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Electives Lesson 1
Electives Lesson 1
Electives Lesson 1
For shipping, a possible boost in investment will lead to higher demand and
increased trade, if it is not absorbed by inward-looking policy requirements,
according to BIMCO. For the container shipping industry, the economic
picture in the US is said to be favorable with a possible pick-up in wages
boosting consumer demand.
In the outlook, BIMCO said it has been quite some time since
macroeconomic development has looked this positive and as supportive of
shipping.
Political events can undermine the development, but 2018 appears to bring
fewer economic growth “derailing” events compared to 2017. The most
important factors to potentially derail growth is likely to be the US midterm
elections in November, the renegotiation of NAFTA, and the negotiation of
the Brexit deal. Notwithstanding, the sustainability of the all-important
Chinese economy, according to the shipping association.
For sustained economic growth, the political deals resulting from these
events need to decrease the number of trade barriers and ensure regulatory
alignment. This will help to encourage potential growth as restrictive trade
measures can discourage
trade flows and have negative knock-on effects on economic growth and job
creation, BIMCO concluded.
As of 2016, three trends will describe a maritime industry in 2017: 1) An
increased volatility of demand; 2) A sustained but uneven global recovery;
3) A restructuring of the maritime supply. This text presents an analysis of
these trends.
New external factors
Variability of the risk makes the demand for transport less predictable. In
2016, several factors triggered this instability, including fluctuations of
exchange rates, slowdown of the Chinese economy, lower oil prices, and
difficulties of the European economy.
a.)
Commodity Super cycle, is no longer super, with most of the developing
world in a slowdown, IHS is
forecasting a prolonged weakness in commodity prices over the next decade.
Prices of Oil, Iron Ore, and Crude Oil are likely to remain depressed for the
next few years. For most shippers, the 5 – 10 years of slow growth ahead
translates into depressed rates for shipping, particularly DRYBULK shipping.
Accentuating the price weakness is that most fleets
– with the exception of PANAMAX FLEET Coal and Grain Cargo Vessels – are
fairly young, leaving little room to reduce capacity. As a result, a very
painful and lengthy rebalancing of capacity may be in store. One exception
to these trends is Tanker shipping, which is expected to stay strong in the
short term. During the first half of 2015, the sector saw an increase in
freight rates as the low price of crude oil encourage emerging economies to
burn oil instead of coal. Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCC) on the Middle East
Gulf – Far East route were charging
$60,000 per day in April 2013. Positive revenue growth is anticipated for the
remainder of the year as long as oil prices remain low.
Although lower prices will spur more oil consumption in short term, IHS
expects overall global oil demand growth will average just 0.6 % per year
through to 2040. This is because the link between economic growth and oil
demand will weaken as the world adopts alternatives to hydrocarbon fuel
and enhances vehicle fuel efficiency. China's slowdown slows down
shipping, China has contributed to the end of the commodity Supercycle.
The recent deceleration of China’s economic growth is affecting many
domestic industries, with implications for the global maritime economy. The
excess in industrial capacity, housing inventory, and debt are expected to
dampen China’s domestic demand in 2016. As a consequence, the
construction industry is sinking deeper into recession. At the same time,
slow and unstable global economic growth means that China will not be able
to export its way to recovery. From 3% in 2014, IHS forecasts that China’s
GDP will sink to 6.3% in 2016, before a modest rebound in 2017.
Dry bulk shipping will be hurt as China’s demand for commodities shrinks.
Before the slowdown, China imported 70% of the world’s seaborne iron ore
and 20% of its coal. With China’s construction industry in the doldrums, the
steel mills’ demand for coking coal and iron ore has declined sharply. Coking
coal imports declined by 12% in September 2015, compared with September
2014, contributing to a year-on-year drop of 17.9% in January-September.
Even with the recent news of mine closures in China in response to the
availability of superior, low-cost imports-iron ore exported from Brazil and
Australia is of higher quality and is much cheaper than domestic production,
there i
the United Nations Security Council endorsed the agreement on 20 July, and
Iran has formally adopted the nuclear agreement. All signatories to the
JCPOA officially “adopted” the agreement on 18 October, which triggered
Iran’s JCPOA
commitments. Most analysts expect certain EU and US sanctions against
IAEA verification that Iran has met its JCPOA commitments. The lifting of
some sanctions is expected to add about half a million barrels of oil a day to
the global supply by the end of 2016. Iran’s re-entry into the oil export
market won’t help tankers' operation directly, because most of the oil will
likely be shipped in National Iranian Tanker Company carriers sidelined in
the Persian Gulf while sanctions were imposed. While adding a half-million
barrels a day does not add much to the global
supply – Saudi Arabia and the United States both produce 10 million barrels
per day, those extra barrels should further depress already weak oil prices;
inflating near-term demand for oil, gas, and petroleum products; and
helping global shipping overall.
rel
a common understanding of digitization yet – some companies are already
very advanced,
while Vance for the entire industry in many different areas. A maritime
forum took
the place with representatives from industry, academia, associations,
politicians, and trade unions. The dialogue at this forum and the detailed
work afterward made clear, that there is no others need to catch up. For
example, operating in the deep sea requires remote or autonomous
operating vehicles with advanced sensor and communication technologies.
To a certain extent, this is comparable to space missions but under much
harsher conditions. On the other hand, in shipping, some transactions in the
logistics chain are not digitized yet and the connectivity of the vessels is
limited. So, the process for this positioning paper was very fruitful to start
thinking and working more horizontally across the entire maritime industry
with joint efforts.
Digital technologies are offering new ways of performing joint industry
projects. By sharing data, operators, suppliers, and service providers can
evaluate together how new technology can increase efficiency and reduce
cost, e.g. by introducing liquefied natural gas (LNG) as a new type of
environmental-friendly fuel or to monitor emissions during the voyage.
Another example is how drones could be used across the industry to monitor
and inspect assets or even deliver spare parts. As drones are totally new for
the industry, it makes a lot of sense to work closely together in an open
innovation setup. Testbed to be used across the industry will make
qualification more independent from running operations and thereby an
innovation ecosystem can emerge.
Maritime security is a good example where such testbeds can boost digital
innovation. To gain real-time insight into the operation of a vessel or an
offshore wind park several data sources like satellite images from space,
airborne camera pictures, and shipping signals need to be in one system
that combines and presents data in real-time. A so-called “North Sea
Testbed” would enable scientists, industry, and start-ups to develop real-
time services across the entire value chain. Also, in the context of Industry,
such a test of the environment is crucial for maritime to enable cross-
industry innovation. Ideally, it can also be linked to one of the Digital Hubs
currently been set up across Germany or become a dedicated Maritime
Digital Hub of its own.
Digitization will disrupt some maritime industries
The maritime industry can therefore benefit from digital technologies by
closer cooperation across the value chain even into onshore industries.
Sharing relevant data in a so-called “maritime cloud” will increase efficiency
and enable the internet of things on the sea with new services. More data
gathered from the ocean will improve simulation tools for voyage planning
and climate models. Offshore wind farms will be built, operated, and
maintained at a lower cost. Overall, by the huge size of the global maritime
industry digitization could improve also significantly its relevant carbon
footprint. Imagine, how much waste could be reduced by a synchronized
intermodal transport and logistics based on real-time demand by
autonomous technologies both for trucks and vessels. Harvesting marine
mineral
resources from the ultra-deep sea will require autonomous vehicles and will
supply crucial elements for high-tech products and batteries. Digital
technologies might even support solving one of the biggest challenges of our
time – plastic waste in the oceans. Large ocean garbage patches are a global
issue that already today seriously impacts the entire food chain. However,
the various new data-driven technologies like automated terminals, digital
twins, autonomous vessels, big data, predictive maintenance, blockchain,
drones, augmented and virtual reality or even 3d-printing will change the
way of working in the maritime industry. It is therefore very important to
consider also what that will mean for the large number of employees
working in this industry. Job profiles will change and will demand more
enhanced IT qualifications. A new business might need a different skillset, so
also this should be considered early in educating the next generation of
maritime professionals. The importance of naval well-educated Captains
should not be underestimated, as conquering the ocean will require still a lot
of human experience and knowledge – even in the digital world.
Politics in the global maritime industry
Maritime Affairs and Security Politics in North-East Asia
although there are signs that the market is settling down after the initial
post-vote furor. In terms of longer-term impact, there are some matters
which are already tolerably clear, for example, that any changes to the cost
of trade with the EU are likely to affect freight volumes at British ports.
However, the precise nature and extent of the effect on UK trade will depend
entirely on the form of relationship which is ultimately agreed upon both
with the EU and with other trading partners. With the new British Prime
Minister, Theresa May, looking to defer
triggering Article 50 until 2017, that form of the relationship remains pretty
‘uncertain’.
There are wider potential outcomes for shipping in the UK beyond the direct
effect on trade volumes. In terms of the UK offshore industry, for example,
trade winds reported recently that “when news of the UK’s decision to exit
the EU hit the offshore sector, most analysts agreed that the longer-term
damage for the sector would be from a possible slowdown in the world’s
economy. However, some warned the immediate and near-term effect would
be that oil companies would obviously put the brakes on much-needed
investment in the UK. The UK continental shelf (UKCS) is already suffering
from record low investment — at one-eighth, the value of the annual
average over the past five years
— and the nation’s oil-and-gas sector is on course to have lost up to
140,000 jobs by the end of this year.”
There is also the UK’s position as a leading provider of maritime
professional services to consider. The marine insurance industry is pushing
hard to maintain the pass porting rights currently enjoyed between EU
member states, although whether this will be possible without full access
to . The single market (and the associated EU requirements for free
movement of workers) is set to be the key topic in negotiations. In terms of
other professional services, such as legal and shipbroking services, there is
some speculation that UK’s so-called “stability premium” may have been
affected by the vote. However, the
UK’s long maritime history, the reputation of its courts (which rely on an
extremely well-established body of specialist case law) and institutions, and
the number of highly qualified individuals’ resident in the UK working in the
sector should help ameliorate any effect on this premium at least whilst
Brexit is negotiated. However, even if the premium remains intact the
professional services sector may be rightly concerned about services are
dealt with within negotiating future trade deals. Such agreements
traditionally focus on trade in goods and therefore may not be as
advantageous to the
on trade and shipping and match that vision with long-term commercial
opportunities. In this way, we can ensure that UK-based carriers and
shipping service providers are able to benefit from these new trading
relationships for years to come. It is therefore of critical importance that the
UK strikes trade deals with nations that don’t already have a strong maritime
economy so that our companies can tap into these new markets. There is
limited upside for the UK shipping industry in forging trade deals with Dubai
and Singapore, for instance, because both regions already have strong
maritime sectors.
Nigeria, however, represents the sort of country where a trade deal including
a comprehensive maritime chapter could be beneficial. The country has a
thriving domestic shipping sector, but its international ambitions have never
quite reached fruition. There is significant scope for UK companies to prosper
in the Nigerian market and help the country modernize its industry and
make operations more efficient. Nigeria also happens to be the world’s
fourth-largest exporter of LNG and one of the world’s three most viable
exporters of ‘sweet’ low-sulfur crude oil. Demand for both these commodities
is expected to grow exponentially in the coming years. An effective trade
deal would reconnect the UK with an important trading partner and put UK-
based carriers in an advantageous position to be able to handle these
growing cargo volumes, or else provide ancillary services to exporters and
the Nigerian maritime industry. This is the UK Chamber’s vision for our post-
Brexit future. Change is coming but there will be opportunities for those who
have the vision to see them. We’re working with our members to do just
that.
UK Maritime Pragmatism over politics
The chairman of Maritime UK calls on ministers to put "pragmatism over
politics" in preparing Britain for leaving the EU. The top figure in Britain's
£40bn maritime sectors has said liaising with the Government over Brexit is
like "banging your head against a brick wall". David Dingle, the chairman of
industry body Maritime UK, urged ministers to put "pragmatism over
politics" as he warned of a possible "meltdown" at Britain's ports on the day
the country leaves the EU. Speaking to reporters in central London this
week, Mr. Dingle called for an open-ended Brexit transition period and
expressed pessimism that technology or beefed-up infrastructure could fill
the absence of a new customs agreement with the EU. He insisted his
industry is "shouting loudly" about their concerns but suggested there has
been little response from ministers. "You do feel as if you are banging your
head against a brick wall," he said. "Until this Government can find a
resolution, we're going to have to go on banging our heads against a brick
wall."
Mr. Dingle added: "We are lost in politics and we want pragmatism over
politics."
The UK's maritime sector comprises Britain's shipping industry and ports, as
well as services such as ship financing and manufacture, including the
building of superyachts. It is estimated to support close to one million jobs
and contribute around £40bn to Britain's GDP. Mr. Dingle was not gloomy
about the long-term prospects for the "strategically vital" maritime industry
after Brexit if the Government fulfills its stated ambition for the UK to
become a "great trading nation" outside of the EU. But he questioned if
Britain's infrastructure, such as already clogged-up road and rail links to
ports, would be "up to the task" of an increased export market - through
new post-Brexit trade deals - without efforts to tackle existing congestion.
The Prime Minister has repeatedly insisted the UK will leave the EU's
customs union once outside the bloc, leaving Mr. Dingle to warn about the
short-term consequences of Brexit without another resolution for customs
checks by March 2019. He explained how even a doubling of the time it
takes lorries to get through the port of Dover, from two
minutes to four minutes, could see permanent 20-mile-long motorway
queues in Kent. Mr. Dingle suggested the Government is "hoping for a
technology solution" to customs checks by next year but said that is
"unrealistic".
He added: "It seems equally improbable, in the current climate, that there
will be a political solution, that there will be an output of a 'deep and special
relationship', which will
mean that those Lorries can continue to flow in an unimpeded fashion." Mr.
Dingle accused the Government of adopting a "[have] cake and eat it"
approach to a transition period, suggesting ministers want an interim deal -
which could see the status quo maintained in UK-EU relations - but also
"want to act as if we are completely out of the EU" during that time. He said:
"This gets mired in politics. Everyone believes in the principle that a
transition period is exactly what is necessary.
"What we hear coming from Brussels is that - despite the official statement
that the transition will last until December 2020 - actually in Brussels, they
will be pragmatic. “But, here, it is all getting dragged down by politics."
Mr. Dingle claimed a "transition needs to be as long as it takes to transition"
to a future UK-EU relationship, adding: "We believe that it is of such critical
importance that some of more political considerations may need to give way
to it."
Impact of politics, economic events and port policies on the evolution of
maritime traffic in Chinese ports
The Chinese government has been exploring various paths to find a direction
that better suits China’s national conditions during the past 60 years.
Meanwhile, a series of political and economic events and policy
transformations have had different effects on the port industry. The increase
in the ports’ throughput has enabled an increase in domestic demand and
the urgent need for further port investment. Chinese port throughput has
been subject to multiple shocks. The Great Leap Forward1 is found to have
had the largest, but only a short-term impact. China’s accession to the World
Trade Organization, however, led to a long and exclusive effect on ports,
with little observed effect on the other variables. The reform of port
governance is shown to have had a more lasting positive effect on port
throughput than physical investment. However, these latter effects are
minor, the economic and political factors remain the primary driving factors
of port throughput.
Playing Politics with S. Ports
The Jones Act survives only because of narrow commercial interests. Who
actually benefits from the Jones Act, the 1920 law stipulating that all
maritime commerce between U.S. ports has to take place on ships that are
built, owned, and crewed by Americans?
The American Maritime Partnership, a lobbying group, will tell you that the
act supports nearly half a million jobs and each year generates $10 billion in
taxes and $46 billion in additional U.S. output. Even if you take these
statistics at face value, they fail to allow for the jobs, taxes, and output lost
in the rest of the economy. What about the act's stated purpose - which,
together with other laws such as the 1936 Merchant Marine Act, is to ensure
that the
Does the U.S. retain a robust merchant marine and advanced maritime
sector for domestic commerce and times of war or crisis? That's no more
persuasive, once you note the steady decline of shipbuilding and the U.S.
oceangoing fleet o
ver the past five decades.
In truth, the Jones Act survives because narrow commercial interests want
it to. A protectionist thicket has long surrounded U.S. commercial shipping
and shipbuilding. It has gradually hardened into a political wall impervious to
economic reason.
resident Donald Trump spoke the truth in September: When asked whether
he would waive the act for Puerto Rico, he said the U.S. has “a lot of people
that work in the shipping industry that don’t want the Jones
Act lifted.” Those people are backed by a flotilla of senators and
representatives who are failing to put the broader interests of voters first.
They include the 60-odd members of the Congressional Shipbuilding Caucus,
one of the bigger and more active of such legislative groups. Filling their
coffers and bending their ears are the American Maritime Partnership; the
Shipbuilders Council of America; other like-minded industry groups; and
scores of individual shipbuilders, shipping lines, and labor unions. In 2016,
donors associated with sea transport coughed up more than $10 million in
campaign contributions -- the most since at least 1990 -- and spent almost
$25 million on lobbying.
The arithmetic of special-interest pleading is interesting. Consider New
Jersey Senator Cory Booker, whose $31,000 from sea transport groups put
him in the top 20 of Senate recipients in 2014. That winter, he blasted state
officials for failing to lay in salt for clearing roads. Without the Jones Act, an
available foreign-flag ship could have transported the salt from Maine for
$500,000; using slower U.S. barges caused the delay, and cost the
state $1.2 million. Booker and his fellow senator Robert Menendez, who had
unsuccessfully sought a Jones Act waiver, then chided those who “recklessly”
called for the act’s abolition. Nothing seems more perverse, though than
the vocal support given to the Jones Act by the congressional
Northeast Asian countries are higher than those of the other Asian countries
which also have been experiencing faster economic growth than other
regions. The economies of the three countries combined account for
approximately one-fifth of the world’s GDP.
Northeast Asian countries, which geographically include China, Japan, South
Korea, North Korea, Taiwan, and Russia, are very closely linked to each
other in many aspects of international relations. With inter-state trade and
investment expanding, the region is becoming increasingly integrated
economically and is emerging as a global economic hub. Despite such
interdependence and economic integration, stability and
peace in the region is threatened by a number of potential conflicts, many of which are linked
to the unique geopolitical situation and the legacy of the colonial period. A notable trend is
regarded in the post–Cold War periods is that maritime disputes are increasingly becoming a
critical factor in determining international relations in Northeast Asia, whereas ideological
confrontation prevailed during the Cold War period.
While conventional security threats still exist, as evinced by military build-ups and North
Korea’s nuclear tests, maritime disputes are likely to militate against regional stability, given the
importance of the sea for Northeast Asian countries in terms of shipping lanes, resources, and
security.
Out of a wide range of issues with respect to maritime disputes, conflicting sovereignty claims
to islands, maritime boundaries and resources are the most salient. Geographically, Northeast
Asian Countries are adjacent or opposite to each other in semi-enclosed seas, many of which
are less than 400 nautical miles wide, resulting in overlapping claims to maritime zones. Along
with the unique geopolitical situation, disparities in the interpretation of the 1982 UN
Convention on the Law of the Sea [UNCLOS] are attributed to maritime disputes. In the
addition, the reshaping of international relations represented by the rise of China to global
power, the particular situation on the Korean Peninsula, and the Taiwan Strait add complexity.
the segments exceeding 100 nm. The Chinese coastline from the
Shandong
Peninsula to the area of Shanghai is essentially smooth with no fringing
islands. Along this part of the coastline, there are few indentations that meet
the judicial bay criteria. In addition, neighboring countries argue that Bohai
Bay, whose mouth is 45 nm long, and Donald-day, a barren islet 69 nm
away from the coastline, do not conform to baseline requirements under
LOSC. South Korea has officially protested China’s straight baseline claim as
incompatible with the criteria of the straight baseline under the LOSC and
challenges China’s use not only of Don-Dao as a base point, but also other
base points north of Shanghai.
As for Japan, there are 162 straight baseline segments that range in length
from 0.09 nm to 85.9 nm. Of these 162 baseline segments, about 72% are
less than 24 nm in length. But the remaining 28% exceed 24 nm, with over
10% of baselines being longer than 48 nm. Generally, the coastal of these
Japanese islands along which the straight baselines have been drawn does
not conform to the requirements called for in the LOSC. For the most part,
the coastlines of these Japanese islands are “neither deeply intended and cut
into” nor is there a “fringe of islands” in the immediate vicinity. South Korea
has claimed 19 straight baseline segments, beginning along its Southeast
coast, enclosing all the islands and rocks of its Southern and Western coasts.
Five of the segments are between 24 and 48 nm, and 2 segments exceed 48
nm, with the longest segment being 60.3 nm in length.
In the Western Channel of the Korea Strait, where Japan and South Korea
agreed to limit their own territorial seas to 3 nm, South Korea has narrowed
the high seas corridor by establishing a straight baseline in this area. North
Korea has not publicly declared its baselines on the East Coast and the West
coast, but its baseline on the East coast of North Korea is presumed to be
the straight baseline, whose distance is 245 nm long. The presumed to be
the straight baseline is the closing line of Dong Han and Kyung Sung
Bays. North Korea’s straight baselines do not meet the requirements for
drawing straight baselines in a bay whose distance between the low-water
marks of the natural entrance points of a bay should not exceed 24 nm. In
addition, North Korea’s straight baselines do not conform to the general
direction of
the coast, and the sea areas within the baselines are not closely linked
either.
Maritime affairs have long been of concern for diplomats. In the period after
1945, often violent and even deadly fishery conflicts forced the Chinese,
Japanese, and South Korean governments to pay attention to the maritime
sphere. Whenever fishery conflicts escalated to critical levels and threatened
to disrupt foreign relations, governments set up and adjusted legal
frameworks due to the absence of diplomatic ties initially among non-
governmental
fishery associations. Maritime territorial disputes are not new either.
Their roots lie in the post-war settlement, especially the 1951 San Francisco
Peace Treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers, an international legal
system whose design had been determined by the great power politics at the
advent of the cold war.
Whether by the intention of US policymakers or simply as a result of the
need for expediency, the lacking designation of smaller islands and islets
sovereign status at the time of treaty negotiations, combined with the
absence of major parties at the negotiation tables, became the seeds of
contemporary problems. Yet the imperatives of cold war geopolitics kept
these conflicts frozen. Throughout the post-war period, governments
prioritized diplomatic objectives including the mending of formal state–to–
state ties severed during wartime. Strong authoritarian leadership helped to
forged consistent policies in Beijing and Seoul, the separation of domestic
from foreign policies means that classic diplomacy was sufficient for reaching
formal compromise and informal consensus to postpone the resolution of the
most contentious issues. Thus, while the Dokdo Takeshima problem was no
official topic in the diplomatic normalization process and not mentioned in
the agreement between Japan and South Korea of 1965, normalization could
not have been achieved if it were not for the second secret agreement on
how to treat the territorial delimitation dispute.
Similarly, Chinese and Japanese leaders agreed to shelve the issue over
Diaoyu/Senkako in 1972 and, in the words of
Chinese Supreme leader Deng Xiaoping, leaves the issue for future, wiser
generations to resolve.
The Asia-Pacific region covers a vast area with numerous countries and 60
percent of the world's population. Its economic and trade volumes take up
nearly 60 percent
and half of the world's total, respectively. It has an important strategic
position in the world. In recent years, the development of the Asia-Pacific
region has increasingly caught people's attention. It has become the most
dynamic region with the strongest potential in the world. All parties are
attaching greater importance to and investing more in this region. With the
profound adjustment of the pattern of international relations, the regional
situation of the Asia- Pacific area is also undergoing profound changes. China
is committed to promoting peace and stability in this region. It follows the
path of peaceful development and the mutually beneficial strategy of
opening up and pursues friendly cooperation with all countries on the basis
of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. It has participated in regional
cooperation in an all-around way and taken active steps in response to both
traditional and non-traditional security challenges, contributing to lasting
peace and common prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region.
China's Policies and Positions on Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation
Currently, the situation in the Asia-Pacific region is stable on the whole, with
strong momentum for peace and development. The Asia-Pacific region is a
stable part of the global landscape. To promote peace and seek stability and
development is the strategic goal and common aspiration of most countries
in the region. Political mutual trust among countries has been strengthened,
and major countries have frequently interacted and cooperated with one
another.
Countries may become partners when they have the same values and ideals,
but they can also be partners if they seek common ground while reserving
differences. The key is to remain committed to treating each other as equals
and carrying out mutually beneficial cooperation. How major countries in the
Asia-Pacific region get along with each other is critical for maintaining
regional peace and development. Major countries should treat the strategic
intentions of others in an objective and rational manner, reject the Cold War
mentality, respect others' legitimate interests and concerns, strengthen
positive interactions and respond to challenges with concerted efforts. Small
and medium-sized countries need not and should not take sides among big
countries. All countries should make joint efforts to pursue a new path of
dialogue instead of confrontation and pursue partnerships rather than
alliances and build an Asia-Pacific partnership featuring mutual trust,
inclusiveness, and mutually beneficial cooperation. Third, we should
improve the existing regional multilateral mechanisms and strengthen the
framework for supporting peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
China has firmly upheld and actively contributed to international law, and
regional rules and norms. To practice the rule of law in international
relations, China, together with India and Myanmar, initiated the Five
Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954. China has acceded to almost all
inter-governmental international organizations and more than 400
international multilateral treaties so far. China is committed to upholding
regional maritime security and order and enhancing the building of
institutions and rules. In 2014 China presided over the adoption of the
updated Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea at the Western Pacific Naval
Symposium held in China. China and ASEAN countries will continue to fully
and effectively implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the
South China Sea (DOC) and strive for the early conclusion of a Code of
Conduct (COC) on the basis of consensus in the framework of the DOC. In
addition, China has taken an active part in consultations on setting rules in
new areas such as cyberspace and outer space, so as to contribute to the
formulation of widely accepted fair and equitable international rules.
Fifth, we should intensify military exchanges and cooperation to offer more
guarantees for peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. China faces
diverse and complex security threats and challenges, as well as the arduous
task of safeguarding national unity and territorial integrity. Building strong
national defense and armed forces that are commensurate with China's
international standing and its security and development interests is a
strategic task in China's modernization drive and provides a strong
guarantee for its peaceful development. China's armed forces provide
security and strategic support for the country's development and also make
positive contributions to the maintenance of world peace and regional
stability.
That said, taking a cue from Mahan’s Sea-supremacy theory- details are
covered later- it may be formulated that attaining supremacy of seapower
and establishing land bases along the shorelines of different seas and bays
of IOR by different actors are giving rise to tensions and competition. It is,
therefore, difficult to predict if such developments are likely to provide
desired stability to the region as there are many active geopolitical players-
mostly in alliance or alignment modes-coming from opposite directions and
operating in the region with their spears and shields. It can be theorized that
balancing strategies coming from two opposite and competitive camps may
not contribute to a sustainable geopolitical milieu. That said, it appears that
there is a kind of departure, however, the core statement remains valid from
Mahan’s formulation in the case of the 21st Century IOR, especially as he
was looking for a state of stability.
The BREXIT implications’ in the global maritime industry
Brexit: Implications for global shipping and sea trade
The buzzword for the post-Brexit landscape both in Europe and further afield
is ‘uncertainty. No one really knows the long-term effect that Brexit will have
on local and global economies. However, as the dust settles following the
referendum, market experts, industry analysts, and businesses are
assessing the position with cooler heads and so, whilst certainty may be a
little way off, more concrete predictions and assertions of intent are
beginning to emerge. This is evident daily in commentary and news from the
shipping and sea trade sector.
Global impact
The international shipping market is fueled by trade, which in turn depends
on the health of the global economy. The Brexit vote landed at a time when
the shipping market, particularly in certain sectors like bulk freight, was
already extremely challenging. The factors which have contributed to dry
bulk freight rates heading towards all-time lows in Q1 2016 reflect long-term
issues which would have persisted whatever the referendum result. These
factors include the oversupply of ships and the effect on global trade of the
rebalancing of the Chinese economy following the boom of the last decade.
Sea trade in and out of the UK accounts for only a very small fraction of
global shipping activity and therefore an isolated post-Brexit slowdown in the
UK economy may be unlikely to impact dramatically on global freight
volumes. This is reflected in some of the bullish reactions we have seen from
industry players in recent weeks. Euronav’s chief executive was quoted in
Lloyd’s List as saying, on a conference call for analysts: “It should be largely
speaking something of a non-event in terms of impact on global trade for
crude oil.” For companies with income denominated in US Dollars, which will
be the case for many international shipping companies, it could be
temporarily beneficial, particularly if costs are in euros and sterling. Others
comment that potential constraints in available finance, arising from the
Brexit vote, may contribute to a longer-term upturn in the market, in terms
of helping address the current oversupply of vessels.
UK impact
UK trade will clearly be impacted by the Brexit vote. We saw an immediate
effect on currency and share prices, although there are signs that the
market is settling down after the initial post-vote furor. In terms of longer-
term impact, there are some matters which are already tolerably clear, for
example, that any changes to the cost of trade with the EU are likely to
affect freight volumes at British ports. However, the precise nature and
extent of the effect on UK trade will depend entirely on the form of
relationship which is ultimately agreed upon both with the EU and with other
trading partners. With the new British Prime Minister, Theresa May, looking
to defer triggering Article 50 until 2017, that form of the relationship
remains pretty ‘uncertain’.
There are wider potential outcomes for shipping in the UK beyond the direct
effect on trade volumes. In terms of the UK offshore industry, for example,
trade winds reported recently that “when news of the UK’s decision to exit
the EU hit the offshore sector, most analysts agreed that the longer-term
damage for the sector would be from a possible slowdown in the world’s
economy. However, some warned the immediate and near-term effect would
be that oil companies would obviously put the brakes on much-needed
investment in the UK. The UK
continental shelf (UKCS) is already suffering from record low investment —
at one-eighth, the value of the annual average over the past five years —
and the nation’s oil-and-gas sector is on course to have lost up to 140,000
jobs by the end of this year.”
There is also the UK’s position as a leading provider of maritime professional
services to consider. The marine insurance industry is pushing hard to
maintain the pass porting rights currently enjoyed between EU member
states, although whether this will be possible without full access to the single
market (and the associated EU requirements for free movement of workers)
is set to be the key topic in negotiations.
“The U.S. and Canada continue to grow strongly, and volumes in 2017
outpaced expectations. This is good news for all ports and terminals. We
expect 2018 to continue this strong volume growth.” Oxford Economics
agrees.
The U.K.-based economic research company raised its global GDP growth
forecast to 3.2% in 2018 from 2.9% in 2017 based on what it sees as a
continuing strong performance of the world economy and positive “omens
for 2018.” Its December 4 global outlook research briefing pointed to four
key reasons for that optimism: strong trade growth, low inflation, robust
emerging markets, and resilience to political uncertainty.
While Buckby agreed that CETA will benefit port volumes, he doubted that it
would significantly increase cargo through Vancouver and other Canadian
ports. “The dirty secret of many free-trade deals is that they don’t tend to
have a substantial economic impact, especially if they just address tariffs,
which tend to be low anyway, and don’t focus much on breaking down non-
tariff barriers,” Buckby added that port volumes would drop if NAFTA
collapses. “And even if it is successfully renegotiated, supply chains still face
disruption, thanks to possible changes to rules of origin.” A report released
in late November by A.T. Kearney, a global management consulting firm,
estimated that tariff increases in the wake of a failure to renew NAFTA could
cut retail sales in Canada by $17 billion and chop up to
$25 billion from retail sector gross margins.
However, the key challenge in 2018 for ports in B.C. and elsewhere in North
America, according to analysts, will be similar to what it increasingly has
been in 2017: how to handle larger containers ships. (See “Pinpointing B.C.
Port Infrastructure Priorities,” Business in Vancouver issue 1463; November
14–20). “This is relevant to both coasts,” Murnane said. “Liners are now
deploying up-to-13,000-TEU container ships to the U.S. West Coast. It is
beyond the capability of some smaller terminals to welcome and unload
these vessels.” The newly widened Panama Canal has also opened the way
for larger transpacific ships to reach East Coast ports directly. Infrastructure
and operations in those ports consequently face similar pressures. Murnane
pointed out that port productivity suffers because a mega-container ship can
take up to five days to unload. “Some ports are rising to the challenge and
investing, but smaller ports and constrained ports risk losing some mainline
services.”
Lesson:1 Exercise: 1
Instruction:
Read lesson 1, and study topics contents, Copy all the questions on a
separate piece of paper and find the correct answer which is found in the
topic content, and compare your answer to the correct answer key below.
Multiple choice questions:
1. This increased flow of knowledge resources, goods, and services among our
world's nations is called?
(a.) Maritime industry ( b.) Global economic (c.) Globalization (d.)
Global development
2. What do you mean by IMF?
(a.) International world monetary fund (b.) International monetary
fund
(c.) International maritime monetary fund (d.) International shipping
monetary fund
3. It materializes, global economic growth in 2018 and 2019 will be
highly beneficial for the?
(a.) Oil tanker shipping industry (b.) Chemical tanker shipping industry
(d.) The bulk carrier shipping industry
(d.) Container shipping industry
4. According to BIMCO for the container shipping industry, the economic
picture in the U.S is said to be favorable with a
possible pick up in consumer demand? (a.)Global growth (b.)
Increase wages scale (c.) Decrease wages scale
(d.) Wage boosting
5. For shipping, a possible boost in investment will lead to higher is
called?
(a.) Demand (b.) Claim (c.) Require (d.) Order
6. In the outlook, BIMCO said it has been quite some time since has
looked this positive and as supportive shipping is called?
(a.) Macroeconomic developer (b.) Marco economic development (c.)
Macroeconomic developmental
(d.) Macroeconomic development
7. The increased flow of knowledge, resources, goods, and services
among our world's nations is called globalization, f
formally defined as?
(a.) Growth (b.) Development (c.) Developer (d.) Develop
8. What are the most important factors to potentially derail?
(a.) Economic growth (b.) Economical Growth (c.) Financial growth
(d.) Economic growing
9. Is the variability of the risk makes the demand for transport less
predictable is called?
(a.) New international factor (b.) New Extention factors (c.) New
external factor (d.) Old external factors
10. According to the shipping association, the sustainability of the all-
important Chinese is?
(a.) Economic (b.) Economist (c.) Economizer (d.) Economy
1. (c.)
2. (b.)
3. (d.)
4. (d.)
5. (a.)
6. (d.)
7. (b.)
8. (a.)
9. (c.)
10. (d.)
Lesson:2 Exercise: 2
Instruction:
Read lesson 1, and study topics contents, Copy all the questions on a
separate piece of paper and find the correct answer which is found in the
topic content, and compare your answer to the correct answer key below.
Multiple choice questions:
1. The rise of protectionism could have the effect of undermining what global?
(a.)Economic industry (b.) Economic recovery (c.) Economical recovery
(d.) Economic discovery
2. Is it no longer super, with most of the developing world in the
slowdown is called?
(a.) Common supercycle (b.)Accommodation supercycle (c.)
Commodity supercycle (d.) Communal supercycle
3. One of the exceptions to these trends is called?
(a.) Bulk carrier (b.)Grain cargo vessel (c.)Container vessel (d.) Tanker
shipping
4. The recent deceleration of china's economic growth is affecting many is
called?
(a.)International industries (b.) Domestic industries (c.)Private
industries (d.)Corporate industries
5. How many percent of china imported the world's seaborne iron ore and
20% of its coal?
(a.) 70% (b.) 60% (c.) 50% (d.) 40%
6. What country is exporting coal to China as one of the alternative
energy sources and elsewhere overseas?
(a.) Singapore (b.) Australia (c.) India (d.) Brazil
7. The one bright spot for Chinese shipping is called?
(a.) Bulk trade (b.) Chemical tanker trade (c.) Oil tanker trade (d.)
Container trade
8. What is the meaning of JCPOA?
(a.) Joint comprehensive plan of action (b.) Joint comprehensive
planning of action (c.) Joint plan comprehensive of action
(d.) the comprehensive joint plan of action
9. The overall demand for oil, gas, and petroleum products helping global
shipping. Saudi Arabia and the United State both produce, how many
million barrels per day do they produce?
(a.) 12 million barrels (b.) 11 million barrels (c.) 10 million barrels
(d.) 15 million barrels
10. What do you call the big data analytics provided to keep track of
ships at sea?
(a.)Automated Identification System (b.) Automatic Identification
System (c.) Automated data Identification System
(d.) Automated recording Identification System
Answer Key Exercise:2
1. (b.)
2. (c.)
3. (d.)
4. (b.)
5. (a.)
6. (b.)
7. (d. )
8. (a.)
9. (c.)
10. (a.)
Lesson: 2 Exercise: 3
Read lesson 1, and study topics contents, Copy all the questions on a
separate piece of paper and find the correct answer which is found in the
topic content, and compare your answer to the correct answer key below.
Multiple choice questions:
2. (d.)
3. (c.)
4. (d.)
5. (a.)
6. (b.)
7. (c.)
8. ( b.)
9. (a. )
10. ( d.)