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Confucian ideology and social

engineering in Singapore
a
Khun-Eng Kuah
a
Dept. of Asian Languages and Anthropology , Univ.of
Melbourne
Published online: 15 Jun 2007.

To cite this article: Khun-Eng Kuah (1990) Confucian ideology and social engineering in
Singapore, Journal of Contemporary Asia, 20:3, 371-383, DOI: 10.1080/00472339080000381

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 371

Confucian Ideology and Social

Engineering in Singapore

Khun-Eng Kuah*
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Confucian values and ideology which have pervaded the Chinese society for the last
two thousand years might have been viewed as archaic and of little value to
contemporary societies which stress social utilitarian and democratic principles. But
to a newly developed nation-state, its values have practical ramifications. In Singa-
pore where the majority (seventy-five percent) of the population are Chinese, Con-
fucian values are not only considered as appropriate but essential for the social,
economic and more significantly political development of the nation. In this essay,
I examine the extent to which Confucian ideology is relevant to a newly-developed
nation-state. I will also discuss how the state attempt to use this ideology to further
its social engineering process.

Historical Background
From the 1880s onwards, there was a rapid increase in the number of Chinese
migrants to Singapore. From a mere three thousand Chinese in 1824, it increased
to over one hundred twenty thousand in 1891. By 1947, the Chinese population had
reached over seven hundred and thirty thousands. The majority of the migrants came
under the sponsorship of their kinsmen or under the "credit-ticket" system in which
the workers were treated as "pigling" Chu-zi bound to work for a contract term for
their employers in return for a free passage and a job.
The migrants were mostly able-bodied male adult with ages ranging from twenty
to fifty years. Apart from the traders and urban intellectual who sough escape from
Imperial Government in China, the majority were peasants, workers and lumpen-
proletariate. They were compelled to emigrate because of a lack of employment or
alternative means of livelihood. Some were enticed by the perceived plentiful op-
portunities.
Almost all of the migrants to Singapore came from the two coastal provinces
of Fujian and Guangdong. There were two main sets of reasons for the natives of

*Dept. of Asian Languages and Anthropology, Univ.of Melbourne

Journal of Contemporary As,:a VoL 20 No. 3 (1990)
 372 JCA 20:3/Khun

these two provinces to look outward towards Nanyang. First, there was the exposure
to and the knowledge of the region. The coastal Chinese had traded with the area
for a millennium and more. Second, both provinces had become the poorest and the
most disrupted areas throughout the nineteenth century. The extreme economic
hardship of the mid-nineteenth century which coincided with the expanding eco-
nomic opportunities in Malaya and Singapore served to push and lure even those
with strong Confucian values to leave their homeland in search of better fortune.
To most migrants, the move to work overseas was only a temporary measure and
many looked forward to returning home with a fortune, for after all, "being away
from home one li is not as good as being at home."
Historically, the Chinese in the Fujian and Guangdong provinces had come to
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develop coastal trade. They had also looked to the deep seas because the mountainous
terrain, until recent times, blockaded sustained overland communications between
the region and the central basin. Especially trading overland or in inland waters
between the regions had remained minimal, if not impossible. The failure to link
the Grand Canal to the South meant that the Southerners had to develop coastal
shipping. (Lattimore, 1937: 125) The early Nanhai Trade and later on, the junk trade
were seen as an extension of this coastal shipping. (Wang, 1958) This early
knowledge of shipping and the Nanyang region became important factors contributing
to the migrational trend to the region.
The people in Fujian and Guangdong were also "migratory" by their cultural
tradition. Their forebears first migrated to Fujian and Guangdong from the North
and around Yangtze Basin during the Han dynasty, sinicizing the region as they
settled in it. It is thus hardly surprising that the South Chinese would take to migration
again, this time to the Nanyang, when severe economic hardship made living almost
impossible in the region.
Population in Fujian and Guangdong increased rapidly from the sixteenth to the
early nineteenth centuries, especially during periods of relatively peace in the region.
However, this increase was not matched with an increase in arable land. A large
stretch of land running in the North-east to the southern direction consisted of rugged
mountains, leaving only the coastal strip suitable for rice cultivation, which is the
staple food. There was never sUfficient rice to feed the population. Even with sup-
plementary food of peanuts and sweet potatoes, introduced during the seventeenth
century, there continued to be a shortage of food in the region. This shortage was
accentuated by the frequent occurrence of natural disasters which devastated crops.
In the period preceding large scale emigration, thousands of peasants were thrown
off their land and forced to look for alternative means of livelihood.
The political instability during the nineteenth century affected the Southern
Chinese severely. The wars of 1839-1842 and 1856-1858 when the British naval
military actions were concentrated at the coastal ports of Canton, Amoy and so forth
caused massive disruption to the social order. The Taiping Rebellion from 1848-
1856 dealt another serious blow to the already disrupted social order in areas where
 Confucian Ideology and Social Engineering in &ngapore 373

the rebels had conducted intensive revolutionary activities. Even the measures taken
to restore peace were so ruthless that many rural Chinese fled to avoid persecution.
The rebellions, among them the Taiping and Boxer, had disrupted the actual
agricultural production badly. But the economic consequences were even more
pernicious. The process of migration was further given an impetus by enhanced eco-
nomic exactions from the peasantry. First, taking advantage of the anarchic condition,
the state officials often exacted extra taxes for their personal gains. Second, increased
taxes were levied by the state to recoup military expenditure and to pay war
indemnities to the foreign powers. Third, the tenant farmers paid a high rent to the
landlords who had become free from the controls normally exercised by the
government. Fourth, the farmers were also exploited by the usurer. They paid
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exorbitant interest rates on the loans taken out to buy seeds, tools, food and other
needs. In the villages, the usurers and the wealthy landlords were the only two sources
to whom the poor farmers could turn for credit. This diarchic control allowed the
landlord-moneylenders to extract without mercy.
It was under these internal oppressive conditions coupled with economic op-
portunities offered in Malaya and Singapore that the southern Chinese migrated in
increasing numbers. This was despite the attachment to the native soil and the village,
the strong kinship bonds and the duties implicit in the ancestor worship, which con-
stituted a strong obstacle against leaving.
Around 1860, the Treaty of Peking concluded between the Chinese imperial
court and the European powers forced the Qing government to relax its emigration
law. This enabled the European agents to recruit the Chinese directly for the first
time and ship them to work in plantations in Central and Latin America as well as
the Nanyang. Both the Europeans and the Chinese recruiting agents reaped huge
profit out of this trade at the expense of the recruits.
The opening up of tin mines and rubber plantations in Malaya and trading
opportunities in Singapore created a huge demand for labour and especially Chinese
labour which was highly sought after by the Chinese towkay and the European
employers for its passivity, diligence and capacity for hard work. The incoming
British colonialism had turned Singapore into a big maritime trade centre which
required Chinese merchant capital, middlemen, traders and clerks as much as port
labourers. The recruits did the manual loading and unloading of cargoes in the port
and worked in the gambler and pepper plantations. Some found entrepreneurial
opportunities in petty trade. Others found their own trading firms and went on to
accumulate wealth from modest beginning.
These Chinese migrants came mainly from the provinces of Fujian, Guangdong
and the island of Hainan. There are five main dialect-speaking groups namely
Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew, Hakka and Hainanese. Today, they together constituted
75% of the total Singapore population.
During the early years, these Chinese migrants attempted to recreate a Chinese
identity through various Chinese values. Confucian social and moral values and
 374 JCA 20:3/Khun

practices became highly articulated in their daily life. Confucian values of filial piety,
loyalty, virtues, harmony, reverence for the old and exaltation of educational
achievement were expected of clan members and spelt out as rules of the clan
association. Besides, these values were also expressed in numerous communal
activities held by the clan associations namely ancestral worship and worship of
protector gods, observance of traditional festivities as well as the social activities.
Moreover, clan schools taught Confucian teachings of "self-Cultivation," Hsiu-shen
and "Readings of Classics," Tu-ching. These were based on Confucian texts of The
Classics of Filial Piety, Hsiao Ching and Confucius Analects, Lun-yu. Furthermore,
the students were required to venerate their ancestors and to pay regular homage
to portraits of Confucius and the clan's progenitors.
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In promoting Confucian ideology during the early years, the Chinese was able
to establish a sense of solidarity among themselves. While the various dialect groups
had little dealings with one another, members of the same dialect group were also
members of a clan association and hence were tied up together in a web of kinship
ties, both real and imaginary.

Confucianism in Contemporary Singapore

While, at the communal level, Confucian values continue to be socialized as part
of the general moral and social ethos of the Chinese as well as to be manifest in
communal activities, it has also been rigorously promoted by the state in recent years.
Confucianism is seen as an important ideological tool for social engineering as well
as an asset to promote economic development and modernization.
As an important ideological tool for social engineering, Confucianism provides
a set of moral and ethical values that legitimizes the perpetuation of a highly
centralized and authoritarian system of government. Not unlike the emperor in
imperial China, the government under the leadership of Prime Minister Lee Kuan
Yew needed the mandate from Heaven if it were to rule effectively its population.
To do so, it means that the cosmic order must be at harmony with one another.
Translated into mundane values, for an effective governing of the nation, the
government needs the support of the people, the peace and stability, both in the
political and economic sense: the latter in the form of labour harmony. The
government could then deliver the goods to the people, in the form of higher and
better standard of living, economic growth, material wealth and so forth.
To do so, it also means that the individuals in the society need to be socialized
into a set of common values that could achieve such an end. In the Confucian state,
it is the gentleman ideal that is most exaltated. Here, a Confucian gentleman, chun-
zi is a person who is cultivated and possessed the five basic Confucian virtues of
humanity, ren; righteousness, yi; loyalty, zhong; propriety, li and filial piety, xiao.
This gentleman is one who knows and observes the relationship and correct behaviour
between inferiors and superiors, among friends, kinsmen, strangers and enemies. His
understanding of the teachings and his proper observations will therefore result in
 Confucian Ideology and Social Engineenng in Singapore 375

stability within the family, society and state. In traditional China, it placed its people
neatly in ascribed status and helped locate individuals within the social milieu.

A Confucian Gentleman--An Ideal Singaporean

In Singapore, the state under Prime Minister Lee attempts to create an "Ideal Singa-
porean." The Ideal Singaporean is one who possesses the following values:
The litmus test of a good education is whether it nurtures citizens who can five, work, contend
and co-operate in a civilized way. Is he loyal and patriotic? Is he, when the need arises, a good
soldier, ready to defend his country and so protect his wife and children and his fellow citizens.
Is he filial, respectful to his elders, law abiding, humane and responsible? Does he takes care of
his wife and children and parents? Is he tolerant of Singaporeans of different races andmligions?
Is he clean, neat, punctual and well-mannered. (Lee, 1979)
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In order to achieve this, he sees in the Chinese population:

The greatest value in teaching and learning of Chinese is the transmission of the norms of social
and moral behaviour. This means principally Confucianist beliefs and ideas, of man, society and
the state.

Education, especially moral education, was seen as a key to the creation of this
Ideal Singaporean. In 1984, the subject, Confucian Ethics was introduced in schools
as one of the six options for the moral education programme. Their perceived
relevance of Confucianism in Singapore society is seen in this long passage where
I quoted in full.

In a multi-lingual, multi-racial and multi-cultural society such as Singapore, Confucian ethics can
and does play an important part in helping to promote racial harmony and stability. The Confucian
characteristics of tolerance and adaptability, in particular, have much to contribute towards this
end.
Tolerance~Confucians consider that "within the Four Seas all men are brothers." They
uphold the principle of universal brotherhood where one should "overflow in love to all" and not
merely to one's relations and friends. If we treat all people wilh the same respect and love just
as we treat our brothers or sisters, the world will surely be a more peaceful and happier place to
live in. To achieve this, we are recommended to be tolerant and forbearing: "the cultivated person
honours the able and virtuous, and bears with all." Even though the cultivated person respects ability
and virtue, he also accepts all others in society. The Confucian ethical system then, is very tolerant
of other cultures and systems of moral and religious belief.
Adaptability---Confucianism is not just an ancient school of thought that has remained static
since its inception. It is dynamic, evolving to suit changing circumstances and conditions. It is
this adaptability that has enabled Confucianism to remain relevant throughout the ages... Many
believe this adaptability will help Confucianism meet the new challenges of today's vibrant, modem
industrial society.
Confucianism and Modem Singapore~Confucian ethics has been introduced to Singapore
in an attempt to check the powerful influence of materialistic and individualistic values on young
Singaporeans. It is hoped that this moral persuasion will not only help build strong characters,
but will also give our young people an understanding of their cultural roots. Moreover, the
Confucian cultural tradition has much to contribute to Singapore's economic social and political
development.
In our drive towards greater productivity, two major factors must be considered: management
of human relationships and good work attitudes. With regard to management, the Confucian
emphasis on harmonizing human relations can certainly make an important contribution. The
Confucian principle of "treating others with due respect" is very useful to follow at all the levels
 376 JCA 20:3/Khun

of human relationships, especially in the superior-subordinate relationship. Each level has its duties
and obligations. For example, it is the duty of those in managerial positions to lead by moral
example. Subordinates, on the other hand, have a duty to be responsible and loyal to the
organization. This co-operation will result in the smooth running of the organization. The
Confucians' deep respect for learning, personal development, discipline and diligence all work
towards the fostering of good work attitudes. Economic prosperity and Iechnological advancement
have brough with it undesirable social traits and harmful lifestyles. Materialism, individualism,
and the thirst for excitement and easy money are some examples. "lhough Confucian ethics may
not be the answer to the moral problems of today, its stress on benevolence, social consciousness
and the pursuit of the moral life can help us find meaning in life.
In the political arena, Confucius suggests that the leader should rule with virtue. I-le has an
obligation to lead by moral example. A good leader first sees to his own moral cultivation before
he requires it of others, and has the welfare of the people at heart at all times. This is what we
expect of our political leaders. The Confucian tradition also encourages us to take an active part
in politics and social work. It requires that we extend our love and concern for our family to
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members of the community and then to those of society and the world at large. This, too, is in
accordance with the goals of our society.
In Singapore, we hope to build an educated, cultured and caring society before the end of
the twentieth century. The Confucian tradition lays much emphasis on the development of the
social, cultural as well as the spiritual life. It can certainly contribute much towards the building
of the ideal Singapore society. (CDIS, Confucian Ethics: pp. 120-121)

In the teaching of Confucian Ethics as a moral education subject in schools,

its objectives are (1) to inculcate Confucian values in our pupils, (2) to help them
grow up to lead meaningful lives as upright moral beings imbued with Confucian
beliefs, (3) to make them aware of their cultural and moral heritage, (4) to help them
understand the importance of self-cultivation and (5) to enable them to understand
the historical development and modern relevance of Confucianism. (Ibid., 1985:
Preface)
Let us examine briefly the moral ethical values that are desirable and are found
in the textbooks. In the secondary textbook, they are the importance of self-culti-
vation, different forms of lives and the five relationships between parents and
children, brothers and sisters, husband and wife, friends and citizens and country.
In the secondary four textbook, the focus is on how to achieve the Confucian ideal.
Here, it emphasizes humanity, wisdom, courage, righteousness, propriety, trust,
loyalty and compassion. It also tells us to the rights and duties of individuals. These
are illustrated through traditional folk tales which, according to the ruling elites, also
serves to impart cultural meaningfulness to the students, thereby providing a base
for cultural expression. In this context, it is the Chinese culture which the state has
perceived to have lost much of its essence to westernisation.
It also attempts to integrate these values to every day life and values of the state.
For example, the textbook teaches:

It is common for people to grumble a lot in their place of work. Managers or supervisors grumble
among themselves about how unhelpful or ungrateful their workers are. Workers, on the other hand,
grumble about how unfair and bullying their managers or supervisors are. Such attitudes lead to
much misunderstanding and friction. Confucius' advice to both groups of people would be to show
compassion by not doing to each other what each group would not themselves like. Thus, managers
should treat their workers as they themselves would like their own superiors to treat them. Workers
too should treat their superiors the way they would like junior workers to treat them. If both groups
 6onfucian Ideology and Social Engineenng in Singapore 377

followed this policy loyally, and sincerely, then each would understand the feelings and viewpoints
of the other. In this way, the attitude and action of each group towards the other would match,
and mutual love and trust would be restore. (CDIS, Confucian Ethics: pp. 65-66)

The text also seeks to bring out Singapore's policy on multi-culturalism and
multi-racialism. It extols the students to be tolerance towards others.
Singapore is a multi-racial and multi-cultural society. Each race has its own language, religion,
traditions and cultural practices. It is therefore necessary that we have tolerance and mutual trust
among the various races. Otherwise we cannot hope to live in peace and harmony.
If two persons have differing views, they can still be sympathetic to and tolerant of each
other. Tolerance and sympathy are within the spirit of Confucian propriety. If we can treat one
another sincerely and earnestly with consideration, respect and propriety, we will be able to live
happily together. We must remember that as citizens we are all duty-bound to our society to do
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so. (/bid: pp. 77)

It also places importance on the assignment of rights and individuals, i.e. helps to
locate individual's role in the society. Thus:
Fundamental/y speaking, all human beings should have equal rights and duties. However, since
society involves so much specialization of work and division or labour, in fact everyone has its
own assigned duties relating to his position in society. We should do our best, whatever our role--
as sons, daughters, pupils, teachers, doctors, nurses, empoyers or workers...
Let us cite an important everyday example to explain this. In a family, each person has a
role to play. A father is expected to perform his duty faithfully to his son and so is the son to
his father. The father must, for example, provide food and shelter for the son and teach him the
things he must know to function as a human being in a society. The son in turn should generally
listen to the advice of the father. This mutual fulfillment of duties by the father and son results
in family harmony. However, should the son fail in his duty and defy his father, what should the
father do? The father of course must persevere in guiding his son along the right path. Otherwise
he would not be a father to his son. In another case, if the son sees that his father is gambling
away his money and neglecting his family, what should he do? He must persuade his father not
to endanger family life, and do his best to help his father stop gambling. Otherwise, he would
not be a true son...
Rights and duties therefore have to be properly defined for the people so that they know how
to do their part to build a rational, fair and moral society 0bid: pp. 82-83)

Being a non-believer in a welfare state, the Singapore government activety

encourages the individuals and private corporations to take up the responsibility in
the provision of welfare benefits for the general population. It encourages private
and corporate welfarism. Thus, it is not surprising that it should also want to inculcate
this value into the young Singaporeans. The textbook tells of the need tot a caring
society.
In the midst of material abundance and spiritual fulfillment, the weak and helpless are not forgotten,
for it is a humane and caring society...
In such a society, the old and young, orphans and widows, the lonely and disabled are all
looked after and cared for. The old have a proper resting place. The young are brought up to be
healthy, fulfilled adults. Every person, man and woman, has a home and work. The people cultivate
friendship and trust among themselves. (Ibid: pp. 93)

While the textbooks provide ample quotations and examples on Confucian moral
and ethical values through historical and modern day examples, my purpose here
 378 JCA 20:3/Khun

is to illustrate the link between a traditional ideological system and its relevance to
a modem secular state of Singapore. The writing of two textbooks on Confucian
Ethics, amidst the voluminous amount of books on the subject, may seem somewhat
superfluous. However, within the Singapore context, its significance cannot be under-
estimated. It provides the state with their version of Confucianism to which they
could integrate their desirable values with traditional ones in their promotion on
moral values and nation-building. This version of Confucianism is one which is
pragmatic and rational and which ties in with the socio-economic and socio-political
goals of the government.

Confucianism and National Ideology

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Confucianism is also seen as a rational ethical ideology which is needed to counteract

the problem of westemisation faced by the nation. The three decades of open door
policy and western education have resulted in a rapidly increase number of
westernized Singaporeans with "the loss of faith in traditional religions" and that
"many Chinese have given up Taoism, Buddhism or ancestor worship" (Straits
Times, 12 Jan. 1989). The ruling elites feared that" the next generation is not growing
up with the same values and outlook as their parents. Nor is it acquiring updated
values which their parents generation have carefully thought out and imbued in them.
As a society, we are absorbing ideas from outside faster than we can digest them,
in danger of losing our sense of direction" (Ibid). There is therefore a need for the
government to inculcate "a clear set of values, strongly held and shared by Singa-
poreans [which-sic] can help us to develop an identity, bond ourselves together, and
determine our own future" (Ibid). The Minister for Trade and Industry, Lee Hsien
Loong, outlined the promotion of an identity in three ways. First, to find common
values which all can share; second, to preserve the heritages of our different com-
munities and third, to ensure that each community also appreciates and is sensitive
to the traditions of the others (Ibid). The values should be non-political, non-religious
and the list should be kept to the minimum. He identified four key areas. First,
community over self; second, upholding the family as the basic building block of
society; third, resolving major issues through consensus instead of contention and
four, stressing racial and religious tolerance and harmony (Ibid). Other values include
hardwork, honesty, loyal!y and justice (Ibid).
In these, he saw the positive role played by Confucianism. He saw the Chinese
community, in order to elaborate the abstract values of the National Ideology into
concrete examples and vivid stories, must draw upon Confucian concepts for several
reasons. First, it is the heritage of the Chinese part of the population. Second, it
stresses the importance of placing society above self, a key value we want to preserve
and third, many Confucian ideals are still relevant to us. An example is the concept
of government by honourable men, who have a duty to do right for the people, and
who have the trust and respect of the population (Ibid). To him, "this fits us better
than the western concept: that a government should be given as limited powers as
possible, and always treated with suspicion unless proven otherwise" (Ibid).
 Confucian Ideology and Social Engineenng in Singapore 379

Clearly then, Confucianism can be made to contribute positively in assisting in

the promotion of a national ideology among the Chinese sector of the population
if the emphasis is correct for it has to be "revised to fit an urban, industrial society.
Confucianism must be brought up to date, and reconciled with other ideas" (Ibid).
For example, cited Lee, "in China, where traditionally family ties are paramount,
this practice led to favouritism of relatives by officials. But in Singapore, we have
adopted a clear separation between public office and official duty on the one hand,
and private interests and personal obligations on the other. This has enabled us to
run a clean and efficient bureaucracy, free of nepotism" (Ibid). Moreover, "traditional
Confucian family relationships are also strictly hierarchical. Sons owe an absolute
duty of filial piety and unquestioning obedience to fathers. Males take precedence
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over females, brothers over sisters, and the first born over the second and third son.
But in Singapore, the parent-child relationship is more respectful rather than one of
absolute subordination. Sons and daughters are treated more equally, because of
family planning. The relationship between older and younger siblings is less
authoritarian" (Ibid). Furthermore, "care and responsibility for the old and the young
is still very much a family matter in Singapore, It should remain so, and should never
be left to the state" (Ibid).
It is clear from the foregoing that Confucianism could be used to further the
interests of the state. In this situation, to further the numerous policies expounded
by the state. For instance, the stress on the efficient running of the civil bureaucracy,
the economic needs of the society, etc. For the present, there is a shortage of labour
in our industrial sector and while relying partially on foreign labour, the state is trying
to cut down on its reliance on this source of labour. It therefore encourages its female
population to take on economically productive role. Furthermore, the ruling elites
does not believe in a welfare state as in the West. In firmly upholding the family
as the basic unit in the society, it is thus able to ensure that the young look after
the old. A law might be brought in at a later stage to ensure its smooth implement-
ation.
In the 1950s and 1960s, the various Chinese social institutions viz., clan asso-
ciations, Chinese schools and temples were seen as promoting Chinese sentiments
and chauvinism hence viewed with hostility. Today, the ruling elites are realizing
that the clan associations can play an important role in promoting a state-sponsored
Confucian ideology and hence, actively courted after them. Thus, Lee is of the
opinion that "Chinese clan associations can help to preserve the Asian identity and
values of Singaporeans by taking part in the formulation of a National Ideology"
(Straits Times, 16 Jan. 1989). He wanted the clan associations "to play an active
role, working with the Government and grassroots organizations, to identify the core
values, find ways to preserve the family unit, and cultivate the spirit of community
above self,...that the clan associations should match their strengths, such as
experience in preserving Chinese traditions, with the needs of society in formulating
their future goals" (Ibid). Lee also wanted them to work "with grassroot organizations
 380 JCA 20:3/Khun

to help promote bilingualism and the Government's Speak Mandarin Campaign"

(Ibid).
In line with the government's objective of a non-welfare state, Lee stressed the
importance of the associations to "continue to set up and support welfare homes,
child care and family service centres" (Ibid). Furthermore, he wanted the associations
to continue their efforts not only in recruiting members to solve the problems of
stagnancy, shrinking membership and ageing leadership but also to create members
who, like their predecessors, will be "the driving force which enabled the associations
to continue to contribute to nation-building and national development [and who-sic]
was a group of patriotic, determined and self-sacrificing volunteers who are chari-
table, generous, and also have a deep love for their fellow countrymen and their
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nation. Their willingness to sacrifice time, money and effort and thei~ spirit of putting
the nation and society above self would help the associations to progress in future"
(Ibid).
The Chinese clan associations, which have witnessed much of their roles being
taken over by government-organized Peoples Association, community centres,
residents committees, professional bodies, private clubs, religious organizations, etc,
have responded swiftly and favourably to the government's call for action.

Economic Relevance of Confucianism

Another reason for the promotion of Confucianism in Singapore is the perceived
economic relevance of Confucianism in a developing country. There has been a
global interest in the role of Confucianism in economic growth and development.
Confucianism and Confucian ethic provide an alternative explanation to previous
theories on modernization and economic development. The rapid economic growth
of the Asian countries, especially Japan and the four newly-industralised countries
viz., Hong Kong, Taiwan, Korea and Singapore during the last twenty five years
has attracted worldwide attention. Economic growth rate in these countries has
increased by over twenty percent and this far outstripped other developing economies
of Latin America, Africa and even the West. Some scholars who examined this
phenomenon attributed the rapid growth to a Confucian ethic. Second, it is observed
by them that these Asian countries share a common denominator in that they all hold
on to a Confucian cultural tradition. Debates on this aspect has been discussed in
several international conferences on Confucianism.
Scholars examining the relevance of Confucianism to modern economic growth
begin with Weber's work on The Religion of China as their starting point. In this
work, Weber's central thesis on Confucianism was that there was a lack of"tension"
in the Confucian ethic. For Weber, Confucianism meant adjustment to the world,
to its order and conventions" (Weber, 1951: 152) and "completely absent in
Confucian ethic was any tension between nature and deity, between ethical demand
and human shortcoming .... Hence, there was no leverage for influencing conduct
through inner forces freed of tradition and convention" (Ibid: 235-236). This was
 Confucian Ideology and Social Engineenng in Singapore 381

seen as the determining factor for the failure of the East to industralise and to produce
capitalism.
However, recent scholars are increasingly demonstrating the fact that Confucian
ethical values are effective in economic development. In his book, Why Has Japan
"Succeeded"?, Marishima shows the significance of Confucian ethical value system
as an important factor in Japan's success in economic development. (Marishima,
1982) Likewise, MacFarquhar, cited in Leung, suggests that the economically
successful countries in East Asia are the so-called "Post-Confucian" countries,
having influenced historically and culturally by Confucianism. (Leung, 1987: 88)
Hofheinz and Calder view the following Confucian values as responsible for the rapid
growth of the NICs. They are (1) the guidance of a paternalistic government; (2)
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the role of the family in society; and (3) the anti-legal tradition. (Hofheinz and Calder,
cited in Leung, 1987: 89) In addition, Kahn attributes the success to the following
neo-Confucian values (1) pre-eminence of education; (2) need for accomplishment;
(3) dedication to work; (4) family and obligations; and (5) a de-emphasis of self.
(Kahn in Leung, 1987: 89) He further sees "Confucian ethic may in many ways be
superior to the West in the pursuit of industralisation, affluence and modernity. In
some ways, the capacity for purposive and efficient communal and organizational
activities and efforts is even more important in the modern world than the personal
qualities, although both are important. Smc×~thly fitting, harmonious human relations
in an organization are greatly encouraged in most neo-Confucian societies. This is
partly because of a sense of hierarchy but even more because of a sense of comple-
mentarity of relations that is much stronger in Confucian than in Western societies"
(Ibid: 89).
Indeed, this is also view voiced by the First Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Goh
Chok Tong in his speech to identify core values. Goh linked the need of a national
ideology to Singapore's survival as a nation. He said that "Singapore can survive
only if she can compete in the international arena. To have a higher and higher
standard of living--better homes, better education, better health--we must be com-
petitive as a nation. How we organize ourselves, what value system we have to shape
our political behaviour and social attitude, how we govern our relationship with one
another--all this must contribute to our competitiveness and our welt-being (Straits
Times, 4 December 1988). He stressed the need for a national ideology that "will
contain core values which will strengthen and bind us together and enhance our
resilience and competitiveness as a nation" (Ibid). These values needed to be based
on communitarianism. And one obvious system is Confucianism which provides the
competitive edge.
The Prime Minister, Mr Lec Kuan Yew, in his speech at the Conference on
Global Strategies also argues that the Japanese, Vietnamese, Koreans and Chinese
shared characteristics of hard work and thrift, which observers attributed to the
Confucian ethic. They also have a strong social cohesion. They, according to Lee,
"have learnt the valuable lesson that to m',tke the greatest progress in the shortest
 382 JCA 20:3/Khun

possible time, it is necessary for a people to move in unison. And this implies the
need to make sacrifices for the good of the country and its progress" (Straits Times,
29 Oct. 1988). Similarly, Goh stated that "we have the same core values which made
the Japanese, Koreans and Taiwanese succeed. If we want to continue to prosper,
we must not lose our core values of hardwork, thrift and sacrifice" (Ibid).
To the Chinese community, Lee stated that Singaporeans cannot afford laxity
and must preserve the five critical relationships slated by the Confucius philosopher
Mencius. They are (1) love between father and son; (2) duty between ruler and
subject; (3) distinction between husband and wife; (4) precedence of old over young
and (5) faith between friends (New York Times, 5 Nov. 1988).

Conclusion
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The need for an alternative value system that would permit greater degree of social
engineering as well as to provide for the economic development of the country points
to a Confucian ideology as the best alternative available, at least for the time being.
However, while Confucian ideology seems to go well with the Chinese, the same
cannot be said for the sixteen percent Malay, seven percent Indians and the two
percent others. In adopting any form of ideology for the nation, the Singapore state
has to contend with its problem of plurality and cater for their respective needs if
it wants racial harmony. Even if Confucian ideology seems to be the most plausible
one for both the process of modernization and economic development on the one
hand and for social engineering on the other, the state, then would have to somehow
attempt to disguise its label and made it at least universal under a different name,
preferably some non-commitant label.

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