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to Signs
Karina Eileraas
For politics to take place, the body must appear. . . . Freedom does not
come from me or from you; it can and does happen as a relation between us,
or indeed among us.
—Judith Butler ð2011Þ
Many thanks to Judith Butler and Kim Miller for formative dialogue and inspiration
during my affiliations with the University of California, Berkeley, and Wheaton College in
2010–12. Thanks also to Pardis Mahdavi; organizers and panelists at the Journal of Mid-
dle East Women’s Studies conference at Yale University in spring 2013; Frances Hasso,
Zakia Salime, Banu Gökarıksel, and all of the participants at the Gendered Geographies work-
shop at Duke University in winter 2013; and my students at the University of California,
Berkeley; the University of California, Los Angeles; and Pomona College.
[Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2014, vol. 40, no. 1]
© 2014 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0097-9740/2014/4001-0007$10.00
lies ahead for feminist body politics. The creative and political deployment of
Elmahdy’s body in cyberspace and on the streets activates new bodily imag-
inaries, or symbolic spaces in which to reimagine vulnerability as a basis for
solidarity and tool for social change. The bodily imaginary set in motion by
Elmahdy simultaneously provides common ground for, troubles, and rewires
the nascent and contested space of transnational feminist body politics. By
sexðtÞing revolution—or deploying nude imagery to evoke the convergence
of sexual, digital, and revolutionary politics in Egypt—and positioning her
body as a living tableau, Elmahdy challenges conventional paradigms of
artistic, social, and political engagement. She enacts productive spaces of
disturbance that suggest more promising forms of transnational feminist
solidarity a venir, still to come.
Figure 1 Aliaa Magda Elmahdy, Self Portrait (2011). Color version available online.
in cyberspace? What are the promises and perils of resurrecting the naked
female body as vehicle of protest? From certain critical perspectives, one
might maintain that Elmahdy equates nudity with “liberation” ðMernissi
2001Þ, reinforces pernicious Western classical aesthetic views of man as
subject-surveyor and woman as object-surveyed ðBerger 1990; Mulvey
2009Þ, and mirrors philosophical conceptions of the value of the femi-
nine as purely sexual, decorative, and ornamental ðRousseau 1979; Kant
2004Þ. However, fans celebrate Elmahdy’s protest as a feminist effort to
reclaim her body from the grips of the heterosexual male gaze and its con-
comitant sense of entitlement, fantasy, projection, fetishistic objectification,
and voyeuristic titillation.
In mood and composition, Elmahdy’s self-portrait starkly contrasts
with Orientalist portraits of odalisques that depict nude women reclin-
ing in the hidden domestic interior of the harem ðfig. 2Þ. The odalisque re-
Figure 2 Henri Matisse, Odalisque a la culotte rouge (1921). Color version available online.
clines passively, staring into the distance while presumably waiting for a
man to enter her space. The most striking features of the odalisque are her
languor and passivity, which make it impossible to imagine her as a subject
of history in her own right. She is reduced to passive object, waiting for
space to be filled and history to be shaped by others.
Conversely, Elmahdy stands upright in her self-portrait, with one leg
resting casually on a stool. She faces the camera head-on, directly con-
fronting the camera lens with her potent gaze. Defying traditional ex-
pectations of female modesty, Elmahdy boldly opens her legs to expose
her genitals to the viewer. Elmahdy’s choice to adorn her naked body with
stockings, a red flower, and red flats instantly sexualizes the image. Her
portrait is iconic: arresting in its simplicity and insistent in its determina-
tion to put sexuality in conversation with revolution.
Elmahdy wrests the female nude from the realm of aesthetic conven-
tion, investing it with sexual and political agency. Although one may claim
that her body is objectified or exploited by the camera, she seems to stare
back at it with a defiant look that bell hooks has described in another
context as “oppositional” ð1992Þ. Framed by a gaze that might be con-
strued as voyeuristic, Elmahdy stages a virtual confrontation that seems
to affirm her body’s right to occupy space, to fuse the private zone of the
boudoir with the revolutionary public square, and to transform the pho-
tographic field into a space of possibility wherein she writes herself into
history as political and sexual subject.
Elmahdy tactically deploys the female nude to suggest its disruptive,
even militant potentials. By enlisting visual culture and social media in sex-
ual and revolutionary praxis, she troubles the borders of conventional or-
ganizing. She also locates the material body within the body politic, as the
creative and political agent most empowered to transform structural in-
equality. Positioning her body as canvas and herself as an advocate for free
speech in cyberspace, Elmahdy performatively expands the public square.
Her digital activism is especially promising because it orchestrates a virtual
community for those living in exile and diaspora.
When Elmahdy posted nude photos online in 2011, she opened a
floodgate for women worldwide. Feminist activists from Egypt and all cor-
ners of the globe continually view her blog to express solidarity. If one
visits A Rebel’s Diary today, its evolving weave of text and imagery at-
tests to a nascent transnational feminist body politic. Empowered by com-
munications technology and social media savvy, this virtual community is
inspiring in its dedication to complex struggles for social justice and per-
sonal transformation. Especially striking is one post that merges Elmahdy’s
photo with that of the female protestor who was infamously assaulted
and stripped to reveal her blue bra in Tahrir Square. By fusing these two
potent images, the blogger recognizes sexuality and revolution as inextri-
cably bound, often with tragic implications.
Feminist aspirations have historically been construed as antithetical
to Egyptian national identity, except when tethered to colonial, Islamo-
phobic “modernizing” agendas.4 Likewise, women’s bodies have consti-
tuted a battlefield—symbols of national, cultural, and religious tradition
and purity standing in opposition to colonial encroachment and moder-
nization. Elmahdy wrests her body from this symbolic terrain to recon-
figure it as a malleable geopolitical signifier. Like many young feminist
activists in the MENA, she uses social media to reclaim bodily agency and
create a safe space, or digital umma ðBarlas 2005Þ, through which to
challenge gender inequality and sexual marginalization. In the virtual
sphere, these new warrior-activists, or “netizens,” “forge an ‘other space’—
akin to Foucault’s ‘heterotopias’—where they can engage in discussions
about sexuality and the female body, jointly redefine notions of honor and
4
As was the case with the discourse against the veil advanced by Lord Cromer in the United
Kingdom and later championed by Qasim Amin in The Liberation of Women ([1899] 2000), tra-
ditionally regarded as marking the beginning of feminism in Arab culture. See Ahmed (1992).
shame, and collectively imagine Egypt free of gender inequality and sexual
violence” ðGalán 2013Þ.
As Cynthia Enloe ð2000Þ notes, the message “not now, later” ð62Þ of-
ten has echoes within nationalist revolutionary movements, which ask
women to put feminist aspirations aside in favor of issues deemed more
pressing to the body politic. Elmahdy’s refusal to postpone addressing
gender and sexuality within revolutionary Egypt’s milieu of sexual harass-
ment, gang rape, forced virginity testing, and public shaming of presum-
ably loose women occupying Tahrir Square alongside men sent an ex-
plosive message. Her nude photos broke a long-standing silence within
collective memory by forcing the public to acknowledge sex and gender
as critical components of revolution. In this sense, her message resonates
with feminist visual activism throughout the region, including a billboard
campaign that has become a cornerstone of women’s protests in the Arab
revolutions, especially in Tunisia and Lebanon. This campaign begins with
the phrase “I am with the Arab women’s uprising because . . .” and asks
supporters to finish the sentence. Elmahdy’s audacious cybercampaign ech-
oes one woman’s assertion: “I am with the Arab women’s uprising because
I am a revolution, not a shameful intimate part” ðquoted in Weirich 2013Þ.
the press and headquartered in Paris, Femen activists use their naked bodies
as sites of protest, appearing topless on the streets with provocative slogans
scrawled on their flesh. Savvy readers of mainstream media and “masters
of the media game” ðReinbold 2013Þ, Femen activists are well versed in
guerrilla performance tactics. Through its signature brand of topless the-
atrics, Femen uses antireligious rhetoric to advance Western humanist ideals
of liberation and freedom. Its founders brand the group as a proponent of
“new feminism” that celebrates sexual difference and deploys breasts as sexy
yet militant symbols of femininity ðReinbold 2013Þ. Until recently, Femen
was presumed to have been organized and led by women. However, a 2013
documentary by Australian filmmaker Kitty Green outs political scientist
Victor Svyatski as the “male mastermind” or ideologue ðSvyatski 2013Þ be-
hind the organization, raising questions about the possible cooptation of
Femen’s goals and methods as well as its sources of funding ðUkraine Is Not a
Brothel 2013Þ. Although details of Svyatski’s involvement are still sketchy
and skeptics suspect that Green’s documentary may be yet another public-
ity stunt, critics maintain that the revelation destroys the organization’s fem-
inist credibility and forces a complete reexamination of Femen’s politics.
In December 2012, Elmahdy joined forces with Femen outside the
Egyptian embassy in Stockholm to protest Egypt’s draft constitution.
Her Swedish protest marks a shift from the use of her body as artistic
canvas to its deployment as megaphone ðDunn 2012Þ. It also represents
the movement of Elmahdy’s nude protest away from the virtual world of
cyberspace to the material space of the streets. Critics contend that El-
mahdy’s work with Femen aligns her with movements to consolidate
Western hegemony.
To protest in Cairo, still in the throes of revolution, is a vastly different
endeavor than organizing on the far-removed streets of Stockholm ðDunn
2012Þ. Launching one’s naked body into the former realm seems espe-
cially risky, whereas the latter does not. The political stakes shift somewhat
in light of the relatively lower risks involved in cyberactivism ðsometimes
derided as “armchair activism” or “slactivism”Þ versus having a bodily
presence on the streets. Yet Elmahdy’s cyberactivism has garnered the
most rape and death threats. She fears that she will be jailed if she returns
to Egypt, and family members remain in Egypt are harassed on a daily ba-
sis. Mahmoud Afifi, spokesperson for Egypt’s liberal April 6 Youth Move-
ment, condemned Elmahdy’s nude cyberprotest as obscene ðAjbaili 2012Þ.
Her protest with Femen has also proved controversial among liberals in
Egypt, many of whom predicted that her actions would provoke a con-
servative backlash ensuring the victory of Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim
Brotherhood in Egypt’s constitutional referendum.
Conclusion
The circulation of Elmahdy’s body in cyberspace and on the streets raises
fascinating questions about the evolving contours of the transnational
feminist public square, especially the digital umma ðBarlas 2005Þ, or Is-
lamic global cyberpublic, fast taking shape via social media and online
networking tools. As they circulate in material and virtual space, naked
female bodies mark vital sites of friction, empowerment, and occupation
that rewire the body politic and reimagine the interface between sex,
5
For a useful introduction to the origins and practices of Islamic feminism, see Badran ð1999Þ.
revolution, and liberation. At the same time, these bodies explore possi-
ble horizons of nude protest in struggles to re-member revolution and
community from feminist and queer perspectives. At stake in these explo-
rations is the ability not only to forge counternarratives of the contem-
porary Arab revolutions but to multiply future possibilities of transnational
feminist praxis. In this sense the revamped but contentious female nude
at the heart of Elmahdy’s online and street protests does more than create
safe space for women protestors. It invites us to re-vision the body politic
and force of solidarity in relation to myriad feminist sites of disloyalty,
fracture, and disidentification, in a time and space still to come.
Department of Anthropology
Pomona College
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