawi, 1989)

Womenseek blessings,revealingof pathsto follow,and capacityof forbearance.In obtaining these

good fortunes or favors,sometimeswomen make contractualvows which entaila promise to perform
a task if a given wish is granted. At thousandsof shrinesand waysideplaces, locks and keys,
personalmementos, bitsof knottedcloth,or piles of stonesindicatevows (Beck, 1980). Fruzzetti
(1980) in her study Muslimwomenin ruralBengal,India,foundthatwhilewomendid notpar-
of
ticipatein congregational prayersat themosquetheytookan activeand exclusiverole at thetombs
and shrinesof localpirs(saints). She writes:
For Muslimwomen , pirworshipand reverenceconstitute a mostimportant partof theirlife. It
is thewomenwhoperform theritesand cookthefood offering for the ; it is theywhovisit
saints
and plead withthesaint, intervening , fathers,husbandsor children.
on behalfof theirbrothers
The womendraw up a contractualagreementwiththesaint, wherebyonlyafterthesainthas
fulfilledhisor herpartdoes thewomanthenfulfillherpromiseto thesaint.
(Fruzzetti,1980:193)

visitsto marksignificant
Individualvisitsalso includecelebratory ritesof passage such as birth,
puberty,and marriage.Accordingto Fruzzetti(1980), "thepartof the life cycle ritesthatwomen
perform occur beforeand afterthe formalpartof the ritual." Othervisitsare commemorative in
undertaken
nature, to markthebirthand deathoftheProphet,theImams,and thesaints(Beck, 1980).

Secondare thegroupvisitswhichwomenundertake withtheirfemalefriends and kin(Tapper,1990).

Includedin thesegroupvisitsare hostingof collectiverituals. For example,Muslimwomenin Iran
organize,sponsor,and hostwomen-centered sofrehs(collectiveritualsinvolvingreadingand preach-
ingby an invitedpreacher)(Fischer,1978; Kamalkhani,1997).
Thirdare thepilgrimagesto distantsacredplaces,suchas to thecitiesof Qom, Kerbala,Mashad,in
Iran,whichwomenundertake oftenaccompaniedby a male relative.Upon thecompletionof sucha
journey,an honorific theemergence
titleis attachedto hername,thatof a religiousexpert,marking
of a newstatusin herlife(Beck, 1980;Tapper,1978). As Beck (1980) pointsout:
Pilgrimageis one of thefew waysby whichwomencan acquire statusand respectequal to
men. A personhavingmadea pilgrimagereceivesdivinegracefromit and is oftensoughtout
forblessings.

Tapperelaborateson thisfromherfieldwork in Iran:

In the tirehthereare one or two womenheld to be knowledgeableon religiousmatters.
Commonly , thereare womenwhowitha male relativehave made thepilgrimageto theshrine
of Imam Reza in Mashad and are thereafterreferred to by thetitleof Mashadi. In effect, the
positionof Mashadi among women is comparable to thatofhajji among men ... The opinions of
sucha womanin matters offamilylaw and customare soughtbybothmenand womenand her
adviceis givenequal weightto thatofmen.
(1978)18

Religion,then,provideswomenwithimportant social roles,enablingthemto reach out into the

women'scommunity to enlargetheirsocial ties and circleof influence,givingthemthepretextto
traveland see far-awayplaces, and above all makingit possibleforthemto have important extra-
domesticroles,suchas thoseof prayerleadersand ritualspecialists,acknowledged and respectedfor
theirknowledge, experience,andexpertise(Kamalkhani,1997).

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural Research
andPlanning
18:4(Winter,
2001) 310

RE-THINKING PUBLIC AND PRIVATE

In thissectionwe engagein a discourseby delineatingsome of themajorthemesthatemergedfrom

thisstudywhichhave relevanceand applicability to otherMuslimsocietiesand whichin turncon-
tributeto ourgreaterunderstanding of "public"and "private"
of theIslamicconceptualizations space.

MuslimPublic Space: A Typology

This paperquestionsthecommonly heldassumptions aboutMuslimsocietythatrigidlyequatesmale

withpublicand femalewithprivate.It does so forthefollowingreasons. Firstis theIslamicconcep-
tualizationof mahramand na-mahramand therequirement formaintenance of social distanceof a
person from na-mahram of
category people, whetherit be in the "private"space of thehome,or in
"public"space in theneighborhood or city. Dependingon thesocial context,spaces withinthehome
and neighborhood can be definedand re-defined as publicor private(see also Tett,1994). In this
schema,malesand femaleshave theirown publicand privatespaces and bothexperiencedifferential
levelsof inclusionand exclusion.

Second is thedifferent institutionalframework of Muslimsocieties. Lackinghereare publicinstitu-

tionssimilarin nature,structure, and function foundin westernsocieties(Mazumdar,
to institutions
1981). Family and kin stilllargelyformthe organizationalbasis of Muslimsocieties. As Makhlouf
(1979) pointsout:
... thepublicdoes notreallyexistas a spheredifferentiated intosupra-familialinstitutions
of
"publicinterest. " Thefewpublicinstitutions [Muslim]societyare
thatdo existin a traditional
accessibleto onlytheupperand middlestrata... whocan besttakeadvantageof theemerging
opportunities to participatein new institutions.The access of bothmen and womento the
[west-defined areas of]public[spaces] is determined , notbythesimplecriterion ofsex,butby
themorecomplex factorofsocial stratification.

Third,evenwhenlimitedin scope,activity, womenhaveimportant

and mobility, extradomesticroles
and exercisepowerand influence relevanthereare theirroles
beyondthedomesticunit. Particularly
in religionand in thewomen'scommunity(Nelson,1974).

Based on our research,we proposea three-part, preliminary typologyof Muslim "public"(extra-

domestic)space. Firstare thealmostexclusivelymalepublicareaswherewomenare allowedlimited
or no access,suchas tea/coffeeshopsand bazaars (markets).Men and women,on occasion,maygo
to thebazaar together, butmostlyit is a male domain. Secondare gender-neutralpublicareas. They
aretheparksand gardensthatsupportfamily-centered activitiessuchas picnicsand otherrecreational
outings. Certaindays of the Persiancalendar,notablySeezdah-Bedarand Jashneh-Mehregan are
set
specifically aside forcommunion with naturethrough to
familytrips parks and gardens.Included
in thisgenderneutralcategoryare also spacesthatwomennegotiateundercertainconditions, suchas
whenappropriately dressed,and or accompaniedby a chaperone(male or female),and at specific
times. Examplesof such spaces are publicstreets, publicbaths,and libraries.Thirdare thealmost
exclusivefemalepublicareas wheremen are allowed limitedor no access such as neighborhood
shrines( imamzadehs ) which are used only by women for women's ritualsand maintainedand
guardedby women(Schimmel,1975). Religionbothlimitsthemobility of womenin "male"public
space,and simultaneously providesthecontext, pretextand theopportunity forwomento appropriate
andconvenein "female"publicspaces.

Thoughmuchhas been written aboutthe exclusionof femalesfrommale public space, verylittle

existson exclusionof malesfromfemalespace (see also Beck, 1980; Makhlouf,1979). Yet
literature
male exclusionoccursand is expressedat different different
levels. It is expressedthrough speech
patternsadoptedby women (Makhlouf,1979; Minault,1994) who rely liberallyon words from
regionalvernaculars.Exclusionis also expressedthrough treating menas "non-persons"whenin
femalespace (Mernissi,1989). Also,menare requiredto makecertainverbalpronouncements before
enteringfemale spaces so as to alertfemalesof approaching males (Makhlouf,1979; Vreede-de-

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 311

Stuers,1968). Accordingto Beck (1980:38), "whilethefemalespendsmostof hertimein domestic

unitsand withotherwomenand children,the male is deniedmanyof the comfortsof the warm
intimacyof familylife and is forbidden readyaccess to the homesof othermen." This denialof
access to some spaces can happeneven in his own home. It happenswhenwomenare visiting,
in thosehomeswherelimitations
particularly of space do notallow forelaboratearchitectural
separa-
tionof male and femalespaces. Thoughmendo on occasionentertain male visitorsat home,thisis
neitheras regularnoras frequentas femaleentertainment. Male camaraderieand bondingtakesplace
shops,mosques,bazaars,and otherspace outsidethehome. Finally,althougha veiled
in tea/coffee
womancan negotiatemale public space, thispossibilitydoes not existformen. Infraction of the
normative boundariesof femalespace is severelysanctioned.

MuslimHome as Significant
Space

The previoussectionfocusedprimarily and sig-

on "public"space; herewe evaluatetheimportance
nificanceof homesin Muslimsociety.

therole of home in Muslimsocieties(evaluatedand judged by westernbiases) has

Unfortunately,
largelybeen misunderstoodand misrepresented. Home is treatedas "private"and relegateda secon-
daryand unimportant status.Life in thehomeis characterized
as an isolatingexperienceforwomen
whoareportrayed as voiceless"non-persons"leading domesticlives.
routinized

But,accordingto Friedl(1967):
Theremay be manyculturesin whichmale activityis accordedpre-eminence in thepublic
shows that,pragmatically
sector. But if a carefulanalysisof the lifeof the community , the
familyis themostsignificant , thentheprivatenotthepublicsectoris thespherein which
unit
ofpowerto malesandfemalesis ofthegreatestimportance.
therelativedistribution

Contrary to thedevaluationof thehomeand itsactivities,however,homein Muslimsocieties(and in

otherreligioussocieties)is thelocus of importantsocial, economic,and ritualactivities.20Further-
more,althoughthelives of Muslimwomenare centeredin thehomeand family,it is notphysically
to theconfinesof thenuclearunit(Nelson,1974).21 Rather,homeemphasizes
and sociallyrestricted
theimportance of thewomen'scommunity and close ties withextendedkin,and non-kinreiterating
the integrationand solidarityof womenwithotherwomen(Abu-Lughod,1993). Minault(1994)
describeshow women'slives,difficult in manyways,werenonetheless almostalways"richin human
contact":
Comfort was neverfar away; on theotherhand, neitherwas condemnation.Therewerealways
otherwomenaroundto talkto,deferto,orderaround,quarrelwith,laughor crywithor curse.

Workis shared,crisesare managedthroughco-operation and mutualinterdependencies, and life's

are mitigated
difficulties throughthecamaraderieand supportof thewomen'scommunity (Minault,
1994; Abu-Lughod,1993). "In factone of themoststrikingfeaturesof femalesocietyin Yemenis
theatmosphere of relaxationwhichseemsto prevailduringbothworkand leisuretime"(Makhlouf,
1979:21).

Throughtheirextensivenetworks, womenbecame "information brokers"(Nelson, 1972) accessing,

and filtering
controlling, information regardingpersonalcharacter(Davis, 1980), maritaldifficulties
(Makhlouf,1979), marriagenegotiations (Altorki,1973, 1986; Makhlouf,1979),and so on. Altorki
fromSaudi society:
(1973) providesthisdescription
The verynatureof women'sexchangenetworksgives theman almost exclusiveaccess to
on whichthedecisionof male relativesdepend. By manipulating
information theirknowledge
to accommodatetheirown interests , thewomenactuallymanageto ...
in potentialmarriages
impedethemen's effortsto establishmarriagealliances.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 312

Since to a largedegreehomeand family,i.e., theextensivenetworkof kin relationships,

formthe
organizationalbasis of Muslim society,"upon which many of the affairsof society- social,
economic,political"are predicated(Nelson,1974),womenin theircapacityas "information
brokers"
affectnotonlytheirimmediateworldof thewomen'scommunity, butalso thatof men. As Altorki
(1986) pointsout, "withoutthe informationprovidedby women,men would be unableto convert
marriages intopoliticalandeconomicalliances."

Womenalso conducteconomicenterprises fromhome. This supplementsfamilyincomeand gives

thema degreeof autonomy.Ridd(1994) providesthisexamplefromMalay Muslimwomenin South
Africa:
Womensharedwiththeirmena reputation for makingmoneyby independent means, whether
as dressmakers or cooks, or in theold days, as washerwomen
or flowersellers... butmostly
theyworkedfromtheirown homes. Therewerewomenin District6 who made a livingfrom
selling traditionalMalay fare. This came hot from the kitchenand was eithertaken
door-to-dooror customers senttheirchildrento theMalay woman's hometo buy.

Further,womensustaintheir"femaleworld"through a seriesof female-centered

activitiesat home.
These rangefromformaland informal visiting(Aswad, 1974; Benedict,1974),to thecelebrationof
life-cycleevents(example:thetafritain Yemen) (Makhlouf,1979), to hostingreligiouseventssuch
as milatsand sofrehs(Betteridge,1989; Roy, 1979; Sorabji, 1994; Kamalkhani,1997; Hegland,
1997). These occasionspromotefemalebonding(Abu-Lughod,1993; Betteridge, 1989; Ferneaand
Fernea,1972; Makhlouf,1979), food sharing(Betteridge,1989; Jamzadehand Mills, 1986), com-
munication (Makhlouf,1979; Jamzadehand Mills, 1986),entertainment and camaraderie (Betteridge,
1989; Makhlouf,1979; Sorabji, 1994), and also at timesprovidethe opportunity to ridiculemale
inadequaciesand themale social order(Makhlouf,1979). Men are excludedfromtheseall-female
gatherings.
Home is also an importantsettingforfemaleritualactivityand forthepreservation of religionitself.
Women's everydaydomesticlives and concerns,rangingfromfood preparation, sharingof food,
enforcingfoodtaboos,ritualpurificationand so on, are intimately
enmeshedwithreligion.Although
womenare denieda formalrole in Islam and "men's ideals,beliefsand actionshave usuallybeen
privilegedoverthoseof women"(Tapper,1990),womennonetheless have significant
religiouslives.
As Falk and Gross(1989) pointout,"womenhavetheirown perspective and claimson religion,even
in systemsin whichmenhave traditionally done mostof theactingand talking."Tett(1994) in her
of
study Tajik Muslim found
practices that womentook moreseriouslytherequirements of Islam,
suchas salat (fivedailyprayers),
andsaum(fastingin themonthofRamadan). Womenthrough their
stricter
adherenceto thedailyrequirements of Islambecamethecustodiansof theirfamily'sfaith(see
also Ridd,1994). Womenare responsible formaintaining theritualpurity
ofthehome. Accordingto
a haditĶthiswas especiallyimportant to ProphetMuhammadas is pointedout by the following
quotation:"The key to Paradiseis worship(salat): the key to worshipis purification (Betteridge,
1987,citingAli, 1944).

Home is to be protected
frompollutants,suchas blood,bodilyfluids,dogs,pigs,alcohol,and so on
(Betteridge,1987). This includesthe enforcement of food taboos as well as taboos relatedto
menstruationand childbirth.Women'sreligiouslives at homeand the "domestication of religion"22
take on greatersignificance
in countrieswhereIslam is not the statereligion(see also Dragadze,
1994;Tett,1994; Ridd,1994; MazumdarandMazumdar,1993,1999).

MuslimIdentity
and Veiling

The finalthemeto be discussedhereis Muslimidentity, itslinkageswiththepracticeof veiling,and

theimplicationsthishas forpublicand private.It has sometimes been erroneously
assumedthatthe
veilingof womenis synonymous withtraditionalism (El Solh and Mabro, 1994).23 To western
scholars,theveil symbolizessubjugation,
oppression,and social controlof women. Theyare mys-
tifiedby whattheyconsidercontradictory imagesof young,educated,economicallyactiveMuslim

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 313

womenwearingthehejab (veil) (Cuno, 1997; El-Solh and Mabro,1994; Smith,1994). It is impor-

tantto remember here,as Smith(1994) has pointedout,thatmanyMuslimwomendo notnecessarily
equate modernization withwesternization and secularization;theyfeel it is possiblefora Muslim
womanto have a "modern"rolewithinan Islamicframework (see also Haddad and Esposito,1998).
In fact,the veil has been an important symbolof protestagainstwesterncolonialismand cultural
imperialism (El Solh and Mabro,1994; Ramazani,1983; Smith,1994). Veiled Iranianwomenpar-
ticipatedin recordnumbersin massivestreetdemonstrations againsttheShah protesting his policies
andhis importation of westernculturalideals(Hegland,1983).

For some Muslimwomen,veilingis an expressionof theiridentity, theirfidelityto Islam and "cul-

turalauthenticity"(El Solh and Mabro, 1994; see also Haddad and Esposito,1998). Otherwomen
feel thatthe veil allows themaccess and entréeinto male public spaces while at the same time
ensuringtheiranonymity, dignity, and protectingthemfrommale harassment (Smith,1994; Milani,
1992). Accordingto Milani (1992), a veil "no longersignifieswomen's segregation, but on the
contrary facilitates
theiraccess to thepublicarena,a meansto renegotiate boundaries"and to articu-
late,discourse,and redefinetheirtraditional roles,spaces,and places. Similarly,Najmabadi(1998)
assertsthatcontrary to popularexpectations thatwomenin post-revolutionary Iranwoulddisappear
frompubliclife,theyhaveinsteadmaderemarkable "inpractically
contributions everyfieldof artistic
creation,professionalachievement, educationaland industrialinstitutions,
and even in sportsac-
tivities".For workingwomenin manyMuslimcountriestheveil has come to represent theiriden-
tificationwithIslamevenwhiletheyasserttheirautonomy and selfhoodthrough careersand
fulfilling
jobs (El Solh and Mabro,1994; Smith,1994).
What is becomingincreasingly (giventhe recentresurgenceof Islam in manyMuslim
significant
countries)is thedesireof Muslimwomento forgea new identity, one thataccommodates"moder-
nity"withIslam,thepublicwiththeprivate,homewithwork,whilerejectingwesternfeminism as
too narrow,"too individualistic,
farremovedfromgenuineco-operation betweenmalesand females,
andtoo muchtiedto western colonialismand imperialism"(Smith,1994).

CONCLUSION

This studyleads to severalimportant

conclusions.First,it pointsto theculturalrelativity
of notions
of "public"and "private"spaces. In Islamic societiesthe street,square,park,are not necessarily
publicin thewesternsenseof providingforall. Nor,conversely, is homeexclusively"private" space.

Second,thoughin recentyearstherehas been a tremendous growthin studiesof womenand space,

we assertthatin orderto have solid "womencentered"24 researchit is imperativeto place women's
lives,experiences,
limitations,
boundaries, and
contributions, theircultural context
on centerstageand
understand women's roles in society,family,and religion. This means thatwe understand and
describeboththe agencyexercisedby women,the centrality of theirrole in society,and in the
appropriation, and controlof space and activities,
negotiation, and to understandissuesof differential
power,status,and constraints
bothexternaland internal.To focuson one is sometimes academically
necessaryto balanceand completethepicture,as in theinstanceof thispaper,butto focussolelyon
theperspectiveof subordinationand exclusionthatmakeswomenunthinking beings,lackinghuman
agency,deniestheirproactivityandtheircontributions.

Third,we recommend theconceptsof publicand privatespaces iftheyare to be broadand

rethinking
transferable.The notionsprevalentin thewesternconceptualization of publicspace assumethatitbe
accessibleto all and thatmenand womenas well as all racialand ethnicgroupshaveequal access to
such space. However,even in the west neitherthispicturenorthe assumptions are accurate. For
example,in theUSA, notall racialand ethnicgroupshavehad equal and unrestricted access to public
space (Ruddick,1996). This paper pointsout thatthe assumptionsare not correctfor Muslim
societies,and that"public"and "private"have differentconnotationsin Muslimareas. For theories
aboutpublicand privateto be applicablein Muslimareas,theyneedmodification.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 314

FIGURE ofspaceinwestern
1. Conceptualization societies.

2. Conceptualization
FIGURE ofspaceinMuslim
societies.

A revisedmodelcombiningelementsof bothmaybe necessary.In Figure1 we depictthewestern

in theliterature
notionas presented (thoughit mayreflectan ideal stateand notempiricalconditions).
Figure2 depictstheconceptualization
in Islamicsocieties. Figure3 attempts
to combineelementsof
thetwoto depicta morecomplexand variegated world.

Finally,thoughthe role of culturein the negotiation and developmentof social systems,such as

notionsof publicand privatespaces or the roles of womenand men,has been emphasizedin the
theroleof religionin thestructuring
culturalaspectsof designliterature, of theseconceptualizations
and in thedesignand use of space has notbeenemphasizedas strongly.The significanceof religion
is anotherimportantconclusionandcontribution of thispaper.

NOTES
1. Thepublic-private
dichotomyformulated
andintroduced
byfeminist 1974;Lamphere,
(Rosaldo,
anthropologists 1974;
1974)hasbeenprovocative,
1974;Ortner,
Sanday, powerful, toolinanalyzing
anda useful women'sroleincertain
contexts.
It

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 315

FIGURE
3. Combinational
modelofspace.

focused onpatriarchy,
attention ofwomen,
subordination ofmaleandfemale
separation andtheequation
activities, ofpublic
menandprívate
spacewith domestic
spacewithwomen.Intheyears itsformulation,
following themodel,orparts
ofit,has
beenrepeatedly
usedbyfeminist environmental
geographers, andplanners
psychologists, (McDowell, 1983;MacKenzie
and
1980;andSpain,
Rose,1983;Saegert, 1992).
Ithasalsobeencritiqued forbeing andtoohomogeneous"
"overgeneralized 1987)forignoring
(Sharistanian, crosscultural
diversity
(Bourguignon, 1980;Tiffany,1979),andforneglectingtheimportance ofhomein many non-
westernsocieties
(Sudarkasa,1976).Furthermore,inmost societies,
comparedtomen, women donothavethesamepublic buttodefine
roles,
women's rolesonlyvis-à-vis
thatofmenas Sharistanian out,"istojudgethem
(1987)points andfrom
externally a masculine
pointofview" (seealsoTilly,
1978).Focusingthenonlyonthegenderingofspaces andtheexclusion
ofwomen from specific
areasandactivitiesdismisseswomen's activities
androles(fora detailed reviewofthepublic-private
dichotomyandits
and
critique reformulation
seeSharistanian,
1986,1987).
2. Peters(1966as quoted inMakhlouf 1979)inhisstudy out," ... what
points holdsmentogether,
whatknotsthecordsof
alliances
arenotmenthemselves, butthewomen whodepartfromtheirnatal
" totakeupresidence
household elsewherewitha
man, andwho, inthiscritical communicate
position onegroup toanother
...
3. Fora general
overview
ofMuslim spaceseeHakim
public Al-Hathloul
(1979), (1981), (1976).
Wheatley
4. Spain(1972)andArdener
(1981)areimportant Both
exceptions. cross
provide cultural andanalyses.
examples
5. Inordertopresenta detailed, andrichnarrative,
comprehensive, thispaperdrawsonmultiplesources
ofdata.Itincludes
anexaminationofseveral works
ethnographic those
specifically relevanttoMuslim publicandprivatespaceinIndiaandIran
suchas thewritingsofTapper (1979),Fruzzetti
(1978),Roy(1974),Jeffrey (1981),Beeman
(1980),Khatib-Chahidi, (1986),
andBetteridge(1989),among others.Thisstudyis alsoinformed bytheauthors' datafrom fieldwork.The
systematic
purposehereis nottoattempt
topresentanethnographyofa singlecase. Rather
theintentis tooffer
a frameworktoforce
andtoraisequestions,
re-thinking which maybetakenupinfutureresearchandanalysis.(Forotherstudies
whichhaveuseda

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 316

similar seeHelleiner,
approach 1998).Datais alsoincorporated
1998;Reixrach, fromwomen's andpersonal
autobiographies
narratives
which richinsights
provide intowomen'sworld
from their andintheir
perspective ownwords.(Fora detailed
onhowwomen's
discussion andother
diaries
autobiographies, narratives
constitute sources
important ofdataforunderstanding
women's seeKarlekar,
experiences 1981;Benstock,
1988;Braxton, 1988).Thetimeperiod
1990;Heilbrun, coveredis the
twentieth
century.
6. Though
weusetheterm"Islamic"
torefer
tomatters toreligious
relating beliefs wedonotwishtooverlook
andpractices,
variations
butacknowledge
that isconsiderable
there inthese
variety beliefs
andpractices.
7. A noteontransliteration.
Wehaveusedphonetic possible.Buttheliterature
wherever
spelling contains
a variety
of
forexample:
spellings, mahramandmaharam;
hejab,
hijab, Quran,
higab; etc.
Koran,
8. Tamara (1981)found
Dragadze a similar ofpublic
definition andprivate
inherstudyoftheTadjiks,a central
AsianMuslim
country
bordering "Athome
Afghanistan; women cook, careforchildren,
clean, andifa malevisitor
comes tothehousethey
willhardly
bevisible.
Ingoodweather,menareentertainedbytheir ona shaded
malehosts, platforminthecourtyard,
inbad
weatherina designated
room inside.Femalevisitors
arealwaysentertained
inside
unlessitis wellestablished
thatnomen
willbearound,
inwhichcasetheywillsitonthebalcony,
ifthere
isone,outside
theroom inwarm weather."
9. Beeman "Onecannot,
(1986)notes, forexample,
entertain inone'shome
a stranger inpajamas."
(1979)fromherstudyofYemeni "
10.Similar
examplesofmaleexclusion areprovidedbyMakhlouf society,... men's
ofthefemale
infringement separate
sphere is prevented
byanearlywarning system: onehouseis reserved
Usually, forthe
men'safternoon andanother
visit, forthewomen's. I haveseenithappen
However, that hishouse
a manenters while
thereis
a female there.
gathering Inthiscase,heisrequired
tosay"Allah!
Allah!" a number
loudly oftimes
whileclimbingthestairs
ofhishousesothat
thewomen hearinghimareabletochange their
comportmentandcovertheir
facebeforeheseesthem."
SeealsoBamdad(1977)forother
examples.
11.Fischer (1978)writes about thedifferential useofveiling anditsmeaning interms ofstatus markers as wellas levelsof
intimacy with mahram andna-mahram, "Notonlyareveilsrough markersofstratificationfrom villages(inthepastandstill
today often headcloths without chadors) tolower classurban (veilstiedaround thewaist toallowfreeuseofhands when
working) totraditionalupper class(fullveiling whenever inpublic); butveilsarealsomarkers ofintimacy from sons, brothers,
husbands (noveils), toclosefriends tonearkin(looseveiling), tothestranger (veilingtothepoint ofcovering allbutone
eye)."Makhlouf (1979)provides anexcellent detailedandgraphic forthedifferent
description typesofveilsanditsusesfrom
herstudy ofwomen inYemeni Society; "What isgenerally referred
toastheveilconsists, infact, ofseveralparts,eachhaving
a specialname andusage.Ofthetwotypes ofheadcovers worn indoors,only one,thelithma, isa veilintherealsense.The
other isnotusedtoconceal theface, butonlythehair, andapparently more forpurposes offashion andelegance than veiling
... Thistype ofheadscarf is worn bymarried women onafternoon visits.Theactual "indoor veil,"thelithma, is worn by
unmarried girlsatalltimes andbymarried women indaily routines
ofhousework, orforinformal visits.Thelithma isa piece
ofbrightly-coloured thinmaterial ormuslin draped around theheadinsucha wayas tocover thehairandtheforehead, while
thelower part ofitcanbepulled down touncover orpulled uptocover thewhole faceexcept theeyes, according tochanges
inthedefinition ofthesituation. When therearenomenaround, thelithma isdown, buta woman must cover herfaceinthe
presence ofa manwhoisnotherhusband, andisnotcovered bytheincesttaboo.Thelithma isusedwhen a manunexpected-
lyenters theroom where women aregathered.
The"outdoor veil"isoftwotypes. Thefirst isthesitara , a large
pieceofcotton material printedinred, blue,andgreen, andit
covers theheadandthebody.Tothis isadded a pieceofblack batikornamented withlarge andwhite circles covering theface
andtransparent enoughtoletthewoman seethrough. Theother typeofoutdoor veil,thesharshaf,consists ofthree parts:a
longpleated skirtworn overthedress anda waist-length capecovering theheadandshoulders, bothmadeofblacksilk-like
material,anda pieceofthin black muslintocover theface, thekhunna. Women ofthelower socialcategories tendtowear the
sitara whereas thoseofhigher rank wear theblack sharshaf:; somewomen ofthemiddle socialcategories between
alternate the
two,wearing thesitaraforcasualoccasions suchas morning errandsandvisits to immediate neighbors, andwearing the
sharshaf forafternoon visits.Allwomen andallgirls abovetenhavetoweareither thesitara orthesharshaf when theygo
outofthehouse.Theonlyunveiled women inthestreets arenon-Yemeni, someYemeni women born inEastAfrica, andthe
women whobelong totheakhdam, thelowest categoryintheYemen. Forother examples inthedifferentialuseoftheveil,see
McPastner (1978), El-SolhandMabro (1994).
12.Asalwaar ofloosebaggy
consists
kameez ontop.Asareeisa longpieceofcloth
andlongtunic
pants orother work
fabric
usedbywomen itaround
bywrapping thebody.
13.Forother seePapanek
examples, (1973).
14.Sanasarian
(1982)refers
toseparatemale-female tobeusedbymaleandfemale
zonesfortrenches, soldiers
duringthe
war.Papanek
Iran-Iraq (1973)saysthefollowing, International
"OnPakistan women
Airlines, that
mayspecify
passengers no
manis tobe seatedbesidethem.Bankshavebranch officesreserved
fortheuseofwomen,withfemale
employeesto
women
encourage inurban
customers areas.Ingovernment women
offices, employees that
mayspecify theywillnotshare
office
spacewithmenandareusuallyassignedtowomen's
suites."
(1981)talksabout
15. Schildkrout theroleofchildren
as traders,
messengers, inherarticle,
shoppers, Traders
"Young of
Northern Shefocused
Nigeria." ontheHausa,
thelargest
ethnic
groupinNorthern a group
Nigeria, that Islamand
practices
whosewomenliveinpurdah.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal andPlanning
ofArchitectural Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 317

16.Itmust
benoted
that isconsiderable
there variation
inmosque
attendance, andFernea
seeFernea (1992), (1978).
Pillsbury
ontheroleofthebath
17. Davis(1980)elaborates mistresses
with
examplesfromherfieldworkinruralMorocco:
"...thebath
mistress
is atthehammam thewhole
during timeitis open,
andsohasaccesstomost oftheinformation there.
relayed She
cancontrolother women byheruseofthisinformation; that
a mention one'sdaughter seemstochata lotwith
thebutcher's
assistant
while sheis buying
meatmayseriouslyimpede fora goodmarriage
herchances ifthemention
especially ismadein
thehammam , wherea woman forhersonmight
a bride
seeking about
inquire a girlshedidnotknow."
18. Though itwould from
appear that
(1978)study
Tapper's bothmales
andfemalesseekadvice
from female
ritual
experts,
other suchas Kamalkhani
studies, Fernea
(1993), andFernea Fischer
(1972), (1989),indicate
(1978),Betteridge that
women's
isprimarily
expertise bywomen
sought andimpactsthewomen's
community.
19.Theissueof"non-persons"
isalsodiscussed
byMakhlouf
(1979).
20. SeealsoSudarkasa Ridd(1994).
(1976),
21. SeealsoHirschon
(1985).
(1992)forfurther
22. SeeSered details.
23. Fora detailed seeElSolhandMabro
review (1994).
24. SeealsoHirschon
(1985).

REFERENCES

of California
women'sworlds:Bedouinstories.Berkeley:University
Abu-LughodL (1993) Writing
Press.

Al-HathloulS (1981) Tradition,

continuity The Arab-Muslim
and changein thephysicalenvironment:
city. Unpublished Ph.D. Massachusetts
dissertation. Institute
of Technology,
Cambridge,
Department of Architecture.

New York:Plenum.
A (1994) Womenand theenvironment.
AltmanI, Churchman

AltorkiS (1973) Religionand social organizationof elitefamiliesin urbanSaudi Arabia.Unpublished

Ph.D. dissertation,
University of California, Berkeley,Departmentof Anthropology.

AltorkiS (1986) Womenin Saudi Arabia: Ideologyand behaviouramong the elite. New York:
Press.
ColumbiaUniversity

AltorkiS, Cole D (1989) Arabianoasis city: The transformation ' of

. Austin:University
of Unayzah
Texas Press.

AntounR (1968) On themodestyof womenin ArabMuslimvillages:A studyin theaccommodation

oftradition.
American 70(l):671-97.
Anthropologist

ArdenerS (Ed.) (1981) Womenand space: Groundrulesand social maps. London:CroomHelm,

1993reviseded.,Providenceand Oxford:BergPublishers.

amongwomenof theelitein a smallTurkishcity.Anthropological

Aswad B (1974) Visitingpatterns
Quarterly 47:9-27.

Islam.London:IthacaPress.
withfundamentalist
AzariF (Ed.) (1983) WomenofIran: Theconflict

BamdadB (1977) Fromdarknessintolight in Iran. Hicksville,NY: Exposi-

: Women'semancipation
tionPress.

Boston,MA:
BarthF (1961) Nomadsof SouthPersia: Basseri tribeof theKhamesehConfederacy.
LittleBrown.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 318

Beck L (1980) The religiouslives of Muslimwomen.In JI Smith(Ed.), Womenin contemporary

Muslimsocieties.London:UK AssociatedUniversity
Press,pp. 27-60.

BeemanW (1986) Language, statusandpowerin Iran.Bloomington:

IndianaUniversity
Press.

BenedictP (1974) The Kabul guru:Structural

visitingin an Anatolianprovincialtown.Anthropologi-
cal Quarterly
47:28-47.

BennigsenA (1985) Islam in theSovietUnion.Journalof SouthAsian and MiddleEasternStudies

8(1): 123-38.

BenstockS (1988) The privateself: Theoryand practice of women'sautobiographicalwritings.

ChapelHill: University
ofNorthCarolinaPress.

A (1983) To veil or notto veil: A matterof protestor policy.In G Nashat(Ed.), Women

Betteridge
in Iran.Boulder,CO: WestviewPress.
and revolution

A (1987) Muslimpractices.In M. Eliade (Ed.), Encyclopediaof religion(Vol. 4). New

Betteridge
York:MacMillan,pp. 404-07.

vows of urbanMuslimwomenin Iran.In N Falk and R Gross

A (1989) The controversial
Betteridge
(Eds.), Unspokenworlds: Women'sreligiouslivesin non-western
cultures.San Francis-
co, CA: Harperand Row,pp. 102-11.

Bose M (1997) Women'swork,women'sspaces:A socio-spatialanalysisof slumsof Calcutta,India.

Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, of Wisconsin,Milwaukee,Department
University of Ar-
chitecture.

E (1980) Introduction
Bourguignon and theoretical In E Bourguignon
considerations. (Ed.), A world
of women: studies
Anthropological of women in thesocietiesof theworld. New York:
Praeger,pp. 1-15.
BraxtonJ(1990) Blackwomenwriting
autobiography. PA: TempleUniversity
Philadelphia, Press.

A, Sebba R (1985) Woman'sterritoriality

Churchman in thehome.In M Safir,M Mednick,D Israeli,
andJBernard(Eds.), Women'sworlds.New York:Praeger.

CrapanzanoV (1972) The Hamadsha.In N Keddie(Ed.), Scholars, saintsand sufis: Muslimreligious

institutions ofCaliforniaPress,pp. 327-48.
since1500. Berkeley:University

Cuno KM (1997) Islam. In CC Stewartand P Fritzche(Eds.), Imaginingthetwentieth Ur-

century.
bana andChicago:University of IllinoisPress,pp. 93-94.

E (1981) The meaningof things:Domesticsymbolsand the

M, Rochberg-Halton
Czikszentmihalyi
Press.
UK: CambridgeUniversity
self.Cambridge,

Davis SS (1978) Workingwomenin a Moroccanvillage.In L Beck and N Keddie (Eds.), Womenin

theMuslimworld.Cambridge,
MA: HarvardUniversity Press,pp. 416-38.

Deegan MJ (1987) The femalepedestrian:

The dramaturgyof structured barriersin
and experiential
thestreet.
Man-Environment Systems17:79-86.

DragadzeT (1981) The sexualdivisionof space amongtwoSovietminorities:The Georgiansand the

Tadjiks.In S Ardener(Ed.), Women and space: Groundrulesand social maps.London:
CroomHelm,pp. 158-67.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 319

DragadzeT (1994) Islam in Azerbaijan:The positionof women.In C El-Solh and J Mabro (Eds.),
Muslimwomen'schoices:Religiousbeliefand social reality.Oxford,UK: BergPublish-
ers,pp. 152-63.

DwyerD (1978) Women,sufismand decisionmakingin MoroccanIslam. In L Beck and N Keddie

(Eds.), Womenin the Muslimworld.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press,pp.
585-98.

El-Solh C, MabroJ (Eds.) (1994) Muslimwomen'schoices: Religiousbeliefand social reality.Ox-

ford,UK: BergPublishers.

FerneaR, FerneaE (1972) Variationsin religiousobservanceamongIslamicwomen.In N Keddie

since 1500. Berkeley:
(Ed.), Scholars, saintsand sufis: Muslimreligiousinstitutions
UniversityofCaliforniaPress,pp. 385-401.

FischerM (1978) On changingtheconceptand positionof Persianwomen.In L Beck and N Keddie

(Eds.), Womenin the Muslimworld.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press,pp.
189-215.

FranckK, PaxsonL (1989) Womenand urbanpublicspace. In I Altmanand E Zube (Eds.), Public

places and spaces. New York:Plenum,pp. 121-46.

FriedlE (1967) The positionof women,appearanceand reality.Anthropological 40(3):89-

Quarterly
114.

L (1980) Ritualstatusof Muslimwomenin ruralIndia.In JSmith(Ed.), Womenin contem-

Fruzzetti
poraryMuslimsociety.Lewisburg,PA: BucknellUniversityPress,pp. 186-208.

FullerA (1961) Byarji: Portraitof a LebaneseMuslimvillage.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity

Press.

Goffman'svisionof everydaylife.
GardinerC (1989) Analyzinggenderin publicplaces: Rethinking
AmericanSociologist20(l):42-56.

Haddad Y, EspositoJ (Eds.) (1998) Islam genderand social change.New York: OxfordUniversity
Press.

HakimB (1979) Arab-Islamiccities: Buildingand planningprinciples.London:Kegan Paul Interna-

tional.

HammamiR (1990) Women,theHijab and theIntifada.MiddleEast Report20(3-4):24-28,71, 164-

65.

HeglandM (1983) Aliabadwomen:Revolutionas religiousactivity.In G Nashat(Ed.), Womenand

revolutionin Iran.Boulder,CO: WestviewPress.

HeglandM (1997) A mixedblessing:The Majales, Shia women's mourningritualsin Northwest

: Genderand religious
Pakistan. In Brink,J and Mencher,J (Eds.,), Mixed Blessings
fundamentalism crossculturally.New York:Routledge,pp. 179-96.

a woman'slife. New York:BallantineBooks.

HeilbrunC (1988) Writing

childhoodin Ireland.
of children: The politicsof minority
HelleinerJ (1998) For the protection
AnthropologicalQuarterly
71(2)(April):51-61.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 320

HirschonR (1985) The woman-environment Greekculturalvalues in an urbancom-

relationship:
munity. Ekistics310(Jan-Feb):15-21.

HummonD (1989) House, home,and identityin contemporary Americanculture.In S Low and E

Chambers(Eds.), Housing, cultureand design.Philadelphia:University
of Pennsylvania
Press.

Ikramullah
S (1963) Frompurdahtoparliament.
London:Cresset.

JacobsonD, WadleyS (1977) Womenin India: Twoperspectives.

Columbia,MO: SouthAsia Books.

JamzadehL, Mills M (1986) IranianSofreh:Fromcollectiveto femaleritual.In C Bynum,S Harrell,

and P Richman(Eds.), Genderand religion
: On thecomplexityofsymbols.Boston,MA:
Beacon Press,pp. 23-65.

P (1979) Frogsin a well:Indianwomenin Purdah.London:Zed Books.

Jeffrey

JosephS (1978) Womenand theneighborhood streetin Borj Hammoud,Lebanon.In L Beck and N

Keddie(Eds.), Womenin theMuslimworld.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press,
pp. 541-58.
KabeerN (1994) Women'slabourin theBangladeshgarment Choicesandconstraints.
industry: In CF
El-Solh and J Mabro (Eds.), Muslim women's choices: Religiousbeliefand social
reality.Oxford,UK: BergPublishers,
pp. 164-83.
KamalkhaniZ (1993) Women'severyday religiousdiscoursein Iran.In H Afshar(Ed.), Womenin the
MiddleEast: Perceptions
, realitiesand struggles
forliberation.New York:St. Martin's
Press,pp. 85-95.

KamalkhaniZ (1997) Women'sIslam: Religiouspracticeamongwomenin todays'Iran. London:

KeganPaul.
KarlekarM (1991) Voicesfromwithin:Earlypersonalnarrativesof Bengali women.Oxford,UK:
OxfordUniversity
Press.

Khatib-Chahidi
J (1981) Sexual prohibitions,
sharedspace and fictivemarriagesin Shi'ite Iran.In S
Ardener(Ed.), Womenand space. London:CroomHelm,pp. 112-34.

KushaHR (1990) Minority

statusof womenin Islam:A debatebetweentraditional
and modernIslam.
JournaloftheInstitute
ofMuslimMinority Affairs11(1):58-73.

LamphereL (1974) Strategies,cooperationand conflictamongwomenin domesticgroups.In M

Rosaldo and L Lamphere(Eds.), Woman , cultureand society. Stanford,
CA: Stanford
UniversityPress,pp. 97-113.

A (1966) Baytin
Lutfiyya , a Jordanianvillage.The Hague,Netherlands:Mouton.

MacKenzieS, Rose D (1983) Industrial

change,thedomesticeconomyand homelife.In JAnderson,
S Duncan and R Hudson (Eds.), Redundantspaces in cities and regions.London:
Academic,pp. 155-200.

MakhloufC (1979) Changingveils: Womenand modernization

in northYemen.Austin:University
of
Texas Press.

MandelbaumD (1988) Women'sseclusionand men'shonor.Tucson:University

of ArizonaPress.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 ofArchitectural
Journal andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 321

MazumdarS (1981) Controland cities:Some examplesfromIran.Unpublished

thesis,Massachusetts
Institute
of Technology,Cambridge, of Architecture
Departments and UrbanStudiesand
Planning.

MazumdarS, MazumdarS (1993) Sacred space and place attachment.

Journalof Environmental
Psychology
13(3)(Sep):231-42.
MazumdarS, MazumdarS (1994) Societal values and architecture:
A socio-physicalmodel of the
Journal
interrelationships. ofArchitectural and PlanningResearch11(1):66-90.

MazumdarS, MazumdarS (1997a) Intergroup

social relationsand architecture:
Vernaculararchitec-
ture and issues of status, power, and conflict. Environmentand Behavior
29(3)(May):374-421.

MazumdarS, MazumdarS (1997b) Religioustraditions and domesticarchitecture:A comparative

analysisof Zoroastrianand Islamichousesin Iran. JournalofArchitectural
and Plan-
ningResearch 14(2):181-208.

MazumdarS, MazumdarS (1999) Rituallives of Muslimwomen:Agencyin practice. Journalof

RitualStudies13(3).

McDowell L (1983) Cityand home:Urbanhousingand thesexualdivisionof space. In M Evans and

C Ungerson(Eds.), Sexual divisions:Patternsand processes. London:Tavistock,pp.
142-63.

McPastnerC (1978) The statusof womenand property

on a Baluchistanoasis in Pakistan.In L Beck
and N Keddie(Eds.), Womenin theMuslimworld.Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity
Press,pp. 434-50.

MernissiF (1989) Women,saintsand sanctuariesin Morocco. In N Falk and R Gross (Eds.), Un-
spokenworlds:Women'sreligiouslives. Belmont,CA: Wadsworth, pp. 112-24.
Milani F (1992) Veils and words: The emergingvoices of Iranian womenwriters.London: I.B.
Tauris.

MinaultG (1994) Othervoices,otherrooms:The view fromtheZenana. In N Kumar(Ed.), Women

as subjects:SouthAsian histories.Charlottesville: Pressof Virginia,pp. 108-
University
24.

NajmabadiA (1998) Feminismin an Islamic Republic:Years of hardship,yearsof growth.In Y

Haddad and J Esposito(Eds.), Islam, gender,and social change. New York: Oxford
Press,pp. 59-84.
University

NashatG (1983) Womenand revolution

in Iran.Boulder,CO: WestviewPress.

Nelson C (1974) Public and privatepolitics:Womenin the Middle Easternworld.AmericanEth-

nologist1(3):55 1-63.

OrtnerS (1974) Is femaleto male as natureis to culture?In M Rosaldo and L Lamphere(Eds.),

Woman , cultureand society.Stanford,
CA: Stanford Press,pp. 67-88.
University

PapanekH (1973) Purdah:Separateworldsand symbolicshelter.Comparative

studiesin societyand
history15(3):289-325.

PataiR (1973) Goldenriverto goldenroad.Philadelphia:University

of Pennsylvania
Press.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 322

Pellow D (1988) Whathousingdoes: Changesin an Accra community.

Architecture
and Behavior
4(3):213-28.

PetersonR (1987) Genderissuesin thehomeand urbanenvironment.In E Zube and G Moore(Eds.),

Advancesin environmentbehaviorand design.New York:Plenum,pp. 187-218.

PetersonR, WekerleG, MorleyD (1978) Womenand environments:

An overviewof an emerging
field.Environment
and Behavior10(4):511-34.

Pickthall,M (1953) The meaningof thegloriousKoran. New York: New AmericanLibrary,Metor

Books.

in China. In L Beck and N Keddie (Eds.),

PillsburyB (1978) Being femalein a Muslimminority
Womenin theMuslimworld.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press,pp. 651-73.

RamazaniN (1983) The veil - Pietyor protest?JournalofSouthAsianand MiddleEasternStudies

7(2).

ReixrachJ(1998) Procreation
and itsimplications
forgender,marriage,and familyin Europeanrural
Anthropological
ethnography. Quarterly71(l)(January):32-40.
PA: J.B.Lippincott.
Rice C (1923) Persianwomenand theirways.Philadelphia,

RiddR (1994) Separatebutmorethanequal: Muslimwomenat theCape. In C El-Solhand JMabro

(Eds.), Muslimwomen'schoices:Religiousbeliefand social reality.Oxford,UK: Berg
Publishers,pp. 73-84.

analysisof genderand residentialzoningin the UnitedStates.In I

RitzdorfM (1994) A feminist
Altmanand A Churchman (Eds.), Womenand theenvironment. New York:Plenum,pp.
255-79.

overview.In M Rosaldo and L Lam-

Rosaldo M (1974) Woman,culture,and society:A theoretical
phere(Eds.), Woman
, cultureand CA: Stanford
society. Stanford, UniversityPress,pp.
17-42.

CA: StanfordUniversity
Rosaldo M, LamphereL (1974) Woman,cultureand society. Stanford,
Press.

Roy S (1979) StatusofMuslimwomenin NorthIndia. Delhi,India:B.R. Publishing

Corporation.

in publicspaces: Race, class and genderas interlocking

difference
RuddickS (1996) Constructing
Urban
systems. Geography 17(2):132-51.

SaegertS (1980) Masculinecitiesand feminine realities.In C

suburbs:Polarizedideas,contradictory
Stimpson,E Dixler,M Nelson,and K Yatrakis(Eds.), Womenand theAmericancity.
Chicago,IL: University
ofChicagoPress,pp. 93-108.

SanasarianE (1982) The women'srightsmovement in Iran: Mutiny,appeasement,and depression

from1900 to Khomeini.New York:Praeger.

SandayP (1974) Femalestatusin thepublicdomain.In M Rosaldoand L Lamphere(Eds.), Woman,

cultureand society.Stanford,
CA: Stanford Press,pp. 189-206.
University

Press.
to Islamiclaw. London:OxfordUniversity
SchachtJ(1964) An introduction

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 323

E (1981) Young tradersof northern

Schildkrout Nigeria.In J Spradleyand D McCurdy(Eds.), Con-
formity and conflict:Readingsin culturalanthropology.Boston,MA: Little,Brownand
Company,pp. 246-53.

SchimmelA (1975) Mysticaldimensions

ofIslam. ChapelHill: University
of NorthCarolinaPress.

Sered S (1992) Womenas ritualexperts:The religiouslivesof elderlyJewishwomenin Jerusalem.

Oxford,UK: OxfordUniversityPress.

Sharistanian
J (1986) Gender on women*
, ideologyand action:Historicalperspectives s public lives.
New York:GreenwoodPress.

Sharistanian
J (1987) Beyondthepublic/domestic
dichotomy: perspectiveon women's
Contemporary
publiclives.New York:GreenwoodPress.

SingerM (1972) Whena greattradition An anthropological

modernizes: approachto Indianciviliza-
tion. New York:Prager.

Sinha A (1989) Environmentaland social changein thehomeand neighborhood: A case studyin

Lucknow , UttarPradesh, India.Ph.D. dissertation, of California,
University Berkeley.

SmithJ (1994) Womenin Islam. In A Sharma(Ed.), Today's womanin worldreligions.Albany:

StateUniversity
of New York,pp. 303-25.

SorabjiC (1994) Mixed motives:Islam,nationalismand Mevludsin an unstableYugoslavia.In CF

El-Solh and J Mabro (Eds.), Muslimwomen's choices: Religiousbeliefand social
reality.Oxford,UK: BergPublishers,
pp. 85-107.

SpainD (1992) Genderedspaces. ChapelHill: University

of NorthCarolinaPress.

SudarkasaN (1976) Female employment and familyorganization

in West Africa.In D McGuigan
(Ed.), New researchon womenand sex roles. AnnArbor:University
of MichiganCen-
terforContinuing Education,pp. 48-61.

TapperN (1978) The women'ssub-societyamongtheShahsevannomadsof Iran.In L Beck and N

Keddie(Eds.), Womenin theMuslimworld.Cambridge,
MA: HarvardUniversityPress,
pp. 374-98.

Tapper N (1983) Genderand religionin a Turkishtown: A comparisonof two typesof formal

women'sgatherings.
In P Holden(Ed.), Women'sreligiousexperiences.
London:Croom
Helm,pp. 71-88.

TapperN (1990) Ziyaret:Gender,movement and exchangein a Turkishcommunity. In D Eickelman

and J Piscatori(Eds.), Muslimtravelers: Pilgrimages and thereligiousim-
, migration
agination.Berkeley:University ofCaliforniaPress,pp. 236-55.

TapperN, TapperR (1987) The birthof theprophet:Ritualand genderin TurkishIslam.Man 22:69-

92.

Tett G (1994) Guardiansof the faith?Genderand religionin an (ex) Soviet Tajik village. In C
El-Solh and J Mabro (Eds.), Muslim women's choices: Religiousbeliefand social
reality.Oxford,UK: BergPublishers,
pp. 108-27.

S (1979) Women,powerand theanthropology

Tiffany of politics:A review.International
Journalof
Women'sStudies2(9)(September-October):430-42.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Journal
ofArchitectural
andPlanning
Research
18:4(Winter,
2001) 324

Studiesin
TillyL (1978) The social sciencesand thestudyof women:A reviewarticle.Comparative
Societyand History20(1): 163-73.

C (1968) Parda: A studyof Muslimwomen'slife in northern

Vreede-de-Stuers India. New York:
HumanitiesPress.

WheatleyP (1976) Levels of space awarenessin thetraditional

Islamiccity.Ekistics42:354-66.

WrightS (1981) Place and face: Of womenin DoshmanZiari,Iran.In S Ardener(Ed.), Womenand

space: Groundrulesand social maps.London:CroomHelm,pp. 136-56.

Additionalinformation may be obtainedby writingdirectlyto ProfessorShampaMazumdarat the

Department of Sociology,University Irvine,California92697-5050,USA.
of California,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Fortheir comments
thoughtful wethanktheanonymous ofthisjournal
reviewers andtheparticipants
atthe1APS15,1998
inEindhoven,
conference inAugust
theNetherlands anearlier
1998where version
ofthis waspresented.
paper

SKETCHES
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL
ShampaMazumdar inHistory
hasa B.A.(Honors) fromCalcutta anM.A.anda Ph.D.inSociology
University, fromNorth-
eastern Boston.Herresearch
University, areinthesociology
interests ofreligion, space,AsianIndian
sacred immigrant
communities,
religionandwomen, andinhomeenvironments.Herpublications
appearintheJournal
ofArchitectural
and
Research
Planning ofEnvironmental
, Journal , Environment
Psychology andBehavior Annual
, Environments, Review
ofWomen
inWorld , Journal
Religions ofRitual , andinseveral
Studies andproceedings.
books Shehastaught
atNortheastern
University,
andiscurrently
Boston, attheUniversity
teaching ofCalifornia,
Irvine.
SanjoyMazumdar's research
seekstounderstandtheinterrelationships
between culturesandtheir artifacts
physical anden-
vironments.He is currently inorganizations,
computerization
researching communicationsinorganizations,
organizational
urban
ecology, ethnic andhomes,
culture
enclaves, vernacular
architecture
andreligion, andlaw.Hisresearch
andarchitecture
is being intheJournal
published ofArchitectural
andPlanningResearch andBehavior,
, Environment ofEnvironmen-
Journal
talPsychology,
JournalofArchitectural
Education,
Environments,
Reflections,AnnualReview ofWomeninWorldReligions,
JournalofRitual
Studies,Research
inSocialScience andinmany
andDisability, books Hehasserved
andproceedings. on
theeditorial
advisoryboardofTraditional andSettlements
Dwellings Review, haspracticedarchitecture inseveral
andplanning
countries
andconsults Hehasa B.Arch.
frequently. (Honors)fromtheI.I.T.Kharagpur,
India, a M.C.P.,
a M.Arch.A.S., anda
Ph.D.inOrganizational
Studies
andEnvironmentalDesignfromM.I.T.Hehastaught atNortheastern and
M.I.T.,
University,
isanAssociate
ProfessorintheSchool
ofSocialEcologyattheUniversityofCalifornia,
Irvine.
revisions
Manuscript 28September
completed 2000.

This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Mon, 18 Jan 2016 20:09:26 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions