CHAPTER – I

INTRODUCTION

Introduction

Migration is one of the salient features of human beings which has been
occurring since the very beginning of man’s appearance in this universe.
Though human migration is a feature of Stone Age man, the rapidity of
industrialization and urbanization in the modern era has given it a big push.
With the development of modern means of transportation and communication
thousands of people started to leave their usual abode in search of new jobs and
fresh opportunities. Migration has greater potential for poverty alleviation and
economic growth of the migrants. Hence, most of the Lambani families in
north Karnataka are moving other places in search of jobs for the betterment of
their sTandard of living. Lack of non-agricultural employment opportunities,
social and economic backwardness in their villages pushed them other places
as unskilled job hunters. In the month of October and November Lambani
people leave their villages for working opportunities in brick kilns, stone
quarries, sugar factories, building construction, etc. for five to six months.

In the contexts of crop failure, lack of employment opportunities,

climate change, and its subsequent livelihood vulnerability seasonal migration
has been a component of livelihood portfolio for the Lambanis. Many
households from various Tandas take up seasonal migration to protect them
from seasonal distress situations and to manage their income shortfall. Every
year the Lambanis of Vijayapur witness seasonal migration. In many Lambani
Tandas where agriculture is the mainstay of livelihood, but, the land is arid and
water is less, thousands of Lambani households undertake a long march
towards better endowed areas within the state and outside the state when dry

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season comes. They work there for varying periods and back to their Tandas
again when the rain starts. Once the rains are over, they again prepare to leave
their Tandas. This type of cycle is typical of the poor Lambani families. Thus
seasonal based temporary migration has become a crucial part of the livelihood
for many Lambani families of Tandas of Vijayapur district. Migration is very
much helpful for them in managing risks, smoothing consumption and earning
to invest in a better future.

For most of the Lambani’s families seasonal migration has been a

practice for improving their livelihoods, which leaving their village for part of
the year to look for paid job. Sometimes entire family has to leave Tanda in
search of work in order to survive. Drought condition and environmental
degradation have led to the increase of this trend day by day. Children, who
have no choice but to accompany their parents, drop out schools and are forced
in to hard labour. There are also a number of pull factors for seasonal
migration, including the high seasonal demand for manual labour in non-
agricultural sectors. Reddy (2003) said that globalization and liberalisation
have led to the use of new technology in agriculture resulting in increased
unemployment in countryside. Consequently this has forced large number of
the poor in labour and forming communities to migrate from their home to far
off places in search of employment. The same case is with the Lambani
community in Vijayapur district. Thus seasonal migration among Lambanis is
impelled by distress factors at home such as lack of employment, debt, drought,
agricultural failure and natural calamities.

Concept of Migration

Generally migration is an act of changing the place of residence. Such

type of change of residence may be temporary, semi-permanent or permanent.
Literally the concept of migration is shifting of an individual or group of

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individual from one area to another. The word ‘Migration’ is derived from the
Latin word ‘migrate’ which means to change one’s residence.

The Encyclopaedia of America (1969) defines the term as a co-ordinate

voluntary movement of a considerable number of people from an accustomed
habitat to a new one.

According to New Webster’s Dictionary (1966) migration is an act or an

instance of moving from one country, region or an instance of moving from
one area to another in search of work.

Theodore Caplaw (1954) opined, “Migration is a change of residence

and need not necessarily involve any change of occupation, but it is closely
associated with occupational shifts of one kind of another. The principal
directions of migration are illustrated by more or less continuous movements
from rural areas towards city, from areas of stable population towards centers
of individual or commercial opportunity, from densely settled countries to less
densely settled countries and from the centre of cities to their suburbs”.

Lee Everette H.C. (1968) defines migration broadly as, “a permanent or

semi-permanent change of residence. No restriction is placed upon the distance
of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of the act and
distinction is made between external and internal migration”.

Zelinsky (1971) said that migration cannot be considered a mere shift of

people from one place to another as it is most fundamental to the understanding
of continuously changing spatial content and spatial relationships of an area.

Lewis C.J. (1982) is of the opinion that migration is a two way process;
it is a response to economic and social change and equally it is a catalyst to
change for those areas gaining and loosing migrants. It is one of the reasons of
social change and one of the three basic causes of demographic change, the
other two being birth and death.

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 Thus migration is a geographical phenomenon that seems to be a human
necessity at all times. Since human being has a tendency to leave the areas in
which life is difficult, he migrates to the areas where life may be easy and
better. The important driving force behind migration is a better sTandard of
living away from residence. This happened in the life of Lambanis. The
direction of Lambanis migration had been guided by the specific needs of that
time i.e. in hunting life, migration of Lambani’s was constantly in search of
rich hunting ground. In the pre-transitional period of development, where
settled life became the way of life, migration of Lambani’s took place from
rural to another area in search of rich pastures and fertile land for cultivation.

Today thousands of Lambani families from rural areas to urban area are
being forced to leave their houses and respective villages for several months
every year in search of livelihood. The main reason for this migration is the
lack of basic amenities many times such migration creates many social,
cultural, economic and administrative problems in the region. Rising urban
unemployment, scanty housing, inadequate water and electricity supply, poor
sanitation, shortage of transport and other services and over all decline in the
quality of urban life are mainly due to the influx of migrants from rural areas.
Migration may also weaken the traditional controls with neighbourhoods,
institutions and communities that may lead to increase in delinquency, crime,
disintegration of families, casteism and other vices which are all indicative of
social and cultural disorganization. In this way migration influences socio-
cultural aspects in the place of destination. Apart from this the migrants have
the feeling that urban areas provide lucrative jobs and one can develop his
socio-economic status and enjoy life in urban areas.

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Classification of Migration

Migration is classified on the basis various factors like space, duration,

volume, miscellaneous aspects and motivation. On the basis of space or
boundaries migration is classified as under –

1. International and

2. Internal
i. Inter-continental

ii. Inter-state

iii. Local

iv. Rural-rural

v. Rural-urban

vi. Urban-urban and

vii. Urban – rural migration

If the migration takes place within the space or boundaries of a

particular nation, it is called Internal or international migration. If the migration
crosses national boundaries it is called international migration. The people
involved in internal migration are known as ‘in-migrants’ with reference to the
receiving areas and ‘out-migrants’ with reference to the sending areas.
Similarly, international migrants are designated by the terms ‘immigrants’,
people who arrive in the country and ‘emigrants’, people who leave a country.

Migration may be also classified on the basis of time of stay or duration

of stay-labourers may move permanently or for a prolonged period. They may
more for a short period. They are –
1. Permanent migration,
2. Semi-permanent
3. Seasonal migration.

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1. Permanent migration

Permanent migration is the permanent shift of population from one place

to another. Such migrations take place because of over crowding in one area,
which derives people to the vacant land of pioneer fringe or other superior
attraction, which includes migration to settle their permanently.

2. Semi-permanent

In semi-permanent migration people do not permanently settle at the

place of destination and keep their relations with original residence, where
some members of their family also reside. In such type of migration migrants
usually visit their place of origin at regular intervals and after retirement from
the job they again stay there permanently.

3. Seasonal migration

Seasonal migration is the shift of able-bodied persons to the sites of

temporary work and residence for few months. Seasonal migration occurs in
the areas where actual work period is far shorter than the production period.
Consequently during seasonal peak periods a large influence of supplementary
labour is essential. It has been observed that thousands of Lambani workers
from northern part of Karnataka seasonally move to Goa, Maharashtra and
Andhra Pradesh to do work in different fields.

Smitha (2007) defined seasonal migration on the basis 3 elements, viz.,

(1) lack of alternatives in origin areas which force entire families to migrate in
search of work, (2) work which is based on indebtedness generates little or no
surplus for the labourers at the end of the season, and is merely for survival and
(3) work which involves a large-scale violation of labour laws.

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 Deshingkar and Others (2009) defined seasonal migration as a
temporary move from and followed by return to the normal place of residence,
for purposes of employment.

The Present study

Some Lambani households barely manage to raise themselves above

existing survival levels and it is clear that most of the Lambani seasonal
migrants would be worse off if they were depending solely on local works. For
poor Lambanis seasonal migration is not a choice but is the only option for
survival after alienation from the land and exploitation in origin places. Hence
they move between rural and urban areas. Thus seasonal migration has played a
crucial role in allowing Lambani people to cope with the consequences of
agrarian distress. It helped to raise the Lambani migrants’ sTandard of living.

Seasonal migration can be an important strategy to cope with poverty for

these, who are not able or willing to depart permanently to large distances.
Seasonal migration has been a response to creating vulnerability associated
with lack of access to land, irrigation water, finance, supportive networks,
contacts and qualifications. Apart from them some slightly better-off Lambani
households are also migrating who are less vulnerable and they migrate in
order to save for or invest in a particular purpose.

Among Lambani seasonal migrants landless marginal farmers tend to

migrate to rural destinations. As the size of their land increases there is a trend
to migrate to urban areas. Here owning land is not a significant factor, because
food grain from cultivation is minimal and not sufficient for the rest of the
year. Thus regardless of owning land Lambanis are forced to migrate for work
to supplement their agricultural income during the monsoon season. Thus apart
from land other resources also play important role in the decision to migrate

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among Lambani households. Lambani migrants who migrated to rural areas
mainly depend on past work experience and contact with employers and
migrated to work in agricultural related fields. The migrants who migrated to
urban areas migrated individually, also with the help of friends and relatives.
The destination selection is largely influenced by the accessibility of the
information about work, awareness of life style at work place and experience
and suitability of work.

Lambani seasonal migrants mainly migrating for reasons like survival,

employment, debts, marriage, earnings and landlessness. Lambanis said that
those who have migrated for survival, employment and earnings are mainly
heading towards the urban destination, whereas Lambani migrants who
migrated because of debts and for marriages are largely heading towards rural
destinations. And also survival, earnings and debts seem to be the more
important reasons for migration, because the agriculture sector provides less
employment and less yields or food grains from cultivation. Thus less
profitability, crop failure, rain-fed cultivation and draught-like environment
which forces Lambanis to leave their Tandas and find work in other regions in
the off season. Thus for Lambanis seasonal migration is not a new phenomenon
and it becomes routine after the monsoon season. Seasonal migration for these
Lambanis is one of the important livelihood sources and becomes a coping
strategy in difficult times.

Among the respondents of the present study most of the Lambani

seasonal migrants expressed satisfaction regarding working conditions at the
destinations. Almost majority of them expressed satisfaction about their
employers, and some complained that for the return journey they do not
provide any vehicle or money for transportation of them to their place of origin.

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 In this way for seasonal migration among Lambanis the factors such as
landless labour and no any property, not enough land, no any work in Tandas,
available work is not enough, low wages, decline of hereditary occupations,
drought conditions, indebtedness, called by labour contractors, persuasion of
friends and relatives, family disputes etc., are responsible. Hence to understand
the socio-economic conditions, working conditions, marital relations,
socialization of their children, education of the children of the migrants the
present study is undertaken.

About Lambanis

India is a land of so many heterogeneous ethnic groups and tribes since

time immemorial. Among such tribes Lambanis constitute well known nomadic
or migratory tribe of India, who found in various parts of the country. They are
known by different names in different states of India. In Rajastan they are
called Banjara, Gamalia, Ladeniya and Gawaria. In Gujarat they are known as
Banjara and Charanh. In Andhra Pradesh they are called Sugali, Sukali and
Lambada, in Tamil Nadu they are referred as Sugal and Labodi. In Bihar they
are known as Banjara. In Karnataka state they are called Lamani, Lambani,
Lamadi, Labani and Banjara. Edgar Thurston (1909:207) mentioned that the
Lambadis are also called Lambani, Brinjari, or Banjaras, who are well known
tribe of carriers found all over western and southern India. Due to different
connotation in different parts of the country they have been classified into
various categories. Lal Suresh (2016) stated that some state governments have
now identified them as scheduled tribes, other state governments as scheduled
castes, still some other state governments as backward classes and forward
class.

They are spread all over India from north to south, who constitutes about
eight per cent of the total country population. The Lambani as an ethnic group

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found among larger population in any state with a unique culture and common
features such as physical features, common language, cultural homogeneity in
the same area. They give priority to community life, community values and
indigenous economic and cultural identity. They are loyal and care for each
other and follow egalitarian customs of their own. Because of their unique
culture they occupy an important role in Indian culture. Their settlements are
organized around lineage, clan and cultural and economic resources,
irrespective of the invasion of outsiders on their land. They families or
communities making up an ethnic group are linked through socio-economic
relations, religion and customary laws (Lal Suresh : 2005).

Lambanis are colourful and versatile people of Indian society.

Historically they were nomadic, keeping cattle, trading salt and transporting
goods. Their habits of living in isolated areas still persist. Their unique
heritage, customs, dress and language differentiate them from other people, and
they maintain a peculiar lifestyle. They love story telling, music, songs and
dance. Men play drums and women dance in a circle chanting to rhythmic beat.
They are found by superstitions, fear and witchcraft, and after good sacrifices.
They are proud people with strong family traditions. Lambanis have close-knit
family relationships with little involvement outside their own community.
Lambani women are very easily identified by their colourful traditional
costume with mirrors and coins stitched into their clothing. Elder men of
Lambani wear distinctive dress including dhoti, long white shirt with turban.
But in recent days they are experiencing rapid changes, and their traditional
customs, practices and institutions are undergoing transformations. Now most
of them have settled down to farming, agricultural and various types of wage
labourers.

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 In foreign countries tribals groups are called by the name “Gypsies”.
The word “Gypsy” means ‘Wanders’. They wander from place to place in
order to earn their livelihood, who do not have a permanent settlement at a
place. Similarly, in India Lambanis are classed among gypsies of Indian
society. Their traditional occupation was the transport of grains and other
produce by means of pack-bullocks in the hilly and forest tracts which are of
difficult access. They were living in detached clusters or huts called Tandas
which were mainly pitched away from villages and usually on high grounds.
Due to transformation in the mode of transport they were thrown out of the
profession and some of them took to committing of thefts and other offences.
But today they become settled people working as labourers of different kinds
(Mysore state Gazetteer, Tumkur district : 1969).

Lambanis migrated from the Marwar region of Rajaputana to Karnataka.

They came to Karnataka with Rajastani culture, and adjusted themselves to
cultures of different regions. Even after borrowing the cultural traits from
neighbouring groups, they have retained their peculiar cultural identity as
different from other cultural groups, with their unique dress and body marking
and tattooing. They have strong faith in Hindu religion and worship Hindu
deities and follow oral traditions of their community. Lambanis caste
Panchayat settles disputes and imposes fines on offenders involved in the anti-
social and anti-moral activities. Even today some of them are manufacturing
local liquor, which is considered as an offence. However, there have been
many changes in their social, cultural and economic life.

The dialect of Lambanis is predominantly a mixture of Sanskrit,

Rajastani, Marathi, Gujarathi and Hindi and bears the influence of the local
language. Grierson G.A. in Naik, D.B. (2000) opined that Lambani or Goar-
boali also called Banjari is a language spoken by the once nomadic Banjara

11
people across India and it belongs to Indo-Aryan group of languages. The
language does not have a native script. They have lost their dialect and use the
languages of the surrounding non-Lamani population.

Tabassum Shabeena (2015:110) said that language is an important tool

for communication of ideas and values. Lambani language does not have an
independent history of its own. It has no script Kannada language has deep
influence on Lambanis and their languages, because Lambanis have lined here
for nearly 300 years with Kannadigas in Karnataka.

Similarly according to Thurston (1909) and Enthoven (1922) in the

districts of North Karnataka the Lambanis have still retained their dialect, but it
contains many Marwadi, Urdu, Gujarathi, and few Marathi and Kannada
words. Most of Lambanis are bilingual or multilingual. Thus their language is
mixture of different languages.

Etymology of Lambani and Banjara

Sayed Siraj ul Hassan (1990) mentioned that the name ‘Banjara’ is

derived from the Persian word ‘Barinji Arind’ meaning, ‘dealer in rice’, and
also Sanskrit words ‘Banij’, ‘Baniya’ and ‘Banjiga’ all referred to a ‘merchant’.
They are also called by other names, such as Lamani, which means in Sanskrit
Lavana- salt; Labhans are salt carriers. Hence, they are known as Lamani,
Lambani and Banjara.

Crooks, William (1896, 1993) said that Banjara tribe whose primary
occupation was used to act as grain carriers and suppliers to armies in the field.
Their name is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Vanijya’ or ‘Banijyakara’ – a
merchant, which says that the word Banjara is linked with Banijyakara. Russel
and Hiralal (1975) also opined that Banjara, Wanjari, Labhana, Mulcheri are
the names Banjara has been variously explained, but the most probable

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derivation is from the Sanskrit word ‘Banijyakara’ – a merchant, the caste of
carriers and drivers of pack bullocks.

In ‘Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1930) edited by James

Hastings, Arthur Bunyan opined that the name Banjara comes from Sanskrit
word ‘Vanija’ – means ‘a merchant’, Karaka. The tribes of wandering grain
carriers in India. Most of the writers believed that, the word ‘Banjara’ is
derived from Sanskrit word ‘Vanachara’ – means the people those who wander
in the forest. So, that it might have been transformed into ‘Vanjara’ into
Banjara.

Shyamala Devi (1989) is of the opinion that the name Banjara denotes
that they live in the forest or wonder in the forest. According to Nanjundayya
and Iyyer (1928) traditionally Lamanis or Banjaras have been carriers of
supplies and drivers of pack-bullocks. They are known as variously in different
parts of the country, as Vanajari, Lambada, Lamani and Labhan. All these
words except, the first are derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Lavana’ meaning
salt, which was one of their principal item of trade. The ward Banjara is said to
be derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Vanachara’ – wonders of jungle.

Syed Siraj ul Hassan (Ibid) gives another version about the origin of the
word Lambada. He opines that the Banjaras have got long bodies so the
Britishers called them long body people. In course of time the word ‘Long
body’ might have become Lambadi, Lal Suresh B. (2016) opined that the
Banjaras are also called ‘Sugali’ in Andra Pradesh. Sugali means fresh air. The
word ‘Sugali’ derived from Supari (Betelnut), since they believed that their
forefathers traded supari. Another version is that the word Sugali derived from
Hindi word ‘Sugaay’ means cattle breeding and cattle raising. Thus the word
Sugali is based on two things one is supari and the other is sugaay.

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 Thus they have got so many names and were called by different names
all speak same dialect mixed with North Indian languages based on Sanskrit
language. The main reasons for calling the Banjara with different names are,
one is trade and another they are living in the forests. By and large above
scholars are of the opinion that the Banjaras were mainly traders. Whether they
dealt with salt or rice or betel nut, and it is also clear that the term banjara,
sugali, lambani is in one way or the other connected with their traditional
occupation – trading.

Lamani and Banjara

The name Lamani was known long before the name Banjara. Motiraj
Rathod (1976) opined that the Banjara had taken the trait of trade from
Lamanis. Lamanis were around even before Banjaras came on the scene.
Afterwards they got united and were known by both the names. Banjara had
not cared for this nomenclature suffixed by the people. Instead, Banjaras
regarded the Lamanis as their’ Guru’ as they had borrowed the art of trade from
Lamanis. From this onwards the Banjaras were called lamanis. Thus these two
groups have emerged in different times. He said that in reality the word Banjara
comes under vague from the Moghul period only.

In one folktale according to Motiraj Rathod (1976) there is possibility

that Banjaras originated from Rajaput. For the sake of protection of Mewar
community Maharana Pratap used to live in jungle. They decided that it was far
better to live in jungles than to live under the Moghul region. Hence many
Rajaputs went to the jungle and choose forests and mountains as their
residences. From this period onwards they were termed as Banjara meaning
thereby who went to ‘Ban’ (forest).

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 As per ‘occupational theory of caste’ any group of people is known by
its occupation. Ex. Pot maker known as ‘Kumbar’, occupation connected with
steel as ‘Lohar’. The same principle was suited with the Lambanis that they are
also known by their occupation i.e. selling of salt (Lavanam). Hence these
people are called ‘Lamanis’ not ‘Banjara’ in their day to day, routine life.
Similarly, their hamlet is also called ‘Lamani Tanda’ and not ‘Banjara Tanda’.
Other people also called them Lamanis. In this way the history of Lamanis
went back to 4th century A.D. and that of Banjaras from Moghul period i.e. 14th
century A.D. It means Banjaras arrived on the scene late i.e. near about one
thousand years after the Lamanis.

Origin and Development of Lambanis

Traditionally the origin of Lambanis is found in mythological legends

and stories, which are popular among Lambanis. On the basis of these legends
and stories Kamala Mohan Rao P (1950), former Director of Tribal Welfare,
Government of Andhra Pradesh said that Lambanis are the descendents of
Rajputs. As far as origin of Lambanis is concerned the following are
mythology legends which were popularised by the elder members of the
community.

The creator of the human race Lord Vishnu had created two Maharshis
viz., Raghu and Braghu. They created Raja Dhaj and Ambabai, who gave birth
to a son called Kower Dhaj. Kower Dhaj had a son Rajapal and in turn Rajapal
had Reem. Reem had two sons viz., Kabal and Habal. The direct descendents
of Kabal were Muslims and those of Habal were Hindus. In turn Habal had a
son waged, who had a son named Jogad. Jogad had sandal, sandal had Kasam,
Kasam had Karan. Further to Karan two sons were born namely Chada and
Jeeda. The descendents of Jeeda are Lambanis, whereas the descendents of
Chada are the other Hindu communities (Kamala Mohan Rao P. 1950).

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 According to another legend, which was narrated by Thurston E. (1975),
Kamala Mohan Rao P. (1950) Lambanis are the descendents of Mola and
Mota, the two brothers lived in the court of Lord Krishna. Lambanis believed
that these two brothers were brought into the world by the spiritual power of
the saint. But unfortunately they were not provided with any means of
livelihood by the saint. Thereafter they approached Lord Krishna, who then
named them as Mola and Mota and asked them to look after his cows, for
which they agreed. Thereafter the two brothers Mola and Mota became very
close disciples of Lord Krishna.

At the time of leaving this universe by completing his incarnation (close

of Dwaparyuga), Lord Krishna, as the story tells, called all his servants to meet
him. When they came to meet him Lord Krishna informed them about his
decision and distributed all Gopikas among them to look after and lead a family
life. At that time Mola and Mota were away from that place. After their return
they came to know about Lord Krishna’s deeds and approached him to ask
Gopikas for themselves. Lord Krishna gave Rukmini to Mota and Radha to
Mola. At the same time Krishna told Mola that Radha was sacred and very
much liked by him. Therefore Mola should not have any sexual connection
with Radha and he had to look after her very delicately.

Mola and Radha became life partners. Mola was an expert in acrobats
and taught it to Radha and they became acrobats and dancers and started
earning their livelihood. They started to go from one kingdom to another
kingdom exhibiting their skill before the kings. Since they had no issues they
mutually decided to adopt three boys for the perpetuation of their community.
They visited the capital of Raja Lohad Pamhar and exhibited their dance before
him. The king was highly pleased with their amusing dances and agreed to their
desire and gave one of his sons as a reward. Then Mola and Radha approached

16
king Kasam of Ramghad and by their exquisite dance they got one of his sons.
Like this they want to capital of King Chetur Bhuj or Phoolia of Mandri, where
the king was impressed with their acrobatic feats and took one boy as reward.
These three boys were named as Raja Pamhar, Karan Rathod and Payan
Chowhan respectively.

After some years Radha and Mola started thinking about marriage of
these three adopted sons. There was a poor Brahmin known as Neelakantham
had three daughters and a son. Their names of daughters were Kakarache,
Modasone and Nagarache and the name of the son was Parashram. There was a
custom among Brahmins that the marriage of Brahmin girl should take place
immediately after attainment of puberty, otherwise their father was looked
down upon by the community and was insulted and ridiculated. But due to
some unforeseen reasons, he could not make their marriage in time, for which
he was subjected to many insults and abuses by the villagers. Hence a Brahmin
father thought of abandoning his daughters in the forest and proceeded to do so.
Mola and Radha happened to see those three Brahmin girls and they were taken
back and married with their three adopted sons. Thereafter these Lambanis
claimed their clan in the name of Pamhar, Rathod and Chowhan (Census of
India 1961, Vol. I pp. 2-3).

Nettikallappa K. (2009) said that the legendary story revealed that the
lambanis are the descendents of Brahmin mother and Kshatriya father. The
Lambanis are admixture of Brahmins and Kshatriyas. Therefore they possess
intellectual nature of Brahmin and courage of Kshatriyas.

Most of the scholars approve the legend of Mola nad Radha, but this
Radha who was married to Mola might not be the same Radha, who was the
wife of Lord Krishna and it might be possible that they had no children. Hence,
the couple might adopt these three boys, which seemed to be true.

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 Thurston E. (1975) expressed another legend stating that the origin of
Lambanis claim was that they were the descendents of Vali and Sugriva, who
were two monkey chiefs in the Ramayana. This legend was built up on their
popular names which are synonymous with the legendary names. Male names
of Lambanis like Valya, Vachya, Sakriya, Sakru, Sukya, etc., and female
names like Vali, Valki, Sakri, etc., are very close to the pronounciation of
legendary names Vali and Sugriva. The Ramayana revealed another instance
that when Vali died his wife was married to Sugriva. This custom is being
practiced by the Lambanis in various parts of the country even today.

These legends regarding the origin of Lambanis to the epic tribal heroes
like Lord Krishna, Vali and Sugriva appear to be conscious efforts to link with
popular personalities of the epics. But these legends are unscientific. Since the
word ‘Banjara’ is derived from the word ‘Vanachara’, it is believed that the
word Vanahara was the consequence of the death of King Prithviraj Chowhan
in the ‘Tarain’ battle. At the time his followers ran away into forest and
become wanderers. While wandering in the forests they gradually started trade
for their livelihood. In this history the origin of Lambanis is traced from the
medieval times. It is also said that the origin of Lambanis is traced only from
the ‘Tarain Battle’ in 1192, which transformed Lambanis from soldiers of the
army to wandering traders. Thereafter they are called by name Vanijyakara by
profession for their survival. In this regard Kamala Manohar Rao P. (1950) is
of the opinion that the term ‘Vanacharas’ as years passed changed into Banjara.
Thurston E. (1975) also has the same opinion.

Nayak, N. Javalal (1990) opined that the light of above history

Lambanis claim that they are from Rajaput clan, and they are Kshatriyas. The
elder members of the community said that their fore-fathers were the soldiers,
who withstood the onslaught of Ghori Mohammad who invaded India during

18
the 12th C.A.D. Mohammad Ghori defeated King Prithviraj Chowhan in the
battle in collusion with the treacherous Jayachandra and ordered for wholesale
massacre of them to avoid any problem from the defeated force in future. The
defeated soldiers ran away throughout India. While hiding in the forests they
charged their dress and named as Vanacharas, who later became Banjara or
Lambanis (Census of India 1961 p.2). Crook (1974) also said that the popular
legends regarding origin of Lambani and evidences of arms found in the
residences of Lambanis in the present day prove that they were formerly
soldiers. But circumstances of the 12th century forced them to take up trading
profession.

Historical development

The history of Lambanis said that they had been carriers of supplies and
drivers of pack-bullocks. Lambanis seem to have been one of the ancient
Indian tribes. But Roy Burman J.J. (1955) is of the opinion that the name
Lambani is popular long before the name Banjara. Lambanis originally came
from Afghanistan before settling in Rajasthan and Other parts of India.
Similarly Arthur Banyan (1926) in ‘Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics’
edited by James Hastings said that their origin is probably Dravidian, but now
they all trace their from the Brahmin or Rajaput tribes of North India.

Naik Ranjit (1968) said that Lambanis as a tribe lived even before
Buddha. The Lambanis seems to be the most ancient, since their migrations go
as far back as the 6th century B.C., their extensive migrations took them
sometimes outside the frontiers of Rajasthan. These migrations if they are
judged by the inscriptions found in Khyber and Bolan passes, had taken place
between 600 B.C. and 350 B.C., Kosambi D.D. (1975) opined that perhaps, the
Lambanis stopped their migrations towards West during decline of Buddhism
around 12th century A.D., before Moghul invasion. This period is noted with

19
great isolation agglomerations. Thus the carvaneers found great possibilities of
selling goods. They exchanged luxury articles for sometime and that was given
up to the benefit of items of goods stuffs of duty necessities exchanged
between towns and villages in North-West India.

Sarma R. (1983) is of the opinion that the Lambani culture and language
indicate that the Lambanis belonged to North India. Their folklore shows that
they are the descendents of Rajaput. There are various similarities between the
Lambanis and Rajaputs, who had veneration and devotion for the sun god. Like
Rajaputs Lambanis build their houses with the main doors facing the East.
Ibbetson D.C. (1883) opined that the Lambanis are not independent dwellers of
South India. Their origin place is believed to be Marwar in Western Part of
Rajasthan. They migrated to South India as transporters of supplies or
merchandise for the armies of Delhi rulers in their raids in the south in the 17th
century, where they were unsettled nomads and often resorted to robbery.

Motiraj Rathod (2012) said that Gor or Lambanis belonged to ancient

community, dating back to 5-6 thousand years B.C. and there are references
about Banjara in Greek civilization leading up to Harappa and Mohenjodaro
civilization and it is possible that they must have been the possible originators
of Indus valley civilization to which documents are available. Similarly Tanaji
Rathod (2012) also opined that Lambanis had engaged in trade since the pre-
Indus times, but after the invasion of new races like the Aryans, the Persians,
the Kushans and the Hunas, their history might have been buried during Indus
valley period and there are numerous references and proofs found in vedic
period about Lambanis settlements in and around Indus valley. Nanjundayya
and Iyer (1928) concluded that as per opinions of most of the scholars the
origin of Lambanis or Banjaras is North India, probably Marwas as their
original home and they claim to be Kshatriyas and to be descended from

20
Rajaput ancestors. Historically Lambanis were the only tribe in India, who
carried out the business on pack-bullocks which no other people practiced.

Their migration to southern part of India can be seen in two phases viz.,
(1) during the invasions of Malik Kafur and Mohammad-bin-Tuglak, and (2)
during the invasion of Moghul on Deccan. Majumdar R.C. (1967) wrote that
when Allauddin Khilji became the sultan of Delhi, he dreamed to conquer the
world like Alexander the Great. In this task he took the help of Banjaras, who
could more fast along with their pack-bullocks and quick supply of ration to the
armies of sultan.

Further Shyamala Devi (1989) also opined that at the time of invasion,
Banjaras were asked to hostage the armies of Khilji. They were provided with
many privileges for their services like advancing money for their trade and
asked to supply food grain whenever the state needed. They were appointed as
food grain store-keepers which were collected by the state of land revenue in
kind.

Later during the period of Moghuls the trade and commerce flourished,
where the Muslim rulers made certain regulations to ensure the regular supply
of food grains to the people. Consequently the Banjaras had traded in caravans
and were continuously on the more carrying goods from one place to another
(Russel and Hiralal, 1975).

Halbar (1986) said that the Banjaras had gained the trust and goodwill of
the Moghal rulers and army when fighting in the south by their speedy
transportation through the difficult and trackless terrain. The Moghal rulers
rewarded them by granting many immunities and privileges. Thus Banjaras
flourished in the Sultanate and Moghal period from North-West deep into the
Deccan because of their supply of essential commodities to the armies in the
field.

21
 After the ruins of Moghal Empire, British encroached India through East
India Company. The railways were introduced in British period. The
development of transport system and market economy hampered the Banjara
caravan and trading life over a period of time. Then they started working as
agricultural labourers on wasteland and in the forest tracts. Gradually Lambanis
renounced their nomadic life and started settling down in the nearby villages.
Thus during British rule Lambanis abandoned their long lasting occupations as
food grain traders and cattle raisers, which deteriorated their economic
position. Their attempts to resume their original profession as goods carriers
failed in the face of technological improvements in transportation. Thus the
Lambanis found all over the sub-continent without leaving their distinctive
historical, cultural and social ethos.

Criminal Tribe

The Lambanis had suffered economically due to deforestation, strict

implementation of forest protection measures and declaration of forests as
reserved forests. Therefore many of them had to take up ways and means of
offences to lead their life. That is how the Lambanis came to be identified as
criminal tribes during British rule in 1793 along with other criminal classes and
compelled to report at police stations and register their attendance. The
conditions of Lambanis became grimmer with the enactment of Criminal
Tribes Act in 1871 (Halbar, 1986).

Reddy G.P. (1987) said that when the communication and transport
facilities improved, most of Lambanis resorted to criminal activities like
robbery and dacaity due to lack of alternative source of livelihood. They were
declared as a criminal tribe and placed strict restrictions on their movements. In
many cases, Lambanis had to remain in their Tanda for the night otherwise it
was a punishable offence.

22
 Thus during British rule Lambani community was included in the
Criminal Tribe Community. Kalelkar Kaka (1955) pointed out that during early
British regime the criminal tribes were dealt with under regulation 26, of 1783,
later on by a separate ‘Thaggi and Decoity’ department, and ultimately by the
enactment of Indian Penal Code 1860. Although crime rate was on the increase
and so ‘Criminal Tribes Act’ was passed in 1897, which was later consolidated
into the ‘Central Act of 1924’. As per this Act the local authorities had powers
to deal with the humans as criminals.

In Independent India in 1949, the government appointed ‘The Criminal

Tribe Act Enquiry Committee’ to recommend some suggestions regarding their
status. Kalelkar, Kaka (Ibid) pointed out that the recommendations of this
committee were accepted and ‘The Criminal Tribes Act – 1924’ was repealed
all over India from 31st Aug. 1952. Although this act was repealed the problems
of Lambanis continued. According to Naik Ranjit (1968) the Lambanis of
various synonyms and sub-groups were left the discretion of the concerned
state governments to decide whether they could be classified in the schedule or
not.

During this time in Karnataka the Lambanis were treated as de-notified

tribes, whereas other Lambanis in the former princely Mysore area were treated
as scheduled castes. The study team on Tribal Development recommended to
the government to end the anomalies and the injustices by a more rational
classification of tribes. Now in Karnataka the anomaly and injustice have been
rectified by listing the Lambanis as a ‘Scheduled Caste since July 1977’.

Today the Lambanis became an inseparable part of Indian democratic

citizenry. The Government of India and other state governments including
Karnataka gave a human touch to the problems faced by the Lambanis. They
are enjoying the reservation benefits in every field such as education,
employment and politics. In Karnataka they are brought under Scheduled
Castes.

23
 Present position of Banjaras and its synonyms and sub-castes in the
list of scheduled castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) of the Constitution
of India, in different states and Union Territories of Republic of India.

Sl. Name of By what name as main Present position in the

No. State Tribe and/or synonym of constitution, SC or ST or
Banjaras shown in the SC OBC/none
and ST lists
1. Andhra Sugalis/Lambadis In the list of Scheduled
Pradesh Tribes
2. Arunachal Banjara Nil
Pradesh
3. Assam Banjara and as Gor and In OBC as per Mandal
Bajigar Commission Report, Vol.
VI and Depressed
Backward Classes in
Annexure I, page 241
4. Bihar Banjara In Scheduled Tribe
5. Delhi Banjara, Sirkiband and In Scheduled Caste
Labana
6. Goa, Dama, Banjara/Lamani/Lambadi As per Mandal
Diu and Sugali Commission Report in
OBC refer page 220 and
pages 270
7. Gujarat Vanjara, Banjara, Charan In the list of OBC as per
Banjara, Mathura Banjara, Mandal Commission
Meru Banjara, Bagora Report in Commission
Banjara, Kangashiya Report page 243
Banjara, Bamaniya Banjara,
Ladonia Banjara, Gvaria or
Gawalia, Rohidas Banjara
8. Haryana By name Bajigar Shirkiband In the scheduled castes list
and Nat
By name as Banjara, In the list of OBC, refer
Banjara Nats, Lobana, Mandal Commission
Vanjara Kanjar, Kanchan, Report page 182 and 244
Guuar, Badi
By name Labana In one of the lists
Banjara In scheduled caste
Banjara of Banjara Nat Are in OBC, as mandal
report

24
9. Himachal Banjara Scheduled caste
Pradesh
10. Jammu & Banjara, Gour, Badi, Labaa, In OBC as per Mandal
Kashmir Lobana, Hazigar and Sikliga Commission Report, page
184 and 246
11. Karnataka Banjara/Labana/Lambani Scheduled caste
12. Kerala Lambadi, Banjara, Subali In OBC as per Mandal
Commission Report, Page
249. The name ‘Sugali’ is
wrongly printed as
‘Subali’ the same should
be corrected as Sugali
13. Madhya Banjara, Goar Banjara, In OBC as per Mandal
Pradesh Lambana/Lambara, Commission Report, Page
Lambhani, Charan Banjara, 191 and 251
Labhan, Mathura Labhan,
Kachiriwala Banjara,
Laman Banjara,
Laman/Lambani, Laban,
Dhali/Dhalia, Dhadi/Dhari,
Singari, Navi Banjara, Jogi
Banjari, Banjari, Mathura
Banjari, Bamania Banjara
14. Maharashtra Banjara, Banjari, Vanjara, In the list of Denotified
Mathura Banjara (A) Goar Tribes (VJNT) of
Banjara, Lambadi/Lambara, Maharashtra state, with
Lambhani, Charan Banjaral Educational, Employment
Labhan, Mathura Labhani, and Economic benefits by
Kachikiwale Banjaras, state govt. as per Mandal
Laman Banjara, Commission Report refer
Laman/Lamani, Laban, page 194 and 253, all
Dhali/Dhalia, Dhadi/Dhari, Synonyms in col. 3 of this
Singaris, Navi Banjaras, Table A should be
Jogi Banjaras, Banjari, included as synonyms.
Shingde Banjara, Lambade,
Phanade Banjaras, Sunar
Banjara, Dhalya-Banjara,
Shingadya Banjara
15. Manipur Nil Nil
16. Meghalaya Nil Nil
17. Mizoram Nil Nil
18. Nagaland Nil Nil

25
19. Orissa Banjar/Banjari Scheduled Tribe
20. Punjab (i)(a) As (i)(a) They are in the list of
Bazigar/Badi/Sirkiband scheduled castes
(i)(b) Banjar (i)(b) in the list of
scheduled castes
(ii) Lambana, Bhagtava,
Ghotra, Kukhja, Khasia,
Labana, Lohana, Lobana,
Vanzara, Labana and Pelia
are in OBC
21. Rajasthan (i) Gwaria/Gvaria/Nat (i) In the list of scheduled
(ii) Banjara, Gamalia, caste
Kaladia, Sirkiwala, Labana (ii) In the Mandal
or Labhana, Maru Banjara, Commission Report as
Batora, Digora Banjara, OBC, refer page 203 and
Bomania 260
22. Sikkim Nil Nil
23. Tamil nadu Lambadi, Banjara, Sugali In OBC as per Mandal
Commission Report, Page
207 and 263
24. Tripura Banjara, Gour As per Mandal
Commission Report refer
page 209
25. Uttar Pradesh Banjara, Gwar/Gor, In OBC as per mandal
Ladenia, Gamalia, Osaria, Commission Report, Page
Mathura, Labhau, 211 and 265.
Dhankute, Banjara,
Brajawas (Banjara, Nat/Nut
Banjara Sikh/Sikh Banjara,
Nayak, Kangi, Sirkibandh,
Lathore/Rathore, Gawal
26. West Bengal Banjara Refer Mandal Commission
Report Page 211 and 265

Source : Report submitted to UPA Govt. in 2012 regarding conditions of

Banjara Community in India.

26
Karnataka State Banjara Population – 45 lakhs
Karnataka Banjara’s Complete Socio-Economic and Political Status Report
Total Banjara population district – wise in Karnataka state
Sl. District name Population
No.
Bangalore division
1. Bangalore urban 200000
2. Bangalore rural 105000
3. Chikkaballapur 123000
4. Chitradurga 234000
5. Davanagere 205000
6. Kolar 15000
7. Ramanagara 93000
8. Shimoga 287000
9. Tumkur 188000
Belgaum Division
1. Bagalkot 298000
2. Belgaum 130000
3. Bijapur 405000
4. Dharwad 115000
5. Gadag 177000
6. Haveri 197000
7. Uttara kannada 6000
Gulbarga division
1. Bellary 267000
2. Bidar 245000
3. Gulbarga 312000
4. Koppal 219000
5. Raichur 216000
6. Yadgir 120000
Mysore division
1. Chamarajanagar 103000
2. Chikamagalur 133000
3. Dakshina Kannada 13000
4. Hassan 136000
5. Kodagu 10000
6. Mandya 40000
7. Mysore 75000
8. Udupi 5000

Source: Vijayapura Districts at a Glance - 2016-2017.

27
Occupations of Lambanis

The Lambani are excluded from the mainstream of national life even
after 70 years of independence in India. Few of them have received education,
employment, leadership and other opportunities. But majority of them who live
in Tandas, situated in the fringes of forests and vicinity of villages and cities
are backward in all walks of life. They are not blessed with adequate
infrastructural facilities, civic amenities and other opportunities for their
integrated development. They have remained educationally and economically
very weak due to certain constraints. It is all because of their traditional
economic life.

The pattern of labour among Lambanis is based on a well organized

division of labour according to age and sex. The sex wise division of labour is
more prominent among Lambanis and the women are considered physically
weak by the males, both male and female work as per their physical capacity.
Though women work equally with men in all paths of life, among Lambanis
the boys and girls are allotted different tasks suited to their age.

It is believed that the traditional occupation of Lambanis was trade and

business i.e. transportation of salt on pack bullocks. They used to attach
themselves to the armies of the Moghuls and the Britisha and supply grains
from rural areas and transport them on the back of their bullocks. In a way they
were pastoral people who raised big herds of bullocks and maintained them.
Even today same Lambanis are interested in cattle breeding and cattle rising.

With the introduction of railways and improvement in road

transportation Lambanis lost their occupations as carriers of grains and other
materials. The armies started to give preference to the fast moving
transportation system. Consequently Lambanis have been forced to abandon

28
their traditional and well established occupation. Thurstan and Rangachari
(1909) quoted Dubeis Abbe, who says, “The displacement of their occupations
by the railways and transport may be said as blessing in disguise for them to
certain sphere of life. Though they have suffered economically they have
abandoned their hazardous, nomadic and migratory life and settled down in
groups permanently to eke out their livelihood”.

Presently the Lambanis have settled down in different occupations to

lead their livelihood. But there was considerable diversification of occupation
among Lambanis. Their occupations are given in the following way.

A. Hunting

Like other human beings Lambanis are also traditionally acquainted

with hunting, because sometimes natural calamities compel them to subsidise
their resources. As per traditional system, among Lambanis also only men can
take part in hunting. Their hunting includes the animals and birds like hare,
rabit, deer, birds like teeter, falcon, lahoori etc. They were not hunting peacock,
which was the order of their leader. It is because the feathers of peacock are
considered sacred and are used in adoration of their gods. Among them group
hunting was popular. This group was consisting one member from each and
every family of the Tanda, which was obligatory to be participated at least one
member from each family. No family was excused, because every family could
get a share in the hunt. If a family had only a lonely widow, without any male
member, it was binding on the hunting group to give her the share of hunt.

If the hunting group failed to get any hunt they did not return home
empty handed. They took it as disgrace on their masculine part. Hence they
purchase a goat by making contribution as a mark of their hunt. Then they
satisfy their desire and enjoy the feast. They trained the dogs which could run

29
fast after the hunt driving it towards the trap. Thus among them hunting was
carried out as a communal occupation. People participated co-operatively with
each other and pursued the occupation. Hunting created group solidarity and
emphasized the rights and obligations of the members of the Tanda, i.e. even if
the widow was not able to take part in hunting, she was given her share.

B. Transportation and trade

Most important traditional occupation of Lambanis was trade and

transporting on pack-bullocks. At times a group of eight to ten Tandas would
participate in it, which is known as ‘Bidaki’ in their language. The area of a
group of Tandas was specified and fixed. All the Lambanis within the area only
would come together to set a trading. There were nearly 20-25 families in a
Tanda. Each family in the Tanda usually had a herd of cattle which included
bullocks and cows. The number of animals in a herd ranged from 15 to 50.
Both bullocks and cows were used to carry the goods.

There were specific background reasons why the Lambanis exclusively

used bullocks and cows in transportation of goods instead of carts. Use of these
cattle in their occupation was most suitable, beneficial and economic also. By
using cart they had to transport by road, where they had to comply with the
taxation. Moreover their system of transportation provided them to tread by a
short route going through forests and hilly reasons. Thereby they could easily
bypass such taxes and within a short period of time could reach the destination.

Craufurd (1942) opined that Lambanis have come to the south India as
transporters of food suppliers for the armies of Delhi sultanates, Moghul,
Marathas, Nizam and Britishers in their raids in the south early in the 17th
C.A.D. when the army had to face severe difficulties due to bad
communications and lack of proper transport, the mercantile Lambanis helped

30
the army by quickly supplying ration and other necessities with the help of
their thousands of pack animals.

In the past it was the only main business of Lambanis to undertake the
transportation and supply of salt to the remote parts of the land. Hence they
followed the barter system, where there was exchange of goods. They would
supply salt to the rural areas and in turn collect cereals and other goods with a
remarkable margin of profit which sometimes exceeded double the cost of salt
sold. In this way after selling salt they would preserve for themselves the
required annual quantity of cereals and pulses and the rest of the collected food
grains and spices would be sold out in city centers.

Thurston Edgar and Rangachari K. (1909) said that the Lambanis used
to hire themselves and their large herds of cattle to which ever contending party
will pay those best acting as carriers of the suppliers and baggage of the army.
Thus they used to lend their services of transportation of various goods on hire
basis. They would transport goods of grocers and dealers on their pack-
bullocks to far away places. They used to supply food grains to the armies of
the Moghuls, Nizams, Tippu Sultan and Peshwas, and even to Britishers. Only
grown up male members from various Tandas of particular Bidaki took part in
business transportation. Their women, children and the old lived in their own
Tandas. During journey the men used to cook for themselves. Expenditure was
divided on the basis of number of bullocks having with member, it was
accepted by all without feeling any injustice. Thus this occupation was highly
regarding for Lambanis. During this time Lambanis were reluctant about the
occupation of agriculture. Agriculture had been considered as an inferior and
economically less rewarding as compared to the business and trade.

31
C. Domestication of Animals

Among lambanis it is an important aspect of their economic activity to

keep herd of cattle. Every Lambani family used to have number of bullocks,
cows, goats and dogs. Generally they do not keep buffaloes. The members of a
family seem to be engaged in looking after their cattle. They take the herd for
grazing early in the morning and after that the shed is cleaned by the female
members of the family. Women usually milk the cows and goats. The aged and
young boys and girls used to take the cattle for grazing. The Lambanis are very
fond of and sentimental about their cattle. They have great concern for their
herd. Cattles are their sole property and wealth. They adore and worship their
cattle and look upon them with great reverence. They consider them as their
most sacred and divinely possession. Their attitude towards their cattle bears
religious and ritualistic veneration. They never sell a cow to a butcher.

They also used to have keep goats, which were mainly kept for their
meat not for milk. They offer goats as sacrifice during religious and festive
occasion. On various occasions he-goat is considered to be necessary for
sacrifice. They also take due care of lambs. They bring up lambs as their own
children with love and affection. But some Lambani families, which are utmost
followers of god Vithal of Pandarpur do not keep chicken and do not eat meat
also. It is their belief that the god would be displeased and unfavourable if they
domesticate chicken and eat meat.

Prakash Chandra J (1989) opined that Lambanis are excellent breaders

of bullocks and huge numbers of cattle are brought to the Eastern Ghats during
the hot weather every season for grazing purposes. They are taken care of by
them. They retain them for three to four months and feed them by charging
some fees for the same.

32
 The Lambanis also domesticate dogs, which are mainly used for hunting

purpose and protection of the animals in the Tanda. These dogs are considered

as the most reliable animal which can keep a vigilant watch on and protect their

huts from any unfamiliar intruder. A person other than Lambani cannot enter a

Tanda due to fear of the dogs. Outsiders would never dare to enter a Tanda, for

it would be an act of risking their life.

D. Handicrafts

In olden days Lambanis were engaged in their own supplementary

occupations, which made them self-sufficient and independent. During the time

of their occupation of transportation on pack-bullocks, gunny bag weaving was

their major supplementary occupation. These gunny bags were being sued for

filling the salt for selling. When transportation and trading on pack-bullocks

started loosing its importance the gunny bags weaving also lost its significance.

Then they were forced to find out some other means of subsistence. Since they

had the traditional art of weaving, they sought to utilize that skill in weaving

jute carpets in different designs. Even today they engage in weaving of jute

carpets.

Carpet weaving is a very hard and strenuous work, in which most of the

members of a family engaged. It is a very lengthy process, in which they cut

jute and put it into the water for three days to make it ripe. After that they take

it out and beat it till it gets dry and becomes soft. Then prepare jute carpets and

other items. The jute and jute bags have some religious and medical values.

These bags were used at the marriage ceremony to put gift items like clothes,

cereals etc. Thus they also followed an occupation of handicrafts.

33
E. Agriculturists and agricultural labourers

In India before independence most of the Lambanis did not hold any
land for the purpose of agriculture. They considered agriculture as an inferior
occupation. But only after independence they have been turning towards
agriculture. Today agriculture has become the main source of livelihood for
them. A large percentage of the Lambanis is supported by agriculture. They use
the traditional agricultural implements like axe, yokes, plough, spade, sickle
etc. They get such implements made by local ironsmiths or available in the
local market. While wooden part of each implement is either made by
themselves or by carpenter.

For manure they use cow dung and mixture of the dung of sheep and
goat. Lambanis do not purchase or sell cow dung. The dung is collected in a pit
into which leaves, decayed matter, straw and other decomposable plants are
kept. After sometime the decomposed components of the ditch are scattered
over the fields. Ashes of various plants and leaves are also used as manure. But
recently they also have started using chemical fertilizers and spraying
pesticides. The major crops grown by the Lambani peasants are groundnut,
maize, sunflower, Tur, jowar, chillies and vegetables.

Lambanis also follow the allocation of agricultural work in accordance

with the principles of age and sex. It is the male members, who attend to the
works like preparing fields, manuring transportation etc. which require physical
strength. On the other hand the female members mostly engage themselves in
works like sowing, weeding, harvesting and housework. Afterwards both male
and female members are held responsible for storing the grain, drying the
cereals and taking special care of the grain used for the purpose of seeds. Along
with this the Lambani who do not have hold agricultural land work as
agricultural labourers. Small land holders some time operate as share crop

34
cultivators for the big land holders. As per such agreement the owner of the
land bears all the expenses incurred during cultivation. At the time of harvest
the land owner takes away his share of the yield, which generally amounts to
50 per cent. The sharer deducts the expenditure incurred by him on seeds from
the total produce and then divides the rest into two equal shares.

F. Firewood selling and forestry

Some Lambani families were depending on firewood selling as their

main occupation. Only few families, who mainly rely on wage labour, go to the
forest and fetch head leads of firewood for sale around surrounding villages
and towns. Most of them sell their bullock cart loads of firewood in distant
markets, where is a heavy demand. It is a heavy task, since one has to go on
foot to sell firewood in an unfavourable market for nominal price. Generally
women do this firewood selling work.

Some of the Lambanis also collect fruits, edible roots and leaves which
are used as vegetables for both their self use and for sale. Generally aged
people and children carry this type of business as it is relatively easier. They
collect mangoes, wax, gum, wild barriers, marking nuts honey etc., and sell
them in the neighbouring villages.

G. Liquor production and selling

Liquor drinking is a part of culture among Lambanis but in due course

of time they had to take up liquor selling as one of their subsidiary occupations
to supplement their income. Today most of the uneducated Lambanis engaged
in this occupation. They prepare illicit liquor with certain kinds of fruits and
jaggery in the safe and secret places in the forest. But today there is decline in
the numbers of customers for illicit liquor.

35
H. Landless labourers and bonded labour

Most of the Lambanis are found as landless labourers. They have culture
of doing strenuous physical work for their subsistence. They engage in such
kinds of work as digging the foundation of building, digging the wells, working
in road construction and building construction, and as agricultural labourers.
Many of the Lambanis are also found working in the sugar factories, which
migrate seasonally near to sugar cane agriculture. Lambanis are specialized as
sugar cane cutters and migrate seasonally near to sugar cane agriculture. Some
of Lambanis go to Bombay, Pune, Goa, Mangalore and Hyderabad to work in
the industries as will hands.

Bonded labour is another made of procuring the services of labourer for

a specific period, usually for a year, on payment of specified annual usage. It is
the men with skills in agriculture engage themselves as permanent workers
with the landlords on yearly basis. Generally the contract is from one Ugadi
festival to another Ugadi festival. The wage given to them purely depends on
the skill of the person. Apart from agricultural works the labourer has to
perform many other odd jobs in the house of the landlord. He is treated as one
of the members of the family.

I. Government and private service

Services in government and private sectors have not yet become

common modes of employment for Lambanis. Only few Lambanis are in
government and private services including top bureaucratic and political
positions. Service in government and private sectors can act not only a safe
means of earning one’s livelihood, but also as a very important and powerful
catalyst in changing the lifestyles of the people who enter it. Therefore the
lifestyle of government and private worker among Lambani differs

36
considerably from the life style of the ordinary Lambanis. Some educated
Lambanis are found in different professions like professors, doctors, engineers
etc. Some have entered into lower paid services like peon, police, primary
school teachers, clerks etc. Today military service is the popular mode of
occupation among them.

Changes in their occupations and economic life

The traditional occupation of Lambanis i.e. pack bullock transport is on

completely extinct and this has affected the socio-economic life of Lambanis
very much. Due to contact with Hindus lot of changes occurred in their
occupational aspects. Their previous nomadic activities, which were directly
co-related with their occupations, have come to an end. Now most of the
Lambanis have got settled. Now-a-days Lambanis don’t possess bullocks as
they had. Today no Lambani family is engaged in salt transportation, which
was their predominant occupation.

Previously, Lambanis used to do repairing of Gunny bags, pathad, kani,

and other various types of ropes and materials, which were used for their
transport occupation. But since the transport occupation is not in practice they
are not doing such repairing works during rainy season. In the past the
transportation occupation was more profitable than agriculture, but today
Lambanis also find agriculture is to be more profitable. As a result present
generation of Lambanis has started acquiring and cultivating land.

Previously, they considered hunting was the substitute for their food, but
today it is not necessary. Today they are getting meat of goats and chicken
from market, which is easily available with no hard efforts. Hence among
Lambanis hunting is no more.

37
 Rearing of bullocks was another supplementary occupation among
Lambanis, but these days it has lost its importance. No doubt, even today
Lambanis possess bullocks, but now each family maintains only 2 to 4 bullocks
in the place of 15 to 50 bullocks. Currently they are using bullocks only for
agricultural purpose not for any transportation. Moreover landless Lambanis do
not owe for having any bullocks. Among Lambanis it was a practice that the
bullocks were given in the marriage as gifts, as they had economic value, but
today this tradition has been outdated.

In the past the poultry was considered as degrading profession and

inauspicious, but today they have taken up the rearing of chickens. The
Lambanis of present day have realized the significance and value of
domesticating buffaloes for dairy. Consequently many of them now have
buffaloes for their livelihood.

Another major occupation of them i.e. weaving of jute carpets and other
materials has almost come to an end. Since carpets and other materials are
being manufactured in factories, these handicrafts have lost their demand in the
market. Therefore this weaving and preparing handicrafts is on decrease.

Presently most of the Lambani families are very much attracted towards
the agriculture. But most of the Lambani families have very less amount of
land. Moreover their land is also dry land. Since Vijayapur district is famous
for drought, they earn very marginal. Only few of them possess irrigated land.
Such families are becoming progressive as they have been using modern hybrid
seeds, chemicals and fertilizers in their land. Unfortunately though the
government has number of schemes, the Lambanis have not benefited from
them as the schemes have not reached them as yet. Therefore they do not yield
sufficient crop and lacks subsidized irrigation facilities. Consequently the

38
Lambanis are forced to go for daily wages in the fields of others for their
livelihoods. This resulted in their migration towards other places also.

Most of the Lambani persons of this place are migrated to other cities of
Maharashtra, Goa and Andhra Pradesh in search of other occupations either
independently or with Mukudam. Since there were no other source of
employment in the Tandas or nearly places made them to migrate urban cities.
Same of the respondents have said that due to migration their sTandard of
living increased and their socio-economic conditions have positively changed.
Hence the present study the conditions of seasonal Lambani migrants from
sociological point of view. The present study helps us to compare the relative
position of rural Lambani out migrants. This study also explains the personal,
occupational changes and sTandard of living of the Lambani seasonal migrants.

Reasons for migration

Migration has always arisen mainly due to the difficulty of finding an

adequate livelihood in one’s native place. Today majority of Lambani working
people are engaged in agriculture, but seasonal nature of agriculture has a
dominant impact on their unemployment. Wage earnings of the other labourers,
who work hard and fully are also insufficient to maintain their family.
Therefore among lambanis law agricultural incomes, agricultural
underemployment and unemployment, poverty are the major factors forcing
them towards areas with greater job opportunities. Consequently rural
unemployment, bad seasons or harvests, small Lambani farmers and
agricultural and other labourers move about in considerable numbers in the
futile search for employment in cities and industrial areas.

Singh M.L. (1972) said that the rural unemployment is predominantly in

the nature of lack of proper utilization of labour than of complete

39
unemployment. This phenomenon is due to two factors viz., the predominance
of self employed workers on family farms without receiving adequate wages
and the seasonal variations in the demand for labour on account of the
seasonability of the farming operations. The under employment is greater than
unemployment in Lambani Tandas. Generally they find work for about three to
four months during agricultural seasons and that they are either underemployed
or unemployed for the rest of the year. Hence, these Lambanis are forced into a
position of wandering fro place to place in search of employment.

Banerjee B. (1977) pointed out that number of other factors are also
responsible for migration like presence of relatives and friends in urban or
migrated areas, who frequently provide them initial assistance and financial
security, low productivity in agriculture at villages, drought, social injustice,
tension and utmost poverty. Draught has been act as a serious problem for
Lambanis in Tandas. Draught causes widespread damage of grown crops,
which results in food shortage and also causes heavy loss of live stock and
other hardships. No irrigated land, low productivity, low income low rainfall or
draught conditions are responsible for their poverty and seasonal migration.

For Lambanis it becomes more difficult after monsoon season because

of inadequate yield of food grains from cultivation and lack of work for rest of
the period. Along with those other reasons like debt burden, earning for
children’s marriage, and purchase of agricultural goods for the coming season.
Most of the migrant Lambanis own or hold land and other resources, but still
they have to migrate due to slack season, where they have no any alternative
work locally. They are left with none of the option and are thus forced to
migrate out of their homes. Vijay Korra (2010) said that large proportion of
migrants households are spending all their earnings from migration, on
consumption, repayment of debts and daughter’s marriages, and consequently

40
there is little surplus left for investment in productive activities. This is one of
the main reasons why migration is taking place among Lambanis. Thus these
Lambanis travel between Tandas and destinations repeatedly and are unable to
come out of this vicious circle.

Push and pull factors in migration takes, as a starting point, the

difference in the characteristics of the two places, viz., the place of origin and
the place of destination. The push-pull model is used to study the causal factors
of migration. It is felt that migration is a uni-directional movement of people
from rural to urban areas because of the operation of a set of negative factors in
the former pushing out people and the existence of certain positive reasons in
latter which pull people.

Push factors

The push factors include a heterogeneous array-pressure of population

on rural resources, lack of income earning opportunities, religious or political
persecutions, natural disasters and the like. Thus the push factors refer to the
poor economic conditions and the consequent misery that include the people to
more away from their place of origin.

Acharya G.N. (1964) is of the opinion that the adverse economic

conditions impel the rural people and pushes them to cities or urban areas,
where better employment and economic opportunities available and afford
them achieve socio-economic advancement. Among Lambanis the main push
factor compelling the labour to alter his occupation from agriculture is the
lower level of income.

The break up of joint family system among Lambanis resulting sub-

division and fragmentation of land holdings into small fragments, which could
not support a family and could not utilize complete labour of the family, may

41
lead migration. Along with this the break up of large land holdings due to land
reforms decreases the demand for hired labour, which is predominantly family
operated. The landless labourers who do not gain land from the reforms may be
impelled to migrate to other areas to eke out their livelihood.

Thus there are several push factors that tend to Lambanis out of their
Tandas. These push factors are not confined to the rural-urban stream, but also
in rural–rural shift of population. These push factors motivate seasonal
migration of Lambanis.

Pull Factors

Pull factors are the factors which instinctively encourage people,

impressively attracting them towards unemployment and other economic
opportunities by providing better facilities, amenities etc., as well as paving
ways and means for better employment, affording with attractive wages and
exciting city life also.

The urban areas where economy has been getting advanced there rural to
urban migration streams flow, which may be taken as the response to the pull
exercised by the better employment opportunities providing wages to the
satisfaction of the migrants. The exodus from rural areas and small towns to
cities, excessively occurs where industries and commerce extensively in
progress. As such migration of Lambanis from Tandas and villages to the cities
bears a close relation to the process of industrialization, technology and other
socio-cultural changes which characterize the evolution of modern society.

Francis Cherunilam (1979) said that the urban ward migration has
attracted with innumerable occupations with higher wages and opportunities to
attain higher sTandards of living. Apart from higher paid job opportunities
there are large number of fanciful attractions that the city holds out, as such

42
better facilities and amenities. The migration of highly skilled and
professionally talented personnel from developing countries to developed
countries is also largely due to the pull factors. There is a large scale migration
of even unskilled labour from the developing countries like India to the oil rich
countries. This is due to the huge difference of wages. Thus the pull factors are
exercised not only in respect of other types of internal migration as well as
international migration.

There are controversial arguments regarding major factor which causes

the exodus of the rural-urban migration. Some argue that it is the push factor
which is stronger, but some other argues that it is the pull factor which strongly
forces the migration. But whatever it may the migration is the result of multi-
factors. So far as Lambani respondents of the present study are concerned the
push factors are more responsible for their migration than pull factors.

But for many Lambani migrants whether to migrate or not, and when to
migrate will depend on the rainfall level or monsoon, agricultural instruments
including animals, credit availability for agriculture and the household’s needs.
Thus based on these factors Lambanis decide whether to cultivate or migrate. If
not cultivating they can migrate at any time. Their return to the Tandas from
destination will depend not only on this factor but also on other factors like
returning in time to attend social events and festivals.

Review of Literature

The thrust to migrate is in born in human nature. It is an inherent and

innate disposition and inclination to wander in search of new occupational
opportunities. Such human movement may be temporary, semi-permanent and
permanent change of place. This discussion to migrate is due to two main
factors, which are ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. The various studies show the

43
factors, which are responsible for rural-urban migration in India and abroad.
Such reviews reflect the previous facts theoretically that reinforce the intellect
of scholars and increases our comprehensive and perceptive understanding of
the study. These studies help to find a way to design one’s study perpetually
giving broad comprehensive presentation.

Kingsley Devis (1951) in his study of pattern of mobility of Indian

population opined that relatively Indian population is immobile because of
existence of the caste system, the practice of early marriages, the importance
of life within family structure, the diversity of Indian cultures and languages,
low level of education and predominance of agriculture. But recently the
mobility of Indian population is an increase in employment and work related
migration. Such type of migration is either permanent or temporary.

Ben Rogaly (1998) in his study on rural seasonal migration reported that
seasonal migration is not simply an inevitable part of the cycle of indebtedness,
but can enable workers to save and even to accumulate capital on very small
scale. He finds seasonal migration as both a part of and an outcome of the
structure of socio-economic relations in rural areas.

Teerink (1995) studied the seasonal migrants from Maharashtra, who

migrated to work in sugar factories in Gujarat. For them prior commitment to
seasonal work in Gujarat sugar harvest provided a means of subsistence,
through the advances paid, which contributed to their indebtedness and
dependency on the employer. Seasonal migrants usually leave their home after
harvesting rain crops and sowing winter crops and return villages before the
next summer season. They are of lower education level and lower income from
agriculture.

44
 Uma Rani and Shylendra H.S. (2001) said that seasonal migration is a
direct result of structural changes that have taken place both in the place of
origin and destination of migration. Seasonal migration has resulted in
improving the land-man ratio temporarily in the village. Hence the authors
found that the migration is chiefly a result of both push and pull factors in rural
and urban areas.

Sundari S. (2005) explained push and pull factors in her study. She is of
the opinion that the main push factor for migration was lack of employment
opportunities in the place of origin and pull factor was a favourable
employment environment in the destination areas. Hence seasonal migration
has helped migrant households to avoid hunger, starvation and death. This is
true with Lambanis of Karnataka, who temporarily go for work to neighbouring
states like Goa, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh.

Gupta, A.K. (1990) in the study observed that the push factors and pull
factors were responsible for the rural migration. Better employment
opportunities, more congenial atmosphere and networks and encouragement
from government policies were the pull factors. Droughts, floods, natural
calamities, poverty and strained family relations were the push factors.

Dr. Kasar (1992) studied the seasonal migration of farm labourers. He

has identified the important factors behind the seasonal migration, engaged in
cutting and transport of sugarcane during crushing time of sugar factories. Such
seasonal migration depends upon the involvement of middlemen, who normally
exploit poor, illiterate and fragmented agricultural labourers. The problems are
aggravated by involvement of children and women, who are deprived of the
basic facilities of education and health. The seasonal migration has significant
effect on the annual gross family employment of migrant households, as the
migrants were indebted than the non-migrants.

45
 Nagaveni T. (2014) studied the transition and transformation among
Lambani community. Lambani people are reeling uncompromising poverty,
illiteracy, malnutrition and ill-health, unemployment under-employment,
seasonal unemployment and liquor addiction. These factors force them for
seasonal migration. Hence, Lambani people are bubbling with enthusiasm to
include themselves in the mainstream for the greater transition in the age of
globalization and democracy.

As far as seasonal migration is concerned a study by the National

Commission for Rural Labour (NCRL) (1991) revealed that there were nearly
six million Indians migrate to other places in search of employment. Majority
of those seasonal migrants belonged to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes
tend to be relatively young and with low education levels.

In the another study of Uma Rani and Shylendra (2001) said that
seasonal migration is predominantly due to weak resources, like small
cultivable land, less fertile land and mainly dependent on rain fed cultivation.
Moreover, as a result of inadequate agricultural and other employment
opportunities in the village, most of the families are compelled to migrate
during the lean cultivation season to supplement their agricultural income.

Deshingkar et al. (2009) opined that most of the seasonal migrants many
of whom are SC’s and ST’s are poor and for them seasonal migration is a
household strategy for managing risk, where one or more members of
household go away from the village to find employment, which is a central part
of their livelihoods. Whether or not seasonal migration is a coping strategy or
becomes more accumulative, depends upon a number of factors like improved
availability of work, increasing wages, cutting out intermediaries and
improving skill.

46
 Korra V. (2010) in his study opined that in the village one or more
family members are migrating outside the village in search of work. This
indicates that a major proportion of family depends on migration and shows
how important migration is for them and it seems to be one of the main sources
of livelihood. This study also said that this exodus is due to lack of
employment, crop failure and lack of alternative opportunities is the
agricultural slack period.

Korra V. (Ibid.) also said that though there are various groups, who have
witnessed migration, the most migration prone communities are SC’s and ST’s
that are the most deprived sections of the society. This indicates the severity of
issue and how important migration for them in the village. It shows the lack of
alternatives in the village and thereby their great dependence on migration
earnings for eking out a livelihood.

Korra V. (Ibid) opined that landless marginal agriculturists tend to

migrate to rural areas, as the owned land size increases there is a trend to
migrate to urban areas. Owning land is not a significant aspect, because food
grain from agriculture is minimal and not sufficient for the rest of the year.
Thus, regardless of owning land, people are forced to migrate for work to
supplement their farm income during the monsoon season. The migrants took
different kinds of work like construction of buildings, brick-kilns, poultry
farms, auto driving and load and unload labourers. In this way seasonal
migration for SC’s and ST’s including Lambanis is not a new phenomenon, it
becomes routine after the monsoon season. Thus seasonal migration for
Lambanis is one of the important livelihood sources and becomes a coping
strategy in crisis.

De Haan A. (1999) is of the opinion that seasonal migration is closely

associated with two fundamental arguments, i.e., people are compelled to

47
migrate due to development driven aspects and distress driven aspects. Further
migration is largely motivated by better employment opportunities, better
wages high quality education and good health and living conditions at
destinations At the same time it is impelled by push factors at the places of
origin such as lack of alternative work, low wages, agriculture failure, debt,
drought and other natural calamities.

Reddy D.N. (2003) said that globalization and liberalization brought the
use of modern technology in cultivation resulting in increased unemployment
in rural areas. This unemployment has forced much numbers of the poor in
labour and farming communities to migrate from their villages to far off places
in search of employment.

Deshingkar et al. (2009) opined that migration among SC’s and ST’s is
temporary, seasonal, circular and cyclical in nature, but destinations may be
different. Seasonal migration may not be a new phenomenon, but the
magnitude of cyclical rural labour is of recent origin. For many of the low caste
poor living in underdeveloped regions, seasonal migration is the only way of
accessing the benefits of growth in other regions. Such migration has helped
them in managing risks and earning to invest in a better future.

Smita (2007) opined that in recent years, frequent crop failure,

unemployment, inadequate credit facilities, indebtedness, droughts, poverty
and lack of alternative employment opportunities in rural areas have been
increasing. Consequently the rural poor, labours, small and marginal
agricultural communities are on the migration, who temporarily leave their
villages in search of better employment and livelihood in other prosperous
urban areas outside the states.

48
 Gosal, G.S. and G. Krishnan (1974) have indicated that most of the
migrant people in urban areas stay in such conditions, which are worse than
rural areas. Due to migration a large number of slums emerge in urban areas.
The industrial area meets sizeable proportion of the share of their labour from
the vast reservoir of excess rural man power. When these cities fail to provide
minimum amenities to these migrants, slum areas ensue in cities.

Studies of Alpha Sha (2006) and Keshri and Bhagat (2010) have made
an attempt to understand the socio-economic characteristics of seasonal
migrants of India. They have found that disadvantaged communities like SC’s,
ST’s and OBC’s are heavily represented in seasonal migration. Seasonal
migrants consider it as an escape from caste-based exclusion and poverty with
low attainments. These people belong to remote rural areas and are routinely
migrating for work to smooth consumption, repay debts and invest in health
and agriculture. Thus seasonal migration has become a way of covering the
income shortfall.

Gosh (2009) is of the opinion that migration can empower women by

allowing them to access employment, improving gender equality and
strengthening the ability to make independent decisions to reach desired
outcomes. On the contrary migrant women are vulnerable to sexual
exploitation, abuse, trafficking and lack of health care.

Khanna, A. and A. Chaturvedi (2010) said that migration in India is

largely accounted by rural to urban migration, which brings about the
phenomenon ‘over urbanization’, which is resulting in the pressure over
growing population. Seasonal migration for alternative employment is growing
both in terms of absolute numbers and in relation to the size of the working
population as a whole.

49
 Sainath (2011) said that the one way population movements from less
endowed to well endowed prosperous areas through the push and pull factors is
seasonal migration. In rural areas the push factors are mostly pretend as a
negative social phenomenon. Frequent occurred political jeopardy, crop failure
and lack of alternative employment sources forced a massive amount of
manpower to leave their home for a particular time being in other metro and
non-metro cities.

Bremen (1985) opined that seasonal migration for work by poor rural
families is a phenomenon, which is escalating as the agrarian problems arise.
Poor and other migrant families in India are compelled to take their children
along, leaving school and a normal childhood behind. As the migrant workers
generally charges a lower wages than the local workers. So, the employers
prefer to employ migrant workers with a steady replacement of the local
workers.

C.B. Chatterjee (2003) showed that seasonal migrants normally suffer

from various risks or vulnerability, like, low socio-economic status with no
access to healthcare or social service, mental and emotional vulnerability and
low self-esteem, lack of provision of education and health etc. They spend
several months every year at work sites like brick kilns, salt pans, plantations
and stone quarries, under difficult conditions. Children of these migrant
families also put to employment.

Bagchi S. and M.K. Singh (2012) wrote that “seasonal migration has
long been a practice for improving livelihoods in rural areas, with some male
members of the family leaving the village for part of the year to look for paid
work. It occurs due to the lack of livelihood options after the harvest of the
monsoon crop, which raises their indebtedness and food insecurity. Such
condition forces the whole family to leave village in search of employment for

50
daily bread. Persistent drought and environmental degradation led to the
augmentation of this trend. Children of the migrants accompany their parents,
dropout schools and are forced into hard labour. There are also other pull
factors, including the high seasonal demand for manual labour in agriculturally
rich areas and labour intensive industries”.

They further said that “labour contractors viz., Mukudams, provide cash
advances to poor families in villages during the lean post-monsoon months, in
return for which families pledge their labour for the coming season. Migrations
begin around October-November with migrants spending the next 6-8 months
at the work sites and then returning to their villages before the next monsoon.
Once the monsoon is over, they again prepare to leave their homes. This
cyclical migration is typical for thousands of poor rural families in many parts
of India”. Particularly the woman and children suffer a lot in this migration
pattern. They develop a great freight of discontinuity and transition, which
results in various negative psychological consequences. They are not paid full
wages, because contractors deduct a part of wage.

Pandey P.N. (1984) and Ramachandran, P. (1972) reported in their

writings that the conventional push and pull approach absolutely assume that
the push is invariably from rural areas and pull from urban areas. It is evident
that migration to the industrial centers is due less the pull, i.e., attractiveness
and more to the push experienced in the country.

Pandey P.N. (Ibid) further said that the continuous pressure of

population leads sub-division and fragmentation of land resulting in small and
uneconomic holdings with low yields, lack of irrigation, deficiency of good soil
and climatic limitations, which tend to withhold agricultural extension. Scarcity
of employment opportunities force to migrate in search of bread and livelihood.

51
 Madan, G.R. (1959) and Ramdesi M.R. (1978) said that the outdated
occupations like weaving, spinning, tanning leather work, etc. are declined in
its significance and there are no any other occupations for them in rural areas.
Those who are engaged in other non-agricultural jobs are paid low wages and
their living conditions are also weak. Therefore they migrate to urban areas.

For dynamic analysis of migration Banerjee B. (1977) stressed the

occupational background of the migrants. He also emphasized that objective
and subjective factors would not be similar for migrants of rural areas and
urban areas. But these factors guided by economic factors. Banerjee concluded
that analysis of data on internal migration will not go far without a theoretical
consideration.

Oberoi and Singh (1983) in their study examined the determinant factors
of migration and its implications on rural and urban development. They found
that the rate of out-migration from villages was higher than the combined rate
of in-migration and return migration. The authors explained that the developed
cities due to their achievements attracted people from other districts of the state
and from other states. Their data showed that out-migration from the villages
was mainly dominated by individual rather than family migration.

Bogue D.J. (1969) considered migration as an adjustment to changing

social atmosphere. There were positive and negative aspects to this migration
provoking situation. He said that push factors included decline in a national
resources that decreased demand for a particular product and employment, the
pull factors included increased opportunities to earn huge income, opportunity
to get desired qualitative education and training.

Kosinski, L.A. and R.M. Prothero (1975) considered migration as a

reflection of the differences in the level of social and economic development of

52
the people in that area. The authors asserted that most useful migrations are
from rural to urban areas which are somewhat influenced by economic factors.
They also identified other motivating factors of migration at the place of origin
and destination and evaluated the repercussions, advantages and disadvantages
of migration.

Sharafat Ali (2009) in his research said that increasing urban

unemployment, poor sanitation, scanty housing, inadequate electricity and
water supply, shortage of transport and other services and over all decline of
quality of urban life is largely due to the influx of migrants from rural areas.
The migrants from dissimilar culture sometimes undergo personal
disorganization due to conflict between different sets of folkways and system
of values. Migration may also weaken the traditional control over the behaviour
of individuals, resulting into increase of crime, delinquency and disintegration
of families. Since they are from different social backgrounds like language,
cultural and social status, they create a social mess in cities. The migrants feel
difficulties in socializing with each other divorcing their traditional ways of life
and adopting advanced customs and manners of cities such migration creates
slums, unauthorized constructions, problem of transport, public utility and
educational facilities.

Baily, A., H.R., Channakki and Huttar (2009) studied the migrants of
Karnataka in Goa. They analysed the manner in which migrants build, furnish
and decorate their houses is strongly influenced by their culture prevailing in
their place of origin. The use of Kannada language in the migrant settlements
becomes a cultural linguistic marker through which both inclusion and
exclusion into the migrant groups are determined. Language as a marker of
identity aids in place making for people who live in the settlement.

53
 The study of Mukherji (2001) showed that various socio-economic and
cultural factors motivate people to move from their normal place of residence.
Poverty is mostly seen as the main cause for migration. Along with poverty
lack of alternative employment opportunities and low wages also force them to
migrate. Moreover, the possibilities of creating new livelihood opportunities
outside agriculture in rural areas are very limited, which is the real factor in the
case of seasonal migrants.

Sharafat Ali (Ibid) opined that there is relation between climate change
and migration. Frequent droughts pull the people for migration to survive.
People leave their villages due to deteriorating environmental conditions and
poor economic situation and with a perception that they will be better off
somewhere else. The increase in drought or flood may reduce livelihoods in
some areas, where agriculture is dominant, resulting the residents of these areas
to move elsewhere to support themselves. Environment change may reduce the
ability to live a productive life in their usual place of residence and
consequently people may choose migration as the best strategy for increasing
their life chances. This is true in case of Lambani migrants of the present study.

Thus the literature discussed emphasizes more on causes, characteristics,

direction and consequences of seasonal migration at the areas of origin and
destination. It also focuses on the wellbeing of Lambanis with respect to place
of origin. They are very poor in their Tandas and also remain poor at
destinations of work, where they are exploited being unorganized and unskilled
labourers. The upliftment of these Lambani migrants has to be through a
careful planning and programmes. The study suggests planning of both
Lambanis and of their Tandas as they go hand-in-hand in a proper perspective
of an integrated regional planning.

54