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Introduct onüöö
- Soc al movement’s are an ntegral part of the contemporary pol t cal process n democrat c pol t es.
- Soc al movements have become regular part c pants at all levels of pol t es.
- Hav ng the r own spec f c act on reperto res,soc al movements may not be seen as s mply another
typeof nterest group.
- Acord ng some scholars (MEYER and TARROW), our soc ety has become a soc al movement
soc ety: soc al protest has become a perpetual element of modern l fe, protest behav our s employed
w th greater frequency, by mor ed verse const tuenc es, and s used to represent a w der range of
cla ms than ever before, and profess onal zat on and nst tut onal zat on may transform the soc al
movement nto an nstrument w th n the realm of convent onal pol t cs.
3-Interact on context:
The th rd level of analys s concerns the nteract on context. Th s s the level of the mechan sms
l nk ng structures and conf gurat ons to agency and act on, and t s at th s level that the strateg es of
the soc al movement and the r opponents come nto v ew.
G ven the general structuralsett ng (1) and (2): What are the mechn sms wh ch nfluence the
strateg c cho ces of soc al movement?
-The ab l ty to develop effect ve strategy
-Fac l tat on vs.. repress on
-Chances of success vs.. reform\threat
Sayfa 277 box 16.2 kes nl kle bakılmalıdır. :)
Emergence, mob l zat on, and success of soc al movement
Stud es of soc al movement ntend to expla n three aspects:
-Emergence
-Mob l zat on
-Success
The emergence of a soc al movement can be expla ned by the comb nat on of the structural sett ng
and cont ngent events (prec p tat ng factors, suddenly mposed gr evances, exogenous shocks).
The volüme and form of soc al mob l zat on s cond t ıned by:
-The relat ve openness of the pol t cal context: open structures fac l tate soc al mob l zat on
-The congruence between med a frames and movement frames.
Soc al movement do not only ntend to mob l ze successfully. Ult mately, tyey want to have an
mpact on pol t cal dec s on-mak ng or on soc ety at large.
There s one-to-one correspondence between the level of mob l zat on and the pol t cal mpact of a
soc al movement. Aga n, the success of a soc al movement s nfluences by the pol t cal opportun ty
structures.
Conclus on
S nce soc al movement have become mpotant pol t cal actors, t s necessary to ntegrate them n the
comparat ve analys s of the pol t cal process ( .e. to nst tut onal ze them)
Th s can be ach eved by the pol t cal process approach.
Thedency to enlarge the perspect ve beyond soc al movement to the study of content ous pol t cs (also
covers revolut ons and small scale protest). 😊
Pol t cal part c pat on establ shes l nks from the mass publ c to the pol t cal el tes. The term to a w de
range of act v t es, nclud ng vot ng n elet ons, donat ng t me or money to pol t cal campa gns,
runn ng for off ce, wr t ng pet t ons, boycott ng, organ z ng n un ons, demostrat ng, carry ng out
llegal s t- ns or occupat ons, blockades an deven pys cal assault on the forces of order.
Pol t cal part c pat on occurs n a var ety of forms:
-vot ng -pet t ons -s t- ns
-donat ng -boycott ng
-runn ng for off ce -organ z ng un ons
Focus s on voluntary part c pat on (though there are examples of forced pol t cal partc pat on).
Cons der that pol t cal part c pat on s costly:
-why s there pol t cal part c pat on?
-why do some people pat c pate wh le others do not?
Part c pat on s normally not an solated act v ty, but a collect ve act on n the form of :
-Soc al movement: Streams of act v t es that target demands at pol cy-makers through commun ty,
street and med a events as the r pr mary s tes of art culat on are soc al movement.
-Interest group: Act v t es where part c pants ma nly rely on commun cat ng preference, demands
and threats to pol cy-makers s tuated n leg slat ve and execut ve arenas tends to create durable nterest
group.
-Pol t cal part es: Act v t es n wh ch part c pants cooperate n order to nom nate leg slat ve
cand dates, help them attract voters, and organ ze voter turnout n favour of such cand dates amount to
the format on of pol t cal part es.
Part c patory acts typ cally are not d sjo nted events, but happen around soc al movement, nterest
groups or pol t cal part es.
Determ nants of pol t cal part c pat on
Why do people engage n pol t cal part c pat on? What types of actor become nvolved n certa n
types of pol t cal act v ty, but not others? And how do c t zens and pol t c ans choose the r portfol o of
pol t cal nvolvements between soc al movements, nterest group and pol t cal part es?
Pol t cal vs. other types of part c pat on
Pol t cal part c pat on s only one several ways for members of a soc al to further the r l fe
chances. Alternat vely, they may rely on market sor fam l es and communal assoc at ons. Th s g ves a
f rst answer to the quest on of why people part c pate n pol t cs. It s a cho ce of last resort.
CONCLUSION
There are many auspicious research fields in the field of poli cal par cipa on:
-The rela onship between individual traits and contextual factors
-Why do poli cal enterpreneurs opt for different modes of poli cal par cipa on?
-Causes and consequences of the increasing differen a on between modes of poli cal ac on. Why is
there so much and so diverse poli cal ac on?
CHAPTER 19: POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
INTRODUCTION
Pol t cal commun cat on s an nteract ve process concern ng the transm ss on of nformat on among
pol t c ans, med a, publ c. It operates vert cally and hor zontally.
New Technolog es have merged d verse platforms:
-Interpersonal commun cat on
-W th n-group networks
-Mass commun cat on
The evolut on of pol t cal commun cat on can be d v ded nto three eras: class cal era, modern era,
th rd era.
Conclus on
More work needs to be done:
-Clear concept and typolog es;
-Data collect on on var ous components of the med a systems and the var ety across nat ons;
-Go beyond class cal d st nct ons and ncorporate new outlets and channels of commun cat on.
Challenge: keep up peace of technolog cal change.
😊
Introduct on
Pol c es: Government statements of what t ntends to do, nclud ng law, regulat on, rul ng, dec s on, or
order(B rkland 2001).
Publ c pol cy : A more spec f c term, wh ch refers to a ser es of act ons carr ed out to solve soc etal
problems(Newton and van Deth 2005).
-Publ c pol c es are the ma n output of the pol t cal system.
By analys s the pol cy-mak ng process, we ga n a fuller understand ng of the causes and consequences
of pol cy dec s ons.
- Pol cy adopt on s determ ned by a number of factors, of wh ch two are part cularly
mportant:
e-Evaluat on:
- Carr ed out to measure pol cy eff c ency and effect veness.
- Prov des a feedback loop -> powerful tool of pol cy-mak ng process.
The mportance of nst tut ons, fram ng, and pol cy styles
The role of nst tut ons:
The ma n nst tut ons are
- Electoral system
- Execut ves and leg slat ves
The relat onsh p between execut ve\leg slat ve s of cruc al mportance n pol cy-mak ng. L jphard
(1999) d ffers between two types of democrat c systems:
- Major tar an systems (fus on of power between execut ve and leg slat ve power)
- Consensus democrac es (shar ng power, balanc ng execut ve and leg slat ve power)
The role of cogn t ve and normat ve frames:
- Cogn t ve frames: Schemes through wh ch actors v ew and nterpret the World.
- Normat ve frames: Values and att tudes that shape actors v ews
Normat ve and cogn t ve frames enable and constra n pol cy-mak ng.
Certa n actors have a pr v leged role n pol cy-mak ng as they generate and d ffuse cogn t ve frames
(med ators or pol cy-mak ng).
Nat onal pol cy styles:
-L ke the pol cy cycle, the concept of pol cy styles also serves as a useful heur st c tool for dent fy ng
common pol cy-mak ng patterns among countr es.
-The ma n dea s that nat ons matter for pol cy-analys s.
-However, emp r cally, there s a remarkable ntra-nat onal var at on of pol cy styles.
There are several typolog es of pol cy styles. Accord ng to Kn ll (1998) nat onal pol cy styles are
def ned by two d mens ons:
1- State ntervent on
- H erarch cal vs. self-regulat on
- Substant ve vs. procedural regulat on
- Deta led requ rement vs. open regulat ons
2- Adm n strat ve nterest ntermed at on:
- Formal vs. nformal\ leg slat ve vs. pragmat c
- Open vs. closed relat onsh p between adm n strat ve and soc al actors.
Internat onal factors also have an nfluence on domest c pol cy-mak ng.
- Theor es of pol cy d ffus on
-Analys s of the spread of pol c es across pol t cal systems from a general perspect ve
-D ffus on ma nly affects the stage of agenda-sett ng, less pol cy-formulat on
- Theor es of pol cy transfer:
-Analys s of s ngular processes of b lateral pol cy Exchange.
🡪 Governments do not learn randomly about pol cy pract ces, but through, common
aff l at ons, negot at ons and nst tut onal membersh p.
- Pol cy converange:
Any ncrease n the s m lar between one or more character st cs of a certa n pol cy across a
g ven set of pol t cal jur sd ct ons. (Kn ll 2005)
Theor es of pol cy d ffus on and transfer descr be a process that m ght result n pol cy convergence.
S nce nat onal pol cy processes are d fferent, convergence s not necessar ly the case.
Mechan sms beh nd nternal zat on:
1- Impos t on:
External pol t cal actor forces a government to adopt a certa n pol cy
2- Internat onal harmon zat on:
Member states engage voluntar ly n nternat onal cooperat on (negot ated transfer)
3- Regulatory compet t ons:
Homogen zat on as a result of compet t ve pressure (race to the bottom or race to the top)
4- Transnat onal commun cat on:
Mechan sms purely based on commun cat on ( draw ng from ava lable exper ence)
CONCLUSION
Pol cy-mak ng s complex. Therefore, the f rst approaches to understand ng how pol c es come
about were the called conceptual models. They focus on d fferent al aspects of the pol cy-mak ng
process and pr mar ly deal w th ssues about the actors power resources and rat onal ty. Wh le these
models certa nly draw attent on to cruc al aspects of pol cy-mak ng, they fall short of prov d ng
complete explanat ons. 😊
The welfare state represents the s ngle most mportant transformat on of advanced cap tal st
democrac es after the Second World War.
The modern welfare state s the product of the nterplay between pol t cal equal ty (democracy) and
econom c nequal ty (cap tal sm).
CP tr es to expla n the emergence, growth, and consequences of welfare states, but also addresses
fundamental ssues of soc al just ce and the good soc ety.
-The mere presence of democrat c structure could not expla n the growth of the welfare
state suff c ently. Therefore, the explanatory mportance of party pol t cs was analyzed.
-Emp r cal analys s nd cated that decommod f cat on was strongest where left part es were
strong (soc al democrat c rule), espec ally when supported by strong un on movements.
-A developed welfare state was nterpreted as ev dence for a sh ft n the balance of power n
favor of the work ng class and soc al democracy.
D.)Chr st an democracy :
-Some countr es developed a strong welfare state w thout a strong soc al democrat c labor
movement. Welfare programmes were also promoted by pol t cal Cathol c sm (Chr st an democrats).
Cr t c sm to the soc al democrat c argument (cont nued)
E.)Secular trends:
-The growth of the welfare state s also nfluences by secular processes beyond the control of s ngle
pol t cal actors (demograph c age ng, de- ndustr al zat on etc.)
🡪The welfare state s tself a system of soc al strat f cat on. It can counter reproduce or re nforce
soc al nequal t es (class,gender,ethn c ty)
Red str but on ≠ More equal ty
In sp te of global zat on, OECD countr es have been able to ma nta n h gh levels of welfare.
But why can welfare states pers st n the era of global zat on?
- Welfare state reforms are pol t cally dangerous and nduce pol t cal backlash
- Welfare programmes became nst tut onal zed and a poss ble new veto player.
- New challenges create new demand for welfare programmes:
-Welfare states are an express on of modern zat on
-Welfare states st ll play a central role n soc al ntegrat on and nat on bu ld ng.