THE CONCEPT OF INSECURITY IN NIGERIA

Air Force Institute of Technology Kaduna, Kaduna State Nigeria

Faculty of Education, Department of Military studies.
Olusegun Alaba Adebayo…
(societal criminologist)
ABSTRACT
Since inception of Nigeria backed to democracy in 1999 after several years of military sieges of power
and suspension of the constitution, the nation has been setback in numerous peaceful atmosphere’s due
to the activities of the various non-state actors that has pick up arms against the state for terrorism,
kidnapping, civil unrest and others criminal activities by eminent groups.

The Concept of Insecurity
The perception of insecurity would be
preeminent agreed by first analyzing the term
of security. In the opinion of Akin (2008)
security could be seen as a situation that
occurs as a result of the commissioning of
techniques for the safeguard of citizenry
livelihood, property and information against
hostile individuals, actions and influences. It
is the survival of state of affairs within which
citizenry in a nationhood could move around
their ordinary daily doings without any
distrust or threats to their properties or
livelihoods. It encourages necessary
procedures organized to safeguard and shield
the populaces and their possessions, of
economics activity by an individual, groups,
and the state against violent or incapacitate
manifestation (Ogunleye, et al, 2011).
Agreeing to Igbuzor (2011) it warrants
protection from chronic protection and threat
from harmful mutiny. Security also, could be
term as continuity and stability of livelihood
(steady and stable predictabilities of
livelihood), predictability of daily life
(knowing what to expect), safeguard from
crime and criminality (feeling safe to and
from), and protections from emotional harm
(fortification or safety from psychological
pressure which upshots from the eloquent or
recognition that one’s passion, loved, wanted,
accepted, important and safeguard in one's
neighborhood or society and by citizenry
around ones. It emphases on psychological
and emotional feeling of fitting to a communal
assembly which can obtain one’s safety and
wellbeing). This analysis organized the
perception of security into four proportions.
Nevertheless, this measurement can be knitted
together to give a complex description of
security as the safety against all category of
threats either fiscal, emotional, political, or
physical. It is commonly debate however that
security is not the non-appearance of harms or
security matters, but the mechanism to
upsurge to the problem posed by these ills
through expediency and knowhow. Insecurity
on the other hand, is the antithesis of security.
In nutshell, for the reason that vary numerous
methods in which timidity disturbs existence
and human life, the perception of timidity has
habitually been pronounced in dissimilar
elucidations in connotation with the several
methods which it shakes beings. Several of the
conjoint descriptors of timidity comprise:
want of wellbeing; insecurity; want of safety;
threat; menace; want of confidence;
inadequately guarded or protection; lacking
stability; troubled; unsafe, lack of protection
and doubtful; in reference to some. Very of
these have been recycled via diverse
individuals to delineate the concept of timidity
or insecurity. These dissimilar descriptors,
though, run into a communal locus to a nation
of susceptibility to mischief then mortality,
possessions or source of revenue. Beland
(2005) defined insecurity as the state of
anxiety or fear stanching after a solid or
unproven lack of safety measure. It denotes to
dearth or limited liberty from vulnerability.
This concept mirrors physical insecurity
which is the supreme observable procedure of
anxiety or insecurity, and it nourishes hooked
on several extra procedures of insecurity for
instance, social security and economic
security. Two observations are of core to this
paper. These are (1) Insecurity as the state of
being exposed or theme to hazard or threat of
danger, where danger is the state of being
vulnerable to harm, or an injury (2) Insecurity
as the condition of being visible to unease or
hazard, where unease is an unclear nasty
sentiment that is veteran in expectancy of
selected adversity. The most important fact
about insecurity oblique in these concept is
that folk pretentious by timidity are not merely
tentative or oblivious of what would take
place nevertheless they are as well not be able
to discontinue it or safeguard themselves
while it materializes. It is in this observation
that the researcher would term insecurity in
this paper work as: not acknowledging, a lack
of govern, and incompetence to take
protective action against powers that poses
threat, mischief, hazard, injury, danger, or risk
to an individual or group, or what make them
vulnerable'. Vulnerability' is the situation that
we do not discern and we cannot face or
forestall. It is also something we may know
would occur but we are not capable to face it.
The term, insurgency, has been perceived in
diverse ways. Three of its definitions are
important to us. There is the political
conception of the term by the United States.
The U.S. authority delineates insurgency as
the structuralised use of incitement to
rebellion and violence to grab hold of,
invalidate, or defy political regulator of a
state. From the international legal perspective,
insurgency is perceived as an insurgence,
encoded out by insurgents, who are not
acknowledged as belligerents, against a
legitimate authority or government that has
been acknowledged by the United Nations.
Based on researcher enquiry of specialized
military and security literature, where the
term, insurgency, first found a home, we are
inclined to see insurgency as any
revolutionary, guerrilla, kidnapper,
belligerent, radical, or any other form of
asymmetrical conflict that does not survey the
laws, procedures, rules, conventions, and
agreement of warfare then is habitually
programmed out against a nation. This is the
military conception of insurgency. In dealing
with issues of insurgency in this paper, we
would be doing so from its military and
security conception. In general, and
irrespective of its goals, every insurgency
adopts any one or more of the methods of
warfare or violence mentioned supra. Another
characteristic underlying insurgency is that, it
is usually the product of asymmetric conflict,
where, abinitio, one party has an
overwhelming and incontestable physical
force and other instruments of power over the
other. In such situations the people on the
weaker side of the conflict fight like
desperadoes to be on the sympathetic side of
the conflict. This means that insurgency is
insurgents, not by their choice, but by their
intrinsic and encoded incapacity and
challenges. By wicked, lingering, and
energetic armed tussle in which frontal actions
with the greater forces of the antagonist are
circumvented, insurgents try to effect drastic
social, religious, political, and resourceful
modification or accomplish provincial and
economic authority as well as seek superior
adaptability dwelling within the nationhood.
National Security
Like insurgency and counterinsurgency
(COIN), the concept of national security also
suffers ambiguity. It has come under
contention among a multiplicity of perspectives
that can be brought under two schools of
thought the state-centric school of thought and
the human needs school of thought– The state-
centric school looks at national security simply
as military and related response to treats
against the nation. According to this school,
which is associated with Hans Morgenthau,
Niebuhr, and Herbert Butterfield, (2008)
national security entails a formidable military
logjam for the defense of the homeland and
fortification of its territorial integrity against
external aggression.
Furthermore, this school is of the view, that
national security is the capability of the state to
deter potential aggressors or, should deterrence
fail, bring any conflict to a conclusion
favorable to the state. The human needs school,
which has its proponents in such scholars as
Richard Ullman, Jessica Tuchman Mathews,
Barry Buzan, Ken Booth, and Imobighe (1996)
holds the view, that national security should go
beyond the management of military threats to
accommodate human related problems. This
school thus posits that such non-military issues
as poverty, unemployment, safety from hunger,
disease, repression, harmful disruption of daily
life, food security, personal security, woman,
community, political, and environmental
security are within the domain of national
security. This school of thought is thinking in
concert with the United Nations, which is
advocating a human needs centered security, as
opposed to the military-centered national
security that characterized the course of the
Cold War. Late Kofi Annan, the U.N.
Secretary General, had, for example, declared
in 1998:

Today acknowledgement of security concept is obviously than the absence of struggle and conflict. We
know that lasting peace and accord entails a deeper idea in encircling areas such as democracy,
education, health, and fundamental human rights, protection against eco-friendly degradation and
proliferation of lethal arsenals. Acknowledging that we cannot build freedom on the nitty-gritties of
inequality. These buttresses of what we now clearly comprehend as the people-centered concept of
human safety are unified and conjointly strengthening.
We are not in concurrence with this any human problem adjudged through threat
conception of national security, which could analysis to be a real or potential threat to the
throw up problems and open grounds for nation. It is, therefore, not necessary to bring,
dissensions and revolutionary moves in parrot-fashion, all human problems into the
especially, the Third World nations, which do realm of national security. Human problems
not have the resources to implement such an which do not constitute threats to the nation
unending and malleable agenda of national should be attended to by the agencies of
security. Sherlock Holmes (1927) consulting government created for them. In the light of
detective' has also pointedly argued, that this this thinking, we shall uphold, in the course of
definition of national security, which chiefly this discourse, the traditional meaning of
outfits political constituencies, resolve only national security, which focuses on defeating
lead to misperception, waste, disturbances, or transforming any real or potential threat to
and perhaps even military catastrophes as the national interests. Put differently, we see
government is enquired to take effects that are national security as the safekeeping of the
either afar its ability or peripheral to the real entire nation and the safeguard of its vital
meaning of protecting the country from harm. interests by military and security forces
The national security is inherently dynamic through the detection, determination, and
and selective. Outside its traditional focus on management of real and potential threats to
the safety of the nation, it could, at any given the nation. If this is the way we look at
time, bring into its domain for ad hoc attention national security, then we are in agreement
with Nigeria's Grand Strategy for National
Security as well as with Nigeria's National
Defense Policy, both of which define Nigeria's
national security as the aggregate of the
security interests of all individuals,
communities, ethnic groups, political entities
and institutions that inhabit the territory of
Nigeria.
Insecurity in Nigeria
Nigeria concurrently has perceived an
exceptional side by side insecurity. This has
prepared national security menace to be a
chief concern for the authority and has
committed enormous portion of the national
budget to defense. In order to better the
frequency of insecurity, the policy maker get
on outlawing of sabotage by passing the Anti-
Terrorism Act in 2011, putting in place of
Computer-based Closed Circuit Television
cameras (CCTV) in some crucial parts of the
nation, augmentation of reconnaissance along
with inquiry of criminal related offences,
intensifying of physical security procedures
from one place to another within nation
intended at disrupting or deterring impending
outbreaks, reinforcement of forces over the
delivery of security amenities and the
expansion and transmission of security
guidelines on mass media (Azazi, 2011).
Regardless of these determinations, the side
by side of insecurity in the Nigeria is quiet
great. Furthermore, the country has steadily
ranked low in the Global Peace Index (GPI,
2012), indicating Nigeria a weakened state of
insecurity in the country of leagues. Later,
Adagba, et al (2012), Uhunmwuangho and
Aluforo (2011) are of the opinion that the
determinations of the state have not generated
ample confident upshot. With the enduring
security encounters and the incapacity of
defense gadgets by State to assurance
protection and sanctuary in the nation, the
request that borders all and sundry in the
country currently is that there can be
sanctuary. Is security of lives and properties
attainable? Seemingly, the security situation in
Nigeria seems or at least have endured
overwhelming and countless individuals
partake in the claimed that administration in
power has not done sufficient by not
challenging the status quo head on and dealing
with it resolutely, others have contended that
the status quo has a political sensation or
leaning planned to assist the interest of
definite governmental idols, who have been
frustrated and irritated about the governmental
exhibitions in Nigeria. So, the drive of this
paper work is to offer blend of obtainable
ideology on insecurity by assimilating
assorted assessments by intending a tactic for
national defense policy. In consonance with
the call on all citizenry by the state, to aids
immensely in war against
insecurity, the study work suggests a security
officialdom standard that could succor in
dealing with security encounters in Nigeria.
Sources of Insecurity in Nigeria
In combating insecurity in the nation, a
significant preparatory fact ought to be
comprehend the bases of the insecurity over
and above how examine their bases of
instability and social disorder. As Andrew and
Kennedy (2003) elaborated, it is essential to
differentiate amongst diverse bases as all may
necessitate diverse upshot. As well, and be
responsible for an all-inclusive opinion to the
references and suggestion of upshot.
Conversely, government are reluctant to
clarify and isolate actual bases. They fancy an
absolute recommendation, with the
apprehension that the sources of the insecurity
are mingled and related to one another. As in
other civilizations’, the causes of insecurity in
country can be map out to number of aspects
and clarified by diverse general public. Those
aspects of insecurity have been grouped and
classified as internal and external reasons.
Far off the internal- external contrast, cradles of insecurity could be seen as either proximate or
immediate and remote reasons. In Nigeria, the encounter is not so much about insecurity of external
forces, but rather that of internal forces. Later, our emphasis in this paper work is on the internal forces.
It has been identifying that certain internal sources have been heightened and reinforced by the
incidence of external sources, but, there is no hesitation that, if the internal circumstances did not present
themselves, the external source would be incompetent to penetrate. We present the internal sources of
insecurity in Nigeria using the contrast of immediate and remote aspects.

in the country to face ever-increasing civil

Facet of Insecurity
Insurgency and terrorism have been part of
human social and political experiences for
long in history of the world. However, the
problems have been changing over time. This
is conditioned by the increase in their
frequency and the fact that they are taking
novel dimensions as international and
transnational violent activities. Yet, the two
inter-related problems are attributed to
multiple socio-economic and political factors,
including; poverty, unemployment, injustice,
globalisation, political struggle and ethno-
religious sentiments, among others, like the
causes, the consequences of terrorism and
insurgency in Nigeria are many. These
consequences are: organised deadly attacks on
civilian population, destruction of
government's establishments, military and
police installations, schools, markets, motor
parks, churches and mosques in many parts of
the country. The Nigerian state has
consistently failed to fulfil even the peak
rudimentary responsibilities of a (AYC) all representing Nigeria's tripod of the
contemporary administration, thus inaugural
the avenues for disgruntlements and anger
squarely numerous phases of communal life,
and infuriating the stream by groups to contest
with the authority
of the country yard and its statutory power.
Insurgency and terrorism postured enough
security issues in the country as it disturbs
international as well as native investments,
thus affecting livelihood and economic growth
unrest and youth idleness. This and other
social disorders present a notorious perceptive
of the nation state. These belligerent forces
that continuously pervade evil deed in the
national peace building, comprise;
kidnappings, terrorism and militancy, and
appear to be undeterred by authority eventual
effort to suppress it. The troubled oil agitators
from Southern Nigerian oil-producing state
have over the years emaciated and destabilise
the oil economy, (the lubricating mainstay of
Nigerian nationhood) and have chiefly wind-
swept Nigeria's income earning volume. Acts
of revolt and abduction in Nigeria such as
activities by the ISWAP and BHT factions in
various states of Nigeria Northern region, but
chiefly in North Eastern region is
overwhelming, and declining political, social
development and economic activities. In the
1990s and early 2000s, Niger Delta militants
and alliances of other ethnic-nationalist groups
like the O'dua Peoples'
Congress (OPC), the Movement for the
Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra
(MASSOB), and the Arewa Youth Congress
biggest ethnic groups, Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba,
and Igbo engage in varying level in the
narrative of calling into question the
legitimacy and authority of the government.
Institutions, personnel and symbols of the
nation also came under series of attacks.
These unions were made up of selective
youths who were virtually frustrated,
unemployed, and poor with the system of
legitimate authority of the nation pollute their
environment, that exploits their resources, and
leave their regions underdeveloped. The
indigenes anticipated ample reparations with
infrastructural growths such as good drinking
portable water, hospitals, good schools,
modern market facilities centres, and even
award of scholarships to the indigenous
descendants for further studies as
remuneration for the natural resources
extracted from their communities, good
modern tile roads with structuralised
drainages. The failures of incentive to those
populaces and the stench from joblessness
sparked and amplified the internal groans
against the Centralised authority and the oil
company. These deeds of injury to the native
societies persist to tension and build acrimony
and animosity between the local inhabitants. It
is within this status quo that these ethnic
patriots' chiefly the youth takes up weaponries
against state in a prearranged subversion. The
trundle of revolt groups in Nigeria upsurges
by all transitory era and comprise; Movement
for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP),
Movement for the Actualization of the
Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Niger
Delta People's Volunteer Force (NDPVF),
Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger
Delta (MEND), Niger Delta Revolutionary
Crusaders (NDRC), Joint Niger Delta
Liberation Force (JNDLF), and Niger Delta
Avengers (NDA). Although insurgency
endure to stance direct regional and juridical
encounter to Nigeria's independence, the
current territorialised description of the groups
enhances a poisonous aspect to its customary
temperament of terror manoeuvres of
bloodshed through bombardments, suicide
bombings, invasions, arson, and general
bloodbaths. Exploitation specifically at the
governance level is the foremost dynamic that
stimuli these multitudes of social disorders,
and one of Nigeria's prime factor obstructing
fights to combat agitations. This corruption
blossoms relatively because several populaces
and groups comprehend the state to be
unlawful; worthless of allegiance, an
individual whose assets can be seized for
enigmatic tolerance. In the contemporary,
security financial plan was allegedly
emulsified, parting ill-compensated soldiers
with ill-equipped to face a lethal, well-armed
group of terrorists. Numerous of Nigeria's
dogmatic class have been accused of massive
loots of the national assets for extravagance,
soaring Nigeria's currency in overseas
accounts, although multitudes of Nigerians are
living at innumerable sub-standards of living.
These groups of Nigerian political leaders can
best be labelled as lethal without armed
weapons. The wide-ranging question that is
leavings relevant consequently un-answers is
anything the country policy maker is doing to
adjust social demeanour en route for
responsibility, liability, make available an
agenda for a feasible social mandate and
upholding pleasant synchronicity, as her chief
obligation. It is troublesome that consecutive
administrations have spoken for paces to
anticipate and conquest the fortification ways
of corruption, but close to zero have been
realised in this development. It is even further
troublesome when the state becomes
conscious of imminent menace to harmony
and safety and nose-dives to anticipate
disorder and security to citizenry. So far, only
lips services seem to be the strongest
assurance acknowledged as part of those at
realm of affairs of the nation effort to
comprehend with this threat. A conventional
example is the Chibok Girls narrative, which
would have been better off a genus of
literature. The government is the
superintendent and provider of safety of
sanctuary, but given the failure of the
government to successfully accomplish its
fundamental tasks of protecting, assuring,
providing or ensuring sanctuary for the
populaces, citizens lamented that the
helplessness on the part of the government has
steered to the abating of its negotiating
capacity and strength, thus infuriating the
encounters beforehand postured to national
security. The outcome is that the unending
rebellion perceiving in the homeland in the
past epoch advances severe interrogations
around the efficiency then competence of the
nation and its organisations in handling armed
conflicts and clashes. An insurgency can be
tussled through counter-insurgency rivalry,
and might also be divergent by procedures to
safeguard the inhabitants, and by
governmental and fiscal engagements in
innumerable categories directed at
discouraging the rioters, and guerrillas'
rebellion assertions contrary to the obligatory
authority regime. Types and stages of
criminality in Nigeria The occurrence and
intensification of ferocious crimes in Nigeria
may be accredited to numerous features
including; the proliferation of arms and
ammos in the realms of private personages
throughout the early post-civil war epoch,
with its vice- expansion in the use of
hazardous weapons and massacres in the
country, a situation simplified by the thirty
months Nigerian civil war, amid in 1967 and
1970 (Igbo, 2007).The resulting meagre fiscal
and communal environs in the repercussion of
the war prompt chiefly the youth to yield to
law-breaking. O'er, the level of fiscal loss over
vicious destruction of livelihood and assets;
and communal falloff ascribed near to the
defeat of outdated edifices plunge the country
into anarchy, such that numerous seconded
individuals converted vulnerable.
Subsequently, the country was pitched into a
continually abrupt communal consequence of
associated vices, as well as robbery, armed
robbery, arson, murder, kidnapping, cultism
and lately insurrections. The dogmatic class is
not vindicated as they marshal dogmatic
hoodlums with arsenal in edict to advance
pros above antagonists. That the enlistment of
dogmatic hooligans with arsenal through
electioneering trademarks arsenal
availabilities for extra enlistment of additional
modes of criminalities after the polls,
accentuating that such arsenal is habitually not
withdrawn from these dogmatic hoodlums
after the poll, and this generates further
disorder for the prevention of violent crimes in
the society.
The North East Zone compromises six states
covers close to one third (280 419 km2) of
Nigeria's land area (909 890 km2) while most
of the airstrikes of the NAF is currently
intensifies. The zone shares international
borders with Chad, Cameroon and Niger.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics
(NBS) the population of the North East Zone
is estimated at 26.3 million people which is
13.6 % of Nigeria's total population (estimated
at 193 million people (data 2016). The region
counts 205 ethnic minorities, of which the
Kanuri and the Hausa-Fulani are the main
groups.
North Central Zone made up of Nasarawa,
Niger, Kwara, Plateau, Benue and Kogi states,
plus the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). In
recent years, struggle in the North Central
zone has equally intensified and continue to
show cased tensions between farmers and
herders have escalated. This encounter is
complex and multi-faceted. The encounter
centers on agrarian, households and nomadic
cattle-herding groups who come into
encounter over land right to use. As the
populace in North Central Nigeria upsurges,
the volume of land used for agricultural also
upsurges, often into areas that have
predominantly obliged as livestock grazing
areas. At similar period, climate modification
of ISWAP and the Boko Haram revolt
condense the volume of land appropriate for
grazing in North East Nigeria, compelling
shepherding societies to inflate their paths into
progressively to Southern regions. This rivalry
above land and assets is compounded by creed
of faith and ethnicity dimension.
The North West Nigeria's, one of the country's
six geopolitical zones, consist of seven states
of the country's 36 states. These are Jigawa,
Kaduna, Kebbi, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and
Zamfara. It of capacity of 216,065 Sq km or
25.75 per cent of the nation's total land mass.
Its main ethnic groups are the Hausa and
Fulani, who traditionally share robust
traditional bound stalemates and are very
much blended, with other smaller groups
predominantly in Kaduna state. The region's
projected populace of above 33 million (based
on figures from the contentious 2006 census)
is chiefly Islamic (Sunni). Most of the
populace (about 80 per cent) are
agriculturalists, pastoralists, agro-+pastoralists
or small-scale industrialists. The region has
considerable solid mineral deposits,
comprising of gold exploited by artisanal
miners in uncluttered pit excavations.
Notwithstanding its commercial prospective,
the North West has the highest deficiency
proportion in the
country. As of 2019, all seven states in the
region had tremendously poverty levels above
the national average of 40.1 per cent, headed
by Sokoto (87.7 per cent), Jigawa (87 per
cent) and Zamfara (74 per cent). Millions lack
access to rudimentary clean portable water
and health care, and immunisation attention is
distant underneath national goals.
The North East Zone compromises six states
covers close to one third (280 419 km2) of
Nigeria's land area (909 890 km2) The zone
shares international borders with Chad,
Cameroon and Niger. To the National Bureau
of Statistics (NBS) the population of the North
East Zone is estimated at 26.3 million people
which is 13.6 % of Nigeria's total population
(estimated at 193 million people (data 2016).
The region counts 205 ethnic minorities, of
which the Kanuri and the Hausa-Fulani are the
main groups. North Central Zone consists of
the states of Benue, Plateau, Kogi, Kwara,
Niger, and Nasarawa plus the Federal Capital
Territory (FCT). In recent years, conflict in
the North Central zone has been intensified.

Recommendation
Organised Community policing will be a great idea for the Nigeria government to put in places where is
lacking and modified where such as been existing, most regions has been seeking for state policing in
order to curb the persistence occurrences of brutal killings, arsons, rapes, theft of properties, ravaging of
ancestral homes and villages by insurgents and the agitators seeing this as mean of militating against
insecurity in their regions, well never the less…….. To my notion there are various policing assisting
groups organized by various professional, religious, ethnic and governmental bodies. Although needs to
bring more will not be wrong, community policing or State policing are all over the federation ragging
from vigilantes, hunters’/farmers arms men, para-military voluntary groups (Girls guards, scout, Man o’
war, Cadet, Boys brigade, Nasfat guard, Almadri) State like Plateau has Langtan Mafia, Beron warriors
and more, KAI, LAWMA, LASMA, Neighborhood watch in Lagos, KASERA in Kaduna, KAROTA in
Kano, ESN in the Eastern parts of the country, OPC, Agbe koya from the Western part of the country
and Arewa/ herder and farmer arms groups in the Northern parts of the country and lot of others in other
part of the nation knows by the locals that aids the police in information gathering, apprehending law
breakers and riot dispatcher. The government needs to sensitize and reorganized them into befitting
security body as well trained and retrained them into professional law enforcement agents, is what will
need in other to have our border to borders, forest-forest, mountainous areas, urbans and rural areas,
schools, and national grids and institutions secure and manned by technical know-how personnel
alongside physical security apparatuses.

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