Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Consuming Food and Constructing Identities Among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women
Consuming Food and Constructing Identities Among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women
Consuming Food and Constructing Identities Among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women
net/publication/233571802
Consuming Food and Constructing Identities among Arabic and South Asian
Immigrant Women
Article in Food Culture and Society An International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research · September 2008
DOI: 10.2752/175174408X347900
CITATIONS READS
110 2,395
2 authors:
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
All content following this page was uploaded by Helen Vallianatos on 21 December 2015.
··
Consuming Food and
Constructing Identities
among Arabic and
•
South Asian Immigrant
••
Women •
••
•••••••••
•
••••••
••••
•
•••
••
••
•
•
•
•
•
⠝⠞⠟⠡⠝⠞⠟
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 356
ABSTRACT
::
Migration to a new country often results in a variety of social and economic challenges,
often reflected in foodways. Food is of central importance in maintaining connections to
home, and signifying ethnic identity among diasporic community members. Alternatively, Food,
Culture
new opportunities may be represented by the incorporation of new food elements into &
consumption patterns. Focus group interviews conducted with Arabic and South Asian Society
immigrant women residing in a smaller Canadian city reveal the meanings women
imparted to their own and their families’ food choices and dietary habits. Women
shared their struggles of maintaining ethnic cuisine as a marker of community affiliation
while to varying degrees, integrating new foods, usually at their children’s request.
Experiences were not uniform, yet comparisons within and across these two
communities suggest the importance of local social factors and politico-economic
context in shaping commonly shared food and migration experiences and such shared
realities highlight areas for advocacy.
Introduction
::
Migration to Canada frequently entails adapting to new lifeways, and part of
this process may include adjusting conceptualizations of self and
performance of identities. Experiences of this process of adjustment depend
on how various aspects of self are contextualized in specific historical and
spatial locations. Many immigrants hope to retain their cultural practices
and identities, although some modifications are common especially as
immigrants cope with socioeconomic realities encountered in Canada (Buijs
1996). One such example is the transformation of gender roles, as financial
stress necessitates the participation of both women and men in the labor
force, which in turn may challenge customary ideas of womanhood and
manhood. This may lead to tensions within families and communities
(George 2005; Hyman et al. 2004). Analysis of complex symbolic meanings
and associations of food and foodways provides a window into understanding
how individuals construct subjectivity, and how various kinds of
sociocultural boundaries (e.g. based on class, caste, religion, etc) are
demarcated. Thus, food both delineates and connects.
Food also connects across time and place, and for many migrants, food is
an essential component of maintaining connections to home. How and what
kinds of food are consumed recall families and friends left behind, and by
continuing to consume both everyday and celebratory foods migrants
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 357
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 358
presenting our analysis of women’s voices, we describe where and how our
research was conducted.
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 359
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 360
construction or driving taxi cabs. The financial strain that arguably resulted
from the lack of Canadian work experience and non-recognition of foreign
credentials was evident in the levels of poverty among study participants.
Calculations of poverty levels using Statistics Canada’s Before-Tax Low
vol. 11 :: no. 3 Income Cut-Offs (LICO), which determine poverty lines according to
september 08
community and family size, showed very high poverty rates among
participants’ households: 55.26 percent of South Asian and 52.7 percent of
Arabic participants were living below LICOs. As expected, non-recent
immigrant women reported relatively higher household incomes. Census
data on income distribution among immigrants in Edmonton indicate that
recent immigrants are under-represented in upper-income brackets (above
$50,000), and a greater percentage of recent immigrant women than men
have incomes under $10,000 (Strategic Research and Statistics 2005a).
Experiences of financial stress shared by many of the women have arguably
affected dietary patterns and family dynamics around food.
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 361
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 362
contrast with Arabic women, who were described, both generally and from
women’s own personal experiences, as always putting family first. These are
sweeping statements, not reflective of the variation within Canadian and
Arabic women’s family lives, but we suggest it is precisely this generalization
that serves in the construction of ethnic group identity. Food,
Culture
The prioritizing of women’s family roles as care-takers was also &
Society
emphasized by South Asian participants, perceivable in this exchange among
recent immigrants:
I think back home they’re more involved, but not like in the kitchen
or cooking; there they would tell you “I feel like eating this kind of
food’ or something, but here, they will eat whatever you make …
Like here, the men come home later in the evening and are hungry,
and the first thing they want to do is eat, they don’t care what it is.
But in Lebanon, they’ll tell you what they feel, and you have time to
make it.
So, men were customarily involved in terms of contributing to food
choices and meal planning. In Canada, however, where the lifestyle was
unanimously reported to be more harried and stressful, men reportedly did
not have the time or energy to contribute in this manner; rather, they
exhaustedly ate whatever meals their wives had prepared. This may be
indicative of shifting intrafamily gender relations, as these women take on a
greater responsibility for daily food planning.
The demarcation of gendered food spaces and food work was challenged
among some immigrant families. In terms of domestic kitchen duties, some
women spoke of men being more helpful and supportive in Canada, as
demonstrated by this exchange between three Arabic women, recently
arrived in Canada:
1: They help more than back home. I think because they see that
life is stressful for both, so they help out.
2: And because there is nobody around to see him, so he helps
out, because back home there are mothers and aunts and
family to help, so the man doesn’t come into the kitchen. Back
home they will blame the woman if the husband is in the
kitchen.
3: My husband taught me how to cook. At the beginning of the
marriage he helped me more than he does now.
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 363
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 364
shopping excursions. For example, the women did the grocery shopping
either alone or with their husbands. Both Arabic and South Asian women
recounted that back home, they did not often have to leave their homes to
shop because husbands or other extended family members often undertook
vol. 11 :: no. 3 this task, and vendors routinely sold food products door-to-door. This was
september 08
not a uniform experience; whether the women came from rural or urban
communities, their life stage (e.g. newlywed, mother-in-law), socioeconomic
status and family dynamics all influenced their previous shopping
experiences. Nevertheless, more women had the primary responsibility of
grocery shopping post-migration. Access to private transport was an
important factor. Shopping at ethnic grocery stores, which are
predominantly located in ethnic enclaves, may be costlier than shopping at
large box-store supermarkets, which now also carry many ethnic food items,
but access requires a car (or money for a cab). Yet, patronizing ethnic
groceries may be a way of connecting with other immigrants, and through
the familiar smells, sights and food products, connecting with home
(Mankekar 2005). The role of food in creating and maintaining communal
and transnational ties with others is discussed in the following section.
Not only were religiously prescribed foods such as halal meats difficult to
acquire, but even “parsley was not available. This is very important for Arabs.
Parsley is needed in every Arab home” recalled one Arabic woman who
immigrated twenty-five years ago. Language barriers were a further
challenge, as recalled another non-recent Arabic immigrant:
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 365
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 366
When I first came here, it was me and two kids, and we had nobody
here. We went to Safeway, and back home, we had the cans of beef
(bollabeef), so we saw the can, and we never paid attention to it
(laughs). So, our first meal in Canada was dog food.
Food,
The isolation experienced by many non-recent South Asian and Arabic Culture
&
immigrants to Edmonton is slowly being alleviated, although recent Society
immigrants from South Asia, Western Asia and the Middle East
overwhelmingly continue to settle in Toronto and Montreal respectively
(Strategic Research and Statistics 2005b). A symbol of the growth of these
particular communities in Edmonton is the availability of ethnic foods. The
proliferation of South Asian and Arabic grocery stores, and availability of
these particular ethnic foods in supermarkets has occurred only recently in
Edmonton, within the past six years. The immigrant Muslim women
reported that grocery shopping was an especially time-consuming process
because of the necessity of reading labels to check for proscribed ingredients
(i.e. pork products). Thus ethnic groceries, once available, provide a haven
for these immigrant women. In these stores, one can find the same products,
with the same packaging as back home. Even growing arrays of convenience
foods, such as frozen rotis, are available. Ethnic grocery stores become a
cultural space where women can connect with others, and recall home.
However, the familiar is not always equivalent with security and comfort, as
foodscapes, including foods and grocery stores, may evocate complex
emotions (Mankekar 2005). Furthermore, the costs for many foods found in
these small stores are high, not only in comparison with food prices back
home, but also with large supermarket chains that are now attempting to
meet diverse populations’ needs. Study participants who had access to
transportation regularly patronized such supermarkets rather than small
ethnic grocers as a strategy of stretching household food dollars, thereby
foregoing the security of ethnic grocery stores. Yet Edmonton foodscapes are
rapidly changing, exemplified by the stocking and display of appropriate
foods required in making celebratory dishes for Diwali and Eid in
mainstream supermarkets—a great contrast to the above descriptions of
food shopping provided by non-recent immigrant women.
Through their food work, the women impart onto their children what it
means to be Arabic, South Asian or Canadian, Hindu, Sikh or Muslim.
Because food consumption and transactions symbolize group identity, the
women must teach their children the social meanings of food
pre/proscriptions. This has not been easy in Canada, where many children’s
friends and society at large do not share the same food meanings, as
demonstrated by this exchange among South Asian women:
1: Yeah of course for us and for our kids it’s hard, but I try to pack
a snack, lunch from home. We feed them a heavy breakfast,
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 367
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 368
physical attributes, but in how these foods satisfy emotional needs. They
serve to connect with oneself, and to recall the foods, tastes and people of
“home.”
vol. 11 :: no. 3
september 08
Contextualizing Gender and Ethnic Identity
::
We have presented how Arabic and South Asian immigrant women in
Edmonton have utilized food’s symbolic nuances to construct and represent
gender and ethnicity. The shared realities voiced by these particular women
highlight common experiences of immigrants, and in turn underscore how
Canadian lifestyles shape family foodways for both newcomers and long-
term residents. Similarities between these immigrant women are due to their
shared experiences of entry into Canada based on family connections, their
emphasis on roles as mothers and wives, the commonly experienced shift
from extended to nuclear family structures, their relocation to a Canadian
city with relatively small South Asian and Arabic immigrant communities,
and their marginalized political-economic status. The downward shift in
economic status so commonly experienced was emphasized by all
participants. Approximately half of the participants were poor, living below
Canada’s Low Income Cut-Offs. Arguably, part of the reason for the
economic disadvantages immigrants face is political—policies that lead to
non-recognition of their credentials and experience earned elsewhere. This
results in underemployment (Chui 2003; Man 2004). Financial difficulties
shape women’s dietary choices and shopping strategies, as they aim to meet
their husbands’ and children’s food desires. Most of the women shared
experiences of grocery shopping that highlight linguistic and cultural
obstacles in adjusting to Canadian society. This was particularly evident in
non-recent immigrant women’s recollections of when traditional foods were
unavailable and South Asian and Arabic communities were extremely small
in Edmonton. The recent increased accessibility of ethnic foods and stores
has helped women purchase food elements required to re-enact “home.”
Physical availability of ethnic foods does not equate with accessibility,
however, as the costs of many of these food items can be quite high,
especially when considered relative both to prices in home countries and
income in Canada. Mainstream markets are responding to increasing
diversity among Edmontonians, but for recent immigrants in particular,
access to these stores is constrained by transportation and language barriers.
Socioeconomic contexts have resulted in the need for immigrant men to
work long hours, and for many women to enter the workforce. Differences
in women’s employment patterns were evident within and between
participants: more non-recent immigrants were employed, and more South
Asian women, both recent and non-recent immigrants, worked for wages.
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 369
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 370
One reason for this pattern may be the higher language capabilities and
education reported by South Asian women, particularly among younger
women who had pursued “English-medium” schooling in India or Pakistan.
Regardless of whether or not women were employed outside the home, the
vast majority retained domestic duties, with occasional “help” from husbands Food,
Culture
with domestic tasks. Only in a few instances did a shift in gender roles and &
Society
relations ensue, with men entering the “woman’s domain”—the kitchen.
Women’s primacy in food work, including negotiating their families’ food
desires, is arguably a greater challenge post-migration, as children more
aggressively assert their identities via food choices. Accordingly, traditional
household gastropolitics patterns continue, in the sense that women
prioritize others’ food choices before their own while negotiating family
dynamics and gender/age hierarchies. However, change is also evident based
on shifts in family structure and economic status.
We have suggested that women bear the burden of teaching their children
cultural/religious values (e.g. dietary rules of consumption), thereby molding
children’s understandings of what it means to be South Asian/Arabic/
Canadian. This is not to suggest that there are no tensions around identity
and food consumption choices “back home.” Rather, we suggest that
migration may further stress parent–child relations, as children are exposed
to a variety of foods through the media, school and peers, and want to fit in
by consuming these foods. As Claude Fischler has expounded in his theory
of incorporation, the foods consumed directly influence our identities,
through physiological and symbolic constructions (1988). So, children
actively assert their desire to Canadianize, or at least to be like their friends,
symbolized in part through the incorporation of “Canadian” foodstuffs (a
wide array of foods, most commonly including pasta and pizza, as defined by
participants), while parents, particularly mothers, aim to maintain and
propagate customs and values that they cherish through the provision of
traditional meals.
This tension between children and their mothers is not inflexible. In fact,
the women incorporated “Canadian” foodstuffs into their culinary repertoire
to varying degrees. We also suggest that women are important conduits of
their family’s dietary acculturation, as they negotiate family members’
competing desires and incorporate new food elements and dishes into
traditional cuisines.
Pierre Bourdieu, in his seminal work on taste, recognizes the important
functions of food:
It is probably in tastes in food that one would find the strongest and
most indelible mark of infant learning, the lessons which longest
withstand the distancing or collapse of the native world and most
durably maintain nostalgia for it. (Bourdieu 1984: 79)
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 371
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 372
Acknowledgements
::
Funding for this project was provided by POWER (Promotion of Optimal
Weights through Ecological Research), a New Emerging Team research
grant provided by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research – Institute of Food,
Culture
Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes, in partnership with the Heart and &
Society
Stroke Foundation of Canada. We would like to thank Shaymaa Rahme,
BSc, BEd, and Hina Syed, BA, whose work as research assistants was
extremely valuable, as was the help and advice provided by Yvonne Chiu and
her colleagues, at the Multicultural Health Brokers Cooperative. We would
also like to acknowledge the thoughtful critiques of the anonymous
reviewers, which strengthened the presentation of our work.
Note
::
1 The labels “South Asian” and “Arabic” were self-defined and applied by community
members and the community-based organization with whom we worked. Participants who
identified as South Asian were from Pakistan and North India. Those who identified as Arab
came from Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, although the majority were from Lebanon
and identified as Palestinians. Of course, there is a great deal of cultural heterogeneity
within South Asian and Arabic communities, and this is reflected in food practices.
However, broad culinary patterns were evident within Arabic and South Asian women’s
food-related experiences and cuisines.
References
::
Appadurai, A. 1981. Gastro-politics in Hindu South Asia. American Ethnologist 8: 494–511.
Appadurai, A. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis,
MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Beardsworth, A. and Keil, T. 1997. Sociology on the Menu. London: Routledge.
Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Buijs, G. (ed.) 1996. Migrant Women: Crossing Boundaries and Changing Identities. Oxford:
Berg.
Charles, N. and Kerr, M. 1988. Women, Food and Families. Manchester: Manchester
University Press.
Chui, T. 2003. Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada: Process, Progress and Prospects.
Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Counihan, C. M. 1999. The Anthropology of Food and Body: Gender, Meaning, and Power. New
York: Routledge.
DeVault, M. 1990. Talking and Listening from Women’s Standpoints: Feminist Strategies for
Interviewing and Analysis. Social Problems 37: 96–116.
DeVault, M. 1991. Feeding the Family: The Social Organization of Caring as Gendered Work.
Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Diner, H. R. 2001. Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of
Migration. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Fischler, C. 1988. Food, Self and Identity. Social Science Information 27: 275–92.
Gabaccia, D. R. 1998. We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
George, S. M. 2005. When Women Come First: Gender and Class in Transnational Migration.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Goode, J. G., Curtis, K. and Theophano, J. 1984. Meal Formats, Meal Cycles, and Menu
Negotiations in the Maintenance of an Italian-American Community. In M. Douglas (ed.)
Food in the Social Order. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, pp. 143–218.
Guendelman, S. and Siega-Riz, A. M. 2002. Infant Feeding Practices and Maternal Dietary
Intake Among Latino Immigrants in California. Journal of Immigrant Health 4: 137–46.
Harbottle, L. 2000. Food for Health, Food for Wealth: Ethnic and Gender Identities in British
vol. 11 :: no. 3
Iranian Communities. New York: Berghahn Books.
september 08
Harriss, B. 1995. The Intrafamily Distribution of Hunger in South Asia. In J. Drze, A. Sen
and A. Hussain (eds) The Political Economy of Hunger: Selected Essays. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, pp. 224–97.
Hyman, I., Guruge, S., Mason, R., Gould, J., Stuckless, N., Tang, T., Teffera, H. and
Mekonnen, G. 2004. Post-migration Changes in Gender Relations among Ethiopian
Couples Living in Canada. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research 36: 74–89.
Jabbra, N. W. and Jabbra, J. G. 1984. Voyageurs to a Rocky Shore: The Lebanese and Syrians of
Nova Scotia. Halifax, NS: Dalhousie University.
Jacobson, D. and Wadley, S. 1995. Women in India. New Delhi: Manohar.
Lupton, D. 1996. Food, the Body and the Self. London: Sage.
Maclagan, I. 2000. Food and Gender in a Yemeni Community. In S. Zubaida and R. Tapper
(eds) A Taste of Thyme: Culinary Cultures of the Middle East. London: Tauris Parke
Paperbacks, pp. 159–172.
Man, G. 2004. Gender, Work and Migration: Deskilling Chinese Immigrant Women in
Canada. Women’s Studies International Forum 27: 135–48.
Mandelbaum, D. G. 1988. Women’s Seclusion and Men’s Honor: Sex Roles in North India,
Bangladesh, and Pakistan. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press.
Mankekar, P. 2005. “India shopping:” Indian grocery Stores and Transnational Configurations
of Belonging. In J. L. Watson and M. L. Caldwell (eds) The Cultural Politics of Food and
Eating. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 197–214.
McIntosh, W. A. and Zey, M. 1989. Women as Gatekeepers of Food Consumption: A
Sociological Critique. Food and Foodways 3: 317–32.
Morgan, D. L. 1997. Focus Groups as Qualitative Research (2nd edn). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Ralston, H. 1996. The Lived Experience of South Asian Immigrant Women in Atlantic Canada:
The Interconnections of Race, Class and Gender. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press.
Ray, K. 2004. The Migrant’s Table: Meals and Memories in Bengali-American Households.
Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Rozin, P. 1987. Psychological perspectives on food: preferences and avoidances. In M. Harris
and E.B. Ross (eds) Food and Evolution: Toward a Theory of Human Food Habits.
Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, pp. 181–205.
Satia-Abouta, J., Patterson, R. E., Neuhouser, M. L. and Elder, J. 2002a. Dietary
Acculturation: Applications to Nutrition Research and Dietetics. Journal of the American
Dietetic Association 102: 1105–18.
Satia-Abouta, J., Patterson, R. E., Kristal, A. R., Teh, C. and Tu, S.-P. 2002b. Psychosocial
Predictors of diet and Acculturation in Chinese American and Chinese Canadian Women.
Ethnicity and Health 7: 21–39.
Statistics Canada. 2001. Community Profiles—Edmonton. Available from:
www12.statcan.ca/english/Profil01/Details (accessed March 3, 2005).
Strategic Research and Statistics. 2005a. Recent Immigrants in Metropolitan Areas—
Edmonton. Ottawa, ON: Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada.
Strategic Research and Statistics. 2005b. Recent Immigrants in Metropolitan Areas—
Canada. Ottawa, ON: Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada.
Sutton, D. E. 2001. Remembrance of Repasts: An Anthropology of Food and Memory. Oxford:
Berg.
Vallianatos, H. and Raine, K. 2005. Migration and Obesity: Social Determinants of
Overweight/Obesity among Canadian Immigrants. Obesity Reviews 6(Suppl. 1): 96.
Vallianatos, H., Ramos-Salas, X. and Raine, K. 2005. Social Determinants of
Overweight/Obesity among Three Immigrant Communities. Obesity Research 13: A157.
Zaatari, Z. 2006. The Culture of Motherhood: An Avenue for Women’s Civil Participation in
South Lebanon. Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies 2: 33–64.
Food and Identity among Arabic and South Asian Immigrant Women :: 373
90FCS11.3 Vallianatos:04FCS10.3/Karaou 12/8/08 09:19 Page 374