Strabo’s World View

#115

TITLE: Strabo’s World Map

DATE: A.D. 18
AUTHOR: Strabo
DESCRIPTION: The images in this monograph show 19th
and 20th century reconstructions of the world-view of the
Greek philosopher Strabo who wrote his famous Geographia at
the beginning of the Christian era and compiled his map from
travelers’ reports and the “writings” of ancients. The now lost
map by Strabo represented the sum total of European
cartographic knowledge before the Christian era.
The contribution of Strabo as a scholar of great stature as philosopher, historian,
and geographer, epitomizes the continuing importance of the Greek intellectual heritage
- and contemporary practice - to the development of cartography in the early Roman
world. As the reviser of Eratosthenes (#112), he also illustrates the continuous way later
generations had built on the cartographic concepts first clearly set out in the Hellenistic
Age.
We are fortunate in possessing all seventeen books of the Geographia by Strabo,
written in good Greek, although he himself was mixed Asiatic and Greek heritage; it is
also through his writings that most of our knowledge of Eratosthenes’ mapping has
come down. He was born at Amasia [Amasya] in Pontus in 64 or 63 B.C. Strabo was
educated at Nysa near Tralles in Caria and in 44 B.C. went to Rome, where he studied
under the Phoenician freedman Tyrannio and the Stoic philosopher Athenodorus. He
showed himself a keen supporter of Augustus and visited Rome several times. From
about 25 to 20 B.C. he was in Egypt, based at Alexandria. His Geographia was written
between 9 and 5 B.C. and parts revised in AD 18-19. Surprisingly, though, it seems not
to have been read in Rome in the first century, judging from the fact that it is not even
mentioned by the elder Pliny.
Strabo claimed to have traveled widely to bring together an enormous amount of
geographical knowledge. It is generally accepted, however, that he must have compiled
much of this information in the great library at Alexandria, where he had access to many
earlier texts now lost. All his writings were firmly set in, if not direct extensions of, the
work of his predecessors. Thus his Historical Memoirs in forty-seven books, now lost, was
a continuation of Polybius. The Geographia is of key importance to our whole knowledge
of the history of Greek cartography as well as to the history of science in general. The
map historian Armando Cortesão states that as a source it was “second to none in the
history of geography and cartography” of this period. Many of the earlier treatises that
touch upon maps are known to us only through Strabo, while the interest of his
commentary on these writers is in its critical handling of their theories, albeit he
sometimes fails to advance truth by this process.
In many ways the most interesting passages relating to cartography in Strabo’s
Geographia are those that, although they contain no maps, give an account, for the
first time in a surviving text, of how a description of the known world should be
compiled. His motives for writing such a geography (so he tells us) were that he
felt impelled to describe the inhabited world because of the considerable strides
in geographical knowledge that had been made through the numerous
campaigns of the Romans and Parthians. The world map had to be adjusted to
take account of these facts, and thus Strabo almost certainly proceeded by taking
Eratosthenes’ map - and the criticism of it by Polybius, Crates, Hipparchus, and
Posidonius - as the basis for his own work.

1
Strabo’s World View
#115

2
 Strabo’s World View
#115

In this task of compilation Strabo seems to have worked systematically. The first stage
was to locate the portion of the terrestrial globe that was known to be inhabited. Strabo
reasoned that it lay in a northern quadrant of a globe, in a quadrilateral bounded by the
frigid zone, the equator, and two meridians on the sides. Strabo locates the frigid zone, or
arctic circle, at 54° distance from the equator. The so-called quadrilateral, bounded by
half of this arctic circle, half of the equator, and segments of two meridians, is a spherical
quadrilateral, a portion of a sphere. In this design Strabo had been influenced not only
by Eratosthenes’ measurement of the earth but also by the concept of the four inhabited
worlds, known and unknown, expounded by Crates (#113), to whom he refers
explicitly. Thus far Strabo had relied on theoretical argument derived from his
authorities. But he also adduced good empirical grounds for this cartographic reasoning.
He continued:

But if anyone disbelieves the evidence of reason, it would make no difference,

from the point of view of the geographer, whether we make the inhabited world
an island, or merely admit what experience has taught us, namely, that it is
possible to sail round the inhabited world on both sides, from the east as well as
from the west, with the exception of a few intermediate stretches. And, as to
these stretches, it makes no difference whether they are bounded by sea or by
uninhabited land; for the geographer undertakes to describe the known parts of
the inhabited world, but he leaves out of consideration the unknown parts of it -
just as he does what is outside of it. And it will suffice to fill out and complete the
outline of what we term “the island” by pining with a straight line the extreme
points reached on the coasting-voyages made on both sides of the inhabited
world.

Despite the extension of the geographical

horizons of the inhabited world since the time of
Eratosthenes, Strabo’s oikoumene [inhabited
world] was smaller. Although Pythæs,
Eratosthenes, and perhaps Posidonius had fixed
its northern limit on the parallel through Thule
[66° N], Strabo, like Polybius, refused to believe
that human life was possible so far north, and he
blamed Pytheas for having misled so many
people by his claim that the “summer tropic”
becomes the “arctic circle” at the island of Thule.
Again following Polybius, Strabo thus chose as
the northern limit of the map and of the inhabited
world the parallel through Ierne [Ireland], “which
island not only lies beyond Britain but is such a wretched place to live in on account of the cold
that the regions on beyond are regarded as uninhabitable.” This parallel (54° N) is the
projection of the celestial arctic circle constructed for the latitude of Rhodes (36° N); it
coincides with the one mentioned by Geminus as the northern limit of the temperate
zone. The southern limit of habitable land, for Strabo as for Eratosthenes, is the parallel
through the “Cinnamon-producing country” [Ethiopia/ Somaliland] at about 12° N. He
estimated the latitudinal extent of the inhabited world as less than 30,000 stades
(compared with Eratosthenes’ 38,000 stades) and reduced its length to 70,000 stades
instead of Eratosthenes’ 78,000 stades [one mile = 9 to 10 stades; there has always been

3
 Strabo’s World View
#115

some controversy over the equivalent modern length of a stade as used by various
authors].
In order to avoid the deformational problems of flat maps, Strabo stated that he
preferred to construct his map on a globe large enough to show all the required detail.
He recommended that it be at least ten feet (approximately three meters) in diameter
and mentions Crates (#113) in this regard. On the other hand, if a globe of this size could
not be constructed, Strabo was familiar from Eratosthenes with the transformation
necessary to draw it on a plane surface. For a graticule, Strabo adopted the straight
forward rectangular network of parallels and meridians. He defended his projection on
the ground that it would make only a slight difference if the circles on the earth were
represented by straight lines, “for our imagination can easily transfer to the globular and
spherical surface the figure or magnitude seen by the eye on a plane surface.” The dimensions of
this flat map were also to be generous. Strabo envisaged that it would be at least seven
feet long and presumably three feet wide, which would suit the length of the inhabited
world (70,000 by 30,000 stades), one foot being equivalent to 10,000 stades. Taking eight
stades to a Roman mile, the scale becomes 1:6,250,000.
As with all Greek world maps, the great impediment to study for the historian of
cartography is that we have only these verbal descriptions, not the images themselves.
Nevertheless, apart from the reduced size of the inhabited world, the map Strabo
envisaged was similar in its overall shape to that drawn by Eratosthenes (#112). In
describing its detailed geography, however, Strabo did not employ, at least overtly,
Eratosthenes’ division of the world into irregular quadrilaterals or sphragides, but he
often used geometric figures or comparisons to everyday objects to describe the general
outline of a country. For instance, he says that the province of Gallia Narbonensis presents
the shape of a parallelogram; that the rivers Garumma [Garonne] and Liger [Loire] are
parallel to the Pyrenæus [Pyrenees], forming with the ocean and the Cemmenus Mountains
[Cevenne] two parallelograms; that Britain is triangular; that Italy has been shaped
sometimes like a triangle, sometimes like a quadrilateral; that Sicily is indeed triangular,
though one side is convex and the two others slightly concave. Similarly, Strabo
compares the shape of Iberia to an ox-hide, the Peloponnese to a plane-leaf; and the
northern part of Asia, east of the Caspian, to a kitchen knife with the straight side along
the Taurus range and the curved side along the northern coastline. India, with two
adjacent sides (south and east) much longer than the two others, he described as
rhomboidal; Mesopotamia, between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, he saw as being like
a boat drawn in profile, with the deck on the Tigris side and the keel near the Euphrates.
Strabo repeats that the river Nile was described by Eratosthenes as a reversed N, and
that its mouth was named after the Greek capital letter delta.
It is not clear how we should interpret these familiar graphic similes Strabo
employed to describe to his readers the land areas and other features on the world map.
But they do suggest that he was writing with a map in front of him. In some cases,
where alternative descriptions are provided, he may have been attempting to collate the
outlines of more than one map. It is also probable that students were expected to consult
the text of the Geographia with the help of maps, so that the shapes thus enumerated may
have served as a simple mnemonic. Yet if such suggestions must remain speculative,
there can be little doubt that by the early Roman period world maps and globes drawn
by Greek scholars were encouraging a distinctively geographical way of thinking about
the world. And it is likely, among the educated group at least, that an increasingly

4
 Strabo’s World View
#115

standard image of the inhabited world had come to be more widely accepted through
the use of these maps.
Strabo was a lengthy and discursive writer, but demonstrated good critical
power in assessing earlier geographical writers and has given us a verbal picture of the
known world of the time. He treats Homer (#105) as the first writer on geography, and
defends the Homeric picture of the known world as substantially true. But within the
Homeric chapters he has a section in which he attempts to analyze navigation of the
oceans over the ages. Thus he says: “It is not reasonable to suppose that the Atlantic consists
of two seas, confined by narrow isthmuses so as to prevent circumnavigation; rather it must be
confluent and continuous.” His argument is that explorers tried to sail around Africa but
turned back when not obstructed by any landmass. The problems of the armchair
geographer are revealed in the journalistic trick of quotes from quotes on an important
exploration: ‘Posidonius, says Herodotus, thinks that certain men sent by Neco
completed the circumnavigation’. This is all he reports, so that we have to beware of
using all his work as scientifically worthy material. Perhaps because he is drawing on an
account at second hand, he is afraid to support what may have seemed like science
fiction. He does not deal extensively with Hanno the Carthaginian, instead spending
much effort on questioning the explorations of Eudoxus of Cyzicus, who must have
added to the accumulation of knowledge about the remote parts of Africa.
Strabo likes to represent myths and poetic phraseology geographically. Thus he
says that the legend of the Golden Fleece brought back from Colchis by the Argonauts
reflects the search for gold by early Greeks in areas of the Black Sea. When Homer made
Hera say: “For I shall see the bounds of fertile earth and Oceanus, father of the gods”, what he
means, says Strabo, is that the Ocean touches all the extremities of the land. Or again,
when Homer describes Odysseus as seeing land as he was on the crest of a great wave,
he must have been referring to the curvature of the earth, a phenomenon familiar to
sailors. Some of this was polemic against Eratosthenes, who would not have if that early
epic poetry could contribute anything to scientific theory.
The most detailed examination of a term arising from Homeric geography
(#105) is in respect of Ethiopians. What did Homer mean by saying they were “divided
in two, some where Hyperion rises and some where he sets”? The historian Ephorus (ca.
405-330 B.C. #110) mentioned an early tradition that Ethiopians had overrun Libya, i.e.,
north Africa, as far as Dyris [the Atlas Mountains], and that some had stayed there.
Crates’ view was based upon an unorthodox view that the division was north-south
rather than the obvious interpretation of east-west. Aristarchus of Samothrace (ca. 155
B.C.) criticized Crates’ interpretation, but claimed that Homer was simply wrong and
there was only one area in which Ethiopians lived. Strabo’s own view is that there were
two groups of Ethiopians, one living in Asia and one in Africa; and that Homer thought
likewise, though not to the extent of placing the eastern group in India, of which he had
no knowledge. However, this idea of eastern Ethiopians living in some area of India and
resembling Indians in appearance and customs persisted throughout antiquity.
The function of geography, according to Strabo, is to be an interpreter, not of the
whole world, but of the inhabited world. Thus, accepting Eratosthenes’ measurement of
252,000 stades for the circumference of the earth, the geographer ought not to include the
equatorial zone, since that in Strabo’s view is uninhabitable. Instead he should start his
analysis with the Cinnamon Country [near the mouth of the Red Sea, Somaliland], about
8,800 stades north of the equator, in the south, and with Ireland in the north. He
categorizes regions from south to north according to greatest length of day in

5
 Strabo’s World View
#115

equinoctial hours. This list, starting at Meroe with thirteen hours and ending at an area
north of the Sea of Azov with seventeen hours, is similar to that given by the elder Pliny.
As mentioned earlier, in the extreme north, Strabo denied the existence of the island
known as Thule. To him the most northerly inhabited area was Ierne [Ireland], itself
“only wretchedly inhabitable because of the cold, to such an extent that regions beyond
it are regarded as uninhabitable”. Likewise, if one were to go not more than 4,000 stades
[500 Roman miles] north from the center of Britain, one would find an area near Ireland,
which like the latter would be barely inhabitable.
Strabo’s idea of the shape of the inhabited world is defined as follows:

Let it be taken as hypothesis that the earth together with the sea is spherical . . .,
though not as complete a sphere as if turned on a lathe . . . Let the sphere be
thought of as having five zones. Let the equator be conceived as a circle on it, and
let a second circle be conceived parallel to it, delimiting the frigid zone in the
northern hemisphere, and through the poles a circle cutting these at right angles.
Then, since the northern hemisphere contains two-fourths of the earth . . ., in
each of these fourths a quadrilateral is delimited . . . In one of these two
quadrilaterals . . . we say that an inhabited world is settled, surrounded by sea
and like an island.

He goes on to suggest that the quadrilateral in which the Atlantic lies resembles in shape
half the surface of a spinning-wheel, and that the oikoumene [inhabited world] resembles
a chlamys, a Greek mantle. This suggests that the eastern and western extremities of the
oikumene were thought of as tapering and convex. Again, he estimated the length of the
oikumene as 70,000 stades and its width as less than 30,000.

As the ideal method of mapping the world, Strabo writes in far more cartographic terms
than before,

We have now inscribed on a spherical surface the area in which we say the
inhabited world is settled; and anyone most closely modeling reality by means of
man-made representations should make a sphere of the earth, as Crates did
[#113], mark off the quadrilateral on it, and inside this should place his map of
the geographia, i.e., of the inhabited world. But one needs a large globe, so that the
section mentioned, being only a fraction of it, may clearly show the appropriate
parts of the oikumene, which win present a recognizable shape to users. If one can

6
 Strabo’s World View
#115

construct such a globe, it should be not less than 10 feet in diameter. If one
cannot make it as big or not much smaller, one should construct a map of the
oikumene on a plane surface at least seven feet long. For it will make little
difference if instead of the circles, vis. parallels and meridians, we draw straight
lines between which to place the klimata with the winds and the other
differences, and the positions of parts of the earth relative to each other and to
celestial phenomena.

He goes on to say there is little point in making the meridians converge slightly in such a
map, so was it rectangular, a forerunner of something like Mercator’s projection?
Like Herodotus (#109), Strabo had traveled himself from Armenia and western
Italy, from the Black Sea to Egypt and up the Nile to Philæ. But his seventeen volumes -
vastly important to his contemporaries - read like a romance to us today, and a glance at
the map laid down according to his descriptions is like a vague and distorted caricature
of the real thing. And yet, according to the men of his times, he “surpasses all the
geographical writings of antiquity, both in grandeur of plan and in abundance and variety of its
materials.”
Strabo has summed up for us the knowledge of the ancient world as it was in the
days of the Emperor Cæsar Augustus of the great Roman Empire, as it was when in far-
off Syria the Christ was born and the greater part of the known earth was under the
sway of Rome. A wall-map had already been designed by order of Augustus (#118) to
hang in a public place in Rome - the heart of the Empire - so that the young Romans
might realize the size of their inheritance, while a list of the chief places on the roads,
which, radiating from Rome, formed a network over the Empire, was inscribed on the
Golden Milestone in the Forum.
Strabo begins his book with a detailed account of southern Spain where he tells
of her two hundred towns.

Those best known are situated on the rivers, estuaries, and seas; but the two
which have acquired the greatest name and importance are Cordova and Cadiz.
After these Seville is the most noted . . . A vast number of people dwell along the
Guadalquivir, and you may sail up it almost a hundred and twenty miles from
the sea to Cordova and the places a little higher. The banks and little inlets of this
river are cultivated with the greatest diligence. The eye is also delighted with
groves and gardens, which for this district are met with in the highest perfection.
For fifty miles the river is navigable for ships of considerable size, but for the
cities higher up smaller vessels are employed, and thence to Cordova river-boats.
These are not constructed of planks pined together, but they were formerly made
out of a single trunk. A chain of mountains, rich in metal, runs parallel to the
Guadalquivir, approaching the river, sometimes more, sometimes less, toward
the north.

He grows enthusiastic over the richness of this part of southern Spain, famous from
ancient days under the name of Tartessus for its wealth.

Large quantities of corn and wine are exported, besides much oil, which is of the
first quality, also wax, honey, and pitch . . . the country furnishes the timber for
their shipbuilding. They have likewise mineral salt and not a few salt streams. A
considerable quantity of salted fish is exported, not only from hence, but also
from the remainder of the coast beyond the Pillars. Formerly they exported large

7
 Strabo’s World View
#115

quantities of garments, but they now send the un-manufactured wool

remarkable for its beauty. The stuffs manufactured are of incomparable texture.
There is a superabundance of cattle and a great variety of game, while on the
other hand there are certain little hares which burrow in the ground (rabbits).
These creatures destroy both seeds and trees by gnawing their roots. They are
met with throughout almost the whole of Spain. It is said that formerly the
inhabitants of Majorca and Minorca sent a deputation to the Romans requesting
that a new land might be given them, as they were quite driven out of their
country by these animals, being no longer able to stand against their vast
multitudes. ”The seacoast on the Atlantic side abounds in fish”, says Strabo. The
congers are quite monstrous, far surpassing in size those of Our Sea. Shoals of
rich fat tunny fish are driven hither from the sea coast beyond. They feed on the
fruit, of stunted oak, which grows at the bottom of the sea and produces very
large acorns. So great is the quantity of fruit, that at the season when they are
ripe the whole coast on either side of the Pillars is covered with acorns thrown
up by the tides. The tunny fish become gradually thinner, owing to the failure of
their food as they approach the Pillars from the outer sea.

He describes, too, the metals of this wondrous land - gold, silver, copper, and iron. It is
astonishing to think that in the days of Strabo the silver mines employed forty thousand
workmen, and produced the modern-day equivalence of approximately $1,800 a day!
But we cannot follow Strabo over the world in all his detail. He tells us of a
people living north of the Tagus, who slept on the ground, fed on acorn-bread, and wore
black cloaks by day and night. He does not think Britain is worth conquering - Ireland
lies to the north, not west, of Britain; it is a barren land full of cannibals and wrapped in
eternal snows - the Pyrenees nun parallel to the Rhine - the Danube rises near the Alps -
even Italy herself runs east and west instead of north and south. His remarks on India
are interesting.

8
 Strabo’s World View
#115

“The reader,” he says, “must receive the accounts of this country with indulgence. Few persons
of our nation have seen it; the greater part of what they relate is from report. Very few of the
merchants who now sail from Egypt by the Nile and the Arabian Gulf to India have proceeded as
far as the Ganges.”
He is determined not to be led astray by the fables of the great size of India.
Some had told him it was a third of the whole habitable world, some that it took four
months to walk through the plain only. “Ceylon is said to be an island lying out at sea seven
day sail from the most southerly parts of India. Its length is about eight hundred miles. It
produces elephants.”

It appears to have been the grammarian Crates of Mallos (#113), a contemporary

of Hipparchus, and a member of the Stoic school of Philosophers, who made the first
attempt to construct a terrestrial globe, and that he exhibited the same in Pergamum, not
far from the year 150 B. C. It seems to have been Crates’ idea that the earth’s surface,
when represented on a sphere, should appear as divided into four island-like habitable
regions. On the one hemisphere, which is formed by a meridional plane cutting the
sphere, lies our own oikoumene or habitable world, and that of the Antoecians in
corresponding longitude and in opposite latitude; on the other hemisphere lies the
oikoumene of the Perioecians in our latitude and in opposite longitude, and that of the
Antipodes in latitude and longitude opposite to us. Through the formulation and
expression of such a theory the idea of the existence of an antipodal people was put
forth as a speculative problem, an idea frequently discussed in the middle ages, and
settled only by the actual discovery of antipodal regions and antipodal peoples in the
day of great transoceanic discoveries. That Strabo, at a later date, had this Pergamenian
example in mind when stating certain rules to be observed in the construction of globes
seems probable, since he makes mention of Crates’ globe. Strabo alone among ancient
writers, so far as we at present know, treats of terrestrial globes, practically such as we
find in use at the present day. He thought that a globe to be serviceable should be of
large size, and his reasoning can readily be understood, for what at that time was really
known of the earth’s surface was small indeed in comparison with what was unknown.

9
 Strabo’s World View
#115

Should one not make use of a sphere of large dimensions, the habitable regions, in
comparison with the earth’s entire surface, would occupy but small space. What Strabo
states in his geography is interesting and may here well be cited. Whoever would represent
the real earth, he says, as near as possible by artificial means, should make a sphere like that of
Crates, and upon this draw the quadrilateral within which his chart of geography is to be placed.
For this purpose however a large globe is necessary since the section mentioned, though but a
very small portion of the entire sphere, must be capable of containing properly all the regions of
the habitable earth and of presenting an accurate view of them to those ho wish to consult it.
Anyone who is able will certainly do well to obtain such a globe. But it should have a diameter of
not less than ten feet; those who cannot obtain a globe of this size, or one nearly as large, had
better draw their charts on a plane surface of not less than seven feet. Draw straight lines for the
parallels, and others at right angles to these. We can easily imagine how the eye can transfer the
figure and extent (of these lines) from a plane surface to he that is spherical. The meridians of each
country on the globe have a tendency to unite in a single point at the poles; nevertheless on the
surface of a plane map there would be no advantage if the right lines alone which should represent
the meridians were drawn slightly to converge.
Strabo died about the year A.D. 21, and a century passed before Pliny wrote An
Account of Countries, Nations, Seas, Towns, Havens, Mountains, Rivers, Distances, and Peoples
who now Exist or Formerly Existed. Strange to say, he never refers in the most distant way
to his famous predecessor Strabo. He has but little to add to the earth-knowledge of
Strabo. But he gives us a fuller account of Great Britain, based on the fresh discovers of
Roman generals.
Strabo’s critical analysis of his predecessors simply transmitted numerous ideas
from the antecedent geographic works. His Geographika was probably published
posthumously, and initially it seems to have had no vast effect. Although the first
evidence of this work being applied occurs in the writings of Dionysius Periegetes (#117)
under Emperor Hadrian’s rule (117–138 CE), it seems to have been extensively used only
from the 6th century on, as far as the available information allows us to determine. In the
Middle Byzantine period, scholars intensively studied Strabo’s text: the well-educated
Archbishop Arethas of Caesarea (about 860–944) must be the author of the famous
commentaries on Strabo, renowned for their elaborateness. The geographer’s impact on
the writings of contemporary historians is evident, for example, Genesius, Theophanes
Continuatus, or related texts from the so-called Epitome-group.
A Greek version of Strabo arrived in Florence in 1439 with the Byzantine
philosopher George Gemistus Plethon who, while attending the Council of Florence,
also delivered influential philosophical lectures on Plato and Aristotle that initiated the
study of Platonic philosophy in Florence. Like Pomponius Mela (#116), Strabo’s
encyclopedic description of the world combined geography and ethnography, but it also
contained the welcome novelty of articulating the relation between geography and
history. For Strabo, history studies human actions in time, while geography describes
the same actions in space. Thus geography was considered a philosophical enterprise
with the political and ethical mission of educating statesmen and commanders in the
government of the world. The humanist Guarino Guarini, who translated Strabo’s text
into Latin in 1458, shared this notion of geography and regarded the text as suitable
reading for his aristocratic students, the future rulers of the Gonzaga, d’Este, and
Montefeltro dynasties.

LOCATION: (this map only exists as reconstruction)

10
 Strabo’s World View
#115

REFERENCES:
*Brown, L., The Story of Maps, p. 56.
*Bunbury, E., History of Ancient Geography, Plate III.
Dilke, O.A.W., Greek and Roman Maps, pp. 23, 26, 30-34, 37, 43-46, 52, 60-65, 134, 137,157.
*Geus, Klaus, “Greek and Greco-Roman Geography”, The Cambridge History of Science, Volume 1,
Chapter 20, pp. 402-412.
*Harley, J.B., The History of Cartography, Volume One, pp. 173-175.
*Stevenson, E., Terrestrial Globes, p. 9.
*Suarez, T., Shedding the Veil, pp.18-19, Plate 3.
*Talbert, R. and Georgia Irby, Ancient Perspectives, 2012, pp. 81-107.

11
Strabo’s World View
#115

12
Strabo’s World View
#115

13
 Strabo’s World View
#115

Generalis…[Strabo?] descriptio, 1550, 43.5 x 30.5 cm

14
Strabo’s World View
#115

15