Guerrilleras in Latin America: Domestic and International Roles

Author(s): Margaret Gonzalez-Perez

Source: Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 43, No. 3 (May, 2006), pp. 313-329
Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd.
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27640319
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W???t?K?????S???? ? 2006 Journal of Peace Research,
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Guerrilleras in Latin America: Domestic and

International Roles*
MARGARET GONZALEZ-PEREZ
Department of History and Political Science, Southeastern Louisiana
University

This analysis identifies two different categories of guerrilla organizations and the roles of women within
each. Guerrilla movements with 'international' agendas typically oppose US imperialism, capitalist
expansion, or Western culture in general. 'Domestic' guerrilla organizations usually take action against
perceived forces of oppression within their own nation. These different agendas have a direct impact
on the role of women within them. Internationally oriented guerrilla groups assign traditional, limited
gender roles to their female members, while domestic guerrilla organizations challenge domestic pro
hibitions, including those imposed on women, and encourage full and active participation of female
members at all levels of guerrilla activity. This hypothesis is supported by comparative case studies of
the groups in question. The study of women's roles within guerrilla movements provides insight into
modern political issues, such as insurgencies and other non-traditional methods of warfare. The support
of half a population can enable a guerrilla organization to further its objectives considerably, and as
female participation increases, the group itself gains power. Thus, an in-depth understanding of women
and their relationship to guerrilla movements contributes substantially to peace and conflict studies as
well as studies of non-traditional warfare.

Introduction In an effort to contribute to this area of

The attacks on the World Trade Center and
the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 caused
a resurgence of interest in guerrilla warfare,
insurgencies, and terrorism studies through
out the world. Although scholars have
examined many factors related to unconven
tional warfare, the influence of gender has
received comparatively less attention.
Bairner (2001: 21, 26) contends that such
studies 'have endeavored relatively success
fully to neglect the issue of gender', but adds
that they cannot 'be fully understood
without reference to gender'.
* Correspondence: mgonzalez@selu.edu.
inquiry, this study focuses on the relation
ship between women and guerrilla move
ments in Latin America and the role of the
female guerrilla warrior or guerrillera. This
analysis argues that women are more active
and participate at much higher levels in gue
rrilla groups that espouse domestic objectives
and act against a national government than
women in guerrilla organizations with an
international agenda that targets globaliz
ation, imperialism, or foreign influence. My
argument is not that domestic groups are
necessarily more open to women's issues, but
that women choose to become active and
involved in domestic groups because they
anticipate a greater potential for change in

313

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314 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume 43 I number 3 I may 2006
their hierarchical status. As such, this inquiry word 'guerrilla means 'little war', originat
approaches the topic of women and guerrilla ing in the 19th century to describe the
warfare from the perspective of international small groups of rebels who opposed the
relations theory rather than feminist theory. Napoleonic occupation of Spain and their
Much of the extant research on guer methods of warfare (Castro, 1999: xvi). The
rilleras provides in-depth analysis of only two corresponding feminine version of the noun
or three guerrilla organizations, primarily in is 'guerrillera.
the post-World War II era. This study also Laqueur (2002: xvi) explains that the
confines its examination to the postwar term 'guerrilla' has 'been applied to all kinds
period, but examines a wider variety of Latin of revolutionary wars and wars of national
American nations with well-documented liberation, insurrections, peasant wars, and
female guerrilla activity. The limited time terrorist acts' to the point that 'the term has
frame also confines the study to guerrilla become almost meaningless'. He defines
movements that have emerged since the guerrilla warfare as harassing the enemy,
postwar initiation of the women's movement, avoiding traditional military battles, inter
eliminating comparisons between pre rupting enemy communications, and carry
feminism guerrilla movements and post ing out surprise attacks, noting that these
feminism movements. This analysis employs tactics may vary considerably, and adds that
six case studies of domestic guerrilla organiz guerrilla warfare should not be used as a
ations and two of international groups; while synonym for terrorism.
equal numbers of case studies would be ideal, Beckett (1999: ix) defines guerrilla
the fact is that additional relevant cases warfare as 'a set of military tactics utilized by
simply do not exist, therefore, this study a minority group within a state or an
confines its examination to empirical indigenous population in order to oppose
phenomena. the government or foreign occupying forces',
Other studies have focused on individual noting that guerrillas may also be described
personalities among guerrilleras; because this as 'revolutionary guerrillas' or 'insurgents' if
study addresses the level of guerrilla partici they use guerrilla methods in an effort to
pation among female members in general seize political power. O'Neill (1990: 24-25)
rather than individual anomalies, it does not distinguishes between guerrilla warfare and
include guerrilla organizations with only one terrorism, contending that 'most analysts
or two noteworthy high-ranking female define terrorism as the threat or use of
cadres, such as Norma Ester Aros tito of physical coercion against non-combatants to
Argentina's Montoneros. create fear in order to achieve political objec
tives'. As Taber (2002: ix) explains, 'Guerrilla
warfare, by contrast, consists of hit-and-run
Defining Terms: Terrorism and
Guerrilla Warfare attacks against police and military and the
physical infrastructure that supports them'.
Because this analysis includes women Despite the subtle distinctions between
engaged in activities ranging from guerrilla the many definitions of guerrilla, these defi
warfare, revolutions, and separatist move nitions are consistent in that they define
ments to organized militia movements, it is guerrillas as small groups who engage in
necessary first to clarify the use of the terms unorthodox attacks on the state or its
'guerrilla, 'guerrillera', and 'terrorism'. Not military apparatus, while terrorists target
surprisingly, debate continues to rage over civilian populations in an effort to generate
the definitions of these terms. Literally, the chaos and fear (Mao, 1961: 42-43; Osanka,

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez Guerrilleras in Latin America 315

1962: 1, 25; Paget, 1967: 14-15; Porzecan employs the terms domestic and inter
national. While international groups may
ski, 1973). Therefore, terrorists may employ
guerrilla tactics by attacking the state author necessarily include some degree of domestic
ity as well as their civilian targets, and activity in their home base, and domestic
guerrillas may become terrorists by attacking organizations may exhibit some influence on
civilians in addition to the state, but the two international or external actors, both
are not necessarily equivalent. Examples of domestic and international groups tend to
terrorists are included in this study only if emphasize one of the two areas of focus:
they engage in guerrilla warfare. domestic or international.
Domestic guerrillas usually take action
Domestic vs. International against what they perceive as the forces
of oppression within their own nation,
This study distinguishes between guerrilla economy, or societal structure. Because the
organizations with domestic agendas and organization itself is often revolutionary,
international agendas. International guerrilla challenging tradition and the ruling regime,
movements typically oppose US imperial the group is much more likely to challenge
ism, globalization, the expansion of capital the conventional view of women and their
ism, or Western culture in general. In these historical gender roles. This provides much
groups, however, women function in pri more opportunity for females to actively
marily supportive roles, cooking, sewing participate in the group's activities, such as
uniforms, and providing shelter and some guerrilla warfare, policy formation, and even
times sex to the males in the organization. In leadership roles.
this sense, these women's roles deviate very Guerrilla activity in the developing nations
little from the traditional gender roles of of Uruguay, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Peru,
females in a developing state. Such guerrilla Colombia, and Mexico has organized into
organizations challenge the global hierarchy domestic movements of largely homo
and its distribution of power and wealth, but geneous political or ethnic groups combating
they have little effect on domestic policies, what they perceive as the oppressive and dis
particularly those pertaining to women. criminatory behavior of the nations' govern
Women may participate, but their activity is ments. Guerrilla ventures in these nations are
controlled and limited by the entrenched not directed toward the ouster of US troops,
the withdrawal of foreign capital, or the
gender roles of their culture and by the male
leaders of the guerrilla movement. elimination of Western culture. This internal
Women who are actively engaged in focus on restructuring the nation's society
organized guerrilla activity at the highest includes the restructuring of traditional per
levels of command and policymaking are ceptions of women as well. Women function
associated less with internationally oriented in a wide variety of roles within these
groups than with domestic guerrilla organiz domestic guerrilla groups, from support
ations. The term 'domestic' is used instead of operations to active command of guerrilla
'nationalist' to avoid confusion with other warfare troops and policymaking.
common interpretations of nationalism. Guerrilla operations in Cuba, as well as
Other studies may use the terms 'regional' or the Tri-Border Area of Argentina, Brazil, and
'ethnic' guerrillas, but in the interest of main Paraguay, exhibit a decidedly more inter
taining the distinction between domestically national agenda. The guerrilla cells in these
oriented guerrilla organizations and those cases emphasize the removal of external
with international agendas, this study sources of conflict. They sought, or seek, to

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316 journal of Peace RESEARCH volume 43 I number 31 may 2006
end what is, in their view, an exploitative 186) agrees, but finds that most female ter
relationship between Western powers and rorist activity has been limited to support
their nation. The termination of these ties roles. Georges-Abeyie (1983) argues that
includes the goal of overthrowing the capi women actually played a very minor role in
talist economic system within the nation, or terrorism from the 1950s until the 1980s,
even throughout the world. These operations but anticipated in 1983 that women would
also focus on the removal of foreign influ become much more active in terrorism in the
ence from national politics, the economy, future. He also argues that female guerrillas
and society, and in that sense, even inter will emerge predominantly within organiz
national groups share domestic interests and ations that espouse feminist or socialistic
perhaps local bases of operation, but their principles. Hasso (1998: 441-442) agrees,
broad agenda is international in scope, and stating that female terrorism is supported by
their targets are representatives of forces feminist ideology.
outside the nation. Such goals center not on A feminist agenda draws more active
changing the internal structures of the women members, and a high percentage of
nation, but on restructuring the nation's active female membership generates more
relationship to the outside world. This commitment to women's issues. Reif (1986:
external, or international, orientation does 154) explains that past studies have argued
not include the reorientation of the tra that 'women face greater barriers to partici
ditional role of women within the nation nor
pation and hence should participate less
within the guerrilla group, except in the most extensively than men. . . . Women should
superficial and temporary manner. tend to perform support roles'. Like Reif,
This study contends that high levels of Griset & Mahan (2003: 158) challenge tra
female guerrilla activity appear predomi ditional views, arguing that women fill a
nantly in domestic guerrilla organizations variety of roles within guerrilla organiz
because the characteristics of these groups are ations, from merely supportive to active
more conducive to the rejection of tra leadership functions.
ditional gender roles and the acceptance of Griset ?C Mahan present a typology of
active female participation. Conversely, women in guerrilla organizations based on
guerrilla organizations that focus on external their levels of participation, distinguishing
opponents do not attempt to transform the among Sympathizers, Spies, Warriors, and
conventional behavior patterns of the sexes Dominant Forces. They characterize Sympa
within, or outside, the guerrilla group or thizers primarily as camp followers who
nation.
provide money, time, sewing, cooking, and
even sex to the males in the guerrilla organiz
ation. Spies are a more active group, serving
Models of Women's Participation in
Guerrilla Movements as decoys, messengers, and intelligence
gatherers, and contributing strategic support
Although women account for a much to the men as well. Sympathizers and Spies
smaller proportion of guerrillas than do men, are linked by the lack of any return on their
scholars in recent years have begun to focus investment in the movement; they help to
their attention on the growing numbers and elicit political change but are not expected to
importance of women in these roles. share in, or benefit from, that change.
Laqueur (1977: 398) contends that women Warriors are more active participants who
have participated in almost all terrorist and are recruited and trained to use weapons and
guerrilla movements. Cunningham (2003: incendiary devices in guerrilla warfare. They

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez Guerrilleras in Latin America 317

may fight alongside their male counterparts, enon known as marianismo. Because Latin
but they are not allowed to become leaders American men traditionally dominate the
and have little, if any, input in policy forma public sphere and fulfill their roles of
tion. Furthermore, there is rarely any antici machismo, women have assumed leadership
pation of change in their status once the within the private sphere, the home
group's goals have been achieved. The (Skidmore & Smith, 1997: 63). This control
Dominant Forces participate at the highest is reinforced by a moral and spiritual superi
level, providing leadership, ideology, strategy, ority, linked to the Catholic doctrine sur
and motivation. These women often fill rounding the Virgin Mary (Kryzanek, 1995:
commando positions at the core of the 34). Kampwirth (2002: 30-32) cites a more
group. Griset & Mahan (2003: 158) contend controversial religious influence, Liberation
that dominant forces may engender more Theology, as allowing women to reject tra
fear than men in similar positions, because ditional roles and embrace the status of
this powerful and violent status is so unlike guerrillera. Kampwirth also emphasizes the
the traditional female role. Dominant Forces strategic pragmatism of recruiting women
expect to share fully in the benefits and along with the rejection of the Cuban model,
changes wrought by the guerrilla movement. which diminished women's roles.
Although de Cataldo Neuburger & Chinchilla (1997: 207) contends that
Valentini (1996: 8) deny that women ever Latin America experienced few politically
benefit from terrorist participation, they do active women prior to the late 1960s and
acknowledge that women sometimes act as that female guerrillas subsequently emerged
dominant forces within terrorist organiz as a result of restive urbanit?s, frustration
ations, planning strategy, claiming responsi with leftist political parties that ignored
bility for terrorist actions, deciding where to women's issues, reaction against the failure of
plant bombs, training in terrorist camps, and women's activism in Cuba, and anti-colonial
deciding whom to kidnap or assassinate. nationalism. While these factors certainly
Galvin (1983: 20-23) examines the contribute to the development of the
female guerrilla from a sociopsychological guerrillera, this study argues that anti
perspective and argues that the traditional colonial fervor and its resulting nationalism
role of women and its corresponding lack of far outweigh any other factors.
political, economic, and social power directly In an extensive analysis of gender and
influences political violence by women. As Third World politics, Waylen (1996: 74)
she states, suggests that women became more active in
Simply being a woman, thinking and experi guerrilla warfare during the 1970s because
encing life as a woman, will often have a they were more inconspicuous than males,
decisive impact on the decision to enter, represented broader community partici
remain in, or leave a terrorist organization. . . . pation, and imparted a feminist agenda to the
There is almost a natural progression towards cause. As she states in her discussion of Latin
terrorism. . . . Women take up terrorism on
their own initiative because it seems to accord American nations in conflict, 'Some of these
with their own interests. . . . Intense frustra . . . had high levels of female participation.
tion is a strong motivator. When attempts to However, Waylen's study does not seek to
change socio-political situations by conven address the question of why some nations
tionally accepted means fail . . . women . . .
have turned to terrorism. exhibited high levels while others did not.
Several scholars have proposed that
Another contributing factor in the women are more active in national liberation
mobilization of guerrilleras is the phenom movements than in traditional military

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318 journal of PEACE RESEARCH volume 43 I number 3 I may 2006
forces. Sharoni (2001: 86) states that, Shining Path of Peru provides an example
'National liberation movements have been of a guerrilla organization recognized
portrayed as the least hospitable places for worldwide as one of the most brutal.
women, despite the fact that women in Colombia's Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionario
national liberation movements . . . seem to de Colombia (FARC) or Colombian Revol
have had more space to raise questions about utionary Armed Forces is acknowledged as
gender inequalities'. Alison's (2004: 452) in one of the largest and best-equipped guerrilla
depth study of female combatants concurs, forces in history (International Policy Insti
tute for Counterterrorism, 2004). The
finding that such 'anti-state nationalisms are
more likely to be receptive to women's non Ej?rcito Zapatista de Liberaci?n Nacional
traditional involvement. . . than institution (EZLN) or Zapatista Army of National Lib
alized state nationalisms'. eration provides a model of one of the best
This study agrees that non-traditional organized and politically effective guerrilla
combat forces are more open to women's par movements today.
ticipation and, in addition, argues that levels These groups are representative of the
of female participation in both guerrilla most effective guerrilla movements in the
activities and terrorism are determined by post-WWII world. They do not oppose
the goals of the organization as a whole and the external forces of imperialism or the
the group's opponent. Domestic oppression inequities of global capitalism; rather, they
breeds higher levels of participation among target the governments of their own nations
women, while guerrilla groups focused on and seek to overthrow, reform, or secede
battling international factors such as from the state. In rejecting the traditional
imperialism, capitalism, and globalization power structure and its control, these groups
fail to elicit this heightened intensity of also challenge its restrictions on women's
activity among women. activities and limited gender roles.

Uruguay
Domestic Guerrilla Activity
The Tupamaro guerrilla movement formed
This study examines select examples of in 1962, seeking to overthrow the oligarchic
domestically oriented guerrilla movements rule of Uruguay and eliminate government
from Latin America in the post-WWII era. repression through the establishment of a
Uruguay's Tupamaros used guerrilla warfare socialist society. These goals concentrated on
as well as terrorist attacks on civilians in an domestic objectives rather than international
effort to overthrow the national government goals. Georges-Abeyie (1983: 75) notes that
in the 1960s and 1970s (Porzecanski, 1973). although Uruguay did not exhibit a strong
The Farabundo Marti Front for National feminist tradition, it experienced 'consider
Liberation (FMLN) and the Frente Democ able feminist input in terrorist organiz
r?tico Revolucionario (FDR) or Democratic ations'. Within the Tupamaros, women
Revolutionary Front of El Salvador joined participated at all levels, from supportive
five opposition groups in a guerrilla war roles as Sympathizers and Spies, to more
against the national government. Nicaragua's active service as Warriors and leadership roles
Frente Sandinista de Liberaci?n Nacional of Dominant Forces. Reif (1986: 157) states
(FSLN) or Sandinista Liberation Front suc that all squads had at least one or two women
cessfully overthrew the Somoza regime as members, and that their duties encom
passed both support and combat functions.
through a guerrilla war lasting 18 years (Reif,
1986: 158). The Sendero Luminoso (SL) or Actual reports from the Tupamaros indicate

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez Guerrilleras IN LATIN America 319

prised of two guerrilla movements, the

active participation of female members, par
ticularly in robberies and kidnappings. Farabundo Marti Front for National Libera
Other sources demonstrate a wide range of tion (FMLN) and the Democratic Revol
activities for women, including guarding utionary Front (FDR). The FMLN itself was
prisoners, distributing propaganda, and actually a merger of five extant political and
engaging in robberies to generate revenue for guerrilla movements that sought direct
the group's terrorist activities. democratic political participation by the
The Tupamaros strongly encouraged the people, land reform, economic reform,
active participation of women in battle and government intervention in the economy,
command positions as well. According to and restructuring of the military and police
Reif (1986: 157), 'women participated in (Reif, 1986: 157; Montgomery, 1995:
substantial numbers in the Tupamaros'; she 103?105). These goals were domestic,
cites Tupamaro arrest records from 1966 that focusing on the internal reorganization of
show fully 10% of the membership was the El Salvadoran government and society,
female; by 1972, that percentage had rather than on any international changes.
increased to over 25%. Other sources have The FMLN-FDR reportedly had 40%
verified the high level of female involvement female membership in the total group, and
as well. Jaquettes (1973: 344-354, 352) records indicate that between 30% and 40%
study reports 'a large number of women . . . of the armed combatants were women as
[taking part] in robberies, kidnappings, and well. During the demobilization process at
other operations, including an assault on the the end of the civil war, United Nations
Women's Prison which freed twelve female observers reported approximately 5,000
revolutionaries' and the kidnapping of female members out of 15,000 troops.
British Ambassador Geoffrey Jackson. Among the women, 55% served as guer
The fact that the Tupamaros developed rilleras in armed combat, while fewer than
specific policy positions on women's issues 30% performed organizational and domestic
lends support to the assertion of active duties, and only 15% engaged in health
female involvement at all levels. The Tupa and medical care (Heyzer, 2004: 2). Other
maros' political platform advocated the sources record significant numbers of women
direct participation of women in guerrilla in high-ranking command positions and that
activities, as well as the elimination of gender women comprised 40% of the revolutionary
discrimination in society at large. Reif (1986: council (Reif, 1986: 157). In accordance
157) argues that the Tupamaros' goals of free with the model of domestic terrorists
access to education and fair distribution of proposed by this study, the women of
income, as well as the nationalization of the FMLN-FDR functioned as medics,
health care, elderly care, and food produc warriors, and leaders, in addition to provid
tion, were 'effectively adopted strategies to ing basic support. They shared in decision
recruit women'. The causality may be making processes and the performance of
reciprocal as well, in that the large and active tasks that were traditionally gender-assigned,
female membership may well have con thereby filling not only the basic roles of
tributed to the creation of these policies. Sympathizers and Spies, but Warriors and
Dominant Forces as well.
El Salvador
The principal opposition to the military and Nicaragua
industrial oligarchy of El Salvador emerged The revolutionary Sandinista National
in the civil war of 1979-92 and was com Liberation Front (FSLN) formed in 1961 to

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320 journal of Peace Research volume 43 I number 31 may 2006
overthrow the repressive dictatorship of the Like the women of the Tupamaros, logic
Somoza family and its brutal National Guard suggests that the highly active female
and establish a liberal reform government. members of the Sandinistas contributed to,
Again, the goals of the FSLN were domestic in addition to being recruited by, the FSLN's
in nature, limited to internal change rather egalitarian approach to women.
than external transformations beyond the
national borders. Peru
The Association of Women Confronting The International Policy Institute for
the National Problem (AMPRONAC), Counterterrorism (2004) identifies the
established by a leader of the FSLN, helped Sendero Luminoso (SL), or Shining Path, as
recruit many women into the Sandinista one of the most ruthless guerrilla groups in
army. Scholars estimate that women com existence. Approximately 30,000 Peruvians
prised one-third of all heads-of-households were killed in the government's ongoing
during this period (Reif, 1986: 158). Disen battle with the SL (Kopel, 2002). The SL
franchised politically and economically by rejected ethno-nationalist guerrillas, notably
their national government and forced into the Tupac Amaru; however, its goals were
assuming full responsibility for their families, primarily domestic in that the organization
they were promising candidates for the sought to overthrow the institutions of the
cause. High unemployment, low standards Peruvian government and replace them with
of living, and political unrest created many a revolutionary peasant regime (Inter
of the conditions conducive to terrorism national Policy Institute for Counterterror
identified by Georges-Abeyie (1983: 84), ism, 2004; Griset & Mahan, 2003: 162;
and women quickly moved from support Kopel, 2002; United States Department of
positions within the FSLN to battle and State, 1999).
command roles, sometimes filling as many as Many scholars contend that the SL was
half of the leadership posts in battle. By the initially led by a guerrillera, the late Torre
end of the 1970s, women comprised 30% of Guzman, known as Comrade Norah (Inter
the Sandinista guerrilla army and functioned national Policy Institute for Counterterror
in combat and leadership roles in addition to ism, 2004). Although other sources credit
support positions (Reif, 1986: 158). her husband, Abimael Guzman, with its
Although they served in the more limited founding, the data clearly indicate that,
participation of Sympathizers and Spies, throughout the 1980s, 'a large number of
many functioned as Warriors, commanding women [were] involved at all levels of the
troops, and Dominant Forces, contributing organization, right up to the top positions in
to policy formation and strategy. Former both the regional commands and the
rebel Gioconda Belli recalls that she rou National Central Committee' (Palmer, 1995:
tinely carried a sub-machine gun 'like a 277). Records from 1987 indicate that
handbag' and engaged in gun-running and over half of all SL members arrested and
casing foreign embassies for possible hostage charged with terrorist activity were women
taking opportunities (Campbell, 2002: 7). (Gonzales, 1987: 83). In her study of the SL,
Reif (1986: 158) credits the success of the
Tarazona-Sevillano (1990: 76-78) finds that
Sandinistas' appeal to women to its willing the group strongly encouraged female mem
ness to establish internal policies of respect bership and that women 'historically played
and support for women, made all the more a leading role' in the SL, particularly lower
significant by their deviation from the tra class women for whom the SL embodied 'a
ditional Latin machismo of Somoza society. battle for gender equality', allowing women

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez GUERRILLERAS IN LATIN AMERICA 321

'to strike back violently at the traditional has spawned a variety of communist, social
system that oppresses them'. She attributes ist, peasant, and reactionary right-wing
the SL's strength and longevity to its wide political groups, but four major domestic
spread female participation, noting that terrorist organizations emerged in the 1960s
women were 'frequently charged with the and 1970s. The 1960 Ej?rcito de Liberaci?n
responsibility for delivering the fatal shot in Nacional (ELN) or Army of National Liber
the assassination-squad operations'. ation, modeled after Fidel Castro's guerrilla
Police reported 'the presence of large army, grew from the conviction of Camilo
numbers of women in the guerrilla organiz Torres, the 'revolutionary priest', that sig
ation' in the 1980s and claimed that the nificant reform was possible only through
group's second-ranking commander in Lima violence. The Ej?rcito Popular de Liberaci?n
was a woman, Juana Saavedra, known as Sara (EPL) or People's Liberation Army formed
(Ruiz, 1988). In addition, inside sources after Torres's murder. Both groups were
revealed that Abimael Guzman 'relied domestic in that their goals were confined to
heavily on a select group of female cadres' the overthrow of oligarchical rule in
(Speck, 1992). Although critics argued that Colombia (Gott, 1971; Reif, 1986: 156; von
the women were valued for their loyalty der Walde & Burbano, 2001: 25). Although
rather than their intellect and that their roles reports conflict regarding the engagement of
were those of administrators, not strategists, women in combat, evidence supports the
information surfaced after Guzman's arrest assertion that women were instrumental in
in 1993 that SL leadership had long been policymaking, indicating that many guer
controlled by women such as Edith Lagos, rilleras were serving as Dominant Forces.
Laura Zambrano, and Elena Iparraguirre, The EPL permitted women to join auxiliary
who could 'maintain order and keep a secret' units, and witnesses reported a woman firing
(Speck, 1992). Maria Jenny Rodriguez, or at army troops who had killed ELN leader
Comrade Rita, assumed Guzman's position Camilo Torres, suggesting that the guer
of leadership after this capture, and her rilleras participated as Warriors as well (Gott,
actions equaled his in brutality, as she con 1971: 533).
tinued the SL policy of killing all rival leftist A far more powerful and long-lived guer
groups (Gamini, 1994). The high level of rilla and terrorist movement in Colombia is
participation that women enjoyed in the SL the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces
helped recruit more female members, not (FARC). FARC began in 1964 and is
only as Sympathizers and Spies, but as currently considered one of the largest and
Warriors and policymaking Dominant best-equipped guerrilla armies in history.
Forces. Clearly, the SL lived by Abimael Like its predecessors, the ELN and EPL,
Guzman's 1970 statement, 'The success of FARC's objectives are domestic in orien
our revolution hinges on the active partici tation; its goals include political reform,
pation of women (Ruiz, 1988). elimination of government corruption,
more investment in rural social programs,
Colombia and reduction of Colombia's military and
As of 2004, the four-decade civil war in defense spending. It attempts to promote
Colombia continues as the longest in the these policies through guerrilla attacks on
Americas with over 150,000 casualties, the Colombian government and civilians,
including over 5,000 police, and 2.5 million funding its efforts through occasional kid
displaced persons (Padgett, 2004: 45; nappings and extortion, but primarily
Gr?ner, 2003: 30). The Colombian conflict through control of the illegal cocaine and

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322 Journal of Peace Research volume 431 number 3 I may 2006
heroin industry. FARC operates from its combat as Warriors, and make policy
42,000 square-kilometer jungle enclave, decisions as Dominant Forces.
but, by 2000, had been credited with con
trolling 'about two-fifths of Colombia Mexico
(Hodgson, 2000a: 11). The Zapatista Army of National Liberation
Many of the FARC members responsible (EZLN) of the southern state of Chiapas
gained worldwide attention in 1994 when it
for its guerrilla warfare and terrorist activities
are women. In 1974, FARC had fewer than declared war on the executive branch of the
900 members, and a mere handful were Mexican government and the Mexican Army
female. By the year 2000, approximately
for political and economic discrimination
30% of the 15,000 FARC members were against the indigenous peoples of Mexico
women; within two years, women comprisedand announced the establishment of politi
between 40% and 45% of the 18,000 FARC cal, economic, and social equality through
members. Female guerrillas cite the grinding out Mexico as its major objective. This
poverty and lack of economic, political, and announcement was made to coincide with
social rights for women in Colombian the signing of the North American Free
society as incentives to join FARC (Hodgson, Trade Agreement (NAFTA) because the
2000b: 6; Cala, 2001). Colombia's nation EZLN sought to protest the discriminatory
wide unemployment rate exceeds 20%, and trade practices against the Mexican poor that
rural traditions reject education for girls, NAFTA exacerbated. Although the EZLN
both of which are classic pre-conditions for opposes the effects of globalization in
guerrilla activity, according to Georges Mexico in general and the state of Chiapas
Abeyies (Hodgson, 2000b; Georges-Abeyie, in particular, their activities are confined
1983: 84). primarily to Chiapas. They pressure the
According to FARC guerrilleras, the Mexican government to exclude their agri
movement offers them freedom and equality cultural products from NAFTA regulations,
from the repressive macho culture of tra but, unlike international guerrillas, they do
ditional Colombian society. Anthropologist not cooperate with anti-state forces in other
Maria Eugenia Vasquez states, 'In a country nations or seek to spread the anti-globaliz
where women are usually ignored, [guerr ation revolution beyond their national
illeras] are surrounded by symbols that give borders. Thus, the goals and targets of the
them an identity' (Hodgson, 2000b). EZLN are domestic; they do not engage in
Joaquin Gomez, leader of a FARC battle international attacks against the United
division, says that women are essential and States, multinational corporations, or other
valued in the 'people's war'; as such, FARC external targets.
has actively recruited women since the early The extreme poverty of the Chiapas
1990s (Cunningham, 2003: 179). The region has contributed to the high levels of
guerrilleras contend that their roles are equal female participation in the EZLN because
to those of the men in FARC, performing the women of Chiapas suffer disproportion
guard duty, patrolling, gathering intelli ately from the burdens of poverty and dis
gence, fighting in combat, and serving as crimination (Camp, 1996: 91; Goetze,
field commanders (Cunningham, 2003: 1996: 4; Millan, 2002: 3). As Mansbridge
179; McDermott, 2002). Within FARC, the (2001) notes, 'the indigenous women of
guerrilleras do not operate as mere Sympa Mexico are the most marginalized group in
thizers; instead, they collect intelligence that country'. Considering their relatively
information as Spies, lead guerrilla troops in subordinate positions in society, Mexican

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez Guerrilleras IN Latin America 323

women may seem 'unlikely candidates for focuses on guerrilla activity against what it
leaders of armed rebellion, and furthermore, perceives as the excesses of Western culture,
US imperialism, and pro-Israeli politics by
unlikely to protest the structure of the rebel
lion to create their own demands as women establishing operations in South America, a
. . . [yet] they are participants in the region strategically located in relation to the
Zapatista movement' (Goetze, 1996: 4). United States.
Women have been active in the EZLN The objectives of international guerrilla
since its inception and have brought with groups do not attempt to restructure their
them a strong desire to protect the oppor relationship to the national government or
tunities not afforded them in the external influence domestic policy; instead, these
community. In fact, they often function as groups struggle to alter the relationship
Warriors, rising to high-ranking levels of the between their national government and what
guerrilla army, where they command both they perceive as external forces of inter
male and female soldiers (Millan, 2002: 3). national economic or political oppression.
They also become Dominant Forces, creat Because such movements focus on the
ing policy on women's social and economic external, they devote little attention to over
rights and contributing to negotiations with coming traditional gender restrictions on
the Mexican government (Cevallos, 2001; women. While these groups may recruit
Franco, 2001; Goetze, 1996: 6-7; Rashkin, women, female members serve primarily in
1996: 12-13). The wide range of activity limited support roles and rarely rise to the
among the guerrilleras as Spies, Warriors, more active levels of leadership and decision
and policymaking Dominant Forces has making positions.
created entry-level positions for local women
in Chiapas who move into support roles as Cuba
EZLN Sympathizers, providing food, relay Harkabi (1985: 19) states that 'in the twen
ing communication, and sewing uniforms. tieth century, it [terrorism] has become a
This division of labor, in turn, frees the device for launching revolution', and Cuba's
guerrilleras to serve as combat soldiers and revolution of 1959 was no exception.
battle commanders, or Warriors (Goetze, Though it included the ouster of the Batista
1996: 7). regime, Cuba's guerrilla activity movement
was internationally oriented, directed against
International Guerrilla Movements Western capitalism and the forces of US
imperialism that had dominated Cuba since
While the guerrilla movements discussed the Spanish-American War of 1898. This
thus far exhibit a domestic orientation, international focus became even more
seeking to change or reject their national evident only three years after the revolution
governments and reform domestic policies, with the discovery of Soviet missiles in Cuba
the Cuban revolutionaries of 1959 and the during the Cuban Missile Crisis. In letters
Islamic Jihad cells operating in the Tri written prior to the revolution, Fidel Castro
Border Area (TBA) of Argentina, Brazil, and wrote that it was his destiny to 'wage war
Paraguay represent organizations with a against America (Ehrenfeld, 1990: 21).
more international agenda. Fidel Castro's Although admirers credit the spread of
Communist guerrillas targeted the Batista international socialism and Castro's Com
regime of Cuba, but only as a component of munist Revolution with mobilizing Cuban
the attack on US imperialism and the forces working-class women, even Cuba's revolu
of international capitalism. Islamic Jihad tionaries acknowledge that Cuban women

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324 journal of Peace Research volume 43 I number 3 / may 2006
did not actively participate in the guerrilla of a domestic nature, teach, . . . perform the
activities of the uprising. The President of functions of social workers, nurse the sick,
the Federation of Cuban Women and Fidel help sew uniforms'. Thus, even the writing
Castro's sister-in-law, Vilma Espin, stated of 'el Che' reduces the role of women in the
that very few women actually participated in Cuban struggle.
the Cuban struggle and that 'campesino Reifs (1986: 155) analysis of interviews
[rural peasant] women were generally not and letters from Cuban revolutionaries con
organizationally active until mobilized by the cludes that 'women performed basically
Federation after the insurgency period' (Reif, support and relief roles, providing 'support
1986: 155-156). Jaquettes (1973: 346-347) rather than combat performance', as 'women
study of women in revolutionary movements in the guerrilla army did housekeeping and
in Latin America discusses only three Cuban supply assignments'. She notes that broad
women who were active in combat: Fidel cast excerpts from the primary radio station
Castro's secretary, Celia Sanchez; Vilma of the revolution, Radio Rebelde, 'reveal no
Espin, wife of Castro's brother, Raul Castro; attempt to mobilize specifically women'.
and Haydee Santamaria, the wife of a Com In her study of women in the Cuban
munist Party leader. Jaquette describes the Revolution, Cole (1994: 299-307) discusses
revolution as a 'conscious attempt by Fidel the plight of women prior to the revolution
and other members of the elite to transform and the subsequent impact on women, but
the status of women in Cuban society', but offers no evidence of any female partici
does not address the converse, the attempt of pation in revolutionary activities. Similarly,
revolutionary women to transform society. Molyneux's (2000: 293-294) examination of
While the cadre of female elites was small, the Federation of Cuban Women illuminates
'peasant women probably participated [even] the effect of the revolution upon women
less frequently' (Reif, 1986: 155). rather than their role in the revolution. As
Though Rowbotham (1972: 223-225) part of the international socialist revolution
discusses the formation of a Red Army bat against capitalism and US dominance,
talion of women in Cuba, she states that Castro's Cuba perceived changes in women's
battle conditions were deemed unsuitable for status as a result of the revolution, rather
women and quotes Che Guevara as stating than an active force within the political
that the men were not accustomed to follow transformation.
ing a female commander. In his celebrated
work, On Guerrilla Warfare, Guevara (1962: Tri-Border Area: Argentina, Brazil, and
57-58) devotes only two pages to the role of Paraguay
women in guerrilla activity, although he The nations of the Tri-Border Area, or TBA,
states that 'women can play an extraordinar as Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay are known,
ily important role in the development of the experienced short-lived domestic uprisings
revolutionary process', that 'they are capable against military regimes or socio-economic
of the most difficult deeds, of fighting with conditions in the 1960s and 1970s. Since the
the troops', and are 'no less resilient than 1990s, however, the internationally active
men. However, he also asserts that women Islamic Jihad guerrilla wing of Iran's Hezbol
are 'weaker than men'. He adds, 'Of course, lah, or Party of God, has established opera
there are not too many women soldiers', and tions in the TBA (Middle East Newsline,
emphasizes using women 'particularly in 2002). Islamic Jihad formed in 1982 in
communications', noting that 'They can reaction to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon
cook for the troops and perform other duties and has been active in the kidnapping,

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 Margaret Gonzalez-Perez GUERRILLERAS IN LATIN America 325

bombing, and murder of Americans and nations, while the poorest 30% accounted
other Westerners since that time (United for only 7.5% of national income, and the
States Department of State, 2005: 99-100). majority of those living in poverty were
Within the TBA, Islamic Jihad claimed women (Moghadam, 2005: 65). Yet, despite
responsibility for the March 1992 attack on this motivation to challenge the status quo,
Israel's embassy in Buenos Ares which killed female participation in Hezbollah is non
29, as well as a July 1994 bombing that killed existent.
86; still other attacks remain under investi Hezbollah's foreign origin cannot fully
gation (United States Department of State, explain the lack of women, as there are
1998). US officials contend that both approximately 500,000 Muslims in Brazil
'Hamas and Hizbullah operate undisturbed and 800,000 in Argentina, most of whom
in the tri-border area despite concerted have immigrated in the past 25 years (United
efforts by the TBA nations, the Inter States Department of State, 2001). The TBA
American Committee Against Terrorism, the governments and public opinion are not
Organization of American States, the hostile to Arab political causes, as demon
Mercosur Working Group on Terrorism, and strated by the May 2005 summit in which
the United Nations to counter such forces leaders of 12 Latin American nations and 22
(Barbrosa, 2004; Federal Research Division, Arab nations declared a united position on
2003; Middle East Newsline, 2002; Marcelo trade policy and Arab?Israeli borders
de Lima e Silva, 2001). Hezbollah's objective (Aljazeera, 2005; CNN, 2005; El-Tablawy,
of combating Western imperialism and pro 2005). Although often credited with restrict
Israeli foreign policies are clearly inter ing women's activities, Islam does not
account for the absence of women in the
national. Though Hezbollah is suspected of
drawing support from local criminal organiz Hezbollah any more than traditional Catho
ations in the TBA, it is internationally lic doctrine; marianismo and machismo
oriented in its goals, opponents, operations, explain the varying levels of activity among
and virtually every other aspect. women in the groups previously discussed.
Another striking factor is Hezbollah's lack Women have declined to join the ever
of female participation in the TBA. Even growing guerrilla conflict because they, as
though Hezbollah established operations in women, have nothing to gain from an inter
the TBA during the 1980s, long after the national guerrilla movement. A domestic
political mobilization of women in the opposition might be more successful in
1970s, women have not joined forces with attracting women, but the highly interna
Hezbollah. As Gonzalez & Kampwirth tionalized nature of Hezbollah in the TBA
(2001: 73) note, politically active Argentin does not sustain female support.
ian women have turned to left-wing political
parties instead of guerrilla movements or Conclusion
terrorist activities. The absence of women is
particularly noteworthy since the TBA's Clearly, domestic guerrilla movements such
economic problems of unemployment, infla as the Tupamaros of Uruguay, FMLN and
tion, and poverty fall disproportionately on FDR of El Salvador, Sandinistas of
the region's female population. According to Nicaragua, Shining Path of Peru, the ELN,
studies conducted by the Inter-American EPL, and FARC of Colombia, and the
Development Bank in 2000, the wealthiest Zapatistas of Mexico actively recruit and
10% of Argentina's and Brazil's populations foster the participation of women at all
controlled 40% of the wealth in those levels of the organization, providing upward

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326 journal of Peace Research volume 431 number 31 may 2006
mobility from service as Sympathizers and structural characteristics of their organiz
Spies to the higher ranks of Warrior and ations, but the lack of data seriously
Dominant Forces. The domestically oriented hampers efforts to study female partici
guerrilla movements in this study incorpo pation in guerrilla activity.
rate women's issues and concerns into their Studies abound on the significance of per
group's internally focused agenda, further sonality in political movements. It is com
encouraging female participation. The rising monplace to study legitimate national
numbers and levels of women's involvement leaders through the application of these
have a cyclical effect, causing the group to models. These tools could readily be applied
become more responsive to women's objec to guerrilla leaders - if accurate data on the
tives, thereby attracting still more women. leaders' identities and personalities were
Those guerrilla organizations that reject available. The strategies and decisionmaking
women or relegate them to subservient processes so frequently employed in exami
support roles demonstrate a focus on inter nations of bureaucracies could prove instru
national agendas and external enemies. The mental in the study of organizational
Communist revolutionaries of Cuba allowed hierarchies within guerrilla groups as well.
female participation, but in a form strictly These models could also explain the external
regulated by the males of the organizations. relationships between guerrilla groups and
Much as the dominant society assigns inter-guerrilla cooperation. As a policy tool,
women a traditional gender role, these inter studies in this area could encourage govern
nationally oriented guerrilla groups also ment institutions to provide gender equity
restrict women's activities. Like the society at and opportunities for women in economic,
large, the international guerrilleras operate political, and social arenas, thereby reducing
within the context of certain traditional par the guerrilla movements' appeal to women,
adigms, such as machismo and marianismo in and thus diffusing the infrastructure of such
Latin America, rather than rejecting them as movements. If it is viewed as a means to
the domestic guerrilla movements do. build stability in a society, governments may
be more inclined to seek equality for women
Future Research and provide them legitimate avenues of
dissent, as well as a voice in politics and
While the study of women in guerrilla policymaking.
activity is a fascinating topic, partially
because it counters traditional views of
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United States Department of State, 2005. | research interests: terrorism, ethnic conflict.

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