RECITAL DOCUMENT

APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE:

Matthew Dunne, D.M.A., Chair

Kristen Pellegrino, Ph.D.

James S. Balentine, D.M.A

Accepted:
Dean, Graduate School
 DEDICATION

This document is dedicated to my Friends and Family. Thank you for providing me with
constant inspiration.
 RECITAL DOCUMENT

by

MATT EVANS, B.M.

RECITAL DOCUMENT
Presented to the Graduate Faculty of
The University of Texas at San Antonio
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements
for the Degree of

MASTER OF MUSIC

THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT SAN

ANTONIO
College of Liberal and Fine Arts
Department of Music
May 2014
 UMI Number: 1556497

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.

In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.

UMI
D is s e r ta t io n P u b lis h in g

UMI 1556497
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code

Pro
ProQuest LLC.
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the faculty and students of the Stetson University

School of Music for teaching me that no single formula defines the journey to personal success,

but that passion, the drive to increase self-knowledge, and the quest for balance are all

paramount in achieving one's goals. I would like to extend a special thanks to Dr. Stephen

Robinson for the invaluable contributions he has made and continues to make towards my

advancement as both a musician and as an individual.

I would also like to acknowledge the faculty and students of the University of Texas at

San Antonio Department of Music for cultivating an environment in which I was able to

enhance and build upon my previous knowledge and skill base in preparation for a lifelong

career in the arts. I would especially like to thank Dr. Matthew Dunne, Dr. Kristen Pellegrino,

and Dr. James

S. Balentine for their commitment and guidance throughout the entire process leading up to the

completion of this document.

Lastly, I would like to acknowledge and thank my friends and family for their ceaseless

love and support.

May 2014
 RECITAL DOCUMENT

Matt Evans, M.M.

The University of Texas at San Antonio, 2014

Supervising Professor: Matthew Dunne, D.M.A.

This document is a formally-written scholarly text addressing in depth various topics

related to my course of study. The research for the document draws from published literature,

interviews with acknowledged specialists, and primary sources such as original manuscripts and

published letters. The research will be divided into four chapters. Each chapter will discuss the

significance of a selected work as illuminated through musical analysis, historical research, and/

or the discussion of performance techniques. The chapters will focus on Manuel Ponce's

Sonatina Meridional, a biographical sketch of Agustin Barrios Mangore, the Prelude from J.S.

Bach's B.W.V. 1006a E major lute suite, and Fuoco from Roland Dyens'Libra Sonatine,

v
TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements.....................iv

Abstract...........................................................................................................................................v

List of Tables................................................................................................................................vii

List of Examples.........................................................................................................................viii

Chapter One: SONATINA MERIDIONAL AND THE TRANSFERENCE OF FOLK ART PRINCIPLES TO A

"HIGH" ART MEDIUM.........................................................................................................................................1

Chapter Two: BARRIOS, A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY...........................................................................................13

Chapter Three: CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE PERFORMANCE OF BWV 1006a.......................................33

Chapter Four: A DISCUSSION OFFUOCO FROM ROLAND DYENS'LIBRA SONATINE...........................44

References.....................................................................................................................................51

Vita

vi
 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Compas Rhythm Chart.................................

vii
 LIST OF FIGURES AND EXAMPLES

Example 1 Phrygian Scale.......................................................................................................6

Example 2 Modal Mixture in a Melodic Line..........................................................................6
Example 3 Andalusian Cadence...............................................................................................6
Example 4 mm. 1-4 of Mvt. 1 from Sonatina Meridional.......................................................8
Example 5 Primary Theme of Mvt. I from Sonatina Meridional............................................9
Example 6 Modified Phrygian from Mvt. I of Sonatina Meridional......................................12
Example 7 Excerpt from St. John's Passion..........................................................................35
Example 8.1 BWV 1006a as it appears in the Gesellschaft.......................................................38
Example 8.2 BWV 1006a in Baroque-lute tablature.................................................................39
Example 9.1 BWV 1006, Preludio Manuscript mm. 35.5-38....................................................41
Example 9.2 BWV 1006a, Preludio from the Gesellschaft mm. 35-38....................................41
Example 9.3 BWV 1006a, Prelude from Koonce's transcription m. 33.....................................42
Example 9.4 BWV 1006a, Preludio from the Gesellschaft m. 33.............................................42
Example 10.1 BWV 1006 mm. 1-2..............................................................................................42
Example 10.2 BWV 1006a mm. 1-2............................................................................................43
Example 11 G Triad Arpeggio.................................................................................................47
Example 12 m. 9 from Dyens' Fuoco......................................................................................48
Example 13 m. 10 from Dyens* Fuoco...................................................................................48
Example 14 m. 73 from Dyens' Fuoco....................................................................................48
Example 15 Dotted Eighth Rhythm Displayed with and without a tie.....................................49
Example 16 mm. 1-2 from Dyens' Fuoco................................................................................49
Example 17a m. 29 from Dyens' Fuoco...................................................................................50
Example 17b m. 24 from Dyens' Fuoco....................................................................................50
 CHAPTER ONE: SONATINA MERIDIONAL AND THE TRANSFERENCE OF FOLK

ART PRINCIPLES TO A "HIGH" ART MEDIUM

Sonatina Meridional was composed by Manuel Ponce (1882-1948) in the 1930's at the

behest of Andres Segovia (1893-1987). Through his letters, we know that Segovia requested a

Sonatina in the "Spanish style". The resulting work demonstrated a hybrid of folkloric, neo-

romantic, and impressionistic influences. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the significant

aspects of the piece's conception, and to identify their effects on the culminating work.

This discussion begins with an explanation of Segovia, Ponce, and the relationship shared

between the two of them. The second section is an analysis that focuses on the presence of "low"

art music elements in the first movement (Campo) of the Sonatina Meridional.

The first movement, marked (Allegretto) and in the key of D major, is in sonata-allegro

form. Ponce masterfully blends Andalusian Flamenco characteristics and impressionistic

elements into a sonata that is an embodiment of Segovia's struggle to elevate the guitar as an art

form. To better understand the implications and effects of the juxtaposition of flamenco music

and "high art", a thorough understanding of the involved parties is crucial.

Andres Segovia was born in the region of Spain known as Andalusia on the 21st of

February in 1893. Growing up in Spain meant that the guitar would have been an integral part of

his childhood. English writer L. Higgins described the guitar's importance to Spanish life in the

following way: “Wherever two or three men and women of the lower classes are to be seen

together in Spain during their playtime, there is a guitar....throughout the length and breadth of

Spain, outside the wayside Venta or the barber’s shop, in the patios of inns, or wherever holiday

makers congregate, there is the musician twanging his guitar. ”. 1Despite its popularity, the

1Wade, 35-36
1
guitar was primarily used as tool for accompaniment. It did not reside amongst the violin, piano,

and cello on the concert stage.

At the age of ten, Andres Segovia moved to Granada to receive a formal education.

While in Granada, he was loaned money by a friend to purchase his own guitar. Whenever there

was an idle moment, Segovia was eager to occupy that moment with practice. Segovia recalls

the first time he truly heard the potential of the guitar, “What a wonderful discovery it was for

me to hear him play one of Tarrega’s preludes, even though his fingers fumbled quite often! I

felt like crying, laughing, even kissing the hands of a man who could draw such beautiful sounds

from the guitar! My passion for music seemed to explode into flames. I was trembling. A sudden

wave of disgust for the folk pieces I had been playing came over me, mixed with a delirious

obsession to learn that music immediately.” 2

From that moment forward Segovia tirelessly consumed any guitar music he could get

his hands on. He performed as frequently as was possible. As his fame grew, so did his hunger

for a richer and more diverse repertoire. "The guitar unfortunately has never had a Bach, a

Mozart, a Haydn, a Beethoven, a Schumann, or a Brahms, in comparison with whom the figure

of Sor might be accurately judged. As for Tarrega, more saint than musician, as I have said

before, more artist than creator, his slight works are only the pleasant flowerings of a delicate

talent.

Within the compass of Hispanic music, it hardly needs to be said that he lacks the greatness of

Pedrell, Albeniz, Granados, Falla.” 3 Segovia knew that the guitar would not be considered

comparable to the violin, cello, or piano until the repertoire for guitar was as expansive its rivals.

Guitar composers did not appear to have the same lofty intent as Segovia. Their music lacked

2 Segovia 8
3Wade 51
the depth of a masterpiece. Segovia found moderate satisfaction in various transcriptions.

However, the guitar still needed a substantial and masterfully composed repertoire to call its

own.

Before his debut in Madrid, Segovia had entertained the thought of approaching the

leading composers of Spain such as Joaquin Turina and Manuel de Falla, to “act as their guide

through the labyrinth of the guitar’s technique...1 convinced myself at the moment that they

would become firm believers in the guitar.” 4 It would take nearly a decade before the

manifestation of Segovia’s efforts would make themselves apparent. He spoke frequently of the

aim of his ceaseless toil, “I always say that I have four tasks: the first to redeem the guitar from

the folklore; second, to go to every part of the civilized world to show that the guitar is

worthwhile to be on the concert stage; the third, to create a very good repertoire for it; and the

fourth, to influence the authorities of conservatories and musical academies and universities to

teach the guitar properly.” 5

In pursuit of the realization of his goals, Segovia found one of his greatest allies in

Manuel Ponce. Ponce, a Mexican native, was born on December 8,1882. He was encouraged by

his mother to study music, and is said to have learned the notes on a staff before learning the

alphabet. At the age of four he began studying piano and he composed his first full-length piano

piece at the age of nine. Upon reaching adulthood, he moved to Mexico City, and then to Europe,

to further his musical studies. Upon returning to Mexico, Ponce was employed as an educator at

the National Conservatory of Music of Mexico. It was during this time that he began laying

the foundation for the nationalistic movement in Mexican music. 6

4 Segovia, 59-60
5Wade 23
6 Ricardo
3
 In 1923, Ponce attended Andres Segovia’s first recital in Mexico City. The two met after

the concert and Segovia was impressed by Ponce’s eloquence in speaking of the recital and of

Torroba’s Sonatina in particular. This meeting marked the genesis of a collaboration that would

produce many of the guitar repertoire’s most important pieces, including Sonatina Meridional.

Segovia's request for Sonatina Meridional came to Ponce in the form of a letter on the

31st of August, 1930: "But while the concerto progresses, until it comes of age, why don’t you

write a Sonatina - not Sonata - of a purely Spanish character? If you wish, get to it, I would offer

it immediately to Schott, to have it included in the medium difficulty series. Why don't you do it?

I have an enormous wish for you to write it....I am sure you could do something as gracious as

the one by Torroba and with much more musical substance. Make up your mind. There you have

some themes, though you don't really need them." 7 In his letter, Segovia charged Ponce with the

task of writing a piece in a "Spanish style". One of Spanish music's most noticeable and

characteristic genres is that of Andalusian Flamenco.

Andalusia is Spain's southernmost autonomous community. The region's culture is

indicative of its geographic placement between two vastly different parts of the world. The

influence of these immensely diverse regions contributed to the ambiguity surrounding the

origin of flamenco music. Regardless of its variegated roots, flamenco music possesses a sound

and style that is all its own. Few sounds are as common throughout the vast flamenco repertoire

as those of the guitar.

The guitar was an instrument of the people capable of being effectively wielded by the

novice and expert alike. Its role was typically that of an accompanist, but the guitar was no

stranger to soloistic passages. Within the genre, the strumming technique known as Rasgueado

7 Wade 167
4
was applied liberally. Its importance stemmed from its rhythmic intensity, and its volume. It

could be used percussively while simultaneously providing harmonic support.

Deeply seeded within the tradition of the art form are a number of reoccurring harmonic

traits that contribute to the individuality of the genre. One such trait is the application and

manipulation of the Phrygian scale.

: ll-Jf q HM - n. — MI
j I ^ — — * * -( £ » ) 5 0 0 q 1|
Descending E Phrygian scale in flamenco music, with common
alterations in parentheses
Example 1

Phrygian mode is so prominent in flamenco music that not only does it dictate a significant

portion of the style's melodic content, but it also plays an integral role in the genre's harmonic

progressions. Its application in flamenco music is often juxtaposed with the use of the Ionian

(or major) mode as seen in Example 2.

Example 2

A typical progression, commonly referred to as the ''Andalusian cadence", functions on the

principles of the phrygian mode.

5
 ^ - I§ U l~ - la § ^
iv II! bll 1

Example 3

In the example, E serves as the tonic, F has the harmonic function of dominant, while Am and G

assume the functions of subdominant and mediant respectively. 8 In this instance, the lowered

supertonic (bll) demands an uncommon amount of importance. Whereas its normative behavior

provokes a resolution to the dominant-five chord (V), its use in flamenco simply evades the

dominant-five chord altogether producing one of the emblematic elements of the style.

Flamenco music is not individualized by its harmonic structure alone. There is also a

perennial inclination towards a rhythmic division into twelve beat groupings. These groupings

are referred to as "compas". Composes of twelve beats generally have strong beats on beats 3,6,

8,10, and 12 as seen in Table 1 .9

Table 1

3 6 9 10 11 12
Base;. jar M' X 'X , H X

8Israel
9Wang
6
The twelve beat groupings are divided into two halves consisting of one duple feel and one triple

feel. The order in which these halves are presented is irrelevant, so long as they occur in an

alternating sequence.

These aspects of flamenco music are neither exclusive to the genre, nor are they its sole

defining elements. To say that the style could be reduced and explained via the analysis of a few

harmonic/ rhythmic traits is comparable to the reduction a great painting to a calculated

aggregate of colors and brush strokes. That being said, it is Van Gogh's heavy brush strokes and

rich color palette that makes his art instantly recognizable. The aforementioned recognition is

possible through the subtleties of visual cues. The aural equivalent of said visual cues are called

forth by Ponce to infuse the "Spanish style" into the Sonatina Meridional.

Taking into consideration Segovia's desire to elevate the guitar above its folkloric origins,

Ponce faced a considerable task in composing in the "Spanish style". The stylistic demands

imposed on him were clear. However, he could not create something that could be dismissed as

another flamenco folk song. How could he compose something that was supposed to sound like

something it wasn’t? Ponce's predicament mirrored Segovia's struggle in that both were striving

to elevate "low" art to a higher echelon.

In the first movement of the Sonatina Meridional, Ponce begins immediately with two

large chords separated by descending lines.

ci.

Example 4

7
These chords are not only articulated with rasgueados, but they share a phrygian association to

one another as well. This D major to Eb major movement exemplifies the neapolitan relation to

the tonic. The neapolitan relation gives us the upper neighboring figure in the bass line. In its

first appearance, the upper neighboring figure exists as the beginning of the primary theme. Its

reappearance is limited to its structural equivalent in the recapitulation. The second occurrence of

the UNF (upper neighboring figure) appears just before the transitional material, but not in

exactly the same context as before. Instead of being a derivative of the tonic (I) to neapolitan

(bll) movement, the UNF's second appearance is the result of the mediant's (III) progression to

the first-inversion supertonic (116). Regardless of its harmonic support, the UNF is evidence on a

micro level of a broader topic that pervades the entirety of the piece. The significance of the

upper neighboring figure is found in its structural similarity to the Phrygian scale ,and as stated

before, the significance of the Phrygian mode lies in the frequency of its appearance in

traditional flamenco music. The UNF, in most cases, becomes visible in the harmonic

background of the music.

This surreptitious use of a flamenco trait acts as one of the subtle aural cues employed by

the composer to emulate the "Spanish style". Ponce does not limit his application and alteration

of the Phrygian scale to upper neighboring figures alone, he also utilizes its unique sound in the

melodic lines of the Sonatina's first movement. Taken from the Primary theme and illustrated in

Example 5, Ponce begins the piece with a melody in the Ionian mode. Similar to the flamenco

excerpt displayed as Example 2, the melodic content then shifts from D Ionian to Eb Phrygian

over a low D pedal. This immoderate nod to the "Spanish style" sets the tone for the entirety of

the piece. Its modal variation combined with the underlying neighboring movement speaks as

directly as possible to the vague governing doctrines of the flamenco genre. The remaining

8
portion of the expositions sees the liquidation of the first six measures. The high concentration of

flamenco elements facilitates the gradual reduction in the ensuing sections.

Example 5

Despite their prominence, the flamenco characteristics manage not to be an

overwhelming to the piece. The resonance of the aural cue is masked by the subsequent circle of

fifths. This dilution is elided with the secretive introduction of a rhythmic trait know as a

Compas. While evidence of one trait disappears, the emergence of another begins. The Compos

is repeated once before the return of the upper neighboring figure. As a result of the separation

of the Phrygian based harmonic section from the Compas section, the underlying flamenco

influence remains an implication (as opposed to an outright statement).

Following the conclusion of initial thematic group, the transitional area appears in the

key of B major and begins is measure 21. The section moves through a circle of fifths before

landing in the next harmonic region of A major. In measure 33, the neighboring figure is seen

again. In this instance it outlines the Dominant-Five (V) chord's movement to a Flat Major-Six

chord (bVI).

Found in the subordinate theme group is arguably the movement's most pastoral moment.

The melody throughout the entirety of the second thematic area is void of the Spanish-esque

sixteenth note rhythms and would appear to be without the upper neighboring figure. However,
appearances are deceiving. The UNF does occurs again, but it is disguised via a series of

prolongations, the first of which acts as a pedal in the key of A during the second theme before

moving to a Bb tonality for four measures. The Bb flat is then prolonged until the start of the

closing material in A major. Just as the initial neighboring movement of D to Eb was mirrored in

the recapitulation, so is the hidden and prolonged movement of A to Bb, the difference being that

instead of reoccurring exactly as before, the A to Bb movement has been transposed to an upper

neighboring figure involving D and Eb. Other than the difference in pitch center, the second

occurrence behaves exactly as its predecessor.

So well disguised is this use of the upper neighboring figure that this section would

appear to be more indicative of influence from the impressionistic style. Seeing as how the piece

was composed in Paris by a contemporary of Ravel and Debussy, the assumption that

impressionism might have in some way influenced Ponce holds significant credibility. The title

of the movement, Campo (meaning field), provides a backdrop on which to relate and

rationalize the piece's pastoral passages. This simultaneous presence of flamenco elements and

impressionistic elements functioning within the limitations of Sonata-Allegro form exemplify

the conflict that faced the guitar and its champion.

The inaugural presentation of the subordinate theme is a microcosm of the principle that

defines the overall character of the piece. That principle being the elevation of a "low" art form

to that of a "higher" art form. In the case of Sonatina Meridional, the infusion of flamenco folk

elements into a "high" art form (such as the Sonatina) shares an almost allegorical similarity to

that of the instrument for which it was composed. The sonatina is usually considered to be a type

of diminutive sonata with fewer movements and less technical and musical demands than the

sonata. Moreover, this form, like the sonata, is often associated with late eighteenth-century and
nineteenth-century piano literature and is a rarity in guitar music before the twentieth-century.

Ponce likely modeled Sonatina Meridional for the guitar after similar keyboard works from the

Classic and Romantic eras, and may have been influenced by a similar approach taken in the

piano sonatinas of Ravel.10

The Sonatina follows a conventional sonata-allegro form. Even though the melodic,

harmonic, and rhythmic aspects of the piece are influenced in some regard by the "Spanish

style", the overall form of the movement is unaffected. The exposition provides a clear home key

before moving to the dominant. The development serves as a transitory section, moving the

harmonic center back to the key of D major. The recapitulation remains in D and is concluded

with a final presentation of the Phrygian scale in its modified form.

Example 6

The obsessively exact nature in which the recapitulation presents the material from the

exposition means that there is little that can be said of the recap, that has not been said of the

expo.

Due to the dualistic nature of the piece, there exists a generative as well as a deformative

perspective; generative in that the musical content is birthed out of a focus on the "Spanish

style", deformative in that the largest contributing aspect towards the piece's separation from

folk music is it's clearly defined form. This adherence to the expectations of Sonata form

summarizes
Ponce's response to Segovia's request. Both the classical guitar (as made popular by Segovia) and

Ponce's Sonatina Meridional share origins rooted in Adalusian Flamenco. Their means of

elevation from folk music parallel one another in that they both attained their desired goal

through hybrid mixtures of "low" and "high" art.

12
 CHAPTER TWO: BARRIOS, A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY

Agustin Barrios (1885-1944) belongs to a long lineage of guitarist/composers who have

driven the evolution of the guitar. Despite his prolific contribution to the guitar repertoire,

Barrios spent the majority of his life struggling for significance amongst the guitar community.

This chapter is a biographical look at Barrios and his longing for recognition.

Born in southern Paraguay to Don Doroteo Barrios and Dona Martina Ferreira, Agustin

Barrios was one of seven boys. Both his mother and father were well-educated individuals with

a considerable appreciation of the arts. Barrios' father, Doroteo, played guitar while his brothers

Pedro and Comelio played respectively the violin and flute. The three formed a musical trio that

played for parties and special occasions. It was this early and frequent exposure to Paraguayan

music that likely served as a basis for Agustin's musical development.

At a young age, Doroteo gave Agustin a small, child-sized guitar on which the boy began

his journey. By the age of thirteen, he could play small melodies and had interpreted a few

printed musical compositions. Personal accounts suggest that his first exposure to printed guitar

music was the result of his meeting with the Argentinean-born classical guitarist Gustavo Sosa

Escalada (1877-1943). Escalada was involved with Institute Paraguayo (Paraguayan Institute), a

private school founded in 1895 in Asuncion that offered a varied curriculum, including literature,

drama, painting, languages, music, gymnastics and fencing. He taught classical guitar for the

school during two different periods, 1897-98 and 1908-09. He utilized the methods, practices,

and ideologies of Fernando Sor, Dionisio Aguado, and Fernando Carulli. He claimed to have

planned a major project that would have been an aggregate of the eight different methodologies

of Aguado, Sor, Sor-Coste, Carcassi, Antonio Cano, Federico Cano, Tomas Damas, and Antonio

13
Jimenez Manjon.11 Despite his plans, there is no evidence of the educator having ever finished

his project. This was likely the result of his busy schedule. Playing guitar was not the only

activity that occupied his time; he was also an avid writer, a mathematics teacher, a composer,

and a key player in the exportation of Paraguay's cattle, wood, and tea. This diverse

conglomeration of occupations would have been typical of a working musician in Paraguay.

Performing careers were difficult to cultivate, composers were dependent on their publishers, and

music educators were at the mercy of their students. One such student of Escalada's was Agustin

Barrios.

Stover's autobiography, and the claims of those close to Barrios, suggest that Escalada

was his one and only formal guitar teacher. There is an underlying duality inherent in Barrios'

legacy, made noticeable in the periods of divergence between fact and fiction. One such period

of divergence exists in conjunction with the question of Agustin's education. According to his

own claim,

"I was a little Indian of my tribe there in the Jesuit missions of Paraguay. I was 13 years old. I
had started strumming the guitar when I was 7 years old just for fun, imitating my father who
played the guitar regularly. I studied then when the missions fathers who taught me how to read
and write. I felt ecstatic listening to the priest who played melodies on the organ at the
different hours: in the mornings, liturgies, in the afternoons, at the hour of the angelus -
diffusing into my soul, giving me a pleasant feeling of well-being. "You will be a musician", the
organist-priest told me, seeing my rapture, "You have all the indications of such." One day there
arrived to the village of San Juan Bautista, where I was, Gustavo Sosa Escalada, son of
Paraguayan ambassador to Argentina in Buenos Aires. He was a "schooled guitarist". I listened
to him play and great was my surprise in discovering that the guitar I played with such joy
contained such marvelous possibilities. I played...I played with all of my guarani soul into that
performance."12

The Guarani soul mentioned by Barrios refers to the Guarani people of Paraguay. His

self-proclaimed association with the southern American Indian tribe was crucial in the

legitimization of his performing persona, Chief Nitsuga Mangore. The aboriginal Guarani

11 Stover 10
12 Stover 12-13
14
inhabited eastern Paraguay and adjacent areas in Brazil and Argentina. They lived in a manner

common to the Indians of South America's tropical forests. The women maintained fields of

com, cassava, and sweet potatoes while the men hunted and fished. Spanish contact with the

Guarani was initiated by the search for gold and silver. The Spaniards founded small ranches

around Asuncion, notorious for their “harems” of Guarani women. Their ethnically mixed

descendants became the rural population of modern Paraguay. In the seventeenth century, the

Jesuits established missions in eastern Paraguay among the Guarani of the Parana River.

Eventually about thirty large and successful mission towns constituted the famous “Jesuit

Utopia,” the Doctrinas de Guaranies. The expulsion of the Jesuits resulted in the scattering of

mission Indians, who were often taken into slavery and robbed of their land. It was speculated

that the Guarani were warlike and took captives to be sacrificed and eaten. The savage mystery

surrounding the Guarani tribe would later prove to be a perfect backdrop for Barrios' performing

persona.

On one hand, there is a tale of the Barrios that grew up as an upper-middle class

household, whose parents were well educated and whose brothers all possessed some level of

musical prowess. On the other hand, there is the claim that the young Agustin was snatched

from the jungles of Paraguay, a wild and untamed boy whose natural propensity towards music

was unveiled by a particularly observant Jesuit priest. The Jesuit priest in question was an

organist.

Barrios claimed to have been told by the priest that he would "become a musician". This claim is

suspect for a number of reasons. There is no evidence of a piano having existed in San Juan

Bautista during Barrios' early years, much less a functioning organ. In addition, no Jesuit fathers

were functioning as teachers in Paraguay during the nineteenth century. These inconsistencies
are made more indiscernible considering that Barrios' baptismal certificate does not state

his place of birth.

The location of the Barrios household is yet another contributor to the mystery. Records

seem to suggest that the Barrioses maintained two separate homes. Their primary residence was

believed to be in San Juan while a residence in Villa Florida functioned as a secondary home.

Additional supporting evidence is found in a number of letters addressed to Doroteo Barrios that

exist as duplicates with one addressed to the home in San Juan, the other being addressed to the

residence in Villa Florida. During his time in Villa Florida, Doroteo suffered a cerebral stroke,

later dying as the result of related complications. Following the death of Don Doroteo, Dona

Barrios moved to Asuncion. She then released ownership of the home to the government, who

then used the property to build a public school.13

Francisco E. Arrom (one of Barrios' childhood friends) recalls a memory from the

family's time in San Juan regarding the circus.

"When we were students in the fourth year at the local school, a circus came to town, the first
we
had ever seen. When the circus had ended its run, we all wanted to duplicate it. It would have
music acrobats and clowns. Agustin was in charge of the music, for which he produced a bottle
piano, whose pitches depended on the quantity of water the contained. He was also the acrobat
and even played the role of the clown with facility. He then brought the harp of his older
brother Romulo, who was a harpist, and a tiny piano his parents had given to him. He played all
three with equal facility. None of us thought anything unusual regarding Agustin's multiple
personality. To us it just seemed very natural."1

Barrios was fond of physical exercise in the form of acrobatics and gymnastics. His natural

inclination towards fitness contributed later in life to his ideas on guitar technique and

performance. He would maintain his standard of physicality late into his life.

At the age of fifteen, Barrios enrolled in the Colegio National (National High School). At

the time of his enrollment, he was two years older than the average first year student. He

13Stover 16
14Stover 17
16
excelled in almost every way. He routinely scored high marks on his academic assessments

despite a seeming disinterest in the subject matter. His peers told stories of how Agustin would

draw caricatures of classmates and teachers during lectures. Along with his gymnastic talent,

Barrios also demonstrated a distinct proficiency as a calligraphist. His multiplicity of talents

would prove valuable as he grew older.

Despite his fascination with the guitar, it did not prove itself to be a viable source of

income. In 1903 he began a job at the Agricultural Bank as a scribe. This occupation was a result

of his deft penmanship. Evidently, his time in this position was limited. Those who knew him

during this period claim that he frequently started and then quickly quit job after job. Some of

the positions he held were, clerk for the office of the Paraguayan Navy, illustrator for the

national department of engineering, and occasionally a writer for local papers. The guitar was his

only true passion and he regularly spent ten to twelve hours practicing, often at the expense of

his employment. It was during this vagrant period that Barrios would meet another person

destined to leave a mark on his life.

Nicolino Pelligrini (1873-1933) was bom in Viggiano, Potenza, Italy. He began his study

as a violinist at the age of 4 in Geneva, Switzerland. At the age of nine he played his premiere

concert in Paris where he was studying at the Conservatory. After an extensive tour ending in

Brazil, Pelligrini settled down in Asuncion. He began by teaching, tuning pianos, and organizing

concerts. When the Instituto Paraguayo was created, Pelligrini was asked to work as the director

of the program. One of his first acts as director was to form a student orchestra. He was the

principle composer for most of the ensemble's early concerts. Pelligrini, like Barrios, had many

talents. He was a conductor, composer, educator, violinist, and cellist.

17
 Another one of Pelligrini's programs was an instruction course geared towards educating

first year music students. This program was both unique and comprehensive. The course covered

twelve areas Pellegrini deemed crucial to the foundation of the young musician. Barrios'

participation in the class was verified by personal account only. The lack of appropriate

documentation meant that Agustin did not likely formally enroll in Pellegrini's classes. It is

during his time with Pellegrini that Barrios left his high school program. There are rumors of him

briefly studying violin and cello under the instruction of Pellegrini, but there is no known

supporting evidence.

There is very little paperwork documenting the relationship of Pellegrini and Barrios.

The only work to come from Barrios during this period is an intermediate level piece entitled

Abri la Puerta Mi China, meaning "open the door my country girl". This piece was far from

Barrios' first composition; it is, however, one of the first signs of the composer's maturation.

Technical difficulties make this piece an arduous endeavor for beginners, but it cannot compare

to his later virtuosic works. It reveals that Barrios could display a substantial knowledge of the

capabilities of the guitar. It also demonstrates the fruits of his education under Pellegrini's

direction.15

Barrios' repertoire was likely a combination of works from Aguado, Sor, and a

smattering of works that Escalada had collected from his time in Buenos Aires. There is very

little evidence of any European publications of guitar music in Paraguay during the turn of the

century. This resulted in a repertoire that was highly dependent on a combination of

contributions from South American composers and whatever was brought to the area by

European immigrants.

In Paraguay (and in much of South America), during the early 1900's, there were two

distinct cultural influences. Spanish and Italian influences pervaded the artistic scene in the
larger cities. While Asuncion was certainly not comparable to Buenos Aires, Asuncion did foster

a blossoming cultural awareness. The Italian movement saw the introduction of opera. The

Spanish equivalent introduced Zarzuelas. Barrios would have likely resided somewhere amongst

the two, not belonging entirely to either one.

On May 29th, 1906, there was held a concert for the benefit of the victims of the Mt.

Vesuvius eruption in Italy. This concert consisted of a twenty-piece orchestra conducted by

Pellegrini, 4 separate pianists, a mandolinist, and a vocalist with Barrios performing El Delirio

by Julian Areas. Reviews of the concert suggest that Barrios was quite successful. "Mr. Agustin

Barrios was the object of true ovation with his Paraguayan airs played marvelously on the

guitar.” He not only performed the piece by Areas, but he also performed a number of other

Paraguyan selections. Barrios performed last on the program. His placement and praise make this

concert one of the first times Barrios was taken seriously as an artist. The fact that he was placed

at the end of the program suggests that he had performed before and earned it. He had previously

been disregarded as a novelty, a young immature player who possessed some skill but lacked the

refinement of a professional musician. This acknowledgement was crucial to his advancement as

a member of the cultural community in Asuncion.

Two weeks after Barrios' twenty-second birthday, his father passed away. His mother

Martina moved to Asuncion to be with her sons. This likely would have been a very painful and

emotional time for the family. In addition to the loss of the family's patriarch, the sons were now

also responsible for the welfare of their mother. It would be an entire year before Barrios would

perform as a part of a significant program again.

During this year of relative silence, the artist would acquire a reputation as a professor. A

concert review published on the 6th of January,1908 states the following:

19
 Senor Agustin Barrios, extremely well-known professor of guitar, delighted everyone executing
a very difficult fantasy of his own composition and in response to the insistent applause that the
public offered he played an exceptionally beautiful fantasy on motives from the popular Santa
Fe and another piece of extreme difficulty with a tango rhythm.1' 16

It is likely that reviews like these are what helped to cultivate a sense of self-assuredness in

Barrios that would sustain him through the tumultuous seasons to come.

While it is true that he was experiencing success as a guitarist in Asuncion, he would

remain a "big fish in a little pond" until he expanded his audience. Like the Spanish guitarist

Segovia, Agustin would need to venture out into the world not only to gain recognition but to

mature as an artist.

During the turn of the century, Buenos Aires was developing into a bustling center of

commerce. The cultural scene was also experiencing significant growth. A large influx of Italian

immigrants brought a "European" art scene to Argentina. In conjunction with the increase in

immigration, the construction of the Teatro Colon was also completed during the first decade of

the twentieth century. The Teatro Colon was located in the heart of downtown Buenos Aires and

is still considered amongst the best concert halls in the world. It is plausible to think that the

completion of the hall might have attracted a higher caliber of musicians to the city.

Construction on the Teatro Colon began two decades before its opening date on May 25,1908.

Prior to its completion in 1908, there were already fifty-plus opera companies touring in Buenos

Aires.

Barrios' interest in the city was probably shared by many aspiring young musicians of the day.

What artist wouldn't want to immerse himself in such a thriving cultural community? Classical

music, popular music, tango, folk music - all could be found in this great city. The cosmopolitan

atmosphere of Buenos Aires was the perfect arena for Barrios' ascent.
 Upon his arrival in 1910, Barrios was under the patronage of Saenz Valiente. Valiente

owned a newspaper and would often have Barrios perform private concerts for his employees.

Valiente bought Barrios his first proper concert guitar. The guitar was built by luthier Jose

Ramirez (whose family still builds guitars). Valiente and Barrios' relationship is interesting

because it is the first example of the artist enjoying the patronage of a wealthy benefactor. This

formula would be replicated numerous times throughout Barrios' life. He was evidently

comfortable with the arrangement.

At this time, Classical guitar in Buenos Aires was burgeoning. Barrios was able to attend

guitar concerts with regularity. This luxury would not have been possible in Asuncion. The same

year Barrios moved to Buenos Aires, Miguel Llobet (1878-1938) began his first tour to

Argentina. It is likely that Barrios saw Llobet perform during this time. It is said that Barrios

declared Llobet to be the greatest guitarist he had ever heard.

Barrios did not possess the skills that warranted acclaim upon his arrival in Buenos
Aires.

His abilities were still rough and unfocused. He had an immature repertoire and was likely

ignorant of many things pertaining to guitar technique and musicianship. This did not stop the

young Agustin. He made friends with artists, professionals, and intellectuals. He made a living

by working at theaters and providing music for silent films. Barrios was not immediately

welcomed to the concert stage upon arriving in Buenos Aires; he would have to first prove

himself in cafes, cinemas, and at private functions.

After nearly a year in the city, Barrios journeyed to Chile and possibly even as far as

Peru. During this pilgrimage he performed a number of concerts that were not received well by

critics. They claimed that he lacked knowledge of important musical works and that his

technique was not pure. There was also the issue of his preference of metal strings over gut
strings. Popular opinion was that "Serious" guitarists did not use metal strings. The harsh reviews

were very different from those made of Barrios during his final years in Asuncion. The critics

outside of Asuncion demanded much more of the young guitarist. Seeing as how Barrios did not

have a "formal music education", wherever he went he lacked the ability to connect with certain

levels of the academic and artistic communities.17Whether it was his lack of an appropriate

lexicon or his proximity to "pop" culture, his assimilation into the "high" art community would

not be easy. In addition to the difficulty brought about by his education (or lack thereof), the

vehicle by which he chose to enter the classical word came with its own impediments. In the

early twentieth century, the guitar had yet to achieve the status of the violin or piano in regards to

the concert stage.

Throughout his life, Barrios displayed a resilience that sustained him through a number

of trying times. Despite the complications of his first tour, the young artist was not deterred. At

some point during the year 1912, Barrios left Buenos Aires again and travelled to Montevideo. It

was there that he met and befriended Don Martin Borda y Pagola. Borda y Pagola was a

successful livestock rancher and guitar aficionado. His wealth and collection of instruments

made his home a regular meeting place for other guitar enthusiasts. The circumstances

surrounding their first meeting are unknown. However, it is likely that Barrios heard of Borda y

Pagola from someone in Buenos Aires and then travelled to Montevideo in search of a new

patron.

For the next fifteen years Barrios would receive financial and emotional support from

Borda y Pagola. The rancher became an advocate and advisor for Barrios, often encouraging him

to write down his compositions. According to a small biography compiled by Miguel Herrera

17 Stover 41
22
Klinger (1885- ?), an admirer of Barrios, Borda y Pagola occasionally had to employ extreme

measures in an effort to get the composer to comply. On one occasion, Pagola went as far as to

use an elaborate ruse. He invited Barrios to his home for dinner and to show him his newest

guitar. Once Barrios arrived, he was lead upstairs were he believed he was to be shown the new

instrument. Instead, he was locked in the room and told through the door that he would not be

released or fed until he had put to paper some of his compositions. Barrios was initially angered

by the trick and refused to cooperate. Hunger eventually overcame the composer's defiance and

he succumbed to his patron's wishes.18 One of the pieces put to paper on that evening was the

character piece LasAbejas. Barrios gave the piece a facetious title, suggesting that in order to

appease his host he was working like a busy little bee.

According to Klinger, Barrios' premier debut in Montevideo was in the fall of 1912. The

concert featured Barrios as well as Spanish guitarist Francisco Callejas and Urguayan guitarist

Julio Otermin. Klinger's review of Barrios' playing was that he performed

"a program that was musically bad with an interpretation that was beautiful, strangely moving. If
musical interpretation attracts and moves an audience is an art, then Agustin Barrios was an
artist and on this occasion he was doubly so because he played only modest pieces that lacked
the hierarchy. The novelty was the metal string, from which he drew forth rare effects with
sonorities that were unknown to us, due to his way of smoothing the harshness of the metal,
making it appropriate for a concert. All these qualities and the decided manner of his playing
the instrument, making it shine with brilliance in the execution of works exhibiting an excellent
technique of both hands, contributed to a tonality of factors that made his playing extremely
interesting. So interesting was this man to us that before we knew it two hours had passed
listening to his interpretations and we would have been there two hours more if Don Carlos
Trapani had not informed us that it was one o'clock in the morning."19

This critique on Barrios' playing contains some of the same complaints as those made of

him during his first trip outside of Buenos Aires. On this occasion, the negative comments on his

repertoire were softened by the glowing complements surrounding his interpretation. His use of

18Stover 43
19Stover 43-45
23
metal strings was also a topic of discussion. There is a strong likelihood that he had tried gut

strings sometime during his career. His decision to use metal strings was as defining as it was

controversial. It is impossible to say for sure what his motivation must have been. Perhaps it was

a resistance bom out of his developmental years using his father's steel string guitars. The balmy

climate of South America might also have caused him to sweat profusely, making the use of gut

strings difficult. This is all to say that he very well might not have had a distinct reason for using

steel strings. It is known that at some point Barrios adopted the use of little beads of vulcanized

rubber through which he threaded each of the metal strings. This had the effect of reducing the

twang associated with steel, producing a smoother and very audible sound. Klinger theorizes that

the idea came to Barrios in 1919 from the Italian conductor Gino Marinuzzi. Even with these

rubber additions, opposition to his metal strings ensued. His use of the rubber additions was short

lived.

Klinger claims that during Barrios' time in Montevideo, his strong points were his

technique and his musicality. His weakest trait was his lack of substantial repertoire. In search

of a remedy, Barrios attempted a number of transcriptions. Klinger states that "he (Barrios) did

not study the works enough. He would barely look at a work and set forth to play it, forgetting

some passage, something which critics flew in his face immediately. Barrios did not like the

works of other composers because they did not inspire him. Before long his first original works

came forth: a gavotte, two or three minuets, all bad, worse because they were so vulgar." 20

In 1913 Barrios began recording for the Uruguayan labels Atlanta and Artigas. During

this time he produced twelve phonograph records. These recordings might be the first ever made

20 Stover 46
24
of the classical guitar. Aside from the significance of their place in the timeline of guitar

recordings, these phonographs also document the "vulgarity" of Barrios' program.

The years in Uruguay (1912-1915) were a time of growth and expansion for Barrios. He

likely spent much of this time with Borda Y Pagola. He made a good number of friends during

this time and is rumored to have lived with guitarist Luis Pasquet (1882-1940). Not all of his

visits with friends lasted for an entire year, some lasted only a few days. Regardless of the length

of his stays, it was the hospitality of his friends that afforded him the means by which to advance

his abilities. He travelled to and from Brazil during this period and his next concert took place in

1916 in Rio De Janeiro.

In the four years since his last major concert, his repertoire had seen significant

modification. The program included transcriptions of Bach, Verdi, Chopin, Grieg, and

Mendelssohn. There were also four original works listed on the program: Rhapsody Americana,

Jota Aragonesa, Bicho Feio-tango humoristico, and Recuerdos del Pacifico. This program

demonstrates a noticeable increase in the maturity of his playing. This program must have been

successful since the frequency of Barrios' concerts increased dramatically in the following year.

Beginning in 1917, Barrios experienced what can only be described as an explosion of activity.

In the next decade Barrios would compose seventy-six original pieces, transcribe thirty-nine

pieces, and incorporate twenty selections by other guitarist-composers into his repertoire.

The initial years of this period took place in San Paulo, Brazil. While in Brazil Barrios

would have a guitar made with a twentieth fret. This addition made possible the high-C used for

his composition Souvenir D’Un Reve (Un Sueno en la Floresta). The piece was possibly the first

of his four tremelo pieces. The frequency with which it appears in his programs suggests that it

was undoubtedly the one most often performed during his lifetime. The title of the piece

25
experienced a number of changes before adopting the name under which it has been recorded

most (Un Sueno de la Floresta). Cesar Amaro theorizes that the name changes coincide with

Barrios' adoption of the identity of Chief Nitsuga Mangore. Under this persona, he negotiated

higher fees based on the intrigue that an indigenous artist performing a work of his own creation

(with a French title) might conjure. 21 Aside from completing a multitude of compositions

during this period, Barrios also had the rare opportunity of reading his own eulogy in September

of 1918.22 The first of these reports was in Paraguay; Barrios would experience this oddity two

more times during the course of his life.

After a wildly successful concert series, Barrios returned to Montevideo in the summer

of 1920. As chance would have it, the Spanish guitarist Andres Segovia was also performing in

Montevideo at this time. Over the next five weeks the two guitarist would perform a total of six

concerts. It is strange that there is no report of their meeting during this time. Their meeting

would have to wait an entire year before coming to fruition in Buenos Aires. When they did

eventually meet in 1921, Segovia had already heard of Barrios. Klinger declared that on a certain

occasion he had overheard a conversation between Andres Segovia, Regino Sainz de la Maza,

and Domingo Prat regarding Barrios. They were discussing the metal strings the Paraguayan

used. Sainz de la Maza was the only one who did not reject steel strings, as long as it was Barrios

who played them. To which Segovia replied: "Well, as far as I'm concerned, I wouldn't know

what to do with that wire fence".

Their first meeting took place after Barrios had attended one of Segovia's concerts in

Buenos Aires. After the concert they were introduced to each other by a mutual friend. They

talked politely and Barrios promised to visit him. This visit happened some time later in

21Amaro 1
22 Stover 51
26
Segovia's home. Klinger recounts this encounter: "Barrios played a cascade of musical gems for

the great Segovia who was surprised...better yet: he was floored. Nearly 2 hours later he was

congratulated by the Maestro. One particular work he liked very much and indicated he would

play in his concerts. Barrios gave him an original copy with a dedication. The work that Segovia

said he would like to program in his concerts he never played. The reasoning behind this

duplicity is unknown. However, if he had performed it, he might have elevated Barrios to

previously inaccessible heights, thus detracting from his own artistic prestige." 23

The piece that so caught the attention of Segovia was La Catedral. This piece was

composed in the autumn of 1921. During this time, Barrios was recovering from a bout of

Typhus. His illness had kept him confined to a hotel room from which he could hear the bells of

the Metropolitan Cathedral of Montevideo. It was those bells, which rang every thirty minutes,

that were the inspiration for this piece. The piece emulates what one might hear upon walking

out of the cathedral and into the busy streets. Stover considers La Catedral to be "a perfect

wedding of imagery, emotion, and virtuosic technique." Barrios' interest in the piece was

certainly warranted.

Considering the famous encounter in hindsight, there exist some interesting

perspectives to review. First, by the time they had met, Segovia believed himself to be the

creator and defender of the modem classic guitar. Having championed the guitar all over the

world, Segovia might have been taken off guard by Barrios' bold presentation of his

compositions. Segovia had likely encountered other guitarist/composers before. However, it is

unlikely that many of them had presented their work with such confidence in their quality and

merit. Barrios did not feel the need to explain or make excuses for his pieces, and that confidence

23 Amaro
27
demanded the attention of Segovia. This was not the result of arrogance on the part of Barrios,

but more likely the consequence of naivety. In 1921 when the two met, Segovia was already

famous and becoming increasingly so with each passing day. It is possible that he had no interest

in welcoming any formal competition. If Segovia truly meant what he said in his professed

approval of the Paraguayan's music, he would have programmed his music. He might also have

helped Barrios make his way in the European concert scene. Instead, Segovia ignored and

occasionally criticized Barrios despite their seemingly cordial meetings on multiple occasions.

Over the next seven years Barrios would continue to travel, perform, and compose.

He was never able to secure a steady source of income and therefore lived primarily through the

generosity of his patrons. Although his musical prowess was ever increasing, he was still met

with mixed reviews everywhere he went. In June of 1928, he performed a concert consisting

almost entirely of his own works. Attendance on this particular evening was scarce and the

planned "encore" concert was cancelled. Disgusted by what he considered a terrible failure,

Barrios vowed never to return to Argentina again. The guitar community in Buenos Aires had

grown to reject metal strings and "backward-looking nineteenth century-type" repertoire. The

public opinion was that composers should look to the impressionistic and neo-romantic

movements coming out of Europe at the time. During the same time as Barrios’decision to leave

Argentina and never return, Segovia had just returned to Buenos Aires so that he might perform

some of his new repertoire. His programs which included works by Turina, Torroba, Tansman,

and Ponce were well received. All of the music composed for and because of him was in a more

modem twentieth century harmonic language. Since their last meeting, Barrios had worked

tirelessly. He had performed and composed just as Segovia had performed and commissioned.

However, Barrios had neither fame nor fortune to show for his work, Segovia had both. The

28
irony of it all certainly must have contributed to Barrios' disappointment. Despite his

discouragement, he did not keep his vow to leave Buenos Aires forever.

Bruised from his trials in Argentina, Barrios began a new chapter in life. He took on

the persona of Chief Nitsuga Mangore. Along with the acquisition of a new "identity", he

decided to leave South America and travel northward. His choosing to present himself as the

"messenger of the Guarani race...the Paganini of the guitar from the jungles of Paraguay"

might

have been a response to his disillusionment associated with the lack of success he experienced

with his given birth name. Whatever the reasoning, the artist adopted the caricature, and with it a

renewed sense of purpose. He wore a feathered headdress and posed with bow and arrow. He

performed gymnastic feats and read poetry. He emphasized the fact that he was a "true"

representative of the Guarani culture, mystically empowered to share the "songs of our birds and

the fragrance of our forests through the music of my guitar." The name Nitsuga was simply

Agustin backwards. His newly added last name came with more of a story. Mangore was a chief

of the Timbues, one of the tribes that made up the Guarani nation. In 1527, European explorers

founded a settlement in present day Argentina. Mangore and his people shared a friendly

coexistence with the settlers and often engaged in trade and barter. One of the settler's wives so

interested Mangore that he made it a point to bring her gifts as often as possible. Since she was a

married women, she rejected all of his offerings. Mangore was only made more determined by

her refusal. He organized a surprise attack on the settlement in order to take her as his own.

However, during the attack, Mangore was fatally wounded. Barrios' interest in the Chief could

have been the result of the romantic nature of death in the pursuit of love. Because he was

travelling to areas in which few classical guitarists had ever performed, he billed himself as "the

best guitarist in the world". Proclaiming himself as "the best" was definitely evidence of his
renewed vision. By believing in his new character he sought to remedy the shortcomings of his

past. 24

In February of 1932, Barrios gave his first public concert in Caracas. Caracas would

be the stage for Barrios' greatest success as a performer. Here he would flourish at the zenith of

his abilities. Night after night he performed for packed venues and received standing ovations.

He was featured in advertisements for beer and performed a total of twenty-five times. The

people accepted him as one of their own. He was the honored guest at a great feast and upon his

25th concert, a special silver anniversary program was organized. Never again did Barrios

experience the success of Caracas. Despite his continued pursuit of perfection, he was never

received quite so well.

Barrios continued his northward journey that eventually brought him to Mexico City.

It was there that he met a fellow countrymen by the name of Don Tomas Salomoni. It was

Salomoni that persuaded Barrios to bring his Nitsuga period to an end. He said the act was "not

dignified and appropriate." Barrios traded in his bow and arrow for a suit and tie. Salomoni was

dedicated to helping Barrios, and he knew that the guitarist needed to visit Europe in order to

legitimize both his compositions and his performing career. In September of 1934 Salomoni and

Barrios sailed for Europe on the steamship Orinoco.25

Later that month they arrived in Brussels, Belgium where they remained for several

weeks. In Brussels, Agustin met Igor Stravinsky and played a concert at the Royal Conservatory.

He then travelled to Portugal for a short time before then moving to Spain. Unfortunately, the

Spanish Civil War was nearly ready to plunge the region into chaos. Due to social and political

upheaval, Barrios felt the potential for danger was too great and returned home. Robbed of his

24Stover 111-113
25 Stover 150
30
chance at international fame, Barrios left the "old world" with little more than he had when he

arrived.

Agustin's return to the Americas saw the diminishing of his health and the

continuation of his performing. He made his way from country to country before finally settling

down in San Salvador. He lived with his wife Gloria in a large house which she ran as a bed and

breakfast. Barrios taught private lessons and continued to concertize on occasion.

"In March of 1944, Segovia visited El Salvador, playing a concert in San Salvador. They spent
several hours together in Segovia's hotel room. No guitars were played. Barrios was in bad
physical shape, and it would seem probable that Segovia felt a certain amount of pity for him,
seeing his condition, stranded in a relatively isolated country, forgotten and poor. The time they
spent together was cordial and polite, and Segovia reputedly left Barrios a set of Pirastro gut
strings as a gift (a subtle criticism of steel strings).26

In his final years he practiced only a few hours a day. Juan de Dios Trejos, one of his

pupils, states that Barrios kept one hundred smooth stones in a pouch while practicing. For every

repetition played perfectly, he would remove one stone from a small bag. He would move on

only after the entire bag was empty. Trejos claimed that Barrios' last days were filled with

"tranquility, solace, and meditation" which were a "preparation for death." Surrounded by his

wife and students, Barrios passed away on the seventh of August, 1944. The priest who attended

him proclaimed, "This is the first time I have witnessed the death of a Saint." 27

26Stover 151
27Stover 174
31
 CHAPTER THREE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE PERFORMANCE OF BWV 1006a

Despite their popularity amongst guitarists, the origin of J.S. Bach's lute suites is

relatively unknown. Today, the lute suites exist as a crucial part of the classical guitar repertoire.

In this chapter, I will discuss the complications associated with performing the lute suites

(specifically BWV 1006a) r as well as the complications derived from the uncertainty associated

with the composer's objective. The first section of this paper discusses Bach’s biography in

connection with the piece's composition. The following section will focus on the mechanics of

the associated instruments, and a comparative analysis of the violin score, the "lute" manuscript,

and a guitar arrangement. The paper concludes with performance practice observations.

An autograph of the Suite, BWV 1006a survives today in Tokyo, Japan. Watermarks

suggest that the music found its way to paper circa 1129^.The, Violin Partita in E Major (from

which BWV 1006a was transcribed) was composed around 1720 in Cothen. Another version of

the Prelude from this suite appeared in the early 1930's and was part of an orchestral Sinfonia,

catalogued as BWV2929. Roughly two decades exist between the assumed conception of the

original material and its reappearance. During that time, Bach worked in both Cothen and

Leipzig.

Upon his arrival in Cothen, Bach was a well-respected musician and was compensated

as such. During his time spent in the employment of Prince Leopold, Bach completed the Six

Cello Suites, the Sonatas and Partitas for Solo Violin, and the Brandenburg Concertos. This

influx of secular work was likely the result of the reserved musical practices of the Calvinist

Court. The Calvinist church adhered strongly to the regulative principle of worship30. In

Christian theology, the regulative principle of worship teaches that the public worship of God

should include those

28Ledbetter, David. Unaccompanied Bach: Performing the Solo Works, pg 67

29Claude Chauvel. L'oeuvre deLuth: Johann Sebastian Bach, pg 23
30http://www.theopedia.com
and only those elements that are instituted, commanded, or appointed by command or example in

the Bible. This ideology meant that music was viewed as an inappropriate icon and was therefore

used sparingly. Leopold's appreciation of music was also a significant contributing factor. He

enjoyed playing most stringed instruments, but was particularly fond of the violin. The young

Prince was learned admirer and practitioner. This afforded Bach a considerably freer

environment in which to compose. In May of 1718, Prince Leopold travelled to Carlsbad for

approximately five weeks, taking with him his harpsichord, Bach, and five other musicians.

During this time, Bach suffered the tragedy of finding out that his wife had died and had to be

buried while he was still away.

Bach's exodus from the court at Cothen took place in 1723 and was likely associated

with the introduction of the Court's new princess. Leopold's new wife was not interested in

music, and to an even lesser extent, Bach. In an environment in which his employment could be

(and seemingly would be) terminated on a whim, Bach saw the need to seek out a more secure

appointment. His search resulted in his accepting the role of Cantor in the city of Leipzig. His

appointment in Leipzig inspired a resurgence in his focus on liturgical composition. The first six

years of Bach's last occupational residence saw an intense focus on his composition of cantatas.

Beside the production of cantatas, Passions and other vocal occasional works, both sacred and

secular instrumental music retreated to the background.31 It was during this particularly arid

period of instrumental composition that BWV 1006a came into being.

It was amidst the instrumental draught that the lute first appears in Bach's compositions.

He used it sparingly and primarily as a color instrument. In the St. John Passion (BWV245), a

bass aria with lute, violas d'amore, and continuo is the crucial moment in the work when Jesus

31 Christoph Wolff, et al. "Bach." 7 "Leipzig 1723-1729"

33
ascends to heaven (See Example 7). The lute in the St. Matthew Passion {BWV244) was

replaced by the viola de gamba shortly after it's conception, and in the Trauerode {BWV 198)

Bach wrote for two lutes. In the TrauerodeyBach manipulated the harp-like qualities of the lute

to evoke the angelic archetype. In all of these instances his writing was highly idiomatic and

consisted primarily of arpeggiated chords and continuo-esque lines.32

In this excerpt, we see the lute part written in two staves. This was not common practicefor the lute during
Bach's lifetime. Due to the nature of the baroque-lute, tablature was usedfar more commonly amongstplayers
and composers alike.

Example 7. St. John Passion

Bach was an able performer on both the violin and cello. When it came time to perform

ensemble music, Bach often lead from the violin instead of the harpsichord. He did not share this

same familiarity with the lute. Outside of owning a lute, there exists no evidence that Bach was

ever able to play it to any notable degree. Despite not being a lutenist himself, he did keep the

company of a number of capable players. Two of his students at the University of Leipzig, and

at least one of his copyists were lutenists. Bach had certainly been exposed to the instrument and

would have likely made note of its abilities and limitations. One particularly revealing interaction

32Clive Titmuss. "Bach Lute Suites: This Myth is Busted - Part 1."
34
coincides with a visit from the period's most illustrious lute performer/ composer, Sylvius

Leopold Weiss (1687 -1750).

Weiss was the pre-eminent leader amongst a flourishing community of both amateur

and professional lutenists in his time. Weiss was not only well-known, but he was also the

highest paid artist in the employ of King Augustus. Bach maintained a high level of respect for

Weiss’ compositional prowess as suggested by his arrangement of Sonata no.47. His

arrangement was for harpsichord and violin (BWV 1025), he composed new material for the

violin part and constructed an introductory fantasia using lutenistic motifs. Bach and Weiss had

exchanged a number of friendly letters before they had ever met face to face, and on this

particular occasion, Weiss was visiting on vacation from his post in Dresden33. Clive Titmuss'

re-telling of this incidence proceeds as follows:

Upon W eiss' knock, Bach invited him in and said: "Well to tell the truth IVe been
trying to play the lute a little lately. I used to fool around on it when I was a ‘B ub’, but
the instrument always confounded m e- a ll those strings! I got a much better
instrument from my dear friend Hofmann in the Lautenkrankenstrasse, and IVe been
com pletely taken with it. IVe been working night and day on one of my old suites to
play for you, to see if you have any suggestions. But I'm still a bit shy with it, an old
man trying to do something new, you know, it's a bit silly. So if you don't mind I'm
going to go into my Schreibzimmer, just sit here and listen.” W ith that he repaired to
his composition room and went behind an old curtain that he had dividing the room to
keep his family out. W hen Bach was behind the curtain, he was incommunicado. That
w as the rule. After a bit of tuning and few odd notes and chords the most fantastic
uninterrupted veil of flawless lute-playing erupted. W eiss instantly recognized the
signature tune of every student violinist in Saxony--the Prelude of the E m ajor violin
Partita. It was incredible, without error, perfectly in tune, not even a m is-fretted "n"
(the twelfth fret ofthe lute). That piece quickly concluded, Bach began playing
som ething entirely new. "Here's something I've just been working on" he said, peering
out from behind the curtain, and from his room came the now utterly fam iliar strains
of the beautiful opening bars of Prelude, Fugue and Allegro in E flat. W eiss expected
him to stop, but the flow never ceased. Ten minutes later, as the last notes died away,
W eiss was plainly aghast. After all, Weiss had spent a lifetime playing the lute,
struggling with its idiosyncrasies, the tuning, strings, the pegs, the frets, the sheer
uncertainty and unpredictability, a spider's web of deceit, a device calculated to drive
m usicians mad— here, the great genius of music, old Bach himself—had m anaged to
m aster the instrument after only a few months of effort. How w as it possible? W eiss
w as dum bfounded. Finally the portly master drew aside the curtain. "How do you like

33Edward R. Reilly, et al. "Weiss."

35
 my new toy", said Bach and motioned to a three-manual lute-harpsichord built by his uncle. W
eiss, true to his name, turned the colour of a sheet, and let out a sigh: He had been fooled. "Du
lieber Gott", he exclaimed, "you nearly gave me a heart attack”.
A fter that they had a little belt of schnapps (well, maybe a couple o f them) and started
talking about the ongoing rivalry between the soccer teams of the Dresden Frauen-
Kirche and the Leipzig’s St.Thomas Schule. Later, Wilhelm Friedemann Bach wrote
to a friend: "Something very special in the way of music was heard on that
occasion!"34

This anecdote encapsulates the nature of Bach's relation to the lute. While he himself did not

play, he regularly interacted with those who did. He acknowledged and understood the

possibility of arranging some of his previous compositions to suite a more lute-like texture.

These arrangements were likely worked through and played on one of his most cherished

instruments, the lautenwerk (lute-harpsichord). Some of the evidence suggesting Bach's use of

the lautenwerk is a derivative of the complications associated with playing his "lute" pieces on a

period instrument. Despite its modem designation as a lute suite, there are a number of issues

associated with playing BWV 1006a on the baroque-lute.

The prevailing stylistic variant of the instrument in the eighteenth-century was that of the

thirteen course lute, characterized by it's D-minor tuning. While some versions of the instrument

had as many as twenty-six strings, the most standard model possessed only thirteen. It's

predecessor, the renaissance-lute, was not only tuned differently, but it was smaller and had

fewer strings as well.35 The drastic changes in the construction of the lute represented a

significant shift in the style and technique associated with the instrument. The addition of strings

meant that the instrument could now access a larger tonal spectrum. Composer's began to utilize

the open bass strings and consequently developed a texture unique to the eighteenth-century lute.

As the music for the lute became more and more directed towards virtuosity and solo

34Titmuss, Clive. "The Big Bach Lutebook Volume 3."

35Klaus Wachsmann, et al. "Lute."
36
performance, the instrument grew farther and farther away from its roots. No longer was the

lute relegated to the confines of accompaniment. Rather, it evolved in a parallel fashion to that

of the keyboard, developing a solo repertoire comprised primarily of sonatas and dance suites.

The issues relating to BWV 1006a as applied to the baroque-lute begin with the tuning.

Bach wrote the suite in E-major for an instrument tuned to D-minor. Not only would attempting

to play in E-major force the performer to defy standard conventions and attempt acrobatic feats

of fret-board lunacy, but the open strings of the instrument make the bass line impossible

without significant tuning alterations.36 The complex nature of the lute during Bach's lifetime

required a means of notation that addressed the idiosyncrasies associated with the open strings

and the expanded fret-board. The seventeenth-century saw the advent of such a system.

Truthfully speaking, the system was much more the result of an alteration of a preexisting

institution than it was an advent of something entirely new. Tablature had existed for hundreds

of years before Bach. However, the new challenges brought about by a drastically different lute

demanded notation reform. The new style of notation was perfected by composers and

performers alike.

Individuals such as the aforementioned Sylvius Leopold Weiss helped to refine the practice. The

concerning aspect of Bach's notation was that it appeared to be for a keyboard instrument. BWV

1006a was written in two staves rather than the preferred lute notation. This means that for a

lutenist to perform the suite, not only were they required to transpose the piece from E-major to

F-major, but they would also likely find it necessary to re-write the piece in the more

approachable lute tablature.

36Ledbetter, David. Unaccompanied Bach: Performing the Solo Works, pg 267

37Klaus Wachsmann, et al. "Lute."
Example 8.1: BWV 1006a as it appears in the Gesellschaft.

------------- m n ^ a r-d-r- a — Q=--------------

------- ------------------&=
r* r
-a
'b b n
'd **
'd n <
'b n
'b 'b /I
a d d 6' cl
o — ---------------- ---------
1-----

Example 8.2: BWV 1006a in baroque-lute tablature.

One possible explanation for the issues associated with the performance of BWV 1006a

is that Bach never intended that the work be performed "as is" on the lute. The argument can be

made that Bach intended the pieces for his beloved lautenwerk. When the lute-harpsichord is

considered in place of the lute, the issues of both tuning and notation are vanquished. On the

lute, the key of E-major is awkward and unnatural. On the lautenwerk, it fits quite well. In

addition, Claude Chavel concludes that "the low tessitura in which the work is written (F clef

and C clef first line) makes it [BWV 1006a] ill-suited to the harpsichord."38 The fact that the

register does not work well on the harpsichord only strengthens the argument favoring the notion

that Bach was composing for a specific and unique instrument.

38 Claude Chauvel. Voeuvre de Luth: Johann Sebastian Bach, pg 22

38
 The lautenwerk differs from the harpsichord in several important respects. Harpsichords

are designed to be strung in metal whereas lautenwerks are designed to be strung with gut

strings. Tonal variation is achieved by plucking the string at different points along its length. As

implied in Titmuss1retelling of the first meeting of Bach and Weiss, the timbre of the

lautenwerk is very similar to that of the lute, so similar in fact that the greatest lute player of that

time was at least momentarily convinced that he was hearing Bach play a lute. An inventory of

Bach's possessions at the time of his death reveals that he owned two such hybrid instruments.39

Whereas both the lute and the lautenwerk serve as viable candidates concerning Bach's

intention with regards to BWV 1006a, there is little to no potential that Bach had the modem

classic guitar in mind. Introduced to the international concert stage by way of Andres Segovia in

the early 1920's, the guitar was rapidly expanding its repertoire and fervently searching for any

means by which to further legitimize it's practice. One such endeavor was the transcription of

Bach's solo works.

In his journal article, Bach on the Guitar: Some Thoughts, John Duarte observes that

rarely does a composer work from a greater textural resource to a smaller one; it is almost always

the reverse. The same can be said of Bach; violin concertos became harpsichord concertos, solo

violin sonatas became organ works, and in this case a violin partita became a more full lute-

textured suite. He notes that these adaptations almost always dealt with additions of material and

not subtractions.40 In the case of the guitar, the opposite circumstance is more often brought to

fruition (since a large portion of the guitar repertoire is keyboard transcriptions). In considering

BWV 1006a as applied to the guitar, there need only be a few octave re-designations in the bass

to maintain the harmonic integrity of the original manuscript. E-major is a non-issue for the

39 Frank Koonce. Johann Sebastian Bach: The Solo Lute Works, pg ix

40John Duarte. "Bach on the Guitar: Some Thoughts." pg 340
39
guitar unlike the baroque-lute. Standard guitar tuning invites E-major to fall gracefully under the

left hand. W hile the piece maintains a high level of difficulty through any medium, unlike the

lute, its performance on the guitar is approachable without any serious alteration. Most modern

students o f the classic guitar can read standard notation. However, it is likely that the two staves

found in Bach's original manuscript would be condensed to one treble clef staff for a guitar

performance copy. All things considered, the performance o f BW V 1006a on the guitar appears

to present less of an issue than that of a similar performance on the baroque-lute.

As previously stated, Bach's Violin Partita in E-major (BW V 1006) served as the basis for

a number o f his later works, including the piece known today as the Fourth Lute Suite (BWV

1006a). Considering that the modern guitar transcription is twice removed from the original

source as a transcription of a transcription, it is interesting to compare the original manuscripts

and their relation to a modern guitar arrangement.

Aside from the violin manuscript having one staff where the "lute" manuscript has two,

the most easily discernible difference between the two scores is the realization o f the implied

bass notes from the violin score in the "lute" score. The result is a thicker harmonic texture. In

Frank Koonce's guitar transcription of BW V 1006a , he accounts for the notes outside of the

guitar's range via octave re-designation as seen in examples 9.3 and 9.4.41 Not only do the added

bass notes compliment the harmonic structure of the piece, they also enhance the performers

understanding of the implied rhythmic intentions of the composer.

E x am p les 9 .1 : BW V 1006 Preludio manuscript measures 35.5 - 38

11 Frank Koonce. Johann Sebastian Bach: The Solo Lute Works, pg 89

40
Examples 9.2: BWV 1006a Preludio from the Gesellschaft measures 35 - 38

Examples 9.3: Koonce's guitar transcription of BWV 1006a Preludio measure 33

r *— t

Examples 9.4: BWV 1006a Preludio from the Gesellschaft measure 33

Second to the difference in texture, the next most obvious discrepancy involves the use of

slurs. The presence or lack of slur markings in both scores generally appear not to be crucial to

the integrity of the music, but the result of Bach's catering to each instrument's idiomatic

tendencies. As seen in examples 10.1 and 10.2, Bach begins right away with two very different

interpretations of the first two measures. In Koonce's guitar transcription, he takes special care

not to add any slur markings to the original ''lute" manuscript. The majority of slurs found in

BWV 1006a are easily executed on the neck of the guitar. However, the copy oiBWV 1006a
found in the Gasellschaft contains a number of slurs that are difficult if not impossible to lay on

the guitar. The slurs come from an inconsistent mixture of both the violin and "lute" scores.

Ex 10.1: B W V 1006 measures 1-2

m m

r
Ex 10.2 BW V 1006a measures 1-2

Regardless of Bach's intent, the "lute" suites occupy an important place amidst the

modern classic guitar repertoire. BW V 1006a provides the guitarist a unique means by which to

experience and appreciate the complexity and beauty of Bach's compositional technique. It

requires an approach, uniquely pluralistic in nature, that calls upon the performer to play many

roles: historian, composer, analyst, and interpreter. The result of which is not an "authentic"

replication, but an informed tribute and testament to the timeless and lasting value o f a cherished

work of art.

42
 CHAPTER FOUR: A DISCUSSION OF FUOCO FROM ROLAND DYENS'

LIBRA SONATINE

Roland Dyens (1955-) is one of the classic guitar's most prolific composers still living

today. His three movement work Libra Sonatine (1986), has been recorded dozens of times

and performed countless more. The piece's third movement (Fuoco) is arguably its most

popular.

Despite its popularity, there exists very little written discussion of the work. The purpose of this

paper is to illuminate and discuss a few of the aspects of Dyens' Fuoco that might have

contributed to its distinct character and appeal.

This paper begins with an overview of Dyens and his compositional style. The second

section addresses some of the underlying elements found in the music itself. The paper concludes

by proposing a means by which to discuss the music of Roland Dyens in a meaningful and

functional way. The aim of the paper's conclusion is to offer an antithesis to formal analysis.

Roland Dyens was bom in Tunis, the capital of Tunisia, on October 19th, 1955. In 1961,

he moved to France where he has lived in Paris ever since. Dyens began studying guitar and

composition at the age of nine. Four years later, he began studying with Spanish classical

guitarist Alberto Ponce (1935-) at I ’Ecole Normale de Musique in Paris. Upon graduating from

VEcole, Dyens' musical career took off in leaps and bounds. He received numerous awards for

his playing as well as his skill as a composer. In his early thirties, he was named the "Best Living

Guitarist" by the French magazine, Guitarist.42 In 2007, he was honored by the Guitar

Foundation of America (GFA). The organization chose him to compose the set piece for its

prestigious annual competition. Not only has Dyens encountered success as a guitarist/composer,

but his efforts as a pedagogue have yielded two winners of the prestigious Guitar Foundation of
America International Concert Artist Competition (Jeremy Jouve and Thomas Viloteau in 2003

and 2006 respectively).43

Dyens' musical style is eclectic and distinct. Despite his frequent use of homage and

arrangement, his unique compositional character permeates each of his compositions.44 Dyens’

published compositions include forty-eight pieces for solo guitar, one guitar duo, eight pieces

for guitar ensemble, one piece for guitar and string quartet, and three pieces for guitar and string

orchestra. Dyens’ published arrangements include forty-six solo guitar arrangements, three

arrangements for guitar ensemble, and two arrangements for guitar and string quartet.45

In an interview from the Summer of 2004, Dyens described his education as classical and

formal. He stated that his experience with jazz and popular music came from his own

explorations outside of his conservatory studies. Dyens emphasized that he did not intentionally

blend musical styles. Rather, he heard music he enjoyed, and it naturally found its way into his

compositions. His unique fusion of "low" and "high" art is one of the defining elements of his

style. In the interview, Dyens explained that, "My basic ideas on music have been corroborated

by the way Brazilian musicians organize their concert life. There is no musical frontier, they all

participate in all kinds of classical or popular music.(...) I try to present my [music] in the same

spirit, mixing music that I like with only one guideline: quality, not history."46 His anti-Segovian

approach to guitar music has not only distinguished him as a composer, but has contributed in a

significant way to the modem classic guitar repertoire. One such composition is his three

movement work, Libra Sonatine.

43www.guitarfoundation.org
44 As discussed in Sean Beaver's "Homage in the solo guitar music of Roland Dyens"
45 http://www.rolanddyens.com/compositions/
46 Beavers-Dyens interview
44
 Libra Sonatine was composed in 1986. It was originally written for guitar, double bass,

and percussion before being published as a solo guitar work. Dyens* impetus for writing the

piece was a major operation he underwent in the early eighty's. The piece's three movements are

an explicit portrayal of that experience. The movements posses a narrative that, in Dyens' own

words, progresses as follows: "the first the chaotic India (before the operation), then the Largo

(during it) and finally the Fuoco, in which the unrestrained rhythms depict a veritable incarnation

of my return to life." 47 The following discussion will focus on the third movement from Libra

Sonatine {Fuoco).

As previously mentioned, Dyens' compositions were frequently influenced by his

appreciation and mastery of the Jazz vernacular. His improvisational prowess is rare amongst

classically trained guitarists. So aberrant is his unique blend of styles that in 2010, Roland Dyens

was the only classic guitarist invited to participate in a special event held in honor of the great

gypsy guitarist Django Reinhardt (1910-1953).48 Django Reinhardt is one of the most significant

guitarists of the last hundred years, and his impact on Roland Dyens is distinguishable in a

number of ways. Django Reinhardt's Nuages was arranged and published by Dyens in 1999.

Reinhardt's influence on Dyens' Fuoco is less obvious, but no less present.

Unlike the first {India) and second {Largo) movements, it is not uncommon for the third

movement {Fuoco) to appear on a guitarists' program by itself. It's jazz influence and virtuosity

endow the piece with an aptness towards broad appeal. Fuoco loosely resembles a Sonata-

Allegro structure. It is in what would be referred to as the exposition that we find evidence of

what could be one of the piece's most defining influences.

47 liner notes
48
www.rolanddyens.com/biography
45
 In Mike Cramer's overview of the common elements and devices employed by Django in

his line construction, he notes a certain tendency towards chromaticism. This approach is likely a

musical answer for a mechanical question derived from Reinhardt's handicap. In 1928, he was

badly burned in a caravan fire; the resulting mutilation of his left hand, which deprived him of

the use of two fingers, led him to devise a unique fingering method to overcome his handicap.49

His compromise produced a style of melodic line creation that focused heavily on chromatic

movement.50

Example 11: G Triad arpeggio

In Ex. 11 we see an arpeggiated G major triad outlined by surrounding half-steps. One

could speculate that these chromatic "fillers" aided Django's limited left hand mobility. If only

the notes of the triad (G,B,D) were played, then the player would be forced to make awkward

movements when a string crossing was required. By adding the chromatic "fillers", Reinhardt

gives his fingers a chance to prepare for string crossings or other advanced movements. While

one finger is playing a chromatic "filler" note, the other one of Django's two fingers is afforded

the opportunity to prepare without breaking the continuity of the melodic line. Reinhardt's

disability definitively shaped his unique and characteristic sound. The music Django played

forced him to make special accommodations to work around his injury. His technical

compromises codified his musical identity.

49 Michael James, et al. "Reinhardt (ii)."

50Mike Crammer
46
 The influence of Django Reinhardt's style is prevalent in Dyen's Fuoco. In Ex. 12 we see

a riff from Fuoco that contains a few of the techniques commonly used by Reinhardt.
3 J O I J :j u
•I 2 ij

7 r I

Example 12: Measure 9 from Dyens' Fuoco

In Ex. 12 we see chromatic movement with intermittent open strings and slur markings that

facilitate easier position shifts. The aggregate of techniques found in the excerpt make playing

the section with only two left hand fingers not only possible, but relatively simple. We see the

same Reinhardtian accessibility throughout the piece's initial and closing thematic sections (as

seen in Ex. 13 and Ex. 14).

Example 13: Measure 10 from Dyens' Fuoco

* i

Example 14: Measure 73 from Dyens' Fuoco

 To claim with any certainty that Dyens' intention was to emulate Django

Reinhardt would be an intentional fallacy. What is clear is that Dyens possessed a thorough

understanding of the music of Django Reinhardt. Therefore, it is plausible to suggest that, with

or without his conscious intention, Dyens might have been influenced at least in part by Django

Reinhardt when writing portions of Fuoco.

The prominence of the rhythmic figure seen in Ex.15 is one of the piece's most defining

characteristics.

a . or B.

Example 15: Dotted eighth rhythm displayed with (A) and without a tie (B).

This rhythmic idea pervades every section of Fuoco, and acts as the driving force throughout the

entire piece. In the first measures of the piece, the rhythm is presented three different times (as

indicated in Ex. 16.)

Vite et rythmique J ^ 66 .

( bien eteindre les mi graves)

Example 16: Measures 1 and 2 from Dyens' Fuoco (with dotted eighth rhythm indicated)

48
The rhythmic figure seen in Ex. 15 is presented again during what could be considered the

piece's developmental section. Ex. 17a shows the dotted eighth figure present quite overtly

beneath a repeated four note figure in which rhythmic figure is somewhat hidden.

k
[cALr*-
3^ Pi
r- j
.
...

Example 17a: Measure 29 from Dyens' Fuoco

Even before its more blatant appearance in the lower voice (Ex. 17a), the aforementioned

rhythmic idea is present in the repeated sixteenth note figure as seen in Ex. 17b.

Example 17b: Measure 24 from Dyens' Fuoco

The dotted eighth note figure reoccurs time and time again throughout the piece. It functions

within both the foreground and background of the piece. It's background function enables it to

operate as a foundation for the piece's appealing grooves foreground function brings center to

the melodic content that would otherwise sound disorganized and tumultuous. Dyens' uses the

figure as a musical adhesive; it both binds and amplifies his musical ideas.

In discussing the music of Roland Dyens, there is much to be gained from a discussion

focused outside the realm of conventional music theory. An analysis of Roland Dyens' music
49
cannot be reduced to an amalgamation of scales and concepts. Rather, its understanding is

derived from an acknowledgment of Dyens' clever synthesis of many different ideas. The

persistence of the dotted eighth figure and the Reinhardtian influence found in Fuoco are

characteristic of the compositional voice for which Dyens is known and respected.

50
 REFERENCES

Amaro, Cesar. DocePiezaspara Guitarra. Bryn Mawr, Pa, U.S.A.: Tuscany Publications

Beavers, Sean. "Homage in the solo guitar music of Roland Dyens." PhD diss., Florida State

University, 2006.

Chauvel, Claude. L'oeuvre de Luth: Johann Sebastian Bach. France: Astree Auvidis, 1986.

Christoph Wolff, et al. "Bach." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University

Press, accessed August 10,2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/40023pgl0

Duarte, John. "Bach on the Guitar: Some Thoughts." Soundboard. (1982-1983): 340-343.

Edward R. Reilly, et al. "Weiss." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University

Press, accessed August 13,2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/30065pg2.

Edwin M. Ripin and Denzil Wraight. "Lute-harpsichord." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music

Online. Oxford University Press, accessed July 23,2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/17215.

Evans, Tom and Mary Anne. Guitars: Music, History, Construction and Players from the

Renaissance to Rock. New York and London: Paddington Press LTD, 1977.

Frary, Peter. "Ponce's Sonatinas for Guitar." Last modified 2001. Accessed May 4,2013.

http://emedia.leeward.hawaii.edu/frary/ponce_sonatinas.htm.

Guitar Foundation of America, "ICAC Past Winners." Last modified 2014. Accessed March 6,

2014. www.guitarfoundation.org/?page=Past!CACWinners.

51
Herrera Arizmendi, Omar. "Manuel M. Ponce: Style and Aesthetics."University of Houston,

2012. http://search.proquest.com/docview/1317959763?accountid=7122.

Israel J. Katz. "Flamenco." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press,

accessed May 4, 2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/09780.

Klaus Wachsmann, et al. "Lute." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University

Press, accessed July 23, 2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/40074pg8.

Koonce, Frank. Johann Sebastian Bach: The Solo Lute Works. San Diego, California: Neil A.

Kjos Music Company, 2002.

Ledbetter, David. Unaccompanied Bach: Performing the Solo Works. New Haven and London:

Yale University Press, 2009.

Michael James, et al. "Reinhardt (ii)." The New Grove Dictionary ofJazz, 2nd ed.. Grove Music

Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed January 28, 2014,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/J675400pgl.

Mike Crammer, Premier Guitar,

"http://www.premierguitar.com/articles/Style_Guide_Django_Reinhardt_and_Gypsy_Jaz

z?page=4." Last modified April 08,2013. Accessed March 6,2014.

http://www.premierguitar.com/articles/Style_Guide_Django_Reinhardt_and_Gypsy_Jazz

?page4.

Roland Dyens, liner notes http://www.amazon.com/Libra-Sonatine-French-Edition-

Roland/dp/BOOOZGDGSM

52
Roland, Dyens. Website of Roland Dyens , ''www.rolanddyens.com." Last modified, 2014.

Accessed March 6, 2014. http://www.rolanddyens.com/biography/.

Ricardo Miranda Perez. "Ponce, Manuel." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford

University Press, accessed May4, 2013,

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/22072

Segovia, Andres. Andres Segovia: an autobiography of the years 1983-1920. New York:

Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1976. Print.

Stover, Richard. Six Silver Moonbeams. Clovis, Ca: Querico Publications, 1992.

Titmuss, Clive. "The Big Bach Lutebook Volume 3." Last modified November 17, 2009.

Accessed August 12, 2013. www.clivetitmuss.com/music/TBBL_Vol_III_Vln_solos.pdf.

Titmuss, Clive. "Bach Lute Suites: This Myth is Busted - Part 1." Classical Guitar Canada,

April 19, 2012. http://www.classicalguitarcanada.ca/2012/04/bachs-lute-suites-this-

myth- is-busted-part-i/ (accessed June 28,2013).

Titmuss, Clive. "Bach Lute Suites: This Myth is Busted - Part 2." Classical Guitar Canada,

April 19,2012. http://www.classicalguitarcanada.ca/2012/04/bachs-lute-suites-this-

myth- is-busted-part-ii/ (accessed June 28,2013).

Wade, Graham. Segovia: A Celebration of the Man and his Music. New York: Allison & Busby

Limited, 1983. Print.

Wang, M. Compas Flamenco, "An introduction to flamenco rhythms." Last modified December

15,2006. Accessed May 4,2013. http://www.compas-flamenco.com/en/overview.html.

53
 VITA

A Central Florida native, Matt began the study of guitar shortly after his fifth birthday

and performed his first solo concert at the age of ten. A Stetson University alumni, Matt

completed his bachelor's degree under the tutelage of internationally respected guitarist Dr.

Stephen Robinson. Matt has had the honor of studying with Cuba’s Manuel Barrueco,

Germany’s Thomas KirchhofF, Brazil's Joao Luiz and Douglas Lora, and Sweden’s Johannes

Moller. As a pedagogue, Matt began teaching professionally at the age of sixteen as the youngest

teacher ever serving on the faculty at Stetson University’s Community School of the Arts. Mr.

Evans currently serves as the Director of Contemporary Music at Colonial Hills United

Methodist Church in San Antonio, Tx, and is also the Assistant Director of Guitar for the San

Antonio Downtown String Project. Matt is currently working on completing a Master's degree in

music under Dr. Matt Dunne at the University of Texas at San Antonio.