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April 1stweek PDF
April 1stweek PDF
April 1stweek PDF
01_04_2022
▪ The reorientation of caste in the new Millennium happened largely because of the arrival of OBCs on
national stage, as positive signature for several reasons:
Reason #1:
▪ OBCs helped to place caste the right side up.
▪ From Nehru era until 1990s, the dominant ideology had presented caste as the exception and casteless ness as
the rule.
▪ But, OBC forced to recognise that upper castes were a minority rather than the general or universal category.
Reason #2:
▪ As they were intermediate group, OBC invite closer attention to notion of Backwardness and interplay of
graded privilege and deprivilege in different caste clusters.
Reason #3:
▪ As they were defined as residual category - neither in SC or ST nor in Upper Castes, OBCs highlighted pros
and cons of categorisation and challenge of internal disparities within large groupings.
▪ OBCs are also important in themselves because of their demographic weight and distribution.
▪ OBCs are present in most parts of the country and formed a large segment of every class group, from the
poorest to the richest.
▪ That is why, they had special affinity for federalism and were instrumental in introducing coalition politics at
national level.
Internal dynamics:
▪ The single most important change over the past two decades that process of internal differentiation within
each large caste grouping has now penetrated much deeper.
▪ The most common dimensions of differentiation are economic status, livelihood sources, regional location.
▪ The single most important contextual factor that allows or prevents crystallisation as an independent entity
appears to be region specific electoral influence.
▪ Eg: Yadavas in UP, facilitated the emergence of a derivative sub group called 'Non - Yadav OBCs'
▪ Similarly, region specific developments seen in cases such as Mahars of Maharashtra, Malas of Andhra
Pradesh among SC groups.
▪ But, the emergent entity need not to be defined as distinct caste, it may be an off stage rather the onstage actor
in the drama of electoral politics.
▪ Eg: Economic differentiation within the upper castes has produced division into the non-rich, rich and super
rich segments, but these are not different castes, they are not a separate political constituency.
▪ Caste analysis today has no choice but to be fine-grained and multi-dimensional, which is not just a
quantitative change but also the crystallisation of new political entities triggers qualitative shifts as well.
▪ The apparent opacity of caste today seems to have two different sources.
Source #1:
▪ Exponential increase in complexity of field, largely because of differentiation of initial groupings that were far
too big to remain coherent.
Source #2:
▪ This is not located within the caste but in its relationship to other contextual factors.
▪ The most important of these are neoliberalism as hegemonic world view that repositioned the state and
market; the dominance of Hindutva as a political modality; the new media regime that saturates social life; the
ongoing restructuring of federalism; the change in ecosystem of official statistics.
Element #2:
▪ Decision to reconstitute and reduce the number of sectors of cooperation from the unwieldy 14 to more
manageable seven, one sector for each of its member. Where,
1. Trade and Development - Bangladesh
2. Environment and Climate Change - Bhutan
3. Security, including Energy - India
4. Agriculture and Food Security - Myanmanr
5. People to People contacts - Nepal
6. Science, Technology and Innovation - Sri Lanka
7. Connectivity - Thailand
Element #3:
▪ Summit participants adopted the Master Plan for Transport Connectivity applicable for 2018 - 2028, devised
and backed by Asian Development Bank (ADB).
▪ Its importance lies in the highest-level political support accorded to this ambitious plan.
▪ It lists 264 projects entailing a total investment of $126 billion. Projects worth $55 billion are under
implementation.
Element #4:
▪ Three new agreements signed by member states:
1. Mutual legal assistance in criminal matters
2. Cooperation between diplomatic academic
3. Establishment of a technology transfer facility in Colombo.
#2:
▪ BIMSTEC needs greater visibility. India's turn to host the G20 leaders’ summit in 2023 presents a golden
opportunity, which can be leveraged optimally.
#3:
▪ Grouping names need urgent attention. As present name contains 12 words should be trimmed to 4 words
only - the Bay of Bengal Community (BOBC).
Backfired Policy:
▪ President’s decision from 2020 to restrict imports, including food items and inputs relating to agriculture, was
aimed at conserving foreign exchange.
▪ Banning of chemical fertilisers import in May 2021, forcing country to switch abruptly to organic farming,
made a threat to Sri Lankas food security.
▪ After mass protection by farmer groups, the government in Nov 2021, rowed back on its evidently ill advised
policy on agrochemicals.
▪ Crop scientists have predicted a dramatic reduction in annual harvests, a 40 - 45% drop in paddy yeild alone.
▪ In Feb 2022, imported 3,00,000 tonnes of rice from India, 1,00,000 tonnes from Myanmar to control rice
prices. Chinese announced a gift of 2,000 tonnes of rice.
▪ Apart from food grains, cash strapped Sri Lanka is also frantically seeking financial help from different
sources.
▪ India has extended $2.4 billion, $2.8 billion by Beijing during pandemic.
▪ After initial reluctance, Colombo is now turning to the IMF - a popular policy prescription from the political
opposition, think tanks, diplomatic missions.
▪ According to World Bank report, there are atleast 5 lakh "new poor" people in Sri Lanka after pandemic, a
warning of relatively high levels of inequality.
▪ In the current predicament of waiting in longlines, many see a playback of early 1970s, i.e., public disaffection
over Bandaranaike's economic policy led to emphatic 1977 poll victory of Jayewardane as President, who
opened the Sri Lanka economy to the private sector, foreign trade, capital movements, setting a regional
precedent.
▪ In the process, it irreversibly altered the island nation's economic path.
▪ Immigration authorities have notes the sharp increase in applications for new passports around 1,61,394 since
Jan 2022, as scores of young men and women from working families going abroad for domestic or
construction work.
▪ The critical factors over the next few months will determine Sri Lanka's economic revival and regime's
political fortunes: President's ability to arrest the devasting impact of crisis, oppositions chances to win
people’s confidence as a credible political alternative.
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Lift spending
▪ Industrial data from February 2022 shows output production in eight core sectors grew at fastest pace in four
months at 5.8% but production had contracted 3.3% than year earlier.
▪ Compared with Jan 2022, the output in all of these sectors declined with the overall index contracting 5.3%.
▪ Electricity generation contributes 20% of index, declined 3.3%.
▪ Steel, index heavyweight that feeds into various sectors, declined 5.2%.
▪ Refinery sector, largest component of index about 28, also that facilitates other industries by powering
mobility, declined 8%.
▪ Inflation breached RBI upper tolerance limit of 6%, if further worsened, the domino effect upstream will only
impact the core sectors further.
▪ [A domino effect or chain reaction is the cumulative effect produced when one event sets off a chain of
similar events. ]
▪ CapEx also grew a mere 0.8% in Feb from earlier Feb.
▪ Though tax revenues have been robust, the Government likely held back on CapEx to help offset the lack of
disinvestment proceeds it had budgeted for.
▪ Sale of BPCL has also not proceeded apace.
▪ So, Government may have to increase its capital spending to stoke the economy.
▪ The multiplier effect also benefits industries such as cement, steel, crowd private investments, spurring job
creation.
Earlier Judgements:
▪ In Independent Thought vs Union of India (2017), the Supreme Court of India diluted it and removed the
exception to marital rape to your wife not below 15 years and made it 18 years.
▪ The court held that a girl cannot be treated as commodity having no say over her body or someone who has
no right to deny sexual intercourse to her husband and that the human rights of a girl child are very much
alive and kicking whether she is married or not.
Roots of Principle:
▪ Exception to marital rape in common laws was due to dictum by Chief Justice Matthew Hale of Britain in
1736.
▪ The concept that the marriage, a woman gave up her body to the husband was accepted as an enduring
principle of common law, due to which a husband could not be guilty of raping his wife.
▪ This was therefore translated into criminal codes, Including the IPC which India adopted.
▪ This principle has now been completely abolished in United Kingdom in 1991, The exception to marital rape
was done away with in the case of R vs R.
▪ The Karnataka High Court also took a similar view of its duties as a constitutional court in the present case
and held that exception to marital rape in section 375 is regressive, where in a woman is treated as a
subordinate to the husband and against the constitutional guarantee of equality.
Step #1:
▪ Migration is a highly politicized phenomenon in India, where states are highly influenced by the political
economy of migration.
▪ Destination states experience a tension between economic needs, which require migrant labour and political
needs, which promote nativist policies that impose a domicile restriction on employment and Social Security.
▪ On the flip side, the sending states are highly motivated to serve their own people because they vote in their
source villages. This fragmented policy response to internal migration follows from state specific calculations
on what political dividends might be reap by investing fiscal and administrative resources towards migrants.
Step #2:
▪ Migrants are perennially fuzzy category in policy discourse, located inside two larger categories that have long
troubled policymakers: the unorganised worker and the urban poor.
▪ Even e-Shram portal has made impressive progress in registering unorganised workers but unable to
accurately distinguish and target migrants.
▪ Hence slum development continues as the primary medium for elevating migrant concerns, most migrants
live on worksites that are entirely out of policy gaze.
▪ It is also assumed that migrants will be automatically catered to with the formalisation of economy, the labour
market, the housing market, finance. This pushes the timeline for addressing the migrant issue far out as not
an urgent priority.
Step #3:
▪ Migration policy discourse is seemingly paralyzed by the now well acknowledged failure of official datasets to
capture the actual scale and frequency of internal migration in India.
▪ Data systems designed to periodically record only one spatial location, have posed great challenges to warfare
delivery for up to 500 million people who were part of multi locational migrant households.
▪ Pandemic has placed a sharp focus on problems such as educating and vaccinating those children who
accompany their migrant parents or ensuring that migrant women avail maternity benefits at multiple
locations.
▪ Policy in India often emerges from the ground up, taking decades to cement national law and standard
practice.
▪ Eg: many states have indicated data projects that can track migrants and generate dynamic real time data that
aid welfare delivery.
▪ Maharashtrians Migration Tracking System, which focuses on women and children has been successfully
piloted in five districts.
▪ Chhattisgarh State Migrant Workers Policy, is premised and tracking them through phone based outreach
system.
▪ Odisha's Planning and Convergence Departments, which offers an institutional mechanism for
interdepartmental coordination, is one possible model.
In the middle
▪ Forty days into the war in Ukraine, India's role appears to be more relevant than other countries may have
expected, evident from the stream of dignitaries from overseas over the March 2022.
▪ Most were from countries that are a part of US and EU sanctions regime against Russia, with three major
messages:
1. Asking India to change its vote at UN, where it has abstained from all resolutions critical of Russia's
invasion
2. To request that India not accelerate its purchases of Russian oil offered at discount
3. To discourage India from using the rupee - double national currency based payment mechanisms that
could subvert backfilling sanctions.
▪ EAM and FM also reinforced the position of the Indian "national interest", given that European countries
have yet to curtail oil intakes from Russia.
▪ EAM and Defence Minister visit for "2+2" meetings, where a possible wavier of CAATSA sanctions against
India for the purchase of Russian S-400 systems will also be discussed.
▪ US also keen to squeeze Russian multilateral stage, with proposals to exclude it from G-20 summit this year
and suspend it from the Human Right Council.
▪ Reports of Gross Human Rights violations blamed on Russian army could change the complexion of the war
and India call for independent enquiry into the allegations is an important intervention and US, EU are likely
to tighten economic sanctions, current restrictions have not made Russia reconsider its course.
With India:
▪ Currently India's relation with Nepal have had both highs and lows. Modi has often spoken about
neighbourhood first policy during his first visit in Aug 2014.
▪ But relation has took nosedive in 2015, with India first getting blamed for interfering in Nepal constitution
drafting process and then for an unofficial blockade.
▪ It reinforced that Nepali Nationalism and anti-Indianism were two side of same coin that exploited
successfully by Oli, the predecessor of Deuba.
▪ In 2016, Oli visit to China, negotiate an agreement on Transit Transportation, concluding with China
providing access to four sea ports and three land ports, military grant of $32 million.
▪ China has overtaken India as the largest source of foreign direct investment.
▪ In 2019, China's president visits to Nepal, where Annual development assistance has been hiked to $120
million.
Managing Differences:
▪ Over the years, number of differences have emerged between India and Nepal that need attention.
▪ As, One of the Oldest bonds, 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship was originally sought by the Nepali
authorities in 1949 to continue the special links they had with British India, provides for an open border and
for Nepali nationals to have the right to work in India.
▪ The idea of revising and updating it has found mention in Joint Statements since the mid-1990s.
▪ In 2016, an eight-member Eminent Persons Group was set up and report made available with both
governments, but the perception in Nepal is that it should be formally presented to the two governments.
▪ In Nov 2016, Demonetisation is another issue, that India withdrew ₹15.44 trillion of high value currency
notes. Currently, over ₹15.3 trillion has been returned in the form of fresh currency.
▪ The Nepal Rashtra Bank, which is central bank, holds ₹7 crore and estimates of public holdings are ₹500
crore.
Issue on boundaries:
▪ In order to distract opposition from his own party, Oli highlighted the Kalapani boundary issue, boundaries
that has been fixed in 1816 by British had exercised territorial control in 1947.
▪ While 98% of India Nepal boundary was demarcated, two areas Susta and Kalapani remained in dilemma.
▪ In Nov 2019, India issued new maps following the division of State of Jammu and Kashmir as UT, which
doesn't affect the India - Nepal Boundary in any way.
End of trend:
▪ Current Retail prices in Delhi have not yet reached the highest level recorded before the excise duty cut in
Nov 2021. So, the retail prices may not immediately start plateauing.
▪ On Nov 04 2021, when excise duty was cut, crude prices were around $80, whereas currently they continue to
be above the $100 mark. But they are not as high as $128 or $117 per barrel in March.
▪ Exchange rate has also improved in the last five days from ₹75.81 to ₹75.60.
▪ So, while the extent of increase in immediate future, a levelling off or reversal in the price cannot be expected.
High taxation:
▪ Centre's excise duty component continues to form about 27% of the retail petrol price in Delhi.
▪ In 2014, Centre's tax share was only 14%.
▪ Since then, whenever crude prices have crashed, the government has increased Centre's excise duty in
proportion to the drop and has not passed on the benefits to the customers.
▪ Finally, any meaningful decrease in retail prices can be achieved only if another round of excise duty and
VAT cuts is implemented.
Academic Credit:
▪ A unit used to describe the workload for students, its meaning and interpretation differs across the continents.
▪ The standard workload for a faculty is typically decided via negotiations between faculty unions and university
administration, making it difficult to get the information officially.
▪ Depending on the nature of employing institution, the faculty workload could vary between the courses per
year in a research-intensive university to four to five courses per semester in a community college.
▪ Faculty with lower teaching loads have higher teaching productivity, and possibly better content and delivery in
teaching.
▪ A credit also signifies the minimum skill attainment for graduating from one level to another in education.
▪ In India, faculty teaching hours per course are much lower in other countries, than what is currently practised
in Indian universities and outlined in several UGC documents.
▪ If the higher education regulatory bodies in India are serious about boosting research production of faculty
while staying true to the liberal ethos of NEP, then course credits directly proportional to teaching hours.
▪ There is need to balance that, faculty must have enough time to create quality teaching content and engage in
research.
▪ As there are high number of students need to be educated in India, creative solutions such as technology
aided larger class rooms for introductory courses in universities with the help of graduate students as teaching
assistance can be implemented to economise on facility time and effort.
▪ The higher education sector in US seems to form basis of many things in NEP, has evolved as one of the least
regulated educational sectors in the world.
▪ Currently, NEP is trying to replicate the outcome of organic unregulated growth through a deliberate policy
change.
▪ The sanctions came hours after India and US announced April 11, 2022, "2+2" ministerial meeting between
US Defence Secretaries and External Affairs Minister, Defence Minister of India.
▪ Alrosa, which has been recognised as a state-owned entity (SOE) by US Dept of Treasury, was targeted during
the conflict in Ukraine.
▪ The dept of Treasury further tightened the sanctions by declaring any entity that are owned directly or
indirectly, 50% or more by one or more blocked also blocked.
▪ All transactions by US persons or within the US that involve any property or interests in property of
designated or otherwise blocked persons are prohibited unless authorized by a general or specific license issue
by OFAC.
▪ In an eight page judgement on Apr 07, 2022, SC of Pakistan stated that, Deputy Speaker's decision to dismiss
the no trust motion; Imran Khan move to seek dissolution of National Assembly without seeking a vote;
President Alvi's decision to dissolve the Assembly, appoint of "Caretaker Prime Minister" of Khan's choice
and order fresh elections, were all contrary to the Constitution and of no legal effect and set them aside, any
order by PM and President shall subject to the order of the SC court, establishing its supremacy over all the
institutions.
▪ [caretakers are individuals who fill seats in government temporarily without ambitions to continue to hold
office on their own.]
▪ The Supreme court also consulted with Election Commission which made it clear that, no elections would be
held in next six months, while under the constitution, a caretaker PM, who oversees elections, can't be in
office for more than three months.
▪ Legal experts claimed that, supreme court dispensed with the constitutional term "doctrine of necessity" which
the PTI government had used to explain its actions.
"Doctrine of Necessity":
▪ It is proposed by Constitutional scholars in France and UK, validates an action, which is otherwise not lawful
but is made lawful by necessity, has often been observed used through Pakistan's democratic history.
▪ It was first used in 1954, after the then Governor General of Pakistan, Ghulam Mohammad, dismissed the
Constituent Assembly, an act that was upheld by SC a year later.
▪ However, after its regular abuse and misuse in Pakistan to validate unconstitutional acts, many scholars and
legal experts wrote to Pakistan's Chief Justice on Apr 06 2022, a day before verdict appealing that the doctrine
must be buried.
▪ The SC has often been asked to intervene in cases of constitutional friction particularly given that the all
powerful military establishment has also sought its backing for summary dismissals of governments and coups
in past.
▪ In 1977 and 1999, SC upheld military coups by General Zia ul Haq against PM Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto and
General Musharraf against PM Nawaz Sharif when he was dismissed by civilian president Ghulam Ishaq
Khan in 1993.
▪ In another case, involving Sharif, whose brother Shehbaz sharif is the oppositions candidate for current PM,
SC disqualified Nawaz Sharif in 2017 from holding public officer over the "Panama Papers" case, forcing
Sharif to step down.
▪ In 2012, SC disqualified PPP PM Yousuf Raza Gilani, over a contempt case.
▪ Giving that no Pakistan PM has completed full five-year term of an elected Assembly.
▪ On many occasions, SC has been accused of attempting a "Judicial Coup."
▪ Now, it is clear that, Current tenure as PM is in the "last few balls of the last over", a term he invokes to say he
will keep fighting till end.
▪ Exactly forty years ago, in what he has described as his finest hour, Khan stepped down as Pakistan's Cricket
Capitan after delivering the country its first World Cup Win.