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Contemporary World
Chapter I
Module Outcomes
At the end of the unit, the students should have:
Analyzed the various contemporary drivers of globalization.
Described the emergence of global economic and political systems.
Lesson 1
Description and a Working Definition
Introduction
After centuries of technological progress and advances in international cooperation, the world is more
connected than ever. But how much has the rise of trade and the modern global economy helped or hurt American
businesses, workers, and consumers? Here is a basic guide to the economic side of this broad and much-debated,
drawn from current research.
What is Globalization?
Globalization is the word used to describe the growing interdependence of the world’s economies, cultures,
and populations, brought about by cross-border trade in goods and services, technology, and flows of investment,
people, and information. Countries have built economic partnerships to facilitate these movements over many
centuries. But the term gained popularity after the Cold War in the early 1990sas these cooperative arrangements
shaped modern everyday life. This guide uses the term more narrowly to refer to international trade and some of the
investment flows among advanced economies, mostly focusing on the United States.
The wide-ranging effects of globalization are complex and politically charged. As with major technological
advances, globalization benefits society as a whole, while harming certain groups. Understanding the relative costs
and benefits can pave the way for alleviating problems while sustaining wider payoffs.
1. ECONOMIC
EARLY CAPITALIST IDEAS:
1. “Free Market Economy” (Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, 1776), the Market is “free” from State
control.
2. Division of labor
3. Competition
TODAY:
Economies Are Increasingly Linked Together
EXS: NAFTA (MX, CA, US), the EU, WTO (World Trade Organization)
WTO
Only global international organizations deal with the rules of trade between nations.
The WTO is the latest embodiment of multilateral efforts to promote cooperation among
trading nations that began even before the end of World War II.
Provides a legal and institutional framework for national policies that directly or indirectly
affect international trade among its members.
Goal: help producers of goods and services, exporters, and importers conduct their business
and promote freer and more predictable conditions of trade.
MULTI-NATIONAL CORPORATIONS
OLD: Dutch East India Company?
1602 company of Dutch merchants &
independent trading companies.
Spice trade monopoly in East Asia.
Power to colonize territories & enslave
indigenous people.
Indonesia & South Africa
NEW: Nike, Wal-Mart, and Royal/Dutch Shell
The top 100 multinationals are all US-owned companies!
Royal/Dutch Shell: a global group of energy and petrochemical companies, operating in more than
140 countries and territories, employing more than 112,000 people.
2. TECHNOLOGICAL
“World Wide Web” has exploded in the last 10 years
Computers can move money around the world = “finance
capital”
Silicon Valley is the 9th largest economy in the world!
The number of telephones is decreasing.
More computers in Manhattan than in all of Africa!
Post-colonial infrastructures don’t support technology.
3. CULTURAL
Cultural Imperialism = Dominance of one culture over others Hollywood movies, MacDonald’s, Disneyland,
Starbucks. The dominance of the English language and invasion of other languages.
“Culture Industry” = opportunities for Africans to sell their culture in the “global market” that values
traditional culture.
4. POLITICAL
The United Nations: Global association of governments facilitating cooperation in international law, security,
economic development, and social equity.
Whose interests does the UN represent?
The US and the UK were the only nations in support of going to war in Iraq.
Can global politics with social values exist?
Alternative political gatherings: Annual World Social Forums since 2001, The Piece Process@ Gav!
In 2001, US pharmaceutical corporations sued South African companies for infringing on AIDS
medication patent laws.
In 2003, President George W. Bush announced the Emergency Plan in 2003 - the largest international
health initiative in history by one nation to address a single disease.
5. MILITARY
Global alliances become clear during war time.
Ex: Today’s US alliance with Britain in wars against Afghanistan and Iraq.
What will happen with North Korea and nuclear weapons?
“Trade in Arms” = US sold $227 million in arms to AF in 1990s.
US train and provide weapons for African armies on both sides of their civil wars (ex. Mobutu civil war in
Zaire).
US - the number one exporter of weapons globally, and the last on the list of exporters of non-military aid to
the developing world.
Contemporary World
Chapter II
Module Outcomes
At the end of the unit, the students should have:
Defined economic globalization.
Identified the actors that facilitate economic globalization.
Narrated a short history of global market integration in the 21 st century.
Articulated a stance on global economic integration.
Lesson 2
Globalization of World Economics
Lesson 3
THE BRETTON WOODS SYSTEM
ORIGINS
The political basis for the Bretton Woods system was in the confluence of two key conditions: the shared
experiences of two World Wars, with the sense that failure to deal with economic problems after the first war had led
to the second; and the concentration of power in a small number of states.
Interwar period
There was a high level of agreement among the powerful nations that failure to coordinate exchange
rates during the interwar period had exacerbated political tensions. This facilitated the decisions reached by the
Bretton Woods Conference. Furthermore, all the participating governments at Bretton Woods agreed that the
monetary chaos of the interwar period had yielded several valuable lessons.
The experience of World War I was fresh in the minds of public officials. The planners at Bretton
Woods hoped to avoid a repeat of the Treaty of Versailles after World War I, which had created enough
economic and political tension to lead to WWII. The intransigent insistence by creditor nations for the
repayment of Allied war debts and reparations, combined with an inclination to isolationism, led to a
breakdown of the international financial system and a worldwide economic depression. The so-called "beggar
thy neighbor" policies that emerged as the crisis continued saw some trading nations using currency
devaluations in an attempt to increase their competitiveness (i.e. raise exports and lower imports), though
recent research suggests this de facto inflationary policy probably offset some of the contractionary forces in
world price levels.
In the 1920s, international flows of speculative financial capital increased, leading to extremes in the
balance of payments situations in various European countries and the US. The various anarchic and often
autarkic protectionist and neo-mercantilist national policies – often mutually inconsistent – that emerged over
the first half of the decade worked inconsistently and self-defeating to promote national import substitution,
increase national exports, divert foreign investment and trade flows, and even prevent certain categories of
cross-border trade and investment outright.
Britain in the 1930s had an exclusionary trade bloc with nations of the British Empire known as the
"Sterling Area”. Thus, Britain survived by keeping Sterling nation surpluses in its banking system, and
Germany survived by forcing trading partners to purchase its own products.
Post-war negotiations
When many of the same experts who observed the 1930s became the architects of a new, unified,
post-war system at Bretton Woods, their guiding principles became "no more beggar thy neighbor" and
"control flows of speculative financial capital". Preventing a repetition of this process of competitive
devaluations was desired, but in a way that would not force debtor nations to contract their industrial bases by
keeping interest rates at a level high enough to attract foreign bank deposits.
John Maynard Keynes, wary of repeating the Great Depression, was behind Britain's proposal that
surplus nations be forced by a "use-it-or-lose-it" mechanism, to either import from debtor nations, build
factories in debtor nations or donate to debtor nations’ treasury, Harry Dexter White, rejected Keynes'
proposals, in favor of an International Monetary Fund with enough resources to counteract destabilizing flows
of speculative finance. However, unlike the modern IMF, White's proposed fund would have counteracted
dangerous speculative flows automatically, with no political strings attached—i.e., no IMF conditionality.
According to economic historian Brad Delong, on almost every point where he was overruled by the
Americans, Keynes was later proved correct by events.
In 1944 at Bretton Woods, as a result of the collective conventional wisdom of the time,
representatives from all the leading allied nations collectively favored a regulated system of fixed exchange
rates, indirectly disciplined by a US dollar tied to gold—a system that relied on a regulated market economy
with tight controls on the values of currencies.
Economic security
Also based on the experience of the inter-war years, U.S. planners developed a concept of economic security
—that a liberal international economic system would enhance the possibilities of postwar peace. One of those who saw
such a security link was Cordell Hull, the United States Secretary of State from 1933 to 1944. Hull believed that the
fundamental causes of the two world wars lay in economic discrimination and trade warfare. Specifically, he had in
mind the trade and exchange controls (bilateral arrangements) of Nazi Germany and the imperial preference system
practiced by Britain, by which members or former members of the British Empire were accorded special trade status,
itself provoked by German, French, and American protectionist policies.
Lesson 4
NEOLIBERALISM & ITS DISCONTENT
WHAT IS NEOLIBERALISM?
"Neoliberalism" is contemporarily used to refer to market-oriented reform policies such as "eliminating price
controls, deregulating capital markets, lowering trade barriers "and reducing state influence in the economy,
especially through privatization and austerity.
ORIGIN
Neoliberalism or neo-liberalism is the 20th-century resurgence of 19th-century ideas associated with laissez-
faire economic liberalism and free market capitalism. It is generally associated with policies of economic liberalization
including privatization, deregulation, globalization, free trade, austerity, and reductions in government spending in
order to increase the role of the private sector in the economy and society.
Neoliberalism constituted a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus which had lasted
from 1945 to 1980. English speakers have used the term "neoliberalism" since the start of the 20th century with
different meanings, but it became more prevalent in its current meaning in the 1970s and 1980s, used by scholars in
a wide variety of social sciences as well as by critics.
The term is rarely used by proponents of free market policies. Some scholars have described the term as
meaning different things to different people as neoliberalism has "mutated" into geopolitically distinct hybrids as it
traveled around the world. As such, neoliberalism shares many attributes with other concepts that have contested
meanings, including representative democracy. The definition and usage of the term have changed over time As an
economic philosophy, neoliberalism emerged among European liberal scholars in the 1930s as they attempted to
revive and renew central ideas from classical liberalism as they saw these ideas diminish in popularity, overtaken by
recognition of the need to control markets, following the Great Depression and manifested in policies designed to
counter the volatility of free markets, and mitigate their negative social consequences. One impetus for the
formulation of policies to mitigate free market volatility was a desire to avoid repeating the economic failures of the
early 1930s, failures sometimes attributed principally to the economic policy of classical liberalism. When the term
entered into common use in the 1980s in connection with Augusto Pinochet's economic reforms in Chile, it quickly
took on negative connotations and was employed principally by critics of market reform and laissez-faire capitalism.
Scholars tended to associate it with the theories of Mont Pelerin Society economists Friedrich Hayek, Milton
Friedman, and James M. Buchanan, along with politicians and policy-makers such as Margaret Thatcher, Ronald
Reagan, and Alan Greenspan.
Early use of the term in English was in 1898 by the French economist Charles Gide to describe the economic
beliefs of the Italian economist Maffeo Pantaleoni, with the term "néo-libéralisme" previously existing in French, and
the term was later used by others including the classical liberal economist Milton Friedman in his 1951 essay "Neo-
Liberalism and its Prospects.
Lesson 5
THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS, NEOCLASSICAL ECONOMICS,
AND THE NEOLIBERAL YEARS OF CAPITALISM
The 2008 global financial crisis was the consequence of financialization or the creation of massive fictitious
financial wealth, and of the Hegemony of a reactionary ideology, namely, neoliberalism, based on the self-regulated
and efficient markets. Although laissez-faire capitalism is intrinsically unstable, the lessons from the stock-market
crash of 1929 and the Great Depression of the 1930s were transformed into theories and institutions that led to the
“30 glorious years of capitalism”. Yet, after the late-1970s, a coalition of rentiers and “financists” achieved hegemony,
deliberately promoted deregulation, and created financial innovations that made these markets even more risky.
These were the “neoliberal years of capitalism”.
Neoclassical economics played the role of a meta-ideology as it legitimized, mathematically and
“scientifically”, neoliberal ideology and deregulation. From this crisis, a new democratic capitalist system will emerge,
though its character is difficult to predict. It will not be so financialized, and probably the tendencies present in the 30
glorious years toward global and knowledge-based capitalism, as well as the tendency to improve democracy by
making it more social and participatory, will be resumed.
The global financial crisis will probably represent a turning point in the history of capitalism and economic thought. It
was a crisis not only of neoliberalism but also of neoclassical economics – of the general equilibrium model, of
neoclassical macroeconomics, and of neoclassical financial theory. On the other hand, the political coalition behind the
neoliberal years and the deregulation and financialization that it promoted – a coalition of capitalist rentiers and
professional financists – will probably lose ground to a new arrangement of the previous Fordist coalition. The banking
crisis that began in 2007 and became a global crisis in 2008 is also a social crisis since the International Labor
Organization estimated that unemployment had reached around 20 million to 50 million by the end of 2009, whereas,
according to the Food and Agriculture Organization, as the incomes of the poor are falling due to the crisis but the
international prices of food commodities remain high, the number of undernourished people in the world increased by
11 percent in 2009, and, for the first time, exceeded one billion. The questions that this major crisis raises are many.
Why did it happen? Why did the theories, organizations, and institutions that emerged from previous crises fail to
prevent this one? Was it inevitable given the unstable nature of capitalism, or was it a consequence of perverse
ideological developments since the 1980s? Given that capitalism is essentially an unstable economic system, we are
tempted to respond to this last question in the affirmative, but we would be wrong to do so.
An “unavoidable” crisis
Financial crises happened in the past and will happen in the future, but an economic crisis as profound as the
present one could have been avoided. If, after it broke the governments of the rich countries had not suddenly woken
up and adopted Keynesian policies of reducing interest rates, increasing liquidity drastically, and, principally, engaging
in fiscal expansion, this crisis would have probably done more damage to the world economy than the Great
Depression.
Capitalism is unstable, and crises are intrinsic to it, but, given that a lot has been done to avoid a repetition
of the 1929 crisis, it is not sufficient to rely on the cyclical character of financial crises or on the greedy character of
financists to explain such a severe crisis as the present one.
New capitalism
The Fordist regime and its final act, the 30 glorious years of capitalism, came to an end in the 1970s. The 30
neoliberal years of capitalism followed. Now, after the 2008 global crisis, what new regime of accumulation will
succeed it? First of all, it will not be based on financialized capitalism in so far as this latest period has represented a
step backward in the history of capitalism. Second, the power and privilege of professionals will continue to increase
in relation to those of capitalists, because knowledge will become more and more strategic, and capital less and less
so. Third, income inequality in rich countries will probably intensify even though their stage of growth is compatible
with a reduction of inequality in so far as technological progress is mainly capital-saving, that is, it reduces the costs
or increases the productivity of capital. Fourth, capitalism will continue to be unstable, but less so. Social learning will
eventually prevail. Finance-based capitalism dismantled the institutions and forgot the economic theories we learned
after the Great Depression of the 1930s; it recklessly deregulated financial markets and shunned Keynesian and
developed mentalist ideas. Now nations will be engaged in re-regulating markets.
Capitalism will change, but we should not overestimate the immediate changes.
Contemporary World
Chapter III
Global politics, also known as world politics, names both the discipline that studies the political and economic
patterns of the world and the field that is being studied. At the center of that field are the different processes of
political globalization in relation to questions of social power. The discipline studies the relationships between cities,
nation-states, shell-states, multinational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and international
organizations. Current areas of discussion include national and ethnic conflict regulation, democracy and the politics of
national self-determination, globalization and its relationship to democracy, conflict and peace studies, comparative
politics, political economy, and the international political economy of the environment. One important area of global
politics is contestation in the global political sphere over legitimacy.
Global politics is said by some to be distinct from the field of international politics (commonly seen as a branch
of international relations), as it "does not stress the primacy of intergovernmental relations and transactions". This
distinction however has not always been held among authors and political scientists, who often use the term
"international politics" to mean global politics.
Debates
The intensification of globalization led some writers to suggest that states were no longer relevant to global
politics. This view has been subject to debate:
“On the other hand, other commentators have been arguing that states have remained essential to global
politics. They have facilitated globalizing processes and projects; not been eclipsed by them. They have been
rejuvenated because, among other reasons, they are still the primary providers of (military) security in the global
arena; they are still the paramount loci for articulating the voices of (procedurally democratic) national communities,
and for ordering their interactions with similar policies; and finally, they are indispensable to relations of (unequal)
economic exchange insofar as they legitimize and enforce the global legal frameworks that enable globalization in the
first place.”
Calling it imagined, does not mean that the nation is made up. Rather, the nation allows one to feel a
connection with a community of people even if he/she will never meet all of them in his/her lifetime.
Nation and state are closely related because it is nationalism that facilitates state formation.
In the modern and contemporary era, it has been the nationalist movements that have allowed for the creation of
nation-states.
Sovereignty is one of the fundamental principles of modern state politics.
LESSON 8:
The Interstate System and International
The origins of the present-day concept of sovereignty can be traced back to the Treaty of Westphalia, which
was a set of agreements signed in 1648 to end the 30years War between the major continental powers of Europe.
The Westphalian system provided stability for the nation of Europe until it faced its first major challenge by
Napoleon Bonaparte.
-believed in spreading the principles of the French Revolution-liberty, equality, and fraternity-to the rest of Europe
and thus challenged the power of kings, nobility, and religion in Europe.
The Napoleonic Wars lasted from 1803-1815 with Napoleon and his armies marching all over much of Europe.
In every country they conquered, the French implemented the Napoleonic Code that forbade birth privileges,
encouraged freedom of religion, and promoted meritocracy in government service.
Anglo and Prussian armies finally defeated Napoleon in the battle of Waterloo in 1815, ending the latter’s
mission to spread his liberal code across Europe.
To prevent another war and to keep their systems of privilege, the royal powers created a new system that, in
effect, restored the Westphalian system.
The Concert of Europe was an alliance of “great powers”-the UK, Austria, Russia, and Prussia-that sought to
restore the world of monarchical, hereditary, and religious privileges of the time before the French Revolution and
the Napoleonic Wars.
Under the Metternich System (named after the Austrian diplomat, Klemens Von Metternich, who was the system’s
main architect & architect of the “Concert of Europe”), the Concert’s power and authority lasted from 1815-1914,
at the dawn of World War I.
INTERNATIONALISM
The Westphalia and concert systems divided the world into separate, sovereign entities.
Others imagine a system of heightened interaction between various sovereign states, particularly the desire for
greater cooperation and unity among states and people-this is called internationalism.
It comes in different forms, but the principle may be divided into 2 broad categories: liberal internationalism and
social internationalism.
Liberal internationalism
It was the late 18th-century German philosopher Immanuel Kant-likened states in a global system to people
living in a given territory; he imagined a form of global government. Writing in the late 18 th century as well, British
philosopher Jeremy Bentham (who coined the word “international” in 1780), advocated the creation of “international
Law” that would govern inter-state relations. He believed that the objective of global legislators should aim to propose
legislation that would create “the greatest happiness of all nations taken together”.
The first thinker to reconcile nationalism with liberal internationalism was the 19 th-century Italian patriot Giuseppe
Mazzini.
Mazzini was both an advocate of the unification of the various Italian-speaking mini-states and a major critic of
the Metternich system.
He forwarded the principle of self-determination - the belief that the world’s nations had a right to a free and
sovereign government.
Means of Production-the capitalist referred to the owners of factories, companies, and others.
Socialist International-was a union of European socialist and labor parties established in Paris in 1889.
May 1 as Labor Day and the creation of an International Women’s Day.
As the SI collapsed, a more radical version emerged.
In the so-called Russian Revolution of 1917, Czar Nicholas II was overthrown and replaced by a revolutionary
government led by the Bolshevik Party and its leader, Vladimir Lenin.
This new state was called the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, or USSR.
To encourage these socialist revolutions across the world, Lenin established the Communist International in 1919.
After the war, however, Stalin re-established the Comintern as the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform).
It helped direct the various communist parties that had taken power in Eastern Europe.
For the post-war period, however, liberal Internationalism would once again ascendant.
And the best evidence of this is the rise of the United Nations as the center of global governance.
LESSON 9:
The Definition of Global Governance and International Organization
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION
It is likewise when scholars refer to groups like the UN or institutions like the IMF and the World Bank.
International NGO's sometimes considered IOs (international organizations) - this term is commonly used to refer to
international intergovernmental organizations or groups that are primarily made up of member states.
One major fallacy about IOs (international organizations) is that they are merely an amalgamation of various state
interests.
Here are Michael N. Barnett & Martha Finnemore’s power of IOs listed;
First, IOs have the power of classifications they can invent and apply categories and it creates powerful global
standards.
Second, IOs have the power to fix meanings, it is a broader function related to the first. Here, the terms like
"security" or "development" need to be well-defined.
Finally, IOs have the power to diffuse norms; Norms are accepted codes of conduct that may not be strict laws.
Furthermore, IOs do not only classify and fix meanings; they also spread their ideas across the world. However,
because of these immense powers, IOs can be sources of great good and great harm. Also, it can promote
relevant norms like environmental protection and human rights.
LESSON 10:
The United Nations and its Challenges
Contemporary World
Chapter V
WHAT IS REGIONALISM
Regionalism is characterized by the involvement of almost all governments in the world, but it also involves
a wide variety of non-state actors. This results in a multitude of formal and informal regional types of governance and
regional networks in most fields of politics.
In politics, regionalism is a political ideology focusing on the "development of a political or social system based
on one or more" regions and/or the national, normative or economic interests of a specific region, group of regions, or
another sub-national entity, gaining strength from or aiming to strengthen the "consciousness of and loyalty to a
distinct region with a homogeneous population", similarly to nationalism.
Regions may be delineated by administrative divisions, culture, language, and religion, among others.
Regionalists aim at increasing the political power and influence available to all or some residents of a region.
Their demands occur in "strong" forms, such as sovereignty, separatism, secession, and independence, as well as
more moderate campaigns for greater autonomy (such as states' rights, decentralization, or devolution).
Strictly, regionalists favor confederations over unitary nation-states with strong central governments. They
may, however, embrace intermediate forms of federalism. Proponents of regionalism usually claim that strengthening
the governing bodies and political powers within a region, at the expense of a central government, will benefit local
populations by improving regional or local economies, in terms of better fiscal responsibility, regional development,
allocation of resources, implementation of local policies and plans, competitiveness among regions and, ultimately, the
whole country, consistent with the principle of subsidiary.
NEW REGIONALISM
This article analyzes the emergence of a “new regionalism” and situates this movement within the historical
evolution of regional planning.
KEY CHARACTERISTICS
1. a focus on specific territories and spatial planning;
2. a response to the particular problems of the postmodern metropolitan region;
3. a holistic perspective that integrates planning specialties as well as environmental, equity, and economic goals;
4. a renewed emphasis on physical planning, urban design, and sense of place; and
5. a more activist or normative stance on the part of planners. The implementation of new regionalist concepts is
likely to come about not through top-down regional government, but through incremental development of social
capital, institutions, ad hoc partnerships, and frameworks of incentives and mandates between existing levels of
government.
New regionalism is identified with the reformists who share the same values, norms, institutions, and systems
that exist outside of the traditional, established mainstream institutions and systems.
Their strategies and tactics likewise vary. Some organizations partner with governments to initiate social
change. Those who work with governments (legitimizers) participate in institutional mechanisms that afford some
civil society groups voice and influence technocratic policy-making processes.
Example: The ASEAN issued its Human Rights Declaration in 2009, but the regional body left it to member
countries to apply the declaration’s principles as they see fit. Aware that democratic rights are limited in many ASEAN
countries. NEW REGIONALISM organizations used this official declaration to pressure and promote human rights.
In South America, left-wing governments support the Hemispheric Social Alliance’s opposition to the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), while members of the Mesa de Articulacion de Asociaciones
Nacionales y Redes de ONGs de America Latina y El Caribe (Roundtable of National Association and NGOs in
Latin America and the Caribbean) participate in “forums, summits, and dialogues with presidents and minister.”
Other Regional organizations dedicate themselves to specialized causes. Activists across Central and South
America established rainforests in Brazil, Guyana, Panama, and Peru.
Young Christians from ASIA, AFRICA, THE MIDDLE EAST, and THE AMERICAS, AND THE CARIBBEAN
formed the following:
REGIONAL INTERFAITH YOUTH NETWORKS to promote “conflict prevention, resolution, peace, education and
sustainable development”.
THE MIGRANT FORUM in Asia is another regional network of NGOs and trade union committed to protect and
promoting the rights and welfare of migrant workers.
These organizations primary power lies in their moral standing and their ability to combine lobbying with pressure
politics. Unfortunately, most of them are poorly financed, which places at a disadvantage when dealing with their
official counter parts who have large state funds. Their impact in global politics is, therefore, limited.
New regionalism differs significantly from traditional state-to-state regionalism when it comes to identifying
problem. For example, states treat poverty or environmental degradation as technical or economic issues that can be
resolved by refining existing programs of state agencies, making minor changes in economic policies, and creating
new officers that address these issues.
Another challenge for new regionalism is the discord that may merge among them. For example, disagreements
surface over issues like gender and religion, with pro-choice NGOs breaking from religious civil society groups that
side with the church, Muslim imams, or governments opposed to reproductive rights and other pro-women policies.
Moreover, while civil society groups are able to dialogue with governments, the latter may not be welcoming to
this new trend and set up one obstacle after another. The coordination of Action Research on AIDS (CARAM), lobbed
ASEAN governments to defend migrant labor rights. Their program of action, however, slowed down once countries
like Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand refused to recognize the rights of undocumented migrant workers and the
rights of the families of migrants.
LESSON 13:
CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES TO REGIONALISM
Contemporary World
Chapter VI
LESSON 14:
REALITIES OF RELIGION
REALITIES OF RELIGION
In actuality, the relationship between religion and globalism is much more complicated. Peter Berger argues
that far from being secularized, the “Contemporary World is… furiously religious in most of the world, there are
veritable explosions of religious fervor, occurring in one form or another in all the major religious traditions –
Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and even Confucianism (if one wants to call it a religion) – and in
many places in the imaginative synthesis of one or more world religions with indigenous faith.
Religions are the foundation of modern republics, the Malaysians Government places religion at the center
of the political system. Its constitution explicitly states that “Islam is the religion of the federation”, and the rulers of
each state were also the “Head of the religion of Islam”.
Late Iranian Religious Leader, Ayatollah Ruholla Khomeini, bragged about the superiority of Islamic rule over
its secular counterparts and pointed out that “there are no fundamental distinctions among constitutional despotic,
dictatorial, democratic and communistic regimes”.
To Khomeini, all secular ideologies were the same, and Islamic rule was the superior form of government
because it was spiritual. Yet, Iran calls itself a Republic, a turn that it associated with secular. Moreover, the Religious
movement does not hesitate to appropriate secular themes and practices.
The moderate Muslim associates Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia has Islamic Schools (Pesantren) where
students are taught not only about Islam but also about Modern Science such as:
social sciences,
Modern Banking
Civic Education
Rights of Women
Pluralism
Democracy
In other cases, religion was the result of a shift in a state policy. The Church of England, for example, was
“shaped by the rationality of modern democratic (and bureaucratic) culture”
King Henry VIII broke away from Roman Catholicism and established his own church to bolster his own power.
In the United States, religion and law were fused together to help build this “Modern Secular Society”. It was
observed in the early 1800s by French historian and Diplomat Alexis de Tocqueville who wrote “Not only do the
Americans practice their religions out of self-interest but they often even place in this world the interest which they
have in practicing it”.
Jose Casanova confirms this statement by noting that “historically religion has always been at the very center
of all great political conflicts and movements of social reform”. From independence to abolition, from nativism to
women's suffrage, from prohibition to the civil rights movements, religion had always been at the center of these
conflicts, but also on both sides of the political barricades “it remains the case until today with the power the Christian
right has on the republican party”.
Contemporary World
Chapter VII
Jack Lule was then right to ask, “Could Global trades have been involved without a flow of information on
markets, prices, commodities, and more?
According to Jack Lule could empires have stretched across the world without communication throughout their
borders?
Could religion, music, poetry, film, fiction, cuisine, and fashion develop as they have without the intermingling
of media and culture?
There is an intimate relationship between globalization and media that must be unraveled to further
understand the contemporary world.
LESSON 16:
THE GLOBAL VILLAGE AND CULTURAL IMPERIALISM’S CRITIQUES
THE GLOBAL VILLAGE AND CULTURAL IMPERIALISM
McLuhan used his analysis of technology to examine the impact of electronic media. Since he was writing
around the 1960s, he mainly analyzed the social changes brought about by television-electronic media. Broadcast or
storage media take advantage of electronic technology. They may include television, radio, Internet, fax, CD-ROMs,
DVD, and any other medium that requires electricity or digital encoding of information. The term 'electronic media' is
often used in contrast with print media.
McLuhan declared that television was turning the world into a "global village". By this, he meant that, as
more and more people sat down in front of their television sets and listened to the same stories, their perception of
the world would contract.
In the years after McLuhan, media scholars further grappled with the challenges of a Global media culture.
A lot of these early thinkers assumed that global media had a tendency to homogenize culture. They argued that as
global media spread, people from all over the world would begin to watch, listen to, and read the same things.
Commentators, therefore, believed that media globalization coupled with American hegemony would create a form
of cultural imperialism whereby American values and culture would overwhelm all others.
In 1976, media critic Herbert Schiller argued that not only was the world being Americanized but that this process
also led to the spread of "American" capitalist values like consumerism.
Similarly, for John Tomlinson, cultural globalization is simply a euphemism for "Western cultural imperialism" since
it promotes” Homogenized, westernized, consumer culture".
These scholars who decry cultural imperialism, however, have a top-down view of the media, since they are
more concerned with the broad structures that determine media content.
Moreover, their focus on America has led them to neglect other global flows of information that the media can
enable. This media/cultural imperialism theory has, therefore, been subject to significant critique.
If cultural globalization merely entails the spread of a Western monoculture, what explains the prevalence of
regional cultural trends?
For example: The regionalization of culture was a boon to Filipino telenovelas.
– From 2000 to 2002, ABS -CBN aired ”Pangako Sa’yo” starring Jericho Rosales and Kristine Hermosa.
– The show soon became a hit in Singapore and Malaysia, and its two stars became household names.
LESSON 17:
CRITIQUES OF CULTURAL IMPERIALISM
In 1990, Elihu Katz and Tamar Liebes decided to push Ang's analysis further by examining how viewers from
distinct cultural communities interpreted Dallas.
They argued that texts are received differently by varied interpretive communities because they derived different
meanings and pleasures from these texts.
Thus, people from diverse cultural backgrounds had their own ways of understanding the show.
Apart from the challenge of audience studies, the cultural imperialism thesis has been belied by the renewed
strength of regional trends in the globalization process.
Asian culture, for example, has proliferated worldwide through the globalization of media.
Japanese brands–from Hello Kitty to the Mario Brothers to Pokemon– are now an indelible part of global popular
culture.
The same can be said for Korean pop (K-pop) and Korean telenovelas, which are widely successful regionally
and globally.
The observation even applies to culinary tastes
The most obvious case of globalized Asian cuisine is sushi.
Given these patterns, it is no longer tenable to insist that globalization is a unidirectional process of foreign
cultures overwhelming local ones.
Globalization, as noted in Lesson 1, will be an uneven process, and it will produce inequalities.
LESSON 18:
CREATION OF CYBER GHETTOS
Contemporary World
Chapter VIII
LESSON 19:
Why Study Global Cities
So far, much of the analysis of globalization in the previous lessons have looked at how ideas of
internationalism shape modern world politics.
We also examined cultural movements like k-pop and how they spread through media like the internet.
What this lesson will emphasize? However, that globalization is spatial. This statement means two things.
First, globalization is spatial because it occurs in physical spaces. People who are working in these businesses
or Filipinos working abroad start to purchase or rent high-rise condominium units and better homes. As all these
events happen, more people are driven out of city centers to make way for the new developments.
Second, globalization is spatial because what makes it move is the fact that it is based in places. In other
words
"Cities acts on globalization and, globalization acts on cities"
GLOBAL CITIES
Centers of authority.
It also centers on higher learning and culture.
May also be considered centers of political influence.
A decision made in that city can, therefore, affect the political economy of an entire continent and beyond.
LESSON 20:
The Global City and the Poor
Contemporary World
Chapter IX
LESSON 21:
The Perils of Overpopulation
International migration also plays a part. Today, 191 million people live in countries other than their own, and
the United Nations projects that over 2.2 million will move from the developing world to the First World countries.
Countries welcome immigrants as they offset the debilitating effects of an aging population, but they are also
perceived as threats to the job market because they compete against citizens for jobs and often have the edge
because they are open to receiving lower wages. Voters' pressure has often constrained their governments to institute
striker immigration policies
These different versions of family life determine the economic and social policies that countries craft regarding
their respective populations. Countries in the “less developed regions in the world” that rely on agriculture tend to
maintain high levels of population growth.
The 1980 United Nations report on urban and rural population growth states that “these areas contained 85
percent of the world population in 1975are projected to contain 90 percent by the end of the 20th century.”
Since then, global agricultural population has declined. In 2011, it accounted for over 37 percent of the world
population, compared to the statistics in1980, in which rural and urban population percentages were more or less
the same. The blog site “Nourishing the Planet,” however, noted that even as the agricultural population shrunk
as a share of total population between 1980 and 2011, it grew numerically from 2.2 billion to 2.6 billion people
during this period.”
Urban population has grown, but necessarily because families are having more children . It is rather the
combination or the natural outcome of significant migration to the cities by people working work in the “more
modern” sectors of society. This movement of people is especially manifest in the developing countries where
industries and businesses in the cities are attracting people from the rural areas. This trend has been noticeable
since the 1950’s with the pace accelerating in next half-a-century. By the start of the 21 st century the world had
become “44 percent urban, while the corresponding figures for developed countries are 52percent to 75 percent.”
International migration plays a part. Today, 191million people live in countries other than their own, and the
United Nations projects that over 2.2 million will move from the developing world to the First World countries.
Countries welcome immigrants as they offset the debilitating effects of an aging population, but they are also
perceived as threats to the job market because they compete against citizens for jobs and often have the edge
because they are open to receiving lower wages. Voter pressure has often constrained their governments to
institute stricter immigration policies.
LESSON 22:
Population Growth and Food Security
Today’s global population has reached 7.4 billion, and it is estimated to increase to 9.5 billion in 2050, then
11.2 billion by 2100. The median age of this population is 30.1, with the male age at 29.4 years and female, 30.9
years. Ninety five percent of this population growth will happen in the developing countries, with demographers
predicting that by the middle of this country, several countries will have tripled these populations. The opposite is
happening in the developed world. Where populations remain steady in general but decline in some of the most
advanced countries (Japan and Singapore). However, this scenario is not a run-off that could get out to control.
Demographers predict that the world population will stabilize by 2050 to 9 billion, although they warn that feeding this
population will be an immense challenge.
The decline in fertility and the existence of a young productive population, however, may not be enough to
offset this concern over food security. The food and agriculture organization (FAO) warns that in order for countries to
mitigate the impact of population growth, food production must increase by 70 percent annual cereal production must
rise to 3 billion tons from the current 2.1 billion; and yearly meat production must go up to 200 global rates of growth
of cereals had declined considerably from 3.2 percent in 1960 to just 1.5 percent in 2000.
The FAO recommends that countries increase their investments in agriculture, craft long-term policies aimed
at fighting poverty and invest in research and development. The UN body also suggests that countries develop a
comprehensive social service program that includes food assistance, consistent delivery of health services, and
education, especially for the poor. If domestic production is not enough, it becomes essential for nations to import.
The FAO, therefore, enjoins governments to keep their markets open, and to eventually “move towards a global
trading system that is fair and competitive and that contributes to a dependable market for food.
The aforementioned are worthy recommendations but nation states shall need the political will push through
these sweeping changes in population growth and food security. This will take some time to happen given that good
governance is also a goal that may nations, especially in the developing world, have yet to attain.