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CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES OF WOMEN

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: THE CASE OF ROBE
WOREDA, SOUTHEASTERN ETHIOPIA

BY
Dereje Demissie Shasho

MAY, 2020
ASELLA, ETHIOPIA
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RESUMÉ, CV
A: Personal Identification

Name: Dereje Demissie Shasho

Age: 50 Years
Sex: Male
Date of Birth:February 08, 1973
Place of Birth:
Ligeba, Lode Hetosa, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia
Marital Status:
Bachelor
Health Status:Excellent
Nationality: Ethiopian
Address: Arsi Robe town, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia
Mobile Phone: +251922304635; +251954687014
Email address: esandemissie@gmail.com; or esandemissie951@gmail.com
B: Educational History
S. N. Level Name of University/school Year of attendance Awards
1 Postgraduate SGS, AAU Sep. 1995-jan. 1999 M.Sc degree
2 Undergraduate Science Faculty, AAU Sep. 1989-Nov.6, 1993 B.Sc degree
3 Grade 12 Asella Comp. Sec. School Sep.1988-June 1989 Certificate
4 Grade 9-11 Huruta Senior Sec. School Sep. 1985-jun. 1988 Not Applicable

C: Work Experience
Employer organization Position Main Responsibilities Duration
Self-employed Consultant and - Undertaking research
Freelance Worker works in collaboration
with the principal
investigators
- Supervising the activities
of investigation being
undertaken, July 1, 2007-
Present
- Assisting in designing
database and analyzing
collected data,
- Assisting in writing up of
the research report,
- etc
Rehoboth Medical - Instructing students taking Apr. 2006- Jun.
College different ICT course works 2006
related practices
Chilalo University DEAN, Academic - Administrative activities Nov. 2003-Feb.
College Dean and Instructor - Managerial functions 2004

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- Instructing courses
- Advising students
Jimma Teachers’ - Lecturer - Instructing courses Sep. 1, 2000- Feb.
College - Advising students 29, 2002
- Supervising laboratory
works
- Conducting action and
applied research works
- Attending educational
seminars and workshops
as well as other
conferences offered by
experts
- Invigilating examinations
- Marking examination
papers of distance and
extension program
students
- Giving tutorial sessions for
distance students as per the
time table of the college
and/or MOE
Bahir Dar Teachers’ - Lecturer - Instructing courses Dec. 1, 1993 – Sep.
College - Assistant - Advising students 30. 1999
lecturer - Supervising laboratory
- Graduate works
Assistant - Conducting action and
applied research works
- Invigilating examinations
- Facilitating and guiding
laboratory works
- Marking laboratory reports
of students
- Setting equipments,
materials and reagents
enquired for the practical
sessions
- Attending educational
seminars and workshops
as well as other
conferences offered by
experts

D: Qualification Areas
Area of experience &
Examples of expertise and qualification
qualification
Sanitation - Basics of the sanitation science principles, guidelines and
recommendations developed and implemented by WHO and UN
member countries
- Assessing sanitation status of communities and prioritizing
promotion and interventional areas

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Personal Hygiene - Basics of the personal hygiene principles, guidelines and

recommendations developed and implemented by WHO and UN
member countries
- Assessing personal hygiene status of individuals and food
handlers in urban and rural settings as well as food and drinking
establishments and prioritizing promotion and interventional
areas
Public Health - Basics of the public health related principles, guidelines and
recommendations developed and implemented by WHO and UN
member countries
- Assessing personal public health related problems and practices,
attitudes and knowledge of individuals and HHs in urban and
rural settings and prioritizing promotion and interventional areas
Human Retrovirology - HIV culturing, phenotyping, sequencing and related issues
- Molecular biology of HIV-1 isolates, HMA, PCR, NASBA, etc
Immunology - Five differential, coulter counting, PBMC isolation and storage,
FASCan assays, etc
Serology - ELISA, WESTERN- AND Southern blotting, Agglutination and
many others
Microbiology - Almost all laboratory techniques and theoretical principles

E: Computer Related Skills and Knowledge

Area name Skills and Examples of are if relevant
Competenci
es
Microsoft Word Excellent Processing, editing, writing, etc
Microsoft Excel Excellent Creating; entering, exporting, analyzing, etc of data;
producing reports;
Microsoft Access Excellent Creating and designing charts; entering, analyzing and
editing data, etc
Microsoft Publisher Excellent
Microsoft PowerPoint Excellent Creating lecture notes, presentation of research works, etc
Utility software Very good SPSS, IBM SPSS21, Stata Version 8 to Version 12, Harvard
Graphics, Epi-Info version 5 to version 7 and some others
Programming languages Good C++, Visual, Visual C+, Visual C++, Java, etc
F: Language Skills

Language type Skills

Reading Writing Speaking Understanding
English Excellent Excellent Very good Excellent
Afaan Oromo Excellent Excellent Excellent Excellent
Amharic Excellent Very good Excellent Excellent
G: Publications
I: Published
[1]. HIV-1 Subtype C Syncytium- and Non-Syncytium-Inducing Phenotypes and Co-Receptor
Usage Among Ethiopian Patients with AIDS. AIDS, 1999; 13(11):1305-1311.

II: Unpublished- I have undertaken and produced some articles listed below only as examples
[1]. Retrospective Evaluation of Ceftriaxone Utilization in Inpatient Wards at Asella Referral and
Teaching Hospital, Central Ethiopia

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[2]. Metronidazole Injection Use Evaluation in Inpatient Wards at Asella Referral and Teaching
Hospital, Central Ethiopia
[3]. Assessment of Preference of Pregnant Women for Place of Delivery and Factors Associated
with Institutional Delivery among Ante Natal Care (ANC) Service Attending Women at Asella
Town in Governmental Institutions, Central Ethiopia
[4]. Pregnant Women Preference of Place of Delivery and Factors Associated with Institutional
Delivery among ANC Attending Women at Asella town Governmental Health Facilities
[5]. Magnitude, Factors Associated with Successful Vaginal Birth after Cesarean Section and Its
Outcomes in Bishoftu General Hospital, Ethiopia
[6]. Assessment of the Magnitudes and Correlates of Anemia among Pregnant Women Attending
Antenatal Care Service Clinics in Robe Didea Hospital, Southeastern Ethiopia
[7]. Mechanical Ventilation Weaning Outcomes and Associated Factors among Patients Admitted
to Adult Intensive Care Unit of Governmental Hospitals, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Cross-
Sectional Retrospective Study Design
[8]. Assessment of Determinants of Client Satisfaction with Quality of Nursing Care among
Patients Admitted to Adults Ward in Adama Hospital
[9]. Prevalence of Undernutrition and Associated Factors among Family Planning Attendants in
Asella Town Governmental Health Institution, Central Ethiopia
[10]. Prevalence of Protein Energy Malnutrition (PEM) Among Children Six Months to Five Years
of Age in Bilalo Town, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia
[11]. Determinants of Utilization of Integrated Community Case Management Services for
Childhood Illnesses among Mothers in Hetosa Woreda, Arsi Zone
[12]. Prevalence of Undernutrition and Associated Factors among Adult Tuberculosis Patients in
Asella Hospital and Surrounding Health Facilities, Central Ethiopia
[13]. Peoples’ Attitude towards Using Family Planning Methods: The Case Study of Sire Town,
Central Ethiopia
[14]. Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices of Family Planning Methods among Pregnant Mothers
Attending ANC Clinic at Arsi Robe Health Center, South East Ethiopia
[15]. Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices of Mothers towards Prevention and Control of Childhood
Diarrheal Diseases in Gonde Town, Central Ethiopia
[16]. And many others that I could present upon request.
H: Referees
1. Prof. Endashaw Bekele (PhD); AAU, Department of Biology, Tel.: +251947407077.
2. Prof. Yalemtsehay Mekonnen (PhD), AAU, Dept. of Biology, Tel.: +251913244396.
3. Prof. Amare Gessesse (PhD), AAU, Dept. of Biology, Tel.: +251911146855.
4. Dr. Dawit Abate (PhD); AAU, Department of Biology, Tel.: +25111114250.
5. Prof. Beyene Petros (PhD); AAU, Department of Biology, Tel.: +25111114250.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude and thanks to my Advisor Ato Muhommed Kedir
(MA, B.A). He has been helping me and giving directions during the entire period of the
selection and reconnaissance of senior essay title identification.
I would also like to thank Arsi University, School of Social Sciences and Humanities for
providing me this opportunity to conduct this study as a partial fulfillment for Bachelor degree
of arts in Civics and Ethical Education.
Last but not least, my special thanks go to all walks of life for their encouragement, assistance,
reinforcement and his endurance while I’m collecting preliminary data required for writing up
this senior essay proposal and my sons also deserve my due acknowledgements for their
patience and understanding while I’m away from home.

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ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

AU Arsi University
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination of Women
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
COMMCA Council of Ministers of Women’s Affairs of Central America
CSO Civil Society Organization
DAW UN Division for the Advancement of Women
EGM Expert Group Meeting
FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
FWCW Fourth World Conference on Women
IANWGE Inter-Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality
ICCPR International Convention on Civil and Political Rights
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency
MDGs Millennium Development Goal
MoLSA Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs
MoWA Ministry of Women Affairs
NEBE National Electoral Board of Ethiopia
NGO Non-Governmental Organizations
NWP National Women Policy (Ethiopia)
ODIHR Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
PASDEP Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End poverty
SIDA Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
WAO Women Affairs Office
WEDO Women’s Environment and Development Organization
WID Women in Development

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Table of Contents
RESUMÉ, CV ............................................................................................................................ i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................... v
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ............................................................................... vi
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................. ix
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. x
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. xi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1
1.1. Background of the Study ................................................................................................. 1
1.2. Statement of Problem ...................................................................................................... 3
1.3. Basic Research Questions ............................................................................................... 6
1.4. Objective of the Study ..................................................................................................... 6
1.4.1. General Objective ..................................................................................................... 6
1.4.2. Specific Objectives ................................................................................................... 6
1.5. Significance of the Study ................................................................................................ 6
1.6. Delimitation of the Study ................................................................................................ 7
1.7. Limitations of the Study .................................................................................................. 7
1.8. Operational Definition of Key Terms ............................................................................. 7
1.9. Organization of the Study ............................................................................................... 8
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ............................................ 9
2.1. Concepts and Overviews of Women Political Participation ........................................... 9
2.2. Importance of Women Political Participation ............................................................... 11
2.3. Forms of Women Political Participation ....................................................................... 14
2.4. Challenges of Women Participation in Politics............................................................. 17
2.5. Opportunities of Women Participation in Politics ........................................................ 20
2.6. Empirical Review .......................................................................................................... 21
CHAPTER THREE: STUDY DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ................................... 23
3.1. Study Settings and Period ............................................................................................. 23
3.2. Study Design ................................................................................................................. 24
3.3. Population...................................................................................................................... 25
3.3.1 Source Population .................................................................................................... 25
3.3.2 Study Population...................................................................................................... 25
3.3.3 Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria ............................................................................. 26

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3.4. Sample Size Determination and Sampling Techniques ................................................ 26

3.4.1 Sample Size Determination ..................................................................................... 26
3.4.2 Sampling Techniques .............................................................................................. 26
3.5. Data Collection Instruments .......................................................................................... 27
3.6. Quality Control Measures ............................................................................................. 27
3.7. Data Processing and Analysis Methods ........................................................................ 28
3.7.1. Data Processing Methods ....................................................................................... 28
3.7.2. Data Analysis Methods ........................................................................................... 28
3.8. Ethical Considerations................................................................................................... 28
4: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS .......................... 30
4.1. Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents .............................................. 30
4.2. Challenges of Women for Participation in Politics ....................................................... 32
4.3. Opportunities of Women to Participate in Politics........................................................ 50
5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................... 64
5.1. Summary ....................................................................................................................... 64
5.2. Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 65
5.3. Recommendations ......................................................................................................... 65
6: REFERENCES .................................................................................................................. 67
7: APPENDICES .................................................................................................................... 72
APPENDIX I: QUESTIONNAIRES FOR WOMEN AND MEN ...................................... 72
APPENDIX II: KEY INFORMANTS INTERVIEW GUIDE ............................................ 78
APPENDIX III: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION TOPICS ................................................ 79

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LIST OF TABLES
SN Table Page
1 Table 1: Total population, sample sizes and sampling techniques
2 Table 2: Socio-demographic features of the respondents, Robe Woreda,
Ethiopia, 2020(155)
3 Table 3: Challenges and obstacles that deter women to participate in politics,
Robe Woreda, Ethiopia, 2020(155)
4 Table 4: Opportunities of women to participate in politics in Robe Woreda,
Ethiopia, 2020(155)

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LIST OF FIGURES
SN Figure Page
1 Figure 1: Administrative map of Robe Woreda and Locations of the sample
Kebeles; Source: (CSA, 2007 E.C)
2 Figure 2: Marital status of the respondents, Robe Woreda, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia,
2020(155)
3 Figure 3: Educational status of the respondents, Robe Woreda, Arsi Zone,
Ethiopia, 2020(155)
4 Figure 4: The most and least critical obstacles to women’s political participation
in Robe Woreda
5 Figure 5: The extent of hindering of some selected factors women participation
in politics in Robe Woreda
6 Figure 6: The most and least important enablers of women’s political
participation in Robe Woreda

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ABSTRACT
There remains stark inequality between men and women political participation in virtually all
societies of the world. Governance and politics remains dominated by masculinity and
patriarchal values that limit women participation and effectiveness when they enter political
office. This is especially so in Africa where patriarchal values are deeply embedded in the
governance. This study’s research problem is the persistence of women’s marginality in
politics both numerically and in capacity to effectively influence decision making.
Thus, the aim of the study was to assess the challenges and opportunities of women
participation in politics in Robe Woreda in general and in two rural Kebeles in particular.
The study was carried out in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone of among Gojina and Gadelma
Kebeles, Oromia Regional State, South Eastern Ethiopia from 16 th to 31st March, 2020 using
community-based descriptive cross-sectional and qualitative study designs among 178 adult
females and 177 males selected from the two Kebeles using systematic random sampling technique; 10
key informants selected using availability sampling technique; and the 20 focus group discussants
selected using judgmental sampling technique. Required data were collected using interview
questionnaires, key informant interview schedules and focus group discussion tools. Collected
quantitative data and information were analyzed using descriptive statistical methods of data
analyses while qualitative data were analyzed using content methods of analysis.
The mean and median ages of the respondents were 43.26 [43.26±11.140] and 44.29 years
respectively. In terms of religion, 38.06% were Muslims and 33.55% were Orthodox Christians
respectively. Majority (58.71%) belonged to Oromo. Predominant (58.06%) of the respondents
were in marital relationship. About 23 percent and 18.06 percent of the respondents had
completed second cycle primary education and secondary education. There were a number of
challenges identified to hinder the political participations of women in the two rural Kebeles
and in Robe Woreda. These include gender prejudices and cultural factors, attitudes and
perceptions of women about their civic rights, negative influence of patriarchal values and the
deep-rooted acceptance of these values in the specific settings, the lack of social demand and
interest from women themselves, lack of economic and political resources, lack of rule of law,
democracy, political transparency and deficiencies of the political culture, ineffectiveness of
gender quota and other governmental measures on gender equality, sexual context of the
discourse on ‘political’ women and lack of capacity and education (is essential also for men)
as well as the likes are identified as predominant obstacles and challenges for active
participation of women in politics in the two rural Kebeles of Robe Woreda.
However, National Legislation and International Obligations and Commitments, the issue of
implementation of the former ones concerning action plans and special governmental agencies
to be involved, the gender agenda of international organizations and local organizations’ input
are the principal opportunities for women to actively participate in politics at the specific study
settings in particular and in regional state and at national levels in general. Finally,
appropriate recommendations and suggestions were forwarded based on key findings of the
study.

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 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background of the Study
Overwhelming evidence has proven that politics remains primarily a male dominated affair
which is evidenced by the fact that a closer look at political matrix of many countries will show
that political participation is dominated by men (Aswath Komath, 2015). This evidence is not
geographically or culturally distinct but extends the world over. In Africa for instance owing
to a large extent to tradition, women are continually considered as minors and second-rate
beings to men (Ebeku and Kaniye, 2005). While some analysts may argue that no one is barred
from political participation and that politics is an even field for all who care to join regardless
of gender and social status, the structural basis for participation does not suggest so. This is
especially so when it comes to holding elected public offices. It has to be however noted that
while holding public office is considered to be the epitome of political participation it’s not the
only way, other forms of political activity exist which shape domestic political climate.
Though it is ridiculous to expect everyone in a democratic society to run for political office, at
least both men and women should have the chance to effectively do so; similarly all those who
qualify to vote should likewise take up this duty and in significant numbers. Citizen’s
participation in giving mandate to the people who run the government is vitally important since
the government is meant to serve them.
According UN publications (1990.para. 147) the right to participation is the right of
individuals, groups and peoples to seek decisions collectively and to choose their own
representatives organizations, and have freedom of democratic action, free from interference.
It is a core element of a democratic system based on consent of the people, and more
importantly it enables the individuals to fulfill their obligations toward their society in holding
discussions and exchange of opinions to determine the responsiveness of the development
process to the needs and particularly interests of all segments of the society (Abdi, 2007). The
important of the right of the participation as a means for the individual to involve in the political
affairs and decision making process of his/her society is recognized and protected in article 25
of the international convention on civil and political rights (ICCPR).
Holding public debates, a form of political participation is vitally important in bridging
communication between electorates and government officials (Verba, Schlozman and Brady,
1995). Such debates can either support public office holders in their stands and policy
orientations or can challenge officials to change them. They are most effective in open
democratic societies where people exercise a high degree of free speech by expressing their

1
views. More closed political systems discourage this kind of behavior and even use force to
ensure that government’s actions and policies are not questioned. Inevitably, the level of
participation in politics depends on some factors like demography and social organization.
It can however be noted that comparative political activity exhibits differences associated with
level of development, culture and duration of exposure to liberal values like democracy. In
terms of development, the western countries of Western Europe and North America show
stable democratization and more comprehensive political participation. Developing countries
in Eastern Europe, Latin America Asia and Africa are characterized by exclusionary political
activity and heightened tension in the relations among the different social groups.
Among the chief concerns of many scholars and policy makers is the marked absence of some
groups in the political sphere. The overarching observation is that political representation
exhibits bias towards the elite stratum of all societies, legislative assemblies are grossly
unrepresentative of minority ethnic groups and women (Bird Karen, 2003). Even in the most
democratic states, this observation holds true. Women and minority groups are observed to be
especially missing in political participation across the world. It is vital that all groups are well
represented, this way; their representatives can best articulate their unique needs which may be
overlooked or deemed less significant relative to the needs of the majority groups. Though
prevalent globally, this problem is deeply entrenched in Africa. In Kenya for example the first
Somali woman to contest for a parliamentary seat was in 1997, decades after the country
became independent in 1963 (Abdi, 2000).
The Asia pacific region has taken measures to ensure women’s political participation and all
of them with the exception of Democratic Republic of Korea, Palau and Tonga have either
ratified or acceded to The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) (True, Jacqui, Sara Niner, Swati Parashar, and Nicole George, 2013). South
East Asia represents some hope of women inclusion in politics despite its many stereotypes
and prejudices against women; the region has made tremendous gains in women inclusion in
politics. It emerged as the first region in the world to vote women in the highest offices in the
world, a number of countries in the region have equality measures and an active feminist
network (Labani, Sepideh, Carla Zabaleta Kaehler, and Paula De Dios Ruiz, 2009).
Africa has made significant strides in general and the leading country in terms of percentage
of women ratio in parliament is Rwanda which claimed the top position in 2003, women
account for 64% of legislature seats (Mari Aili, 2015). Other significant gains have been
observed in South Africa, Senegal and Seychelles which by 2013 had in excess of 40% women
representation in parliament. Other notable countries are Uganda, Mozambique and Tanzania
2
where women accounted for more than 35% in parliament. It is also important to state that most
African states are also members to CEDAW. The impressive numbers highlighted here are an
exception to the rule and do not reflect the situation in the majority of African countries. For
instance, there has been heated debate in Kenya in the last few weeks to abolish the office of
women representatives which is enshrined in Kenya’s new constitution. Legal provisions it is
evident does not necessarily change public and political perceptions in favor of women.
Women are yet to be elected in the top office in Africa. As at January 2015, women accounted
for only 22.2% of parliamentarians in sub Saharan Africa (Inter-Parliamentary Union and UN
Women, 2015).
The Middle East has perhaps one of the lowest rates of women participation in the world. The
culture of most Middle Eastern states is vastly traditional and is based on centuries old
traditions. While the rest of the world is busy making headway towards more inclusive polities,
the Middle East continues to marginalize some groups in society. Repressive governments in
the region have for the longest time taken measures to deny Islamist parties, women and other
minorities based on religion opportunities to participate more fully in politics (Nabeel Yasin,
2015).
Therefore, it was very important to assess the challenges and opportunities of women political
participation in Robe/Didea (hereafter Robe) Woreda of Arsi Zone, southeastern Ethiopia.
1.2. Statement of Problem
Political participation aims to enhance representation of the population in the governance of
society or nation. In the modern state, political participation is encouraged as its vibrancy
represents legitimacy of regimes and maintains social order and status quo as people are able
to articulate their concerns and choices to political elites who accordingly respond. Most
constitutions worldwide provide for equality of rights between women and men including the
right to participate in politics and governance. The inclusion of the rights of women to universal
suffrage in the past 100 years has opened doorways for significant women’s participation in
political activity. Today most countries recognize the role that women play in shaping policy
and many states have ratified or signed international conventions that provide women’s rights
and welfare.
Gender equality in political participation is a fundamental aspect of modern democratic
governance. Under international standards, both men and women should have equal rights and
opportunities to participate fully in all aspects and at all levels of political processes. In practice,
however, it is often more challenging for women to access and exercise these rights. While the

3
above is true, there remains stark inequality between men and women political participation in
virtually all societies of the world. Governance and politics remains dominated by masculinity
and patriarchal values that limit women participation and effectiveness when they enter
political office. This is especially so in Africa where patriarchal values are deeply embedded
in the governance. This study’s research problem was the persistence and participation of
women in politics both numerically and in capacity to effectively influence decision making.
Several previous research studies’ findings reveal that there are various challenges that impede
active political participation of women although there are different existing opportunities that
encourage and facilitate active political participation of women throughout the globe. In
relation to these, for example, the findings of the study conducted in Kenya by Otieno (2013)
to investigate the challenges and prospects of women’s political participation in governance in
Africa indicate that women face a number of challenges when participating in political sphere
like lack of the proper knowledge with which to make informed decisions, patriarchal norms
which always serve to oppress the women and lack of proper means to access power. Also,
Kassa (2015) has conducted an empirical study to assess the challenges and opportunities of
women political participation in Ethiopia and his findings show that different casual factors
such as economic, religious, social and cultural factors contributed to women’s poor political
participation in the country contrary to the fact that their political participation allow them to
address their basic problems and needs in their community and ensures the openness, real fight
against rent-seeking, accountability, political commitment, political leadership, and political
responsiveness of the existing national, regional, districts, and local levels. Finding of the study
undertaken to identify the determinants of women political participation and decision making
in Somalia found that women have no consideration in politics, leadership and decision making
in Somalia. Moreover, Nwabunkeonye (2014) carried out the study to determine the challenges
to women active participation in politics in Nigeria which has revealed that there persists poor
participation of women in politics and the number of women in political positions in Nigeria is
growing at a slow rate despite efforts to change such trend. His findings also show that
discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices, lack of finance, under-representation of
women in governance, unhealthy political environment, political party discrimination, wrong
perception of women in politics, lack of family, fellow women and media support,
indigenization of women political aspirants, among others as the key challenges that have
hindered active political participation of women in Nigeria. Furthermore, socio-cultural factors
(MoWA, 2006; Shvedova, 2002; Kunovich, Paxton and Hughes, 2007; Eagly, Makhijani and
Klonsky, 1992; Gidudu, Enose and Betty, 2014; Norris and Inglehart, 2000; Norris and
4
Inglehart, 2008), religious factors (Kunovich, Paxton and Hughes, 2007; Ahmed, 1992; Meyer,
Rizzo and Ali, 1998; Douglas, 2014), economic factors (FDRE, 2006; Seyedeh, Hasnita and
Hossein, 2010; Shvedova, 2002; Tovar, 2007), gender roles-patriarchy (Kate, 1970; Damilola,
2010; Aswath, 2014) and family work and time constraints (Shvedova, 2002; Rachel, 2009;
Miranda, 2005) are reported by researchers as factors that hinders women’s political
participation at national and international arena.
With regards to opportunities for active political participation of women, while the FDRE
Constitution which recognizes women’s equal rights with men in the political, social, economic
and cultural spheres and accordingly that bestow women with the right to take part in the
conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely elected representatives, the right to vote
and to be elected to any level of government offices and to be a member of any political
organization, labor union, trade organization or employers or professional association of their
choice as opportunities for women to actively participate in politics (The Implementation of
the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, 1995; The Outcome of the 23 rd special
Session, 2000) besides other international articles such as the UDHR, international legal
instruments on gender equality, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (Norris and Inglehart, 2000).
Consequently, at the national level several efforts were undertaken practically to increase the
representation of women in political processes in Ethiopia. In this respect, the number or seats
held by women in the Ethiopian parliament has significantly improved and reached 22% in
2010 as compared to 2% in 1995. With regard to leadership and decision making, in the same
year, women’s representation reached 13% at Ministerial, 8.3% among State Ministerial, 25%
at Commissioner and 12.7% at Ambassador Level (ibid). But, still Ethiopia is one of the
countries where women representatives in the parliament are unsatisfactory (Awotash, 2010).
However, there were no empirical findings reported previously based on systematically
conducted research works undertaken to assess the challenges and opportunities of women
political participation in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone, southeastern Ethiopia.
The study was; thus, attempted to assess the challenges and opportunities of women political
participation in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone, southeastern Ethiopia. The findings of the study
are believed to have paramount importance to suggest the appropriate intervention measures to
be set to tackle the existing gaps concerning the determinants of women political participation
in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone, southeastern Ethiopia.

5
1.3. Basic Research Questions
The following basic research questions were perceived to be decisive to be raised that would
be answered upon successful accomplishment of the study:
1. What is the level of women political participation in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone,
southeastern Ethiopia?
2. What are the major challenges that impede or hinder active political participation of
Women in the specific study settings?
3. What are the main opportunities for women’s active participation in politics in the
particular study settings?
1.4. Objective of the Study
1.4.1. General Objective
The general purpose of the study was to investigate the challenges and opportunities of women
political participation in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone, southeastern Ethiopia.
1.4.2. Specific Objectives
The following were the specific objectives of this study. Those were:
1. To determine the level of women political participation in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone,
southeastern Ethiopia,
2. To identify the major challenges that impede or hinder active political participation of
Women in the specific study settings, and
3. To describe the principal opportunities for women’s active participation in politics in the
particular study settings.
1.5. Significance of the Study
The findings of the study would enrich existing empirical literature on the major issues of the
study. Moreover, they would contribute a lot towards designing and implementing evidence
based intervention strategies and campaigns that address how the problem will be tackled and
existing opportunities would be exploited towards same ends in order to strengthen women
political participation in the specific study settings and also in other areas at local, zonal,
regional and national levels. Furthermore, it would generate baseline evidence that may be used
by other researchers who want to make thorough and detailed investigation into the thematic
issues of the study in the future. Still it might have contributed a lot in advancing knowledge
on the main thematic issues of this study.

6
1.6. Delimitation of the Study
The study was delimited to be done in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone among two rural Kebeles to
be selected systematically in 2012 Ethiopian fiscal year. Besides, this research will be
conducted to examine the key hindering challenges, problems and obstacles, and existing
reinforcing opportunities that can encourage and/or motivate women to actively participate in
politics. However, the study didn’t address investigation of attitudes of women towards
participation in politics. Still, it didn’t address factors that deter women from exploiting the
existing opportunities to actively participate in politics. In terms of time frame, the study would
be delimited to the recent regional and national political campaigns for public
representativeness in the regional and national People’s Houses of Representatives that took
place in 2009 and 2007 respectively. Thus, the study covered the period between 2007 and
2012 to find out the challenges and opportunities of women political participation as the term
of the world recognized government of Ethiopian term expires in four and five years period.
That was why the researcher wanted to strategically select these time frames.
1.7. Limitations of the Study
Some of the anticipated limitations of this study included insufficient time and budget
constraints. To overcome the adverse effect on the results of the study include the extent of
reliability and accuracy of self-reported data on the challenges and opportunities of the targeted
segments of the population towards political participation, the researcher tried to inform the
study participants about the benefits of providing accurate and reliable responses for the
interview questionnaires and the importance of the outcomes of the study for participants and
other segments of the populations. Lack of prior experiences and expertise to conduct empirical
study were also more likely to compromise the validity and accuracy of the research findings
but the principal researcher tried to employ or apply her full potential to minimize adverse
effects of this limiting factor on the findings of the study.
1.8. Operational Definition of Key Terms
Challenges: in this study refers to constraints or impediments that hinder the effectiveness
opportunities and practices of women political participation in the study area. Also, it is defined
as the factors that have been proved to stand on the way of Ethiopian women thereby preventing
them from active participation in politics of their country (Ethiopia).
Opportunities: in the context of this study refers to the existing national and sub-national
institutional and organizational frameworks, politico-legal instruments and policies that

7
determine and define the availability, nature and scope of conducive situations for women
political participation in the study area.
Participation: Participation here refers to active political participation of women which is seen
as those voluntary activities by which members of the society share in the selection of leaders
and directly or indirectly in the formation of policy and is a civic right of all citizens. Political
participation involves essential political activities such as attending political meetings, rallies,
campaigns, nominations, elections, etc; holding political party offices and public offices;
contesting for elective positions; voting in elections; holding elective and appointive positions;
attaining political power in legislative bodies; and other electoral activities.
Politics: Politic refers to the activities of the government members of lawmaking organization
or people who try to influence the way a country like Ethiopia is governed.
Women: Generally, the word ‘women’ means any adult female person as contrasted with girl.
Women, from the Ethiopian political arena, are adult female persons who have attained the age
of franchise (18 years of minimum age).
1.9. Organization of the Study
This senior essay report is organized in to six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory part
which includes the background of the study, statement of the problem, objective, significance,
scope, the limitations and operational definitions of terms. The second chapter presents the
review of literature relevant to the research topic. The third chapter discusses about research
methodology and design methodology and chapter four deals with results of the study; and it
is followed by chapter five which presents discussion on major findings of the study. The last
chapter presents summary, conclusions and recommendations of the study. References and
appendices are also the parts of this paper.

8
 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
2.1. Concepts and Overviews of Women Political Participation
Politics is almost everywhere a male-oriented, male-dominated enterprise and female political
participation is not as such good as expected. In today’s discussion of women’s political
representation, there are different important arguments. The justice argument; women account
for approximately half the population and therefore have the right to be represented as such;
the experience argument; women’s experiences are different from men’s and need to be
represented in discussions that result in policy-making and implementation. These different
experiences mean that women ‘do politics’ differently from men; the interest argument; the
interests of men and women are different and even conflicting and therefore women are needed
in representative institutions to articulate the interests of women.; the symbolic argument says
that every female politician acts a role model for all women, regardless of political views or
party membership and will attract other women to the political arena; the critical mass argument
states that women are able to achieve solidarity of purpose to represent women’s interests when
they achieve certain levels of representation; and the democracy argument asserts that the equal
representation of women and men enhances the democratization of governance in both
transitional and consolidated democracies (EGM, 2005). All of the arguments deals about the
importance of women inclusion in politics are great. As a result women need to be included
equally with men in every sphere of their life.
The assumption that women have certain interests in common is a main thread in studies on
women in parliaments. Scholars divide women representation in the parliament in to two based
on rational. These are descriptive and substantive representation of women (Awotash, 2010).
Descriptive representation is deal widely acceptable share of seats in parliament as an indicator
of political inclusion in society for a category such as women (Wangnerud, 2009). The term
descriptive representation denotes representation on the basis of common characteristics and
share experience, for instance representing some one based on gender or class can be
categorized as descriptive representation of women (Awotash, 2010). However, in research
focusing on descriptive representation, the theoretical reasoning behind this assumption is not
well elaborated (Wangnerud, 2009). On the other hand substantive representation deals with
women’s interests, gender equality and rational behind women representation.
A core idea in this strand of research is that there are certain interests and concerns that arise
from women’s experiences and that these will be inadequately addressed in a politics that is
dominated by men (ibid). In research on substantive representation of women, an aspect of

9
politicization is introduced. It is commonly argued that societies will not achieve equality
between women and men by simply disregarding gender-related differences (Phillips, 2007).
Political participation is generally thought of as any activity under taken by people with the
aim of shaping, affecting or involving the political sphere. The United Nations (UN) Inter-
Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality (IANWGE) defines political participation
as more than just the electoral process participation, it subsumes freedom of speech, assembly
and association, ability to partake in public affair conduct, chance to register as an aspirant or
a candidate, opportunity to campaign, opportunity to be elected and to hold office at any
government level (United Nations Inter-Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality,
2015). This wide definition encompasses a lot of things which are taken for granted. Some
people equate political participation to the electoral process and thus fail to capture other
equally significant activities like holding protests and participation in volunteer activities and
local board meetings. According to Conway (2000) political participation refers to citizen’s
activities which seek to influence government’s structure, selection of government authorities
or government’s policies. This definition lays particular emphasis to the government structure
and policies and the people involvement in the two. It highlights the centrality of citizen’s
perception of the remoteness or lack thereof of governments. Rosenstone sees political
participation as entailing actions that in one way or the other effect dissemination of social
goods and values (Rosenstone and Hansen, 1993). Citizens choose their representatives who
hold public office through the ballot, the representatives make policies that inevitably
determine tax levels and who gets social program benefits. Citizens have other ways of
participating in politics, they can become members of organizations that either work with
bureaucrats or influence them directly.
Participation is a development approach, which recognizes the need to involve disadvantage
segments of population in the design and implementation of policies concerning their
wellbeing. The strengthening of women’s participation in all spheres of life has become a major
issue in the development discourses and hence, socioeconomic development cannot be fully
achieved without the active involvements of women in the decision making level in all society
(Endale, 2012).
On the other hand political participation refers the active involvement and engagement by
individuals both women and men with political process that affect their lives. The act of active
engagements includes voting, standing for office, joining of political party or to take part the
political campaigns of the political parties and to exert influence in the decision making process
through public debate, and dialogue with the representatives they elected or through their
10
capacity to organize themselves; or exercise public power by holding public office at different
levels of administrations- local, regional, national and international (Khadar, 2013). Therefore,
political participation is understood as a prerequisite for political development hence, by
improving women’s political participation, given that they constitute over a half of the world’s
population may help to advance of political development and improve the quality of women’s
lives (Seyedeh, Hasnita and Hossein, 2010). In fact, without the active participation of women,
and the incorporation of women’s perspective at all levels of decision making, the goals of
equality, development and peace cannot be achieved (FWCW, 1995).
2.2. Importance of Women Political Participation
According to Haque ensuring women’s political participation is essential to bring legitimacy
to government and establish democracy in its real and practical manner, as validity and
trustworthiness of democracy can be in question if females, who are 50% of the population,
stay marginalized or segregated from the political and public institutions in the society (Haque,
2003). In addition to this the degree and level of women’s representation in the government
has considerable and significant impacts on the lives of the people in any operational political
and public milieu (Panday, 2008). Therefore, increasing women’s representation and
participation in the political and public decision making positions:
Is a question of democracy, democratic process, and equality as well as a question of political
and civil rights that has been guaranteed by the international organizations’ (UN) agreements,
treaties, covenants and conventions; facilitates more changes and pave the way for more spaces
to women; calls for the efficient, maximum and equitable utilization of human, financial,
material and information resources by all human beings; avoids the questions that would be
raised about the legitimacy of the democratic process and decision making authorities; Can
allow women to address their basic problems and needs in the community; and ensures the
openness (transparency), real fight against rent-seeking (mainly the recently rampant
corruption), accountability, political commitment, political leadership, and political
responsiveness of the existing national, regional, zonal/districts, and local levels political
democracy, democratization process, and governance of the governments and political
institutions, and promotes peace and democratic development in any country as a whole
(Melesse and Ojulu, 2014).
Moreover, without greater representation of women in parliamentary and executive positions
as well as in the judiciary, it is difficult to achieve participatory, accountable, and transparent
governance which can ensure political, cultural, social and economic priority goals of the wider

11
society. Besides every human being has the right to participate in decisions that define her or
his life. This right is the foundation of the ideal of equal participation in decision-making
among women and men. This right argues that since women know their situation best, they
should participate equally with men to have their perspective effectively incorporated at all
levels of decision-making, from the private to the public spheres of their lives, from the local
to the global (Miranda, 2005). Equality in political decision-making performs a leverage
function without which it is highly unlikely that a real integration of the equality dimension in
government policy-making is feasible. In this respect, women’s equal participation in political
life plays a pivotal role in the general process of the advancement of women. Women’s equal
participation in decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can
also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account. Without
the active participation of women and the incorporation of women’s perspective at all levels of
decision making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved (FWCW,
1995).
International human rights and gender-equality standards remain the reference frameworks
governing how all political institutions and actors have committed themselves to respecting
these standards. There are various arguments that necessitate promoting women’s political
participation which are based on the universal human rights instruments that enshrine equal
rights for women and men and promote gender equality, as well as the international standards
and principles governing the functioning of democratic institutions. Because, equal rights and
opportunities for women and men is universally recognized, equal representation of women
and men in politics is a prerequisite for democratic elections and inclusive parliaments can
enhance legitimacy and representativeness (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
The benefits for political party leader’s arguments are rooted in the “justice argument”, which
states that providing opportunities for women and men to participate equally in all political
processes is a human rights obligation. Respect for this human right also brings greater
democratic legitimacy and increases the likelihood of inclusive governance. As such, the
“justice argument” constitutes a powerful justification for progressing towards equal
participation of women and men in political life.
However, not all political parties may be convinced to take action in support of women’s
political advancement based on human rights obligations and principles of legitimacy alone.
An incentive-based approach can be effective in persuading political parties and political party
leaders in particular, to support women’s political participation. Leaders are more likely to be
convinced if they see that the increased presence of women in political office can help parties
12
compete more effectively and draw attention to the party’s policy issues that may secure greater
support from the electorate.
This approach is rooted in two arguments often put forward in order to enhance women’s
political participation, in addition to the justice argument: the “difference” argument, and the
“pragmatic” or “utilitarian” argument (Joni Lovenduski, 2005; Sarah Childs, Joni Lovenduski
and Rosie Campbell, 2005). The difference argument posits that women and men bring
different perspectives, views and experiences to the table that can enrich political and policy
debate. Only through full and fair representation will these differences be taken in account in
political policy and decision-making. The “pragmatic” argument outlines the benefits to parties
by including more women, including greater electability and legitimacy amongst voters. In
addition, parties benefit from the broader array of skills, knowledge and expertise that women
bring. Accordingly, this section presents key arguments to motivate political party leaders to
increase the number of women among political party members, decision makers and candidates
for elected office. It focuses on four main incentives for political party leaders; namely,
improving a political party’s public image and reputation, enhancing political party platforms
and policy agendas, strengthening political party electoral strategies and combat falling party
membership.
Women, too, play an important role in the process of advocating for gender equality in political
office. Expanding the pool of women willing to run for public office as she can represent herself
and people like her, she can able to serve as a role model and mobilize civic engagement and
change the perception of society and political stakeholders regarding women’s capacities are
the underlying arguments as to why more women should be supported to run for elected office,
as well as what women can do to convince party leaders to support women’s political
advancement as they justify the benefits for women in political parties. These arguments can
help female party activists expand the pool of women willing to run for public office and
eliminate gender-based discrimination in political parties (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
Society in general benefits from the increased representation of women in political parties and
elected office. Women’s political presence can ensure that policy issues affecting women in
particular are channeled into political debates, raise awareness about gender-based
discrimination in all spheres of political and public life and enhance socio-economic
development. Because, women participation in politics increases public trust in the political
system, impacts the policy agenda, contributes to socio-economic development and promotes
better understanding of gender-equality issues in society (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).

13
2.3. Forms of Women Political Participation
It is the view of Feminist theory that women owing to their specific life experiences in society
makes women politicians highly rank and express dissimilar values, policies and values more
so pertaining to childcare, education, healthcare, women politicians pursue less confrontational
and cooperative political style (Lovenduski,1997). Women’s political participation has been
exceedingly low compared to men; this is the case both in developed and developing world
(Conway, 2001). This is taking into account women’s holding of elected offices and their role
as voters. In modern democracies political participation takes many forms, people elect
representatives whose responsibility it is to put electorate’s welfare in generation of policies
(Uhlaner, 2001). In Africa, the number of women heads of states since independence is
negligible.
To be sure, political participation aimed at getting elected to public office entails being a
member of a recognized political party. Political parties are undeniably the stage which careers
in politics are perfected and nurtured. They therefore become a vitally important vehicle
through which individual’s aspirations of public authority are realized. In short, to be successful
in politics needs to join a political party and convince the other members that he/she presents
the best chance for the party to win seats in parliament or local elections. It has to be noted
however that political parties are irrelevant in some forms of political participation like running
a marathon or volunteering. Therefore the study will consider parties in the context of
presidential, parliamentary and municipal/local/constituency elections.
As alluded to political participation is more than just holding office and voting. There are other
activities that citizens can indulge in depending on their preferences, resources, & skills. It is
important to categorize these activities into legal and illegal participation and convectional and
non-conventional methods. Legal forms are those sanctioned by the law while illegal are
prohibited. Conventional means are the mainstream forms while non-conventions are
considered outliers. Some of the better known conventional forms include working in election
campaigns, joining political organizations, donating money to political causes or candidates,
contacting political officials, volunteering in local community, serving on local boards e.g.
school boards.
Other forms of political participation albeit more passive include engaging in support activities
like attending concerts or take part in sporting events like running a marathon. Still there are
other activities that though are normally associated with dissent are key forms of political
activities. These non-conventional means include demonstrations, protests and rioting they are

14
forms of political participation that register dissatisfaction with the government’s position
(Milbrath and Goel, 1977). From the above list, it emerges that almost anyone regardless of
gender or social status can participate in political activities.
Conventional means entail political activities that are fairly a routine use of representative
channels of government. They can fall into two categories: (a) supportive-where participants
ceremonially depict allegiance to a government or country (b) influencing-where participants
aim to modify or reverse a particular government stand or policy. Supportive behavior by
participants may be targeted at obtaining a specific benefit from the government. Influencing
behaviors can occur through voting or through high initiative which aims to attain benefits for
a group.
Voting is perhaps the familiar means of political participation and possibly the one undertaken
by a vast majority of the world’s population. It exemplifies democracy, the right of people to
choose their government. Democracy is broadly conceived in terms of four key elements
namely: (a) existence of a political system through which governments are chosen and replaced
in free and fair elections, (b) citizen’s active participation in civic and political life, (c) human
rights protection for all citizens, (d) existence of rule of law that equally applies to all citizens
(What is Democracy?, 2004). The western type democracy was largely introduced to Africa
and other developing countries through the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPS) which
begun after the oil crisis of the early 1970s. Adopting democracy was one of the preconditions
put on developing countries by the World Bank, International Monitory Fund and western
countries albeit to some extent in order to acquire funding to resuscitate ailing African
economies.
Voting is unique in that it allows the views of more people than any other activity to be
represented. It’s an equating factor in that everyone gets one vote irrespective of his or her
social and power status. This legitimizes political office holders and ensures that winners in an
election are acceptable to a majority of the population where free and fair elections prevail. Of
course the efficacy of voting depends on where it is held and the proportion of eligible and
registered voters who take part. In mature democracies of the west, for example in America 9
out of ten people agree that it’s the duty of citizens to vote (William Flanigan and Zingale,
1999). In Africa the situation is not much different, 79% of South Africans think it is the
citizen’s duty to vote (Human Science Research Council accessed from the website;
http://www.hsrc.ac.za/en/media-briefs/sasas/trends-democracy-
efficacy.#sthash.aQljFLmh.dpuf). This does not mean however that every registered voter

15
votes during elections in these democracies, there are still significant proportions of registered
voters who don’t fulfill their civic obligation.
In developing countries especially those in Africa elections tend to be less free and fair. Voting
is marred by irregularities which sometimes precipitate ethnic tensions and violence. In Kenya
for instance, the 2007 presidential election led to post election violence that killed over 1000
people and displaced an estimated 600,000 (Lynch, 2009). New democracies like Kenya which
have weaker institutions, pronounced marginalization of some communities and entrenched
ethnic suspicion need systemic reforms which can be effectively achieved through the ballot
box. It is thus rather disturbing that the voting process that would address these challenges
divides rather than uniting Kenyans. Not everybody in a country is eligible to vote though;
normally some requirements must be fulfilled including attaining age of the majority and
citizenship. In addition, one must also be a registered voter.
Low voter turnout presents one major challenge to the electoral process since the
representativeness of the results can be questioned. The challenge of low voter turnout is
omnipresent and is to be found in all regions of the world. Of course, behind this uniformity
lie complex factors that can only be understood through deeper probing. Complex bureaucratic
registration process is another thing that keeps people off voter registration. It normally means
that one has to abandon his or her daily activity, travel to registration centers and possess
required documents. This can prove too much for different social groups especially those in the
employ of inflexible work hours or those who need to work overtime to simply get by due to
their low wages. To address such problems, the US has simplified the process by allowing
voters to register themselves at social services offices, motor vehicle offices and online making
the voter registration convenient and easier (David, Diana Owen and Timothy, 20xx). Online
registration has contributed immensely to increase in voter registration. During 1992 elections
in the US, online registration registered in excess of 2 million new voters; this figure exceeded
2.5 million new voters in the 2008 election (The Campaign: Rockers and Rappers, 1993).

16
2.4. Challenges of Women Participation in Politics
Women’s representation in elected office in any given country is determined and influenced
by a number of factors. Among these are the design of political and electoral systems, the
degree to which decision-making processes are institutionalized and the broader economic and
cultural developments in society. Notwithstanding the above, however, modern democracy is
still dominated by political parties. Therefore, political parties and the processes by which they
are governed play a key role in determining the degree to which women participate in political
and public life and the quality of their engagement.
For this reason, political parties are often referred to as the “gatekeepers” of women’s political
participation. Barriers such as direct or indirect gender-based discrimination in party
procedures and practices, a lack of gender-sensitivity in candidate selection and outreach or an
inequitable distribution of party resources among candidates are some of the complex
challenges faced by women in political parties and, in particular, by female candidates in
organizing and implementing electoral campaigns.
Internal party functioning, including both formal and informal party rules and procedures
governing how a party operates, is a key factor that can influence political parties’
responsiveness to gender issues. Political parties that have highly institutionalized structures
tend to be more responsive to a policy agenda that promotes women’s political advancement
(Pippa Norris and Mona Lena Krook, 2011). This is because a clear party structure, governed
by defined and transparent sets of rules concerning decision-making, policy-making,
promotion and recruitment, lays the groundwork for equitable access of both men and women
to political party resources and to leadership. Furthermore, clearly-defined party processes
make it easier for a party’s members to introduce measures in support of women’s political
representation into existing party policies, processes and procedures.
Such measures can include voluntary party quotas, targets or other voluntary measures. To be
effective, however, these measures need to be accompanied by initiatives to actively encourage
and support women within parties to advance their political careers, whether through capacity-
building activities, awareness raising or the adoption of gender-sensitive policies and
procedures. The commitment to gender equality should be promoted not only within parties,
but within the electorate as well, through a party’s platform and campaign messages. Lastly,
parties need to ensure that campaign promises and commitments regarding the equal
participation of women and men in political life are implemented in practice. This can be

17
achieved by lobbying for the introduction and/or effective implementation of gender equality
legislation and policies at local and national levels.
There are six key challenges identified by interlocutors as hindering women’s political
empowerment and participation; namely, lack of provisions and measures in founding party
documents to ensure women’s representation in party structures and activities; candidate
recruitment and/or selection processes that are not transparent; unclear and non-transparent
promotion procedures; unequal access to and distribution of party resources; gender-insensitive
party culture; and institutional and regulatory frameworks that discriminate against women and
provide insufficient mechanisms to redress complaints (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
The founding documents of political parties govern how parties function internally as well as
externally. Some political parties have made efforts to promote gender equality through, and
integrate gender-sensitive language into, their founding documents. Furthermore, even where
parties make an effort to institutionalize party processes and policies in a transparent manner,
in many cases these rules are not adhered to in practice, often to the detriment of women
members. One of the key party functions that should be made more transparent, fair and
equitable is the process of candidate recruitment and/or selection. While the number of women
eventually elected from each political party may reflect bias on the part of the electorate
(Rainbow Murray, Mona Lena Krook and Katherine A. R. Opello, 2012), the number of women
selected as candidates by party leaders can give a clear indication of whether or not a party is
biased against women. For example, a political party claiming that half its members are female
and that its female members hold leadership positions, but selects less than 20 per cent of
women to make up its candidate list, may be an indication of gender-based bias in the party’s
candidate-selection process. Clearly written and transparent selection procedures are the best
mechanisms by which to insure that parties abide by the rules they have developed
(OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
Although a few political parties have already introduced democratic and gender-sensitive
procedures into the process of recruiting and selecting their candidates, including specific
measures to increase the number of women selected, party leaders still tend to choose
candidates using criteria that are not always merit-based. The same can be said about promotion
procedures, including those governing advancement to decision-making and leadership
positions within parties (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
While undemocratic procedures can hurt both men and women party members, lack of gender-
sensitivity in party procedures can leave female party members outside formal and informal
decision-making processes regarding candidate selection, recruitment and promotion.
18
Therefore, when such processes are undemocratic and non-transparent, women unless they are
part of the party hierarchy are likely to be the most disadvantaged (OSCE/ODIHR, 2014).
Another key obstacle to increasing women’s participation in political affairs is unequal access
to and distribution of party resources. This is due to inadequate funding of women candidates,
on the one hand, and the high cost of campaigning, on the other. Men are often favored by party
candidate-selection committees where the allocation of resources is concerned, as they are
usually considered “safe” candidates. This is because men, as the majority of incumbents, enjoy
name recognition among the electorate that can give them (and their party) an electoral
advantage. In addition, men have traditionally enjoyed better access to financial donors and
business networks as a result of their professional careers, as well as access to administrative
resources that can be indirectly used for campaign purposes. All these factors appear to give
men an electoral advantage (Otieno, 2013).
The nature of some political parties and their relationship with women is manifested in the way
they deal with female party members, be it candidates, campaign managers, activists or
supporters. Gender equality has been promoted in the statutes, charters and electoral programs
of a number of political parties in the OSCE area, as this chapter will demonstrate.
However, women’s political potential has rarely been recognized in party leadership and
decision-making structures. Women tend to be selected for time and labor-intensive positions,
including volunteer positions, but are rarely entrusted with those posts which entail real
political visibility and weight (2012 ODIHR, 2013). Other institutional aspects, such as long
and late working hours, unenforceable rules, informal practices and unwritten customs, serve
as further constraints. In some political parties, the prevailing party culture remains
discriminatory towards women, indirectly and sometimes directly hindering their career
advancement. This is particularly true where traditional party socializing and campaigning
practices involve venues or activities where women may feel uncomfortable (Otieno, 2013).
Party culture can be particularly discriminatory when it reflects the prevailing norms of the
broader political culture. For example, the qualities deemed necessary for political success are
often viewed positively in men (authoritative, ambitious, driven, tenacious, and principled) but
are viewed negatively in women, or are transformed into negative traits (aggressive, power
hungry, belligerent, passive-aggressive, stubborn) (Otieno, 2013).
Inevitably, political participation like any other social activity is determined by some factors
which predisposes one group to take up political activities than others. These factors tend to
show similarities globally, some differences are however observed from time to time. These

19
factors include resource availability, education, income, ethnicity and group consciousness or
attitudes (Otieno, 2013).
Key obstacles to women’s political participation reported to comprise of gender prejudices and
cultural factors, the lack of social demand and interest from women themselves, lack of
economic and political resources, lack of rule of law, democracy, political transparency and
deficiencies of the political culture, ineffectiveness of gender quota and other governmental
measures on gender equality, sexual context of the discourse on ‘political’ women and lack of
capacity and education (is essential also for men) (Ghaplanyan, I., Melikyan, A. and Center for
Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015).
2.5. Opportunities of Women Participation in Politics
National legislation and international obligations and commitments, the issue of
implementation: action plans and special governmental agencies, the gender agenda of
international organizations and local organizations’ input are the major opportunities that can
enable women to actively participate in politics (Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender
and Leadership Studies, 2015).
Briefly, Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right in UN; presence of
international instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for
Action, CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace
and security called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes;
higher influence of the female activists at national and international political arena; Article 35
(3) of the FDRE’s constitution; issuance of the National Women Policy in 1993 (WAO, 1993)
by the government of FDRE; International Obligations and Commitments such as general
human rights documents such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the
UN Millennium Declaration requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action are
among the main UN instruments women organizations routinely refer to when fighting against
the traditional approach to women’s social, economic and political obedience to the men-ruled
world; the gender agenda of international organizations that have dealt with gender issues such
as USAID, NDI, British Council, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), as
well as some embassies, etc; inputs from local governmental and non-governmental
organizations; and the Indian Constitution (73rd Amendment Act), enacted in 1992, calls for
the reservation of a minimum of one-third of seats for women (both as members and as
chairpersons) within all of India’s locally elected governance bodies commonly referred to as

20
Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) are the major opportunities for women to actively participate
in politics and to demand their rights of participation in politics and decision making issues.
2.6. Empirical Review
Researchers have been conducted on the challenges and opportunities of women political
participation at national and international levels by researchers at different periods in varying
nations worldwide. Those related to this study are reviewed and presented as follows.
In relation to these, for example, the findings of the study conducted in Kenya by Otieno (2013)
to investigate the challenges and prospects of women’s political participation in governance in
Africa indicate that women face a number of challenges when participating in political sphere
like lack of the proper knowledge with which to make informed decisions, patriarchal norms
which always serve to oppress the women and lack of proper means to access power. Also,
Kassa (2015) has conducted an empirical study to assess the challenges and opportunities of
women political participation in Ethiopia and his findings show that different casual factors
such as economic, religious, social and cultural factors contributed to women’s poor political
participation in the country contrary to the fact that their political participation allow them to
address their basic problems and needs in their community and ensures the openness, real fight
against rent-seeking, accountability, political commitment, political leadership, and political
responsiveness of the existing national, regional, districts, and local levels. Finding of the study
undertaken to identify the determinants of women political participation and decision making
in Somalia found that women have no consideration in politics, leadership and decision making
in Somalia. Moreover, Nwabunkeonye (2014) carried out the study to determine the challenges
to women active participation in politics in Nigeria which has revealed that there persists poor
participation of women in politics and the number of women in political positions in Nigeria is
growing at a slow rate despite efforts to change such trend. His findings also show that
discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices, lack of finance, under-representation of
women in governance, unhealthy political environment, political party discrimination, wrong
perception of women in politics, lack of family, fellow women and media support,
indigenization of women political aspirants, among others as the key challenges that have
hindered active political participation of women in Nigeria. Furthermore, socio-cultural factors
(MoWA, 2006; Shvedova, 2002; Kunovich, Paxton and Hughes, 2007; Eagly, Makhijani and
Klonsky, 1992; Gidudu, Enose and Betty, 2014; Norris and Inglehart, 2000; Norris and
Inglehart, 2008), religious factors (Kunovich, Paxton and Hughes, 2007; Ahmed, 1992; Meyer,
Rizzo and Ali, 1998; Douglas, 2014), economic factors (FDRE, 2006; Seyedeh, Hasnita and

21
Hossein, 2010; Shvedova, 2002; Tovar, 2007), gender roles-patriarchy (Kate, 1970; Damilola,
2010; Aswath, 2014) and family work and time constraints (Shvedova, 2002; Rachel, 2009;
Miranda, 2005) are reported by researchers as factors that hinders women’s political
participation at national and international arena.
With regards to opportunities for active political participation of women, while the FDRE
Constitution which recognizes women’s equal rights with men in the political, social, economic
and cultural spheres and accordingly that bestow women with the right to take part in the
conduct of public affairs, directly and through freely elected representatives, the right to vote
and to be elected to any level of government offices and to be a member of any political
organization, labor union, trade organization or employers or professional association of their
choice as opportunities for women to actively participate in politics (The Implementation of
the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, 1995; The Outcome of the 23 rd special
Session, 2000) besides other international articles such as the UDHR, international legal
instruments on gender equality, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (Norris and Inglehart, 2000).
.

22
 CHAPTER THREE: STUDY DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
3.1. Study Settings and Period
The study was carried out in Robe Woreda of Arsi Zone of Oromia Regional State, South
Eastern Ethiopia from 16th to 31st March, 2020. It has about 28 rural peasant association
Kebeles and five urban Kebeles. From these, Gojina and Gadelma Kebeles will be covered in
the study. The administrative town of the Woreda is Robe town, which is located at 225kms
southeast of Addis Ababa and about 99.1km from the zonal capital town-Asella in the northeast
direction. It is bounded by Sude Woreda in the east, Gasera (Bale zone) in south, Tena Woreda
in western, Diksis and Sude Woreda in the northern. It is located between 07° 51' and 56.08'
latitudes north and 39° 37' and 47.58' longitudes east with total area of about 67472.5 hectares.
The Woreda comprises three climatic zones namely Dega (temperate), Woina Dega (middle
altitude) and kola (lower altitude). The Woreda’s predominant climatic zone is largely Woina
Dega which constitutes 90%. The Southern part of the Woreda is largely lowland with low
rainfall whereas the northwestern and northern part of the Woreda has Plato land and the
elevation of the Woreda on average ranges from 1300-3060 m.a.s.l.
According to the 2007 Central Statistical Agency (CSA) report, the total population of Robe
Woreda was 165, 210; of which 144, 530 [F= 82, 081; M= 83, 129] (87.48%) were rural people
while 20, 680 [F= 10, 872; M= 9, 808] (12.52%) were urban dwellers. The population of Robe
Woreda is predominantly Oromo (86.11%). The next larger groups have been the Amhara
(11.25%) and Soddo Gurage (1.41%) respectively (CSA, 2007). The projected population size
of the two strategically selected rural Kebeles for 2020 based on the 2007 result of national
population and census report for Oromia Regional State were 13, 156 [F = 6, 548; M = 6, 608]
and the number of households were 2, 367. The estimated number of males and females aged
18 years and above but less than or equal to 65 years old in these Kebeles were 4, 060 [F = 2,
021; M = 2, 039].
Figures 1 demonstrates administrative map of Robe Woreda and study settings.

23
 1. Gojina

2. Gadelma

Figure 1: Administrative map of Robe Woreda and Locations of the sample Kebeles; Source:
(CSA, 2007 E.C)
3.2. Study Design
The principal study method that was employed in this study was a community-based cross-
sectional descriptive survey. A mixed quantitative and qualitative study approach was utilized
to investigate the thematic issues of the study. Descriptive research which is an apt for
providing valid and exact representation of dynamics pertinent to research question (Neuman
Lawrence, 2007). It aims to describe social happenings accurately, to give detailed picture of
phenomena. This kind of study aims to answer the question “how” and “who” and is uses a
wide variety of data gathering techniques. Descriptive research is especially useful in informing
policy decisions and typically begins with a well-defined subject and proceeds to study and
describe it precisely culminating into a detailed and accurate picture of the subject. The study
methodology will be mixed method research. This methodology employs both qualitative and
quantitative data to give the true picture of study problem. While qualitative strategy focuses
on social context, quantitative methodology main focus is on numbers (Denniz Donmez, 2012).
This research used mixed method research. It employed both qualitative and quantitative
methodologies. Working with both qualitative and quantitative methods is important as the
principal researcher will not only have statistics of the different views of the respondents but

24
the principal researcher would have acquired tangible evidence to qualify their statements.
Employing both methods is also important to boost the authenticity of the research such that
the research is not shaped by the sentiments of the researcher but by the facts presented to him.
Qualitative methods: the study used interview guides to obtain primary data through interviews
with identified respondents. This technique allows a researcher to gain in-depth information
due to its meaning centric nature (Yin, 2013).
Quantitative research: Questionnaires were developed to gather quantitative data which was
undertaken in two ways. There was a structured interview that was used on key informants who
were identified by contacting relevant stakeholders who were concerned with the issue of
women participation in politics and face the challenges in realizing these goals. These were
called key informant interviews.
Primary data came from interviews and questionnaires that were administered. Scholarly
books, academic journals, unpublished works, articles, reports from the UN, non-
Governmental Organizations, secondary data already exist and were collected for some other
purposes, but will be used in current research project retrospectively (Kothari, 2004). One of
the basic advantages of using secondary data is that it helps the researcher to save time and
money. If the information that answers the research questions already exists, it is a waste of
time and resources to recollect existing data for the sake of citing primary data sources.
Secondary data that was used in this work included both published and non-published
materials. The former were different books, articles from journals, pamphlets, and technical
papers. The latter include meetings’ minutes, newspapers, files, reports and action plans. The
fact that secondary data was collected for other different purposes is one of the limitations of
the secondary data utilization in this study (Kane and O’Reilly, 2001).
3.3. Population
3.3.1 Source Population: This study targeted the general public, renowned academicians, policy

makers and leaders and key informants in government and political and think tank personnel.
The population is thus was drawn from people who were in one way or the other involved in
study problem. The population was drawn from Gojina and Gadelma Kebeles which well
represents all social stratums and ethnic groups. All adult females and males that were living
in these Kebeles in this fiscal year were the source population in this study.
3.3.2 Study Population: All adult females and males that were living in these Kebeles during data
collection period were the study population for the study.

25
3.3.3 Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
3.3.3.1 Inclusion Criteria: Being in both adult and healthy were the inclusion criteria.
3.3.3.2 Exclusion Criteria: Being not an adult and not healthy were the criteria of exclusion.
3.4. Sample Size Determination and Sampling Techniques
3.4.1 Sample Size Determination
The sample size of the study participant couples was determined using the sample size
determination formula for single finite proportion population (Field, 2009; Robert, 2009).
Accordingly,
2
N *Z  * p*q
1
n  2
; Where,
d 2 *( N  1)  Z 
2
* p*q
1
2

n = Sample size,
N  Total number of participant couples which is equal to 350,
p = Probability of randomly selecting the couples, which is 0.5.,
q = Probability of not randomly selecting the couples, which is 1.0 - 0.5 (So, it is 0.5),
d = maximum allowable error (margin of error) = 0.05, and
Z = value of standard normal distribution (Z –statistic) at 90% confidence level (z = 1.28).
Then,
4060*1.282 *0.5*0.5
n 
0.052 *(4060  1)  1.282 *0.5*0.5
= 158
= 158 adult males and females.
The final sample size with 5% non-response rate or missing data was equal to 166 adult males
and females. Therefore, 83 females and 83 males were included in the study. The determined
final sample size of the respondents was distributed proportionately to both Kebeles based on
their corresponding sizes.
Moreover, 10 key informants and 20 focus group discussants were taken from the two rural
Kebeles for key informant interview and focus group discussion (FGD). Therefore, the overall
sample size of the study participants was 196 persons.
3.4.2 Sampling Techniques
Respondents were include adult males and females, key informants in political parties, general
public, leading scholars and Non-Governmental Organizations as well as focus group
discussants that hold key administrative posts in the sample Kebeles. The adult females and

26
males were selected from the two Kebeles using systematic random sampling technique; 10
key informants were selected using availability sampling technique; and the 20 focus group
discussants were selected using judgmental sampling technique. Thus, systematic random,
availability and judgmental sampling techniques were the sampling techniques that were
employed in the study.
Table 1: Total population, sample sizes and sampling techniques
KEBELES Populations Adults Sample sizes
BOTH M F Both M F Both M F
Gojina 6,584 3,288 3,296 2032 1015 1017 83 41 42
Gadelma 6,572 3,320 3,252 2028 1024 1004 83 42 41
Total 13,156 6,608 6,548 4060 2039 2021 166 83 83

3.5. Data Collection Instruments

Interview questionnaires, key informant interview schedule items, focus group discussion and
archival materials analysis form were the main data collection instruments which were used to
collect necessary and relevant data for the study. Many of the items included in the data
collection instrument were adapted from similar tools used by other researchers (Mohamed,
2017; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Kassa,
2015 and others) since their reliability and validity are already determined for similar ends. A
few of the question items incorporated in the tools were developed based on the reviewed
literature. The interview questionnaires had three different sections and 60 questions but 66
items in overall (see Appendix II for the details). The first part of the interview schedule was
used to collect data on the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents and it
contained 7 items. The second section items were employed to gather data on challenges,
obstacles, constraints and problems either being faced or envisioned to be faced the women to
actively participate in politics that contained 35 items. The third section of the interview
schedule contained 17 questions but 23 items and was used to collect data on the existing and
envisioned opportunities that can motivate, encourage and reinforce women to actively
participate in politics.
3.6. Quality Control Measures
Quality of data to be collected was controlled by developing and employing data quality
controlling protocols and forms, data collection specifications and procedures and appropriate
tally sheets that were consistent with the items of data collection and also by undertaking
pretesting on five percent of the computed sample size which is different from the study

27
population. Standard double data entry procedures were applied to control quality of collected
data. Post data entry validation checks such as data summarizing and totaling were applied.
Moreover, assistant data collectors were recruited and selected from Grade 12 completed but
not joined tertiary learning institutions from Sedika town. They were trained on the contents of
the interview questionnaire items and procedures of data collection to further ensure the
reliability and validity of data.
Developed instrument along their corresponding protocols, specifications and procedures were
tested by running pre-testing (or pilot testing) on 15 percent of the calculated sample size
among 25 adult females and males who were living in Sedika town by deploying four trained
assistant data collectors under closer supervision of the principal investigator. That helped to
check reliability and consistency of data collection tool.
3.7. Data Processing and Analysis Methods
3.7.1. Data Processing Methods: Before processing collected data, whether all items of the
interview questionnaire and forms were filled correctly or completely or not were checked.
Incorrectly and partially filled and returned interview questionnaire papers were either
discarded if committed errors and unfilled items were many; otherwise if committed errors and
unfilled items were few or insignificant they were corrected and were taken into consideration
for final data analysis. They were coded and edited. Next to that, coded and edited data
(information) was tallied in the tally sheets that were developed for same purpose for each
study participants separately. The accuracy of entered data was verified by proofreading and
correcting.
3.7.2. Data Analysis Methods: After each and every obtained data was tallied for all study
participants, the processed and summarized data was analyzed using Scientific Calculator by
using descriptive statistical methods of data analysis like measures of central tendency and
measured of variability, and some elementary inferential statistical methods of data analysis.
Finally, processed and analyzed information (results) were presented using frequency tables,
charts or pictorial representations and verbal descriptions.
3.8. Ethical Considerations
Necessary ethical clearance and “TO WHOM IT CONCERN” letters as well as other
necessary letters were obtained from Arsi University, Faculty of Social Sciences and
Humanities, Department of Civic and Ethical Studies, and from Robe Woreda administrative
Office as well as from the administrative offices of the two Kebeles; i.e., Gojina and Gadelma
Kebeles. Items of the questionnaire and other forms were stated (worded) in such a way that

28
they were free from religious, ethnic and gender biases. Furthermore, study participants were
informed about the objectives of the study, and then asked whether they were willing full or
voluntary to participate in the study. After their verbal consents were obtained, actual
procedures of data collection were followed.

29
 4: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATIONS
Collected data and gathered information through interview questionnaires, interview schedule
with key informants and focus group discussion (FGD) have been analyzed within the
framework of the specific study objectives and basic research questions. Results of analyzed
data are presented in three thematic sub-sections of the study as detailed below.
The response rate of the study is 93.37 percent as 155 respondents were participated in the
study.
4.1. Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents
The mean and median ages of the respondents were 43.26 [43.26±11.140] and 44.29 years
respectively. The ages of just 60 percent of the participants of the study ranged from 40 to 59
years. Half of the respondents were females while the others were males. In terms of religion,
Muslims (38.06%) and Orthodox Christianity (33.55%) were the predominant types of the
religious practices of the respondents followed by Protestants (15.48%) and followers of
traditional beliefs (9.03%). Majority (58.71%) followed by 34.19 percent of the respondents
belonged to Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups respectively. The occupations of nearly 12
percent of the respondents were politicians followed by farmers which account for 61.94
percent accordingly (Table 2).
Table 2: Socio-demographic features of the respondents, Robe Woreda, Ethiopia, 2020(155)
Items Response options Respondents in
Freq. Percent Cum. Per.
Female 83 50 50.00
Gender
Male 83 50 100
How old are you? < 20 years 4 2.58 2.58
20-29 years 16 10.32 12.90
30-39 years 35 22.58 35.48
40-49 years 47 30.32 65.81
50-59 years 46 29.68 95.48
60+ years 7 4.52 100
What is your religion? Orthodox 52 33.55 33.55
Protestant 24 15.48 49.03
Catholic 5 3.23 52.26
Muslims 59 38.06 90.32
Others 14 9.03 99.35
What is your ethnicity? Amhara 53 34.19 34.19
Gurage 0 0 34.19
Oromo 91 58.71 92.90
Tigre 0 0 92.90
Others 11 7.10 100
Politician 18 11.61 11.61
Businessmen or women 31 20 31.61

30
 What is your current Private employee 10 6.45 38.06
occupation? Others 96 61.94 100

5.16% Bachelor
23.87%

Married

12.90%
58.06%

Divorced/c
eé

Widow/wi
dower

Figure 2: Marital status of the respondents, Robe Woreda, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia, 2020(155)
The marital status of the respondents is illustrated in Fig. 2 depicted above. As clearly
observable from the Figure, predominant (58.06%) of the respondents were in marital
relationship while 23.87 percent were widow and/or widower followed by 12.90 percent that
were dissolved their marital relationship (Figure 2).

25.00% 23.23%

20.00% 18.06% 18.06%

15.00% 12.26%
11.61%
9.68%
10.00%
7.10%

5.00%

0.00%
No formal Grades 1- Grades 5- Grades 9- Certificate Diploma First degree
eduaction to-4 to-8 to-12 and above

Figure 3: Educational status of the respondents, Robe Woreda, Arsi Zone, Ethiopia, 2020(155)

31
Figure 3 above depicts the educational status of the study participants. About 23 percent and
18.06 percent of the respondents had completed second cycle primary education and secondary
education as well as have no formal education. Only 29.03 percent of the respondents had
educational qualification above secondary level of educational status (Figure 3).
4.2. Challenges of Women for Participation in Politics
The participants of the study were asked some questions that dealt with different challenges,
obstacles and constraints that potentially deter them to actively participate in politics and
decision making process on participation in politics. The responses of the respondents
according to the perceptions of female and male respondents are presented in Table 3.
As conceptualized in chapter two, participation in formal politics is basically understood as
taking part in party and associational politics, campaigning in an election and holding political
leadership (public decision making) positions in state machineries. Having this in mind, a
number of survey questions regarding the challenges and opportunities of political
participation; and when, why and how they took part in formal political activities in their
community was administered to the sample population.
The respondents were asked question on the channels for women to have access to and
participate in formal political activities of their community. Accordingly, electoral and
associational politics are amongst the widely mentioned channels and areas of women political
participation in the Robe Woreda in general and at Gojina and Gadelma Kebele levels in
particular. One of these channels is the local electoral system.
The respondents also mentioned that the institutionalization of popularly elected council
system both at Kebele and the Robe Woreda levels, the establishment of women affairs office
both at Kebele and the Robe Woreda level, and the existence of various women organizations
and political parties as important institutional frameworks and channels available for women
to have access to and participate in the political and governance structure of the Robe Woreda
at Gojina and Gadelma rural Kebele levels.
Nevertheless, the degree to which these channels are really exploitable is questionable as there
are potent challenges (to be discussed in chapter five in detail) mentioned by the respondents
that hinder women to actively participate in the political activities of their community.
In the survey instrument used for this study, the respondents were also asked whether they were
political party affiliated or not. Accordingly, the majority 49(62.82%) and 63(81.82%) of the
female and male respondents indicated that they were political party affiliated ones

32
respectively. The remaining 29(37.18%) of the female respondents indicated that they were not
political party affiliated.
Question was also asked to the respondents whether Ethiopian political system was heavily
influenced by patriarchal values. Accordingly, the result indicated that majority [67(85.90%]
of the female respondents replied that the Ethiopian political system and parties were heavily
influenced by patriarchal values while only 46 (59.74%) male respondents supported this
assertion. Moreover, 82.05% of the female participants of the study claimed that these values
influenced the electorate when voting.
Out of the total participants, about 72 percent of the respondents are affiliated with political
parties but more males (81.82%) do so than the females (62.82%). According to the
respondents, Robe Woreda is heavily influenced by patriarchal values (72.90%) and that
patriarchal values influence exerted significant impact on the electorate when they are voting
(65.81%). The influences of patriarchal values and their impact on the electorate when they
were voting were higher among women (85.98% and 82.05%) than men (59.74% & 49.35%)
of the respondents respectively. From these findings it is possible to infer that regardless of
level of political party affiliations of the respondents, political participation of women are
positively and significantly influenced by the perceptions of the patriarchal values than men.
This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
According to the responses of men participants for question that asked them that did Ethiopian
women held their leaders accountable, 32.47 percent and 37.66 percent of them said that they
did so to a great extent and to a lesser extent respectively while women that replied
correspondingly were 17.95 percent and 41.03 percent. This implies that participation of
women in politics was less than their male counterparts as if their political participation was
higher, the degree to which they held their leaders accountable was greater is the right
expectation to be obtained (or the higher the participation in politics, the more likely that they
hold their leaders accountable in principle). This finding is consistent with previously reported
finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth
nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and
Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN
33
Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership
Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission,
2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Again, the participants were asked that “Do Robe Woreda women know their civic rights?”.
Exactly 41.03% and 32.05% women stated that large and small percentage values of Robe
Woreda women knew their civic rights while 40.26 percent men said a small percentage of
women and 29.87 percent men said a large percentage of women knew their civic rights. In
aggregate, 54.84 percent of respondents asserted that a small proportion of Robe Woreda
women knew their civic rights while 36.13 percent asserted that a large proportion of Robe
Woreda women knew their civic rights. Failure to know their civic rights is one of the
impediments for women to actively participate in politics. Thus, the fact that the proportion of
women that know their civic rights is low according to both and aggregate responses of the
responses, failure to know their civic rights is one of the significant impediments for women
for active participation in politics. This finding is comparable with the findings of other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Still, the participants were asked that “Are there quotas in political parties that promote
women's participation?” and their responses revealed that all parties have quotas (45.45 percent
men, 35.90 percent female and 40.65 percent of both) while some parties have quotas (27.27
percent men, 23.08 percent female and 25.16 percent of both) but all parties lack quotas (10.39
percent men, 14.10 percent female and 12.26 percent of both). From these findings it is possible
to infer absence and inadequacy of females’ quotas in parties exerted positive and significant
influence on the level of political participation in these rural Kebeles. This finding is consistent
with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in
Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria,
in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010;
Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center
for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly. In relation to this question,
OSCE/ODIHR (2014) experts argue that equal representation of women and men in politics is
34
a prerequisite for democratic elections and inclusive parliaments can enhance legitimacy and
representativeness and in turn implies that political parties should incorporate quotas for
women to ensure their enshrined rights.
Moreover, the participants were asked that “Had you polled votes in the last election?” and
their responses revealed that they responded ‘Yes,’ (88.31 percent men, 65.38 percent female
and 76.77 percent of both). From these findings it is possible to infer that voting polls was not
the challenge that hinders participation of women in politics. This finding is consistent with
previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia,
in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in
Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010;
Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center
for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Participants were asked that “Upon whose instructions you polled vote?” and their responses
revealed that own choice (96.10 percent men, 30.77 percent female and 63.23 percent of both),
upon family will (3.90 percent men, 42.31 percent female and 23.23 percent of both), father
(7.69 percent female), brother (5.13 percent female) and husband (14.10 percent female)
respectively. From these findings it is possible to infer that failure of women to vote polls
without the instructions of others was the important challenge that limited women participation
in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who
conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same,
in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware
Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012;
Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye,
2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Furthermore, the participants were asked that “Was gender your reason for not polling vote?”
and their responses revealed that (46.15 percent female). From these findings it is possible to
infer that gender was another obstacle that hindered women political participation in the rural
Kebeles covered in the study. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
35
Otieno, 2013) accordingly. Otherwise, it is hardly possible to ensure equal representation of
women and men in politics which is a prerequisite for democratic elections and inclusive
parliaments can enhance legitimacy and representativeness and in turn implies that political
parties should incorporate quotas for women to ensure their enshrined rights. Respondents that
replied ‘No,’ gave no permission from family (33.33 percent female), didn’t like politics (19.05
percent female), polling stations was far away (33.33 percent female) and polling station was
closed down (14.10 percent female) as reasons to account for their responses for not voting in
the past polling.
Again, the participants were asked that “Do you have interest in country politics?” and their
responses revealed that 79.22 percent men, 43.59 percent female and 61.29 percent of both
replied ‘Yes’. From these findings it is possible to infer that low level of females’ interests in
country politics was one of the challenges that serve as a barrier for women to actively
participate in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Also, the participants were asked that “What in your opinion is the current ration of women's
political participation compared to men?” and their responses revealed that more than man
(6.49 percent men, 2.56 percent female and 4.52 percent of both) and less than men (85.71
percent men, 78.21 percent female and 81.94 percent of both). From these findings it is possible
to infer that lower current ration of women’s political participation compared to men was
another limiting factor for active political participation of women. This finding is consistent
with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in
Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria,
in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010;
Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center
for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
The participants were asked that “Are you satisfied from the current representation of females
in politics?” and their responses revealed that 48.10 percent men, 17.95 percent female and
33.12 percent of both stated ‘Yes’ but 32.91 percent men, 57.69 percent female and 45.22
36
percent of both said ‘No’. From these findings it is possible to infer that satisfaction of women
with their current representations in politics was not the challenge for women’s participation
in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who
conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same,
in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware
Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012;
Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye,
2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Participants were asked that “Had any female participated in the previous government from
your community/area?” and their responses revealed that 72.73 percent men, 66.67 percent
female and 69.68 percent of both said ‘No’. From these findings it is possible to infer that since
they had good women role models concerning women participation in politics from their own
areas and/or communities, lack or absence of women role models was not serve as the challenge
for their participation in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of
other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
“Have you ever participated in the political campaign/assemblies?” was raised to probe the
respondents of the study. About 68 percent men, 16.67 percent female and 41.94 percent of
both said ‘Yes’ but 32.47 percent men, 83.33 percent female and 58.06 percent of both said
‘No’. Respondents that replied ‘No’ stated no permission from family (25.97 percent men,
37.63 percent female and 32.35 percent of both), no resources for participation in politics
(42.86 percent men, 16.13 percent female and 28.24 percent of both) and other reasons (31.17
percent men, 7.53 percent female and 18.24 percent of both) whereas 29.03 percent female
replied that females’ participation was considered bad in our society and 10.22 percent female
replied that religious doctrine did not permit this as their reasons. From these findings it is
possible to infer that minor level of women participation in the political campaign and/or
assemblies from their communities might be other challenge the limited their participation in
politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who
conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same,
in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware
37
Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012;
Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye,
2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents that replied ‘No,’ gave the following reasons to account for their response:
“If you get the opportunity in politics, then for whom you will work?” was another question
that used to probe the respondents regarding political participation of women challenges in
Robe Woreda and in the specific rural Kebeles 11.69 percent men, 46.156 percent female and
29.03 percent of both for women while 70.13 percent men, 50 percent female and 60 percent
of both for both. From these findings it is possible to infer that the perception for whom they
would work if they got opportunity to participate in politics could not be the challenge that
hinders their participation in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding
of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations,
in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Also, the participants were asked: “Which type of government you were in favor of?” and their
responses revealed that 61.04 percent men, 70.51 percent female and 65.81 percent of both
replied that they favored democratic government, 191.48 percent men, 15.38 percent female
and 17.42 percent of both replied that they favored liberal and 14.29 percent men, 10.26 percent
female and 12.26 percent of both replied that they favored government correspondingly. From
these findings it is possible to infer that their favored type of government couldn’t be the
challenge for their active participation in politics. This finding is consistent with previously
reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common
wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of
Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015;
ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and
Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections
Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Moreover, the participants were asked: “Which type of political party you are in favor of?” and
their responses revealed that 25.97 percent men, 29.49 percent female and 27.74 percent of
both replied that they favored OPDO, 25.97 percent men, 29.49 percent female and 27.74
percent of both replied that they favored EPRDF, 33.77 percent men, 28.21 percent female and
38
30.97 percent of both replied that they favored OLF, 20.78 percent men, 20.51 percent female
and 20.65 percent of both replied that they favored Semayawi Party and 2.99 percent men,
14.10 percent female and 13.55 percent of both replied that they favored APDP
correspondingly. From these findings it is possible to infer that as the proportions of women
that favored OPDO, OLF and Semayawi Party were nearly the same; the type of political party
they favored had negative bearings on their levels of participation in politics. This finding is
consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical
studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia,
in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew
Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
The participants were asked: “Do you have the capacity to convince females for participation
in politics?” and their responses revealed that 45.45 percent men, 41.03 percent female and
43.23 percent of both replied ‘Yes’ while 37.66 percent men, 33.33 percent female and 35.48
percent of both replied ‘To some extent’. From these findings it is possible to infer that their
low level of perception that they had the capacity to convince females for participation in
politics was the potential challenge that might have hindered their participation in politics. This
finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Participants were asked: “Do the political leaders of your community work for the women
development and their rights?” and their responses revealed that 49.35 percent men, 67.95
percent female and 58.71 percent of both replied ‘No’ while 36.36 percent men, 16.67 percent
female and 26.45 percent of both replied ‘To some extent’. From these findings it is possible
to infer that significant proportion of the political leaders of their community didn’t work for
the women development and their rights was another identified challenge in this study. This
finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
39
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Furthermore, the participants were asked: “If from your community/area a female was
nominated for local elections, would you vote for her?” and their responses revealed that
majority (92.31%) percent female replied ‘Yes’ but 67.53 percent men said ‘No’. “In your
opinion, should a female become president/prime minister of a country?” was used to verify
view of respondents regarding the maximum post claimed by females that want to actively
participate in politics. Majority (85.90%) percent female replied ‘Yes’ but 42.86 percent men
said ‘No’. From these findings it is possible to infer that fear of lack of women that vote for
them if they were nominated for local elections from their community was not the limiting
factor against their active participation in politics. This finding is consistent with previously
reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common
wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of
Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015;
ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and
Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections
Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Moreover, the participants were asked that “Should female take part in political
campaigns/public assemblies?” and their responses revealed that more (50%) females affirmed
‘Yes’ than males (25.97%) but majority (75.32%) men negated it. From these findings it is
possible to infer that their equally unfavorable perceptions towards women taking part in
political campaigns/public assemblies might be contributed towards their low level of
participation in politics and hence is another challenge for their participation in politics. This
finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
The participants were asked that “Should females work with the political parties as political
workers?” and their responses revealed that 63.64 percent men, 78.21 percent female and 70.97
percent of both replied ‘Yes’. From these findings it is possible to infer that this assertion was
not serve as a challenge against women participation in politics. This finding is consistent with
previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia,
40
in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in
Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010;
Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center
for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly. OSCE/ODIHR (2014)
experts argue that equal representation of women and men in politics is a prerequisite for
democratic elections and inclusive parliaments can enhance legitimacy and representativeness.
According to the responses of participants for question that asked them that what problems
were being faced by females in getting in to politics, 24.42 percent men, 17.89 percent female
and 20.99 percent of both responded that females’ participation was against religious rules,
25.58 percent men, 26.32 percent female and 25.97 percent of both mentioned that societal
rules and beliefs did not encourage women participation, 23.26 percent men, 33.68 percent
female and 28.73 percent of both stated that due to less/no resources females could not
participate in politics, 26.74 percent men, 22.11 percent female and 24.31 percent of both said
that due to sexual harassment females participation was not possible and 24.42 percent men,
17.89 percent female and 20.99 percent of both asserted that political parties did not give
opportunity to female political contestants. From these findings it is possible to infer that there
are several problems that hindered females’ participation in politics and hence serve as
potential challenges. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly. Table 3 below also details other responses of the participants not
covered in the aforementioned and interpreted results.
Table 3: Challenges and obstacles that deter women to participate in politics, Robe Woreda,
Ethiopia, 2020(155)
SN Items Alternatives Male in Female in Both in
fi % fi % fi %
1 Are you a political Party affiliated? Yes 63 81.82 49 62.82 112 72.23
No 14 18.18 29 37.18 43 27.74

2 Is Ethiopia heavily influenced by Yes 46 59.74 67 85.90 113 72.90

No 22 28.57 11 14.10 33 21.29
Patriarchal Values?
3 Do these values influence the Yes 38 49.35 64 82.05 102 65.81
No 39 50.65 14 17.95 53 34.19
electorate when voting?

41
4 Do Ethiopian women hold their To a great extent 25 32.47 14 17.95 39 25.16
To a less extent 29 37.66 32 41.03 61 39.35
leaders accountable?
Not at all 23 29.87 32 41.03 55 35.48

5 Do women know their civic rights? A large percentage 31 40.26 25 32.05 56 36.13
A small percentage 39 50.65 46 58.97 85 54.84
They do not 7 9.09 7 8.97 14 9.03

6 Are there quotas in political parties All parties have quotas 35 45.45 28 35.90 63 40.65
Some parties have quotas 21 27.27 18 23.08 39 25.16
that promote women's participation?
All parties lack quotas 8 10.39 11 14.10 19 12.26
Not sure 13 16.88 21 26.92 34 21.94

7 Had you polled votes in the last Yes 68 88.31 51 65.38 119 76.77
No 11 14.29 27 34.62 38 24.52
election?
8 Upon whose instructions you polled Own choice 74 96.10 24 30.77 98 63.23
Upon family will 3 3.90 33 42.31 36 23.23
vote?
Father 0 0 6 7.69 6 3.87
Brother 0 0 4 5.13 4 2.58
Husband 0 0 11 14.10 11 7.10
Mother 0 0 1 1.28 1 0.65

9 Was gender your reason for not Yes 0 0 36 46.15 36 23.23

polling vote? [Only for women No 0 0 42 53.85 42 27.10

10 respondents]
If NO, then Why? No permission from family 0 0 14 33.33 14 33.33
I do not like politics 0 0 8 19.05 8 19.05
Polling stations was far away 0 0 14 33.33 14 33.33
Polling station was closed down 0 0 6 14.10 6 14.10
Others 0 0 0 0 0 0

11 Do you have interest in country Yes 61 79.22 34 43.59 95 61.29

No 9 11.69 26 33.33 35 22.58
politics?
To some extent 7 9.09 18 23.08 25 16.13

12 What in your opinion is the current More than man 5 6.49 2 2.56 7 4.52
Less than men 66 85.71 61 78.21 127 81.94
ration of women's political
Equal to men 6 7.792 15 19.23 21 13.55
participation compared to men?
13 Are you satisfied from the current Yes 38 48.10 14 17.95 52 33.12
No 26 32.91 45 57.69 71 45.22
representation of females in politics?
To some extent 15 18.99 19 24.36 34 21.66

14 Had any female participated in the Yes 21 27.27 26 33.33 47 30.32

previous government from your No 56 72.73 52 66.67 108 69.68

15 community/area?
Have you ever participated in the Yes 52 67.53 13 16.67 65 41.94
No 25 32.47 65 83.33 90 58.06
political campaign or assemblies?
17 If, NO, then Why? No permission from family 20 25.97 35 37.63 55 32.35
Females participation is considered
0 0.00 27 29.03 27 15.88
bad in our society
No resources for participation in 33 42.86 15 16.13 48 28.24
politics
Religious doctrine does not permit 0 0.00 9 10.22 9 5.29
this
Others 24 31.17 7 7.53 31 18.24

If you get the opportunity in politics, For Women 9 11.69 36 46.15 45 29.03
For Male 14 18.18 3 3.85
6 17 10.97
then for whom you will work? For both 54 70.13 39 50 93 60
Democratic 47 61.04 55 70.51 102 65.81

42
18 Which type of government you are Liberal 15 19.48 12 15.38 27 17.42
Republican 11 14.29 8 10.26 19 12.26
in favor of?
Others 4 5.19 3 3.85 7 4.52

19 Which type of political party you are OPDO 20 25.97 23 29.49 43 27.74
EPRDF 20 25.97 23 29.49 43 27.74
in favor of?
OLF 26 33.77 22 28.21 48 30.97
TPLF 2 2.60 2 2.56 4 2.58
Semayawi Party 16 20.78 16 20.51 32 20.65
APDP 10 2.99 11 14.1 21 13.55
Others 3 3.90 4 5.13 7 4.52

20 If you take part in politics, will you Yes 25 32.47 41 52.56 66 42.58

get the help of male members (for No 35 45.45 17 21.79 52 33.55

women) or female members (for To some extent 17 22.08 20 25.64 37 23.87

21 After Elimination of poverty 23 22.12 47 24.87 70 23.89
men)?having position of a politician,
Reduction in unemployment 52 50.00 20 10.58 72 24.57
what kind of change will you bring
Improvement in education 15 14.42 47 24.87 62 21.16
in country?
Women’s right 6 5.77 42 22.22 48 16.38
Rural electrification 7 6.73 33 17.46 40 13.65

22 Do you have the capacity to Yes 35 45.45 32 41.03 67 43.23

No 13 16.88 20 25.64 33 21.29
convince females for participation in
To some extent 29 37.66 26 33.33 55 35.48
politics?
23 Do the political leaders of your Yes 17 22.08 12 15.38 29 18.71
No 38 49.35 53 67.95 91 58.71
community work for the women
To some extent 28 36.36 13 16.67 41 26.45
development and their rights?
24 Do you have access to the political Yes 27 35.06 16 20.51 43 27.74
No 35 45.45 51 65.38 86 55.48
leader of your community for the
To some extent 15 19.48 11 14.10 26 16.77
solutions of your problems?
25 If from your community/area a Yes
25 32.47 72 92.31 97 62.58
female is nominated for local No
52 67.53 6 7.69 58 37.42
elections, will you vote for her?
26 In your opinion, should a female Yes 44 57.14 67 85.90 111 71.61
become president/prime minister of No 33 42.86 11 14.10 44 28.39

27 a country?
In your point of view, should female Yes
24 31.17 52 66.67 76 49.03
meet the political leaders or
representatives of their communities No 53 68.83 26 33.33 79 50.97
for solving the community problem?
28 Should female take part in political Yes 20 25.97 39 50 59 38.06
No 58 75.32 39 50 97 62.58
campaigns/public assemblies?
29 Should females work with the Yes 49 63.64 61 78.21 110 70.97

political parties as political workers? No 29 37.66 17 21.79 46 29.68

30 Should there be any laws or Yes

38 49.35 51 65.38 89 57.42
legislation for increasing the
No 39 50.6 27 34.62 66 42.58
participation of females in cabinet or
31 What problems are being faced by Females’ participation is against 21 24.42 17 17.89 38 20.99
in political parties?
religious rules
females in getting in to politics? Societal rules and beliefs 22 25.58 25 26.32 47 25.97

43
 Due to less/no resources females 20 23.26 32 33.68 52 28.73
cannot participate in politics
Due to sexual harassment
23 26.74 21 22.11 44 24.31
females participation is not
Political
possible parties do not give
21 24.42 17 17.89 38 20.99
opportunity to female political

32 In your opinion what decisions/steps To manage females’ wing

contestants 31 30.10 12 11.54 43 20.77
To control harassment within the
should be taken for the female’s 13 12.62 17 16.35 30 14.49
party’s policies should be
participation in politics? implemented
Females should be included in 13 12.62 16 15.38 29 14.01
the decision making process
Political program and awareness
16 15.53 21 20.19 37 17.87
sessions should be arranged for
females should be brought among
Awareness
30 29.13 38 36.54 68 32.85
people about women participation in
politics

3.86
Patriarchic/traditional family values 4.31
Insufficient social demand 3.22
3.74
Scarce financial security of women 3.11
3.71
Insufficient interests from women themselves 3.02
3.68
Corruption 2.95
3.62
Insufficient governmental attention 2.53
3
Absence of adequate legislation 2.24
2.61
Responses of M
0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5
Responses of F

Figure 4: The most and least critical obstacles to women’s political participation in Robe Woreda
The diagram above presents opinions of the respondents on the most serious concerns on
women’s political participation using a 1-5 Scale. 35 experts interviewed in the frames of the
research were asked to assess a number of identified obstacles using a 1-5 scale, where 1 is the
weaker concern and 5 is the strongest concern.
Absence of adequate legislation, Insufficient governmental attention, Corruption, Insufficient
interests from women themselves, Scarce financial security of women, Insufficient social
demand AND Patriarchic/traditional family values
Analysis found that patriarchic/traditional family values were ranked as the main reason why
Armenian women are not adequately represented in the political life of the country.
The next highest concerns are very much linked to the first one and got almost equal numbers.
Those are
a) insufficient social demand for better women’s activity in politics from wider public;

44
 b) scarce financial security and independence of women;
c) lack of interest to participate in public decision-making from the majority of Armenian
women themselves.
What is interesting is that obstacles that are characterized by weak performance of the
government, such as absence of adequate legislation, insufficient governmental attention and
even corruption are ranked as the least serious problems.

3.82
Indigenization of women political aspirants 3.93
3.84
Lack of family, fellow women and media supports 4.31
3.73
Wrong perception of women in politics 3.74
3.5
Political party discrimination 3.71
3.51
Unhealthy political environment 3.68

Under-representation of women in governance

2.68
3.62
2.82
Lack of Finance 3
2.43
Discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices 2.61
Responses of M
0 1 2 3 4 5
Responses of F

Figure 5: The extent of hindering of some selected factors for women participation in politics
in Robe Woreda
As one obviously see from the above figure (Fig. 5), in the view of the respondents the targeted
narrow measures such as forming special bodies to deal with women’s political rights,
introduction of mandatory quota and further legislative initiatives aimed at boosting women
political participation do not have the same impact as global media campaigning on women’s
political inclusion, changes in schools curriculum emphasizing the importance of women’s
inclusion in political life of the country, the genuine cooperation of the political elite with civil
society (through NGOs) and allocation of funds to support women’s initiatives. Discriminatory
socio-cultural and religious practices, lack of finance , under-representation of women in
governance, unhealthy political environment, political party discrimination, wrong perception
of women in politics, lack of family, fellow women and media supports and Indigenization of
women political aspirants.
In the 2007 EC national polling, one woman and one man contested for the Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia’s House of Peoples Representatives though none contested for the same

45
post from the women of the two rural Kebeles covered in the study according to analyzed
archival materials of Robe Woreda’s OPDO Office while one woman and three men contested
for Oromia Regional State House of Peoples Representatives and still none contested for the
later post from the women of the two rural Kebeles according to analyzed archival materials of
Robe Woreda’s OPDO Office.
In this fiscal year, the ratio of women to men participation in local politics and governmental
bodies was 8:55. This implies that there is remarkable gender disparity in extent of participation
in politics contrary to national and international favorable and conducive obligations and
commitments and substantiate that absence of quota in political parties at local, regional and
national levels is one of the most significant challenge that kept extent of women participation
in politics low and almost nil in the two Kebeles. Again, this is by far less than the level of
women participation in politics compared to India and some other countries.
Accordingly, the informants forward their suggestions so as to better deal with these
challenges. Raising societal awareness regarding women political involvement through both
formal and informal education and creating opportunities so that women have access to media
and other sources of information, the ratification and introduction of gender sensitive internal
regulation and code of conduct, remuneration scheme, creating training opportunities and
experience sharing forums for female council members are among the key instruments that the
informants have forwarded.
In addition, the informants recommended that women must realize their human and democratic
rights by forming and joining various organizations. In this regard one informant expressed the
significance of associational life in such a way that:
The experiences, skills and confidence we gain from such organizations allow us to
play a stronger and more active role in the household to talk with our male-
counterpart at a more equal level, to participate in public meetings and to enter the
public space more broadly.
According to the above quotation organizational life is important to build one's personal
capacity which is one of the dimensions of empowerment. It also enables women to further
exploit institutional opportunities available to them. In this regard, the issue of confidence as
one element of personal (psychological) asset is worth emphasizing. This is because the degree
of confidence and self-esteem of a woman highly impacts her ability to participate in and play
an active role in public life.
Although there are glaring national and sub-national opportunities, there are still potent
challenges that could undermine the effectiveness of women political empowerment in the
46
study area. According to interview with key informants consulted in the two rural Kebeles, one
of the major challenges of women political empowerment in the study area is found to be the
low level of gender awareness amongst the society. In this regard, for instance one informant
expressed the view that,
Despite we are living in the age of globalization, considerable section of our society
still considers politics as men 's affair and as such female politicians command less
recognition and reputation as compared to men" (interview with key informant).
The essence of the informant's expression of the situation indicates how the society's attitude
concerning the women-politics divide is deep-rooted. The informant has also noted that
successful women political empowerment needs to transcend such societal awareness through
a range of gender awareness mechanisms and strategies. Specifically, the informant has made
an insight that,
Raising the gender awareness of the society essentially demands the coordinated
efforts of several actors such as government institutions, women organizations,
political parties, civic associations, the media and individuals from all walks of life.
This is because low level of gender awareness and resistance to gender equality
principles and practices amongst considerable section o/the society cannot be
tackled only by the efforts of single actor (interview with one of the key informants).
Interview with heads of the women affairs offices reveals that the office suffer from a list of
handicaps such as shortage of staffs, budgetary limitations and lack of technical capacity to
give assistance for line sector offices in the process and practice of gender mainstreaming. This
is similar to what Zenebework has found that “horizontal relationship between these offices
and other offices such as planning and finance is found to be weak.” These factors have also
hindered the limited role of the office in local decision making processes as well as to offer
various forms of assistantship the office is expected to offer to women organizations.
During interview, one of the informants from women affairs office noted that
Inadequate budget available to us has limited our capacity in the execution of the
national women friendly plans and legislations. Lack of sufficient budget has also
constrained the office to offer continuous and systematic training program that could
have built the capacity women and girls in the Kebeles (interview with key informant).
The limited role of local institutions is also another challenge that interview with key
informants and experts has identified. In this regard for instance with reference to the powers
and responsibilities of Kebele councils, the expert informant consulted noted that “despite the

47
council is an elected and deliberative institution, in reality however its role is to approve what
is directed from the city administration” (expert interview). The informant has also added that
Upward accountability of these institutions to the Woreda administration instead of
downward accountability to the electorate is a critical issue that needs special focus
if any measure of empowering the community especially women is to succeed
(interview with informants).
According to interview with the above quoted informant, most of these institutions especially
local councils lack formal internal code of conduct and regulatory frameworks. The informant
also mentioned that there is weak institutional linkage and coordination in problem
identification and prioritization as well as resource utilization. The result is of course consistent
with the result generated in survey instrument described previously.
Competitive political party at the local level is also an essential input for engendering women
political empowerment. One of the great advantages of peaceful and democratic competition
among political parties is that they offer policy and program choices to women; and widen the
political space for them to participate in decision making. An open party politics that allows
open policy debates and free flow of alternatives and information is necessary for engendering
women political empowerment.
However according to interview with experts the state of party politics is far from competitive
because of the domineering of EPRDF and the flimsy opposition forces. According to interview
with one of the expert "though the ruling party has gone far more in mobilizing the women
community, affiliation to EPRDF has become the single most important avenue to assume
political membership and leadership positions in the Kebeles" (interview with expert). The
interviewee has also noted that
Key sector offices such as finance, planning and mass mobilization and capacity
building are headed by people who are members of the ruling party. Apart from
giving particular advantages to the incumbent, single party dominance of the Kebeles
and Robe Woreda political landscape does not augur competitive politics as an
essential input for women political empowerment (interview with expert).
Moreover on the negative side, the above quoted interview noted that one party domination has
also “sever limitation on opposition political parties which otherwise could have provide
women with alternative avenues and opportunities of political participation and
representation.” The interviewee argues that due to EPRDF's dominance and the complicated
internal challenges facing opposition political parties, the role and contribution of opposition
political parties in women political empowerment is very minimal.
48
Nevertheless, interview with experts reveals that the various women's organizations in the sub-
city are short of institutional and functional neutrality as one interviewee described them as
"organizations created of EPRD, by EPRD, for EPRDF" (expert interview). According to the
quoted informant
These organizations are not only partisan they are also trapped with a number of
challenges. They have institutional weakness in identifying women problems,
prioritizing and planning women needs. They proper structure and mechanisms of
mobilization, participation, and decision making and standardize internal
procedures and accountability. In addition they have serious trained and experienced
human power and financial constraints so as to respond to the minimum (interview
with expert).
Women in politics are usually seen as a haphazard phenomenon; therefore their eventual failure
is an expected and self-evident outcome. The failure of women to perform well is automatically
associated with their gender and not with the lack of professional skills or abilities, or lack of
resources as it would be in case of men.
“We used to have a female community leader in our village, but she was not able to
cope with the situation under hardship and get the necessary funds, so I decided to
take the post as management requires special skills and networking.” (Incumbent
head of a village and a community).
Women in politics feel more pressure to prove that they are capable of doing it.
“When I was elected for the first time, I started working on myself because it is very
important when you represent women; you have to be well prepared and
knowledgeable in order to break stereotypes.” (Interview held with the member of
the house of representative of Oromia Regional State)
As literatures reviewed for the study indicated, it is not only limited access to political spaces
that women are facing but also they encounter various obstacles even once they enter into these
spaces. Taking this general fact into consideration, interview was made to key informants
drawn from the council concerning the challenges women are facing in councils. Accordingly,
the in formants indicated that lack of experience in leadership and political representation,
absence of training opportunities and remuneration scheme for councilors, lack of internal
regulation and code of conduct regarding women's active involvement in various committees
in the council are amongst the formidable challenges female councilors are facing. In addition,
household responsibilities and patriarchal attitude of few male members of the council are also
amongst the challenges emphasized by the informants.
49
One informant however mentioned the problems that exist around the various standing
committee of the two rural Kebeles and Robe Woreda council. According to this informant:
Though there are various standing committees which deliberate on plans and
programs before they pass on to the council, there is no any affirmative measure that
reserves certain amount of committee membership for women. The overwhelming
majority of committee members are male.
Focus group discussants stressed the following factors as hindering parameters that have
deterred and limited participation of women in politics:
“Among the most likely challenges that affected participation of women in politics
in these Kebeles in particular and in Robe Woreda in general, Politics is perceived
as Men's Job, Lack of resources, Restricted mobility, Fulfilling gender roles, Lack
of Access to polling stations, Women's political participation is considered anti-
religious, Sexual harassment, Lack of information about political process, Men are
the opinion makers, Lack of interest in politics and social demand from women
themselves and Political parties are not women friendly are the foremost runners.
Ehh….! Yap; Women are left out in the political campaigns, Class issues and
discriminations, Gender prejudices and cultural factors, Lack of rule of law,
democracy, political transparency and deficiencies of the political culture,
Ineffectiveness of gender quota and other governmental measures on gender
equality, Sexual context of the discourse on ‘political’ women, and Lack of capacity
and education aren’t additional challenges for women and interrogated the others
one of the discussant and all of them bowed their heads in agreement.
Therefore, according to interview with key informants and experts consulted for the study,
there are various challenges that hinder the successful political participation of women in local
political practices, and participation in politics and in governmental decision making processes.
These findings match with findings of others reported from Armenia, Liberia, Somalia, Nigeria
and Kenya.
4.3. Opportunities of Women to Participate in Politics
The participants of the study were asked some questions that dealt with different opportunities
that potentially encourage, motivate and reinforce them to actively participate in politics and
decision making process. The responses of the respondents according to the perceptions of
female and male respondents are presented in Table 3 shown below.

50
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that in whether in their opinion was there
any opportunity of women’s political participation in Ethiopia and Robe Woreda and responses
of them showed that there was opportunity of women’s political participation in Ethiopia and
Robe Woreda (men =74.03%; women = 60.26% & both = 67.10%). Participants that said ‘Yes,’
mentioned that they participated in politics by voting (men = 42.11%; women = 44.68% & both
= 43.27%), selection (men = 14.04%; women = 6.38% & both = 10.58%), nomination (men =
15.79%; women = 14.89% & both =15.38%) and through other ways (men = 21.05%) as the
methods of their participation in politics. From these findings it is possible to infer that the
presence of opined opportunity for women’s political participation in Ethiopia and Robe
Woreda and responses of them showed that there was opportunity of women’s political
participation in Ethiopia and Robe Woreda were the opportunities for them to actively
participate in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly. OSCE/ODIHR (2014) experts’ arguments also support the presence
of favorable opportunity and equal representations for women so that they can enjoy their equal
representation like men in politics as it is a prerequisite for democratic elections and can
enhance an inclusive parliament which is the corner stone for legitimacy and
representativeness.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked whether they had ever seen women in
political participation and decision making and responses of them showed that they had seen
women that participated in politics and in decision making process (men = 75.32%; women =
70.51% & both = 72.90%). Participants that said ‘Yes,’ mentioned that the women whom they
saw participating in politics and in decision making processes as those women applied for the
post of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia’s House of Peoples’ Representatives
(FDREHOPR) (men = 39.66%; women = 32.73% & both = 36.28%) and applied for the post
of Oromia Regional State House of Regional Peoples’ Representatives (ORSHOPR) (men =
55.17%; women = 56.36% & both = 55.75%) correspondingly. From these findings it is
possible to infer that the presence of women seen in political participation and decision making
is the potential opportunity to be exploited to actively participate in politics. This finding is
consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical
51
studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia,
in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew
Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether women applied to that post
or not and they replied ‘Yes’ women applied for governmental posts in these specific rural
Kebeles (men = 60.34%; women = 32.73% & both = 46.90%). Participants that said ‘Yes,’
mentioned that those women participated in politics through voting (men =5.71%; women =
41.82% & both = 27.78%), selecting (men = 17.14%; women = 21.82% & both = 20%),
nominating (men = 31.43%; women = 14.55% & both = 21.11%), holding public debates (men
= 14.29%; women = 10.91% & both = 12.22%) and through participation (men = 28.57%;
women = 9.09% & both = 16.67%). From these findings it is possible to infer that the fact that
women who applied to political posts was another opportunity for them to participate in politics
actively. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who
conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same,
in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware
Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012;
Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye,
2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether Article 21 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Right was an opportunity for women to participate in politics or not and
their responses indicated that it was an opportunity for women to actively participate in politics
(men = 61.04%; women = 46.15% & both = 53.55%). From these findings it is possible to infer
that whether Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right was an opportunity for
women to participate in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of
other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether the presence of international
instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, CEDAW
52
and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security
called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes were the
opportunities for women to participate in politics and they replied ‘Yes’?
Respondents of the study for the question that asked them whether higher influence of the
female activists at national and international political arena was an opportunity for women to
participate in politics or not and they replied ‘Yes’ (men = 49.35%; women = 34.62% & both
= 41.94%). From these findings it is possible to infer that the presence of international
instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, CEDAW
and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security
called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes were the
opportunities for women to participate in politic. This finding is consistent with previously
reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common
wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of
Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015;
ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and
Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections
Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s
constitution was an opportunity for women to participate in politics or not and they replied
‘Yes’ (men = 76.62%; women = 62.82% & both = 69.68%). From these findings it is possible
to infer that Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution was an opportunity for women to
participate in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other
researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether the issuance of the National
Women Policy in 1993 (WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE was an opportunity for
women to participate in politics and they replied ‘Yes’ (men = 92.21%; women = 85.90% &
both = 89.03%). From these findings it is possible to infer that the issuance of the National
Women Policy in 1993 (WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE was an opportunity for
women to participate in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of
53
other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether the international Obligations
and Commitments such as the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, general human rights
documents such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN
Millennium Declaration requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action are among
the main UN instruments women organizations routinely refer to when fighting against the
traditional approach to women’s social, economic and political obedience to the men-ruled
world were the opportunities for women to participate in politics and they replied ‘Yes’ (men
= 97.40%; women = 88.46% & both = 92.90%). From these findings it is possible to infer that
the presence of the international Obligations and Commitments enshrined to refute the
traditional approach to women’s social, economic and political obedience to the men-ruled
world are cardinal rationale for opportunity for women to participate in politics and fight for
their rights and involvement in governmental posts and decision making processes. This
finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether the inputs from local
governmental and non-governmental organizations were the opportunities for women to
participate in politics or not and they replied ‘Yes’ (men = 48.05%; women = 35.90% & both
= 41.94%). The fact that only 35.90 percent women affirmed the potential of local inputs and
based on the results for men and both gender, it is possible to infer that the greater the degree
of exploitation of inputs from local governmental and non-governmental organizations by
women at local, regional and national levels, the higher the degree of their participation in
politics contrary to the identified extent of women participation in politics in the particular
study settings which implies that they have not fully and exhaustively used and exploited these
inputs for their maximum benefits that would ensure active participation in politics. This
54
finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted
empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in
Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014;
Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether women political participation
had an opportunity in Ethiopian political landscape or not and they replied ‘Yes’ (men =
87.01%; women = 71.79% & both = 79.35%). From these findings it is possible to infer that
women political participation had an opportunity in Ethiopian political landscape at all
hierarchical levels of governmental positions and decision making processes. This finding is
consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical
studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia,
in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew
Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan,
Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014;
Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether there was any missed
opportunity for women political participation in Ethiopia’s federal Government or not and they
replied ‘Yes’ (men = 42.86%; women = 65.38% & both = 54.19%). From these findings it is
possible to infer that women of the two specific rural Kebeles have some missed opportunity
to participate in politics. This finding in turn could be justified by low level of women
participation in politics at the two rural Kebeles contrary to the presence of several
opportunities along with the absence of quotas in political parties for women and the limited
commitment of the national and regional as well as local officials and governmental bodies to
implement the international obligations and commitments the country ratified through its
signatory unlike India (already implemented 50% representation and participation of women
in politics) and other nations. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of
other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in
Ethiopia and the same, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed,
2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and
Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.

55
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether they believe that women
political participation was an opportunity for political success of voting parties or not and they
replied ‘Yes’ (men = 49.35%; women = 79.49% & both = 64.52%). From these findings it is
possible to infer that their beliefs that women political participation was an opportunity for
political success of voting parties. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding
of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations,
in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked them how could they increase women
political participation in Ethiopia and in Robe Woreda and they replied through co-operation
among women (men = 41.56%; women = 29.49% & both = 35.48%), lobbying (men = 22.08%;
women =17.95% & both = 20%), quota (men = 35.06%; women = 38.46% & both = 36.77%),
through 1& 2 (men = 3.90%; women = 5.13% & both = 4.52%) and through 1 & 3 (men =
3.90%; women = 6.41% & both = 5.16%) as well as any combinations of the three and all
means. From these findings it is possible to infer that there are several ways that could increase
women’s participation in politics. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding
of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations,
in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya
(Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women
Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies,
2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017;
Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked that whether a political success have a
relationship with women political participation or not and they replied ‘Yes’ (men = 29.87%;
women = 70.51% & both = 50.32%). From these findings it is possible to infer that the
existence of relationship between political success of parties and women political participation
was still another potential opportunity that would be exploited by women to participate in
politics actively. This finding is consistent with previously reported finding of other researchers
who conducted empirical studies in Somalia, in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the
same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017;
Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010; Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication,
56
2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015;
Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno,
2013) accordingly.
Respondents of the study for the question that asked whether the effects of women political
participation were common in our country and locality; i.e., Ethiopia and Robe Woreda replied
‘Yes’ (men = 75.32%; women =55.13% & both =65.16%). From these findings it is possible
to infer that the effects of women political participation were common in our country and
localities were opportunities for them to participate in politics. This finding is consistent with
previously reported finding of other researchers who conducted empirical studies in Somalia,
in common wealth nations, in Ethiopia and the same, in India, in Armenia, in Nigeria, in
Republic of Liberia and Kenya (Mohamed, 2017; Aware Girls, 2014; Frew Yjrgalem, 2010;
Kassa, 2015; ICRW/UN Women Joint Publication, 2012; Ghaplanyan, Melikyan and Center
for Gender and Leadership Studies, 2015; Nwabunkeonye, 2014; Republic of Liberia’s
National Elections Commission, 2017; Otieno, 2013) accordingly.
In summary, from these findings it is possible to infer that there are several opportunities for
women to actively participate in politics such as Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Right was an opportunity for women to participate in politics, the presence of
international instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for
Action, CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace
and security called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes,
Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution, the issuance of the National Women Policy in 1993
(WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE, the international Obligations and Commitments
such as the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, general human rights documents such as the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Millennium Declaration
requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action are among the main UN instruments
women organizations routinely refer to when fighting against the traditional approach to
women’s social, economic and political obedience to the men-ruled world and the inputs from
local governmental and non-governmental organizations which are strongly in favor of their
active participation in politics, involvement in legislative and executive bodies of the
government.
Table 4: Opportunities of women to participate in politics in Robe Woreda, Ethiopia, 2020(155)
SN Items Alternatives Male in Female in Both in

fi % fi % fi %
Yes 57 74.03 47 60.26 104 67.10

57
 In your opinion, is there any opportunity of
1 women’s political participation in Ethiopia and No 20 25.97 31 39.74 51 32.90
Robe Woreda?
2 If yes, which of the following methods? By voting 24 42.11 21 44.68 45 43.27
Selection 8 14.04 3 6.38 11 10.58
Nomination 9 15.79 7 14.89 16 15.38
Public debates 4 7.02 3 6.38 7 6.73
Others 12 21.05 0 0 12 11.54

3 Have you ever seen women in political Yes 58 75.32 55 70.51 113 72.90

participation and decision making? No 19 24.68 23 29.49 42 27.10

4 If yes, which of the following political position? Prime minister 0 0 0 0 0 0

FDREHOPR 23 39.66 18 32.73 41 36.28
ORSHOPR 32 55.17 31 56.36 63 55.75
Others 3 5.17 6 10.91 9 7.96
Then, for which post did she apply for? For FDREHOPR 20 34.48 13 23.64 33 29.20
For ORSHOPR 29 50 26 47.27 55 48.67
Not sure 9 15.52 16 29.09 25 22.12

5 Was she applied to that post? Yes 35 60.34 18 32.73 53 46.90

No 23 39.66 37 67.27 60 53.10

6 If yes, by which of the following means? By Voting 2 5.71 23 41.82 25 27.78

Selecting 6 17.14 12 21.82 18 20
Nominating 11 31.43 8 14.55 19 21.11
Public debates 5 14.29 6 10.91 11 12.22
Participating 10 28.57 5 9.09 15 16.67
Others 1 2.86 1 1.82 2 2.22

7I Is Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Yes 47 61.04 36 46.15 83 53.55

Human Right an opportunity for women to No 30 38.96 42 53.85 72 46.45

7II Are the presence

participate of international instruments
in politics?
and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration
Yes 38 49.35 27 34.62 65 41.94
and Platform for Action, CEDAW and the
United Nations Security Council’s Resolution
1325 on women, peace and security called for
women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and
No 39 50.65 51 65.38 90 58.06
state building processes the opportunities for
women to participate in politics?
7III Is higher influence of the female activists at Yes 59 76.62 49 62.82 108 69.68
national and international political arena an
No 18 23.38 29 37.18 47 30.32
opportunity for women to participate in politics?
7IV Does Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution Yes 71 92.21 67 85.90 138 89.03

an opportunity for women to participate in

No 6 7.79 11 14.10 17 10.97
politics?
7V Is the issuance of the National Women Policy in Yes 75 97.40 69 88.46 144 92.90
1993 (WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE
an opportunity for women to participate in No 2 2.60 9 11.58 11 7.10
politics?

58
7VI Are the international Obligations and
Commitments such as the UN Security Council
Resolution 1325, general human rights
documents such as the International Covenant Yes 37 48.05 28 35.90 65 41.94

on Civil and Political Rights, the UN

Millennium Declaration requirements, Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action are among
the main UN instruments women organizations
routinely refer to when fighting against the
traditional approach to women’s social,
No 40 51.95 50 64.10 90 58.06
economic and political obedience to the men-
ruled world the opportunities for women to
participate in politics?
7VII Are the inputs from local governmental and Yes 67 87.01 56 71.79 123 79.35
non-governmental organizations the
opportunities for women to participate in No 10 12.99 22 28.21 32 20.65
politics?
8 Does women political participation have an Yes 68 88.31 57 73.08 125 80.65

opportunity in Ethiopian political

No 9 11.69 21 26.92 30 19.35
landscape?
9 Is there any missed opportunity for women Yes 33 42.86 51 65.38 84 54.19
political participation in Ethiopia’s federal
No 44 57.14 27 34.62 71 45.81
Government?
10 Do you believe that women political Yes 38 49.35 62 79.49 100 64.52
participation is an opportunity for political
No 39 50.65 16 20.51 55 35.48
success of voting parties?
11 How can we increase women political Co-operation 32 41.56 23 29.49 55 35.48
participation in Ethiopia and Robe Woreda? among women
lobbying 17 22.08 14 17.95 31 20
Through
Quota 27 35.06 30 38.46 57 36.77
Through 1& 2 3 3.90 4 5.13 7 4.52
Through 1 & 3 3 3.90 5 6.41 8 5.16
Through 2 & 3 2 2.60 1 1.28 3 1.94
All of the above 2 2.60 1 1.28 3 1.94
Other means 1 1.30 1 1.28 2 1.29

12 Does a political success have a relationship with Yes 23 29.87 55 70.51 78 50.32

women political participation? No 54 70.13 23 29.49 77 49.68

13 Are there positive relations between political Yes 26 33.77 49 62.82 75 48.39

success and women political participation? No 51 66.23 29 37.18 80 51.61

14 Are the effects of women political participation Yes 58 75.32 43 55.13 101 65.16

common in our country and locality; i.e.,

No 19 24.68 35 44.87 54 34.84
Ethiopia and Robe Woreda?

59
 4.31
Financial support of women’s initiatives 3.84

3.74
Increased cooperation with NGO sector 3.73

3.71
Education programs in schools 3.5

Media campaign
3.68
3.51

Legislative initiatives
3.62
2.68

Mandatory quota’s of women 3

representations 2.82
2.61
Special government bodies 2.43
Responses of M
0 1 2 3 4 5
Responses of F

Figure 6: The most and least important enablers of women’s political participation in Robe Woreda
Survey instrument for participants of the study noted that there are various enabling factors that
facilitate active participation of women in politics; and hence special government bodies,
mandatory quotas of women representations, legislative initiatives, media campaign, education
programs in schools, increased cooperation with NGO sector and financial support of women’s
initiatives are the topmost ones in descending orders of their effects in encouraging and serving
as opportunities for women to participate in politics in the specific rural Kebeles covered in the
study (Fig. 6 above).
National Legislation and International Obligations and Commitments, the issue of
implementation of the former ones concerning action plans and special governmental agencies
to be involved, the gender agenda of international organizations and local organizations’ input
were raised as important opportunities for women to actively participate in politics according
to the view of the focus group discussants.
According to information gathered from the key informants consulted for the study, the
opportunities available for the political empowerment of women in Robe Woreda have both
national as well as local dimensions. From the national angle, according the informants, these
opportunities include the national legal and political frameworks which among other define the
nature and scope of women rights and entitlements as well as women place in the country body
of politics. Specifically, the informants noted the significance of the stipulation and
constitutional guarantee of the various rights of women by the supreme-law of the land, that is,

60
the FDRE constitution; and the role of institutional settings and enabling environments created
by the constitution.
In addition, according to these informants, the constitutional grantee of freedom of
associations, multi-party politics and electoral system, parliamentarian and decentralized
system of government can be considered major institutional opportunities for women political
empowerment. In this regard one of the informants succinctly acknowledged the significance
of the constitution in such a way that:
The FDRE constitution has done a great deal in recognizing women rights and their
empowerment in the country body of law and politics. As the constitution is the
supreme law of the nation defining both the scope and nature of such measures
targeting women political empowerment it implies that constitutionally affirmed and
backed-up empowerment measure is an empowerment indeed, (interview with key
informant).
Cognizant of the those constitutional developments, according to the above quoted informants,
the establishment of institutions (such as women affairs ministry, bureaus and offices)
specifically responsible for women's concerns both at national and sub-national levels,
proliferation of various women's and other civic organizations which one way or another
advocate for the protection and promotion of the various rights and concerns of women are
important opportunities.
Interview with key informants during field survey for this study has also revealed that the
ratification of many international conventions and treaties, such as UDHR, CEDA W, and
Beijing Platform for Action (BPA) by the Ethiopian government is also another important issue
that presumably having huge impact on the political participation of women in the two rural
Kebeles, Robe Woreda and Oromia Regional State levels.
Moreover, the informants have noted that these opportunities at national level are also
important as in most cases they define the framework, nature and extent of opportunities for
women political empowerment available at sub-national level s. According to them, the
constitutional undertaking of decentralized governance and the associated institutional set-up
is one of the major opportunities available at sub-national levels.
According to interview with one of the informants, “the decentralization process in our Kebeles
and Woreda resulted in the creation of public political institutions such as popularly-elected
Kebele and Woreda councils, and various sector-based executive offices.” The quoted
informant further noted that:

61
 Availability of these institutions means that at least it may promote various political
parties to compel for councilor seals. This in turn opens women with the opportunity
to involve in associational politics as these political parties strive for mobilization of
support and membership recruitment (interview with key informant).
The same informant also expressed the view that:
prevalence of local councils provide elected female officials with opportunities to
build their skills and experience in public speaking and debate, managing public
meetings, dealing with constituents' demands, mobilizing supports, and
compromising to achieve results. These are all vital skills for women councilors who
want to uphold their political career to national positions.
Of course, these institutions can be taken as opportunities, as the analysis of the survey results
also revealed, they seem accessible to women because of their physical proximity, par-time
characteristics and demand less leadership and educational experiences.
Nevertheless, this view is not shared by some of the interviewee. In this regard, for instance
interview with expert approached for the study reveals that local institutions such as local
council are not equally accessible for all women in the community arguing that “these
institutions seem equally accessible for all women, in political terms however, they are more
accessible to members of the ruling party than anyone else in the community” (expert
interview). Of course, issues of similar sort will be discussed in the section on the challenges
of women political empowerment in the study area.
The other opportunity factor mentioned by these informants approached for the study include
the institutionalization of an affirmative action which reserves one-third of top executive
positions in the various offices at Kebele levels to be occupied by women. According to the
informants this can have enabling effect in cases where female leaders who have gained
political and leadership skills and experience in decentralized local government seek elected
office at higher levels of government. In this regard, one informant expressed the view that:
Women leaders in local governments build experience in managing public affairs and
in running a campaign. Hence they acquire skills and credibility that can assist when
running for higher office at city or Woreda levels. The process can also expand the
range of choices cadre to political leadership and hence can have a significant
impact on the contestability of political markets, and may deepen the countries
democratization process (interview with key informant).
Despite these opportunities mentioned by the key informants consulted, the proportion of
women representation both in local councils and executive offices is insufficiently small
62
compared to the percentage share of women in the total population of the Kebeles. However
there is relatively better representation of women in Kebele councils than in executive offices.
The creation of independent machinery, women affairs office (WAO), which specifically deals
with the various concerns of women, is another important opportunity that informants drawn
from women affairs offices in the Kebeles and Robe Woreda have emphasized. Interview with
heads of women affairs offices in the Kebeles revealed that upholding the institution from the
status of ‘desk’ to ‘office’ since 2005 is an important measure. According to these informants
such move has brought glaring gains. Interview with one of the informants, for instance reveals
that:
The move apart from having the advantage o/institutional consolidation as it made
the powers and responsibilities of the office very clear; it enables the office to
translate and integrate the national women policy and other similar programs in to
Kebele level plans. Moreover, the move enables the office to mainstream the proper
inclusion of interests of women in local development process (interview with key
informant).
It is true that the existence of such constitutional and institutional machinery, policies and
development plans, in one way or the other contribute a lot for ensuring gender equality and
empowering women along economic, social and political considerations.
To sum up, the government role in strengthening women’s political participation is not
appreciated by the gender researchers and interviewed experts. Despite the great number of
various programs, agencies, plans and other paperwork, there has been not visible change in
practice. There is absence of political will to set into motion the overall good legislation and
institutional machinery in order to engage in the large scale campaign encouraging women to
use the available tools and pursue a successful career as a politician. Though gender quotas
remain to be a controversial issue, the effectiveness of gender quotas as an emergency measure
is proved influential in other states. Therefore, strengthening the existing quota system is
needed to ensure that women are present not only on a party list but also proportionally
represented among the elected candidates.

63
 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1. Summary
The mean and median ages of the respondents were 43.26 [43.26±11.140] and 44.29 years
respectively. In terms of religion, Muslims (38.06%) and Orthodox Christianity (33.55%) were
the predominant types of the religious practices of the respondents followed by Protestants
(15.48%) and followers of traditional beliefs (9.03%). Majority (58.71%) followed by 34.19
percent of the respondents belonged to Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups respectively. The
occupations of nearly 12 percent of the respondents were politicians followed by farmers which
account for 61.94 percent accordingly. Predominant (58.06%) of the respondents were in
marital relationship while 23.87 percent were widow and/or widower followed by 12.90
percent that were dissolved their marital relationship. About 23 percent and 18.06 percent of
the respondents had completed second cycle primary education and secondary education as
well as have no formal education. Only 29.03 percent of the respondents had educational
qualification above secondary level of educational status.
In summary, there are a number of challenges identified to hinder the political participations
of women in the two rural Kebeles and in Robe Woreda. These include low 49(62.82%) level
of the females’ had political party affiliation, heavy influence of Ethiopian political system was
by patriarchal values, patriarchal values influence exerted significant impact on the electorate
when they are voting, the fact that only few (32.47% and 37.66%) of them held their leaders
accountable to a great extent and to a lesser extent, exactly 41.03% and 32.05% women knew
their civic rights, and so on.
In summary, from these findings it is possible to infer that there are several opportunities for
women to actively participate in politics such as Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Right was an opportunity for women to participate in politics, the presence of
international instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for
Action, CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace
and security called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes,
Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution, the issuance of the National Women Policy in 1993
(WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE, the international Obligations and Commitments
such as the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, general human rights documents such as the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Millennium Declaration
requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action are among the main UN instruments
women organizations routinely refer to when fighting against the traditional approach to

64
women’s social, economic and political obedience to the men-ruled world and the inputs from
local governmental and non-governmental organizations which are strongly in favor of their
active participation in politics, involvement in legislative and executive bodies of the
government.
5.2. Conclusions
Gender prejudices and cultural factors, attitudes and perceptions of women about their civic
rights, negative influence of patriarchal values and the deep-rooted acceptance of these values
in the specific settings, the lack of social demand and interest from women themselves, lack of
economic and political resources, lack of rule of law, democracy, political transparency and
deficiencies of the political culture, ineffectiveness of gender quota and other governmental
measures on gender equality, sexual context of the discourse on ‘political’ women and lack of
capacity and education (is essential also for men) as well as the likes are identified as
predominant obstacles and challenges for active participation of women in politics in the two
rural Kebeles of Robe Woreda. However, National Legislation and International Obligations
and Commitments, the issue of implementation of the former ones concerning action plans and
special governmental agencies to be involved, the gender agenda of international organizations
and local organizations’ input are the principal opportunities for women to actively participate
in politics at the specific study settings in particular and in regional state and at national levels
in general.
5.3. Recommendations
Based on the findings of the study that identified major challenges and/or obstacles that hinder
or limit active participation of women in politics in the specific study settings, the following
recommendations, suggestions and solutions are worth mentionable. These are:
1. Making politics more interesting for women by promoting idea that convince and
promote the political participation has greater relevance within their lives than they
currently think. School and media are two key ways for promoting the idea about need
of women in politics and boosting their political ambitions,
2. Global state intervention in combating the traditional attitude that is disadvantageous
to women gaining political power and authority is needed. The key factor of success is
genuine political will to engage in large scale campaign for women’s political rights
countrywide at all levels of public governance,
3. Financial support of the ‘non-elite’ but actively engaged women’s initiatives and
campaigns in order to encourage their further advancement in political parties, public

65
 administration and civil society organizations. Starting from schools an appropriate
education programs encouraging girls’ leadership and cherishing their active role in the
life of the country,
4. Further multidimensional support of processes of democratization. Political powers in
the region need internal democratic reform to attract and promote women’s
representation,
5. Institutionalizing effective gender quotas for political parties for proportionate
participation of women and other governmental measures on gender equality through:
a. introduction of amendments to Electoral Code: creation of better quota system,
which would not allow the exchange of female candidates with their male peers
in case of women’s self-withdrawal; and
b. promotion and better review mechanisms of the commitments made by the
Government,
6. Revelation and condemnation of the discourses, which question women’s rights and
appropriateness to participate actively in political life of the country. All the
stakeholders should consolidate their efforts aimed at encouraging and protecting
women’s access, security, and participation in political life of the country, and to
prevent any instances of hate and sexist speech directed against female politicians, and
7. Existence of well-functioning and vibrant local mass media is also indispensable input
for engendering and sustaining the political empowerment of women. Vibrant local
media is essential not only in enhancing the gender awareness of the society but also it
can serve as a channel of communication and disseminating information between the
government and the society at large. It can also serve as a watchdog and enhances local
accountability. It can serve as in setting local agenda through identifying and
prioritizing local needs. According to interview with the informants however both the
sub-city and Kebele administrations do not have their own media links and as such they
recommend an urgent effort to establish reliable and transparent local media.

66
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 7: APPENDICES
APPENDIX I: QUESTIONNAIRES FOR WOMEN AND MEN
Study Code: ________________
Kebele: ____________________
Sex: a) Female b) Male
SECTION A: BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF RESPONDENTS
Directions: In this first part of the interview schedule, I’ll ask you some questions concerning your socio-
demographic features. Listen each question item thoroughly and attentively; and give your response if options
are not provided or by choosing the correct alternative that best describes you.
SN Items Response options Remark
1 How old are you? ____________ years old.
2 Marital Status Bachelor
Married
Divorced/ceé
Widow/widower
3 What is your religion? Orthodox
Protestant
Catholic
Muslims
Others
4 What is your ethnicity? Amhara
Gurage
Oromo
Tigre
Others
5 Have you ever attended formal school? Yes If No, go to item No. 7
No
6 If yes, what is the highest grade you Grades 1-to-4
completed? Grades 5-to-8
Grades 9-to-12
Certificate
Diploma
First degree and above
7 What is your current occupation? Politician
Businessmen or women
Private employee
Others, please specify

SECTION B: CHALLENGES, OBSTACLES, CONSTRAINTS AND PROBLEMS

Directions: In this section, I’ll ask you some questions on challenges, obstacles, constraints and problems that
have either faced or envisioned to be faced by women to actively participate in politics. Please listen each of the
items thoroughly, attentively and carefully; then select one of the options that best describe what you know on the
challenges, obstacles, constraints and problems that have either faced or envisioned to be faced by women to
actively participate in politics from the alternatives provided.
SN Items Alternatives Respondents
F M
1 Are you a political Party affiliated? Yes
No
2 Is Ethiopia heavily influenced by Yes
Patriarchal Values? No
3 Do these values influence the electorate Yes
when voting? No

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4 Do Ethiopian women hold their leaders To a great extent
accountable? To a less extent
Not at all
5 Do women know their civic rights? A large percentage
A small percentage
They do not
6 Are there quotas in political parties that All parties have quotas
promote women's participation? Some parties have quotas
All parties don't have quotas
Not sure
7 Had you polled votes in the last election? Yes
No
8 Upon whose instructions you polled vote? Own Choice
Upon family will
Father
Brother
Husband
Mother
9 Was gender your reason for not polling Yes
vote? [Only for women respondents] No
10 If NO, then Why? No permission from family
I do not like politics
Polling stations was far away
Polling station was closed down
If different, please specify
11 Do you have interest in country politics? Yes
No
To some extent
12 What in your opinion is the current ration More than man
of women's political participation Less than man
compared to men?
Equal to man
13 Are you satisfied from the current Yes
representation of females in politics? No
To some extent
14 Had any female participated in the Yes
previous government from your No
community/area?
15 Have you ever participated in the political Yes
campaign/assemblies? No
16 If, NO, then Why No permission from family
Females’ participation is considered bad in
our society for participation in politics
No resources
Religious doctrine does not permit this
If different, please specify
17 If you get the opportunity in politics, then For Women
for whom you will work? For Male
For both
Democratic

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18 Which type of government you are in Liberal
favor of? Republican
Others
19 Which type of political party you are in OPDO
favor of? EPRDF
OLF
TPLF
Semayawi Party
APDP
Others, please specify
20 If you take part in politics, will you get the Yes
help of male members (for women) or No
female members (for men)?
To some extent
21 After having position of a politician, what Elimination of poverty
kind of change will you bring in country? Reduction in unemployment
Improvement in education
Women’s right
Rural electrification
22 Do you have the capacity to convince Yes
females for participation in politics? No
To some extent
23 Do the political leaders of your Yes
community work for the women No
development and their rights?
To some extent
24 Do you have access to the political leader Yes
of your community for the solutions of No
your problems?
To some extent
25 If from your community/area a female is Yes
nominated for local elections, will you No
vote for her?
26 In your opinion, should a female become Yes
president/prime minister of a country? No
27 In your point of view, should female meet Yes
the political leaders or representatives of
their communities for solving the No
community problem?
28 Should female take part in political Yes
campaigns/public assemblies? No
29 Should females work with the political Yes
parties as political workers? No
30 Should there be any laws or legislation for Yes
increasing the participation of females in No
cabinet or in political parties?
31 What problems are being faced by Females’ participation is against religious
females in getting in to politics? rules
Societal rules and beliefs
Due to less/no resources females cannot
participate in politics
Due to sexual harassment females
participation is not possible

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32 In your opinion what decisions/steps
should be taken for the female’s
participation in politics?
Political parties do not give opportunity to
female political contestants
To manage females wing
To control harassment within the party’s
policies should be implemented
Females should be included in the decision
making process
Political program and awareness sessions
should be arranged for females

Most Least
Items
F M F M
33. What are the most and least critical obstacles to women’s political participation in Ethiopia?
a) Absence of adequate legislation
b) Insufficient governmental attention
c) Corruption
d) Insufficient interests from women themselves
e) Scarce financial security of women
f) Insufficient social demand
g) Patriarchic/traditional family values
34. What are the most and least important enablers of women’s political participation?
a) Special government bodies
b) Mandatory quota’s of women representations
c) Legislative initiatives
d) Media campaign
e) Education programs in schools
f) Increased cooperation with NGO sector
g) Financial support of women’s initiatives

35. Rank the following factors in relation to their extent of hindering you not to participate in politics on the
five-point Likert scale; i.e., 1 = Least hindering; 2 = Less hindering; 3 = Moderately hindering; 4 = Hindering;
and 5= Not hindering at all.
Likert Scale
Items 1 2 3 4 5
F M F M F M F M F M
a) Discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices
b) Lack of Finance
c) Under-representation of women in governance
d) Unhealthy political environment
e) Political party discrimination
f) Wrong perception of women in politics
g) Lack of family, fellow women and media supports
h) Indigenization of women political aspirants

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SECTION C: THE OPPORTUNITIES OF WOMEN FOR POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Directions: Now I’m going to ask you some questions concerned with the existing and envisioned opportunities
that can motivate, encourage and reinforce women to actively participate in politics. Please listen each item
thoroughly, attentively and carefully; then select one of the options that best describe possible existing and
envisioned opportunities that can motivate, encourage and reinforce women to actively participate in politics
from the alternatives provide.
SN Items Alternatives F M
1 In your opinion, is there any level of women political Yes
participation in Ethiopia and Robe Woreda? No
2 If yes, which of the following methods By voting
Selection
Nomination
Holding public debates
Others, please specify
3 Have you ever seen women in political participation Yes
and decision making? No
4 If yes, which of the following political position? A minister
House of Federal People’s
Representatives
House of Regional People’s
Representatives
Others, please specify
5 Was she applied to that post? Yes
No
6 If yes, by which of the following means? By voting
By selecting
By nominating
Holding public debates
By participating
Others, please specify
7I Is Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right Yes
an opportunity for women to participate in politics? No
7II Are the presence of international instruments and conventions Yes
such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action,
CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s No
Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security called for
women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building
processes the opportunities for women to participate in
politics?
7III Is higher influence of the female activists at national and Yes
international political arena an opportunity for women to No
participate in politics?
7IV Does Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution an opportunity Yes
for women to participate in politics? No
7V Is the issuance of the National Women Policy in 1993 (WAO, Yes
1993) by the government of FDRE an opportunity for women
No
to participate in politics?
7VI Are the international Obligations and Commitments such as Yes
the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, general human
rights documents such as the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights, the UN Millennium Declaration

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 requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action No
are among the main UN instruments women organizations
routinely refer to when fighting against the traditional
approach to women’s social, economic and political
obedience to the men-ruled world the opportunities for
women
Are the to participate
inputs in politics?
from local governmental and non-
7VII Yes
governmental organizations the opportunities for women to
participate in politics? No

8 Does women political participation have an opportunity Yes

in Ethiopian political landscape? No
9 Is there any missed opportunity for women political Yes
participation in Ethiopia’s federal Government? No
10 Do you believe that women political participation is an Yes
opportunity for political success of voting parties? No
11 How can we increase women political participation in Through co-operation among
Ethiopia and Robe Woreda? Through
women lobbying
Through quota
Through 1 and 2
Through 1 and 3
Through 2 and 3
All of the above
Other means, please specify
12 Does a political success have a relationship with Yes
women political participation? No
13 Are there positive relations between political success Yes
and women political participation? No
14 Are the effects of women political participation Yes
common in our country and locality; Ethiopia and Robe No
Woreda?
15. In your opinion, is there any level of women political participation in Ethiopia and Robe Woreda? Please
explain your answer in question 7 above.
__________________________________________________________________________________________
16. Does women political participation have an opportunity in Ethiopian political landscape? Please explain your
answer in question 8 above.
___________________________________________________________________________
17. Which role can women play to the political participation in Ethiopia Federal Democratic Government?
___________________________________________________________________________

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APPENDIX II: KEY INFORMANTS INTERVIEW GUIDE
1. What is the role of the Ethiopia Federal government for the women political participation?
2. What are the opportunities for the women political participation in Ethiopia?
3. What are the challenges of the women political participation?
4. How can we overcome the challenges for the women political participation?

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APPENDIX III: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION TOPICS
Focus Group Discussions will be conducted to discuss in depth the challenges and opportunities of women's
political participation based on the following issues and/or topics.
1. Politics is perceived as Men's Job
2. Lack of resources
3. Restricted mobility
4. Fulfilling gender roles
5. Lack of Access to polling stations
6. Women's political participation is considered anti-religious
7. Sexual harassment
8. Lack of information about political process
9. Men are the opinion makers
10. Lack of interest in politics and social demand from women themselves
11. Political parties are not women friendly
12. Women are left out in the political campaigns
13. Class issues and discriminations
14. Gender prejudices and cultural factors
15. Lack of rule of law, democracy, political transparency and deficiencies of the political culture
16. Ineffectiveness of gender quota and other governmental measures on gender equality
17. Sexual context of the discourse on ‘political’ women
18. Lack of capacity and education (is essential also for men)
19. National legislation and international obligations and commitments
20. The issue of implementation of action plans and special governmental agencies
21. The gender agenda of international organizations
22. Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right in UN
23. Presence of international instruments and conventions such as the Beijing Declaration and Platform for
Action, CEDAW and the United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security
called for women’s full inclusion in politics, peace and state building processes
24. Higher influence of the female activists at national and international political arena
25. Article 35 (3) of the FDRE’s constitution
26. Issuance of the National Women Policy in 1993 (WAO, 1993) by the government of FDRE;
27. International Obligations and Commitments such as the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, general
human rights documents such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Millennium
Declaration requirements, Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action are among the main UN instruments
women organizations routinely refer to when fighting against the traditional approach to women’s social,
economic and political obedience to the men-ruled world; the gender agenda of international organizations
that have dealt with gender issues such as USAID, NDI, British Council, Swiss Agency for Development and
Cooperation (SDC), as well as some embassies, etc
28. Inputs from local governmental and non-governmental organizations

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29. The Indian Constitution (73rd Amendment Act), enacted in 1992, calls for the reservation of a minimum of
one-third of seats for women (both as members and as chairpersons) within all of India’s locally elected
governance bodies commonly referred to as Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and the likes

80