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The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs
The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs
The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs
Communism in Burma
Published online: 15 Apr 2008.
To cite this article: (1948) Communism in Burma, The Round Table: The
Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 38:152, 768-773, DOI:
10.1080/00358534808451529
dth our military commanders in India, who were then building up an army
fight our second round against Japan. When our "cloak and dagger"
rganizations went into action in Lower Burma their principal dealings were
nth the same Thakin Than Tun who is now fighting his old friend and
olleague, Thakin Nu, the Prime Minister. The late Aung San, whom the
apanese had created a Major-General, called himself a Communist, and it
/as therefore the Communists who reaped the benefit when Aung San had
he courage at an important public meeting, attended by high Japanese
fficers, to speak roundly against the type of "freedom" which Tojo had so
;raciously conferred upon Burma. Aung San, at what must have been great
iersonal risk, said in public what the mass of the Burmese did not dare to
ay even in the privacy of their own homes, lest the long ears of the Kampetai
hould hear their words.
After the defeat of the Japanese, the credit for which in Burma went almost
ntirely to Aung San's troops and to Aung San himself, the next task of
Surmese nationalists was once again to get rid of their original overlords,
he British, whom they still distrusted. For this purpose the Communist
eaders organized the so-called Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League, com-
>osed of all political parties, the object being to present a united front to
Jreat Britain. The constant cry of the AFPFL leaders was "Unless Burma
united, the British will divide us and rule us". At the beginning the AFPFL
lad in its Supreme Council representatives from all the old political groups
well as the new parties which had grown like mushrooms during
he Japanese occupation; but Aung San was its undisputed head and
Than Tun its Secretary General and its brains. It was in other words Com-
nunist controlled; it was run on classic totalitarian lines with its own private
torm-troopers, the People's Volunteer Army. It had branches throughout
he length and breadth of Burma, and there were few who did not jump to
)bey its orders. The Communists lost no time in gaining control of the post-
var trade unions, which they used with good effect to embarrass the British
idministration by staging strikes which were always supported by Aung
5an and his AFPFL colleagues.
770 COMMUNISM IN BURMA .
In due course the AFPFL went the way of all coalitions. Disintegratic
set in when members of the old moderate parties decided that it was the
duty to serve on the Governor's Executive Council. Some little time lat
the Communists fell out among themselves. Thakin Soe left to form h
own Communist party; Than Tun departed to organize yet another Con
munist party—all of which must have been confusing to the simple Burme:
villagers, but generally speaking in Burma political loyalties go to individu
leaders and not to political beliefs or policies. The defection of these tw
leading Communists by no means meant that the AFPFL had been purge
of Communism. U Aung San himself had not altered his political beliefs an
it was noticeable that when he formed his first administration he include
in it Thakin Thein Pe. It was indicative too that in answering criticisms aboi
Burma's agreement to pay compensation to British commercial firms whic
are to be nationalized, the Government excuse and explanation was that sue
an undertaking should be acceptable to Burma, for it was quite in accor
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W HAT must Russia be thinking ? Very shortly the new Soviet Embass
will be moving into Rangoon and undoubtedly the new Ambassado
will regard Burma as fertile soil in which to nurture the seeds of Communism
He will find a landless peasantry, who in the past were compelled to watel
large parcels of Burmese soil pass into the hands of foreign landowners an<
many of whom more recently have been organized into a Peasants' Union b
Thakin Than Tun, who encouraged them to indulge in "No rent" and "Nc
revenue" campaigns—which be it said were popular among those who an
by nature averse from paying rents and taxes. He will find too an impres
sionable industrial population who have been taught for years to believe tha
they have been exploited for the exclusive benefit of the foreign capitalist
COMMUNISM IN BURMA 771
ho controlled most of Burma's industry and commerce. The troubled
ite of the country can only have acted as a severe set-back to the recon-
ruction of Burma's economy, which was shattered by the war, since Burma
lies for her prosperity on the export of rice, timber and other raw materials
id on her oil. With insurgent bands roaming the country-side it is unlikely
at the cultivators will do more than grow enough for their own needs in
:lds adjacent to their villages, and for the same reason it is equally or even
ore improbable that any appreciable extraction of timber is taking place,
or can transport services be expected to move smoothly and freely. Such
mditions of economic upset are ideal for the spread of Communism.
Strategically Burma is admirably situated for Russia's expansionist pur-
jses in Asia. Malaya, Siam, Indo-China, China, and India all march with
urma—and Indonesia is not far away.
Malaya is in the throes of Communist-inspired disturbances; there are
iti-French and anti-Dutch movements in Indo-China and Indonesia; the
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3
UR own British Government would find themselves in an awkward
predicament, for it was they who handed Burma over to a band of
leftists beyond the understanding of th& word 'democracy' in Britain",
ome 150 British officers are busily engaged in training the Burman Army,
rfiich may yet become a weapon in the hands of our enemies. British Cabinet
finisters have gone out of their way to emphasize their belief in the demo-
ratic outlook of men like Thakin Nu and the late U Aung San and comfort
hemselves with the reflection that the present Burmese Legislature was
lected in a good democratic way to office by the overwhelming majority
>f those who voted at the last general election. But two points about this
lection will not have been forgotten:—the first, Aung San's majority
>f over 90 per cent is not the sort of majority which any party would expect
772 COMMUNISM IN BURMA
to receive in a democratic country where electors can exercise their fr
choice. It is a majority which we usually associate with elections held und
Communist or Nazi auspices. And secondly, save for a handful of membe
of the professing Communist parties, not one party in opposition to Aui
San dared to put up candidates, so frightened were they of what migl
happen to them at the hands of the AFPFL storm-troopers.
The tragedy was that so anxious were our Government to quit Burrr
without any trouble that they accepted unreservedly the verdict of the electic
as being the spontaneous wish of the mass of Burmese opinion to tl
encouragement of the extreme left and the utter discouragement of the demc
cratic forces, which had been deprived of all opportunity to express then
selves.
. Burma is now a sovereign state, and no other country has a right to medd
with her domestic affairs; but the danger of her coming under Communi
influence is one which affects other countries, who cannot be expected to 1
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