Anthony Shing

Gender Environment & Development

Professor Melinda Herrold-Menzies
12/19/22

Political Ecology in Tanzania: Historical Land Use Conflict Over Mining Resources

The use of land and natural resources has always underscored human culture and

development from agrarian means of sustenance to transformations of the surrounding

environment into industrialized machinations. In understanding the relationship between

individuals and how they view and influence the environment, the field of political ecology has

been able to examine this dynamic by tying political social and economic processes to

environmental degradation and human exploitation. “Power structures are woven into the

production of space and the distribution of nature,” with economic systems influencing political

actors to enact policy that alters the way people shape the environment (Mollett, 2018, p. 158). In

the context of post colonial Tanzania, political ecology frameworks can be used to understand

how shifting mining policies have influenced land use and environmental degradation in the

country. With both small scale and large scale operations, the mining sector in Tanzania

generated 2.3 billion dollars in exports in 2019 and consists of 10.2% of the GDP. Given the

abundant gold, copper, tanzanite, and diamond mines, these industries are expected to grow over

the next few decades (International Trade Administration, 2022). With changing mining policies

and practices from colonial gold mining to modern multinational mining companies, this essay

explores a chronological development of the mining sector in Tanzania. Colonization helped

establish mining practices in Tanzania, but the industry was stymied by the privatization of

natural resources and villagization in the 1970s that led to social instability. Corrective policies

in the 80s and 90s revitalized Tanzanian mining by promoting both small scale and large scale

ventures; however, these policies have resulted in land related conflicts between mining actors.
While mining has been a male dominated field in Tanzania, women have also sought

employment in this industry and been marginalized through changes in the mining industry.

While the German and later British colonial governments focused mainly on cash crop

cultivation, they introduced the land commodification and mining explorations that set the stage

for further exploitation and development of the industry. Pre-colonization, Tanzania consisted of

an interconnected tribal based agricultural society with individuals engaging in shifting

agricultural land practices that maintained its natural resources. When German colonization in

Tanzania began in 1850, they did not have land preservation policies in mind, quickly shifting

the previous centralized agrarian organization of the society to one serving a cash crop colonial

economy. With this transition to a cash crop economy, new forms of agricultural production were

introduced and infrastructure was built to transport these goods, in an efficient process of

commodification, characterization, and extraction of Tanzania’s natural resources. This

“enforcement of rapid change led to substantial disintegration of social control,” as now

fragmented communities became more vulnerable to agricultural exploitation (Blaikie &

Brookfield, 1987, p.106). With product efficiency in mind, local villagers were forced onto

German estate plantations in which they grew cotton, rubber, coffee, and sisal, engaging in

monoculture practices that continuously degraded the land. These crops were sent to port cities

like Dar es Salaam, colonial administrative capitals where export based quotas and agricultural

directives were established (History World, n.d.). While Tanzanians were growing cash crops,

they were unable to grow food on the land they once lived on to sustain themselves. As Germany

looked to harness Tanzania’s natural resources, it looked to minerals and precious metals as well.

At the time, Germany was opening up mines all across Africa in an attempt to catch up in

economic dominance to older colonial states like Britain and France. Identifying gold around
Lake Victoria, commercial mining efforts began in the 1890s, opening up pit mines and

underground shafts that scarred the landscape. After WWI, the British assumed control of

Tanzania, continuing the exploitative practices of natural resource extraction. In the 1920s and

30s, the British along with South African mining operations discovered diamonds in the Mwadui

area in Northern Tanzania, identifying a new mining resource to harvest (Tanzania Chamber of

Mines, n.d.). Political ecology can explain how the careful characterization and extraction of

Tanzania’s natural resources by colonial powers defined later mining industries in the country,

establishing the market frameworks necessary for these resources to be continually extracted and

for the environment to be continually degraded.

Following Tanzania’s independence, Julius Nyerere’s nationalization of resources and

villagization initiatives contributed to a decline in the industry and the overall economy, leading

to social instability and environmental degradation. Soon after independence, Nyere’s ruling

party established the Arusha Declaration of 1967, calling for state investment and involvement in

the economy to ensure the protection of Tanzania’s citizens from exploitation. Coming out of the

colonial system of dominance, this declaration called for economic sovereignty and embraced

general attitudes of Pan-Africanism and socialist policies at the time. Most individuals were

involved in rural farming practices stemming from the communal tribal societies they onced

lived in and the larger plantation cash crop economies enforced during the colonial period. This

declaration influenced national policy for the next decade, leading to a wave of nationalizations

of key industries like banking, exports, and manufacturing (Dias, 1970). While the mining

industry was relatively small at the time, it still experienced nationalization efforts. In the late

60s and early 70s, most of the major mines were nationalized, including Tanzanite mines in

1971. They were brought under state and public institutions like the National Development
Corporation (NDC) and the State Mining Corporation (STAMICO). Nationalization efforts in the

mining industry eliminated many of the hierarchical employment frameworks established

through colonial mining, leading some to lose employment and turn to small-scale mining

ventures (IDE-JETRO, n.d.). Although there were hopes that these efforts would establish a state

planned economy that would benefit the people, the sudden change in the economic structure of

Tanzania was too rapid, and this along with government mismanagement and bureaucracy

stunted the economy. There was unchecked growth and investment in the public sector by the

government, but the management of these industries were asymmetrical and sometimes corrupt,

leading to unproductive outcomes. While there were improvements in manufacturing, overall

GDP declined, with lower wage levels and ballooning inflation. The agricultural sector was the

most impacted, but mining was as well, with production decreasing in all sectors (EISA, 2010).

Although the Tanzanian government had better intentions for their people than Germany and

Britain, their categorization of land and the expropriation of its resources was similar in its

disruptive quality. Natural resources like mines were now controlled by a state entity, and rapid

nationalization efforts disrupted burgeoning industries, leading to pervasive economic instability.

With economic instability, this led to increased social divisions and inevitable environmental

degradation. Particular nationalization efforts in agriculture through the villagization of rural

communities led to particularly severe adverse social and environmental impacts. Soon after

nationalization, in 1973 a widespread villagization program was implemented where many rural

self-sufficient communities were amalgamated in hopes of modernizing agriculture, granting

more access to resources like education, and building collective practices. This process was

particularly disruptive to the already threatened farming tribal communities who openly resisted

the forced relocation into plots of land consisting of 250 families; eventually over 5 million
Tanzanians were relocated. Villagers were forced to grow mandated crops like tobacco, which

were labor intensive to grow and did not turn much profit. If they refused, they were quickly

coerced, dismantled, and relocated. The state's nationalization and control over natural resources

proved disastrous for the environment and local economies, echoing state oppression faced by

Himmalayan mountain societies in India who had their forests taken away by the Forest

Department: “A bundle of laws around our necks… A poor villager cannot cut a tree on his own

land without being harassed by the government, but who is there to control these

thieves”(Rangan, 2000, p. 155). While rural agricultural communities had cultivated an agrarian

culture and lifestyle that was connected to the land, villagization disregarded this local ancestral

knowledge, reducing complex systems and communities to organized cooperatives. As

communities were forced together, this led to “instant overpopulation in relation to resources,”

with families exerting stressors on smaller plots of land (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987, p. 107).

This resulted in overcrowding and overuse of land resources, leading to erosion, soil nutrient

depletion, and desertification (Scott, 1998). State influence over industry and natural resources

contributed to compounding factors of economic crisis and disrupted collectivist societies,

leading to a more desperate population that engaged in environmentally degrading practices.

In first steps to revitalize Tanzania’s mining industry, small-scale and artisanal mining

practices were established in hopes to bring the largely rural agricultural Tanzanian population

out of poverty. Artisanal and small-scale mining practices (ASM) are defined as non mechanized

mining practices that are small-scale and operated by individuals, sometimes illegally. There is a

wide array of ASM mining practices that range from gold panning to underground pit mining,

with varying environmental impacts. This form of mining became more widespread during

Tanzania’s nationalization efforts, and Nyerere’s administration saw this form of mining as a
solution to the country’s economic problems. As the majority still worked off the land to sustain

themselves, small scale mining ventures were an opportunity for Tanzanians to earn a disposable

income and for the country to bolster its mining industry. The 1979 Mining Act was a landmark

legislation that bolstered ASM opportunities by issuing small scale mining permits. With

STAMICO being disbanded the next year, farmers began to gradually adopt mining practices,

often out of desperation due to the economic instability caused by nationalization efforts (United

Nations Environment Programme, 2012). While mining provided some financial stability for the

Tanzanian people, it also contributed to the conversion of prime agricultural land to mining

areas. Given that the society was still largely pastoralist and agriculturalist and depended on the

land for sustenance, this loss and destruction of arable land led to increased vulnerabilities

among the population, including increased famine and the formation of a landless class who

were even more vulnerable. In addition, as many ASM ventures were operating outside the law

by desperate people, it was hard for the government to quantify how many people were involved

and what their practices were. As a result, environmental impacts and degradation was largely

unaccounted for in the implementation and analysis of ASM policies and initiatives at that time.

Given the intensive aspects of mining in changing the makeup of a landscape, scholars have been

able to examine environmental destruction as a result of these policies. Mining pits were noted to

be the most environmentally destructive, as they “not only ma[de] land unfavorable for

agricultural activities following closure but also adversely impact[ed] livestock and wildlife

resources, which, in turn, affect[ed] locals, who depend on power and animal manure.” (Kitula,

2006, p. 410). Since local’s livelihoods were so tied towards the physical land, disruptions from

mining had cascading impacts on the socioeconomic relations of their society. There was less

land for them to grow food on, and there were also less pristine environments to live on. These
pits also served as breeding grounds for mosquitoes and houseflies during the raining seasons,

leading to disease outbreaks and even more social instability in surrounding communities. In

addition to destruction of the land, there was also chemical contamination where heavy metals

and toxic components seeped into the ground and water sources; leaching into forests, marshes,

and streams. Gold mining, the largest industry, was especially polluting, with liquid mercury

being used to strip gold out of collected ore. The mine tailings were then burned because there

was no mechanism to dispose of them, leading to bioaccumulation and biomagnification of these

mercury compounds in humans, animals, and the environment. Additional toxic compounds such

as cyanide and sulfides were also contained in these tailings, contributing to irreparable

contaminations to the environment like acid mine drainage. Given that over a ton of tailings were

generated to produce a couple grams of gold, the cumulative impacts of ASM were devastating

(Kitula, 2006). While the state promoted ASM technical solutions to poverty, there was a lack of

consideration of land degradation and environmental impacts which were exacerbated by a lack

of disposal mechanisms and policies. Political ecologists connect how the proliferation of ASM

through state policies contributed to localized pollution of the environment. As ASM policies

opened up mining opportunities in the Tanzanian economy, the country opened up to the

privatization of its mining industry in the 80s and 90s.

Neoliberal frameworks encouraged privatization and foreign investment through large

scale mining ventures that boosted mining productivity and resulted in conflicts with those

involved in ASM. While ASM was a first step for Tanzania to move away from their

nationalization initiatives, many industries remained unprivitized. Following geopolitical

sentiments in the 80s and 90s, they sought to adopt neoliberal economic models promoted by

Globalization efforts. In 1992, Tanzania worked in conjunction with the World Bank and the IMF
to draft the Africa Strategy for Mining Technical Paper, which developed a systematic process to

open up the mining sector to privatization and liberation. By shifting away from state-controlled

mining and encouraging foreign mining company ownership, this began a system of

multinational corporation dependence. The following 1997 National Mining Policy and 1998

Mining act promoted foreign mining investment through incentives such as low royalties on

exports and tax exemptions for mining infrastructure (Chacha, 2017). Privatization efforts were

largely successful with gemstone and gold exports “increasing from 400 to 29,600 and 39,500 to

3,851,000 tons… between 1984 and 1991” (Kitula, 2006, p. 406).The gold industry became

especially prominent, with Tanzania currently being the third largest producer of gold on the

continent. With larger areas of land being demarcated for large scale mining, thousands were

displaced from their ancestral land. This loss of land was a continuation of a disruption of

agricultural and pastoral practices that began during colonization, but at a much larger scale

(Kitula, 2006). While this later mining legislation attempted to bring ASM operations into the

larger mining economy, many miners engaging in this practice became marginalized through the

development of the larger mining industry. Land grabs also applied to mining areas that artisanal

small scale miners operated in, leading to conflict between international mining companies and

small scale miners. The Lake Victoria region, known for its gold mines, became controlled by 6

multinational mining companies that displaced over 40,000 artisanal miners. With large swaths

of land controlled by these companies, local Tanzanians no longer had autonomy over their

mining resources. As people could no longer rely as much on the land or ASM practices, many

men went to work in these larger mining operations. Since these operations were no longer

localized around villages, men had to travel farther away from their communities, further

breaking down communal frameworks and family support systems. These land grabbing and
displacement actions by mining corporations enacted on the Tanzanian people were “capitalizing

on their development success in relation to weaker economic states, who often allow[ed] them to

appropriate land through foreign direct investment projects, often to secure food security and

satisfy energy needs in their countries” (Mollet, 2018, p. 172). In Tanzania, economic insecurity

prompted the government to privatize the mining industry by allowing them to take control of its

mining resources through development incentives. While this boosted the mining industry, low

royalties and taxes led to a lack of revenue generated for the state and adverse impacts for

citizens, with many displaced individuals never compensated. As a result, this exploitative

relationship created a conflict between the sheer amount of resource wealth generated by these

companies, and the utter lack of economic gains distributed towards the Tanzanian state and its

people. In addition to a lack of wealth circulating to the people and social instability created

through these ventures, large scale mining practices degraded the environment on a much larger

scale compared to ASM. Given the proximity of these establishments to villages, contaminated

tailings and water reached these vulnerable communities, resulting in environmental health crises

that have impacted many. With no land left to mine on, artisanal miners illegally encroached on

large scale mining establishments to access these resources, leading to militarized and violent

interventions from the state and these companies. Given the increased risks that ASM faced in

acquiring mining resources, they resorted to mining practices on large scale mining properties

that were more environmentally degrading. With external pressures of prosecution and death for

illegally mining these sources, these miners were not concerned about the environmental impacts

of their operations, with recorded cases of gold miners using excessive amounts of mercury

(Hall, 2010). Influenced by neoliberal pressures, Tanzania adopted expansive privatization

efforts in its industries, including its mining resources. While more mining resources were able
to be attained, the policies enacted created an asymmetrical relationship between multinational

mining companies, the state, and Tanzanian citizens. Through political ecology, this exploitative

relationship that benefited large mining companies can explain the mass disenfranchisement of

the Tanzanian people and widespread land degradation.

With increasing employment for men in the mining industry, Tanzanian women were left

marginalized and sidelined in agricultural, domestic, and mining roles. While political ecology

has been used to explain how politics and economics influences individuals and how they

interact with the environment, there is often a lack of analysis on how gender dynamics are

influenced by these factors. While men were more directly impacted by the mining industry

through employment, women were impacted differently. Through the lens of feminist political

ecology, gendered relations with mining resource use can be explored. In Tanzania, women form

a majority of the agricultural workforce, with a 54% participation rate. As agricultural work is

the dominant industry, rural women spend up to 98% of their economic activity in related tasks.

Despite the dominance of women in agriculture, few are paid for their work, with only 36% of

women engaged in agricultural work receiving income (The World Bank, 2022). Land ownership

is really important in order for women to be able to have control over their own work. In

Tanzania, women own less than 16% of titled land, and on average, their plots are less than half

the size of plots owned by men. The lack of land ownership among women is due to patriarchal

cultural practices that pass down land ownership from fathers to their sons (Anderson, 2011).

Given the involvement of women in agricultural work, a loss of agricultural land and disruptions

due to mining policy have significantly impacted the livelihoods of Tanzanian women. With land

being converted into both small scale and large scale mines, women have reduced opportunities

to engage in agricultural practices. Environmental degradation and pollution of the land and
water resources further puts a strain on women who are in charge of domestic roles in the

household. This creates a vicious cycle where “women are compelled to spend more time doing

daily chores, leaving less time for agriculture and food production, which reduces nutritional

uptake and leads to increased illnesses among women and her family” (Mollett, 2018, 161).

Contamination of natural resources as a result of mining not only makes agricultural tasks more

difficult for women, but also leaves them more confined to engage in domestic tasks in order to

take care of the family. As men were sent off to large scale mining operations, this meant that

women had to take up even more tasks. With increased agricultural and domestic labor needed to

sustain a family and community, women had less time to engage in sustainable agriculture and

land management practices, leading to further degradation of the land. In terms of mining, only

25% of women were employed in this male dominated field.While they may not have directly

worked in the mines, they were directly impacted through the environmental degradation and

social instability resulting from these extraction endeavors. Dust pollution generation from

mining explosions were shown to have increased miscarriages in women. In addition, the mining

industry’s replacement of agricultural work led some women to travel to mining centers in search

of employment, but they were often faced with risks of prostitution and sexual violence (Kitula,

2006). This example of Tanzanian women’s agricultural practices ties to feminist poltical

ecology principles. As labor related to their gendered roles as agriculturists and domestic

workers increased because of mining practices, women faced additional barriers that inevitably

led to land degradation.

Understanding the development of the mining industry in Tanzania through a political

ecology framing can provide insight into how political forces leading natural resource

exploitation influence social dynamics and environmental degradation in the country.

Fundamentally, conflicts over mining resources were based on how mining land was allocated,

who allocated the lands, and who was impacted; with a primary focus on agricultural farmers and

traditional societies, artisanal and small-scale miners, large scale mining operations, and women.

Successive policy implementations from colonial cash crop plantations to Nyerere’s villagization

initiatives set the stage for land disenfranchisement where traditional agricultural lands and

practices were forcibly replaced by industries and markets focused solely on resource extraction.

As land practices and land itself were replaced by village cooperatives, ASM, and later large

scale mining operations, environmental degradation persisted and evolved. There was little

policy focus on environmental degradation as these initiatives destroyed agricultural village

frameworks and displaced thousands. Many were left behind by both state and multinational

corporation involvement, with ASM miners left behind through privatization and Tanzanian

women left behind through gendered exploitation in relation to mining. As these policies left

people behind, this disregard was reflected in the pollution of the surrounding land, forests, and

streams.
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