ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION: GRADES K–12

Charlotte M. Neill
Osher Lifelong Learning
Institute of the University of Minnesota
Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA

Abstract

This article explores the important role that the religion of Islam plays
in the education of Egyptian children. The scrutiny under which the
Islamic world finds itself in the after-math of September 11, 2001 has
resulted in calls for educational reform, not only from the outside
world, but also from the Muslim world itself. The author has a per-
sonal interest in the educational reform debate in Egypt as she has
two granddaughters who attend a private Christian school in Cairo.
Research for the article is grounded in direct interviews of students,
teachers, and parents during a 5-month stay as well as analysis of
Arabic and social studies textbooks. This study reveals that while ed-
ucation of children in Egypt is essentially Islamic, the question is:
What kind of Islam will prevail? Will it be the Islam of the moderate
Islamists who see the purpose of education to be the advancement
of the ideals of Islam above all other concerns? Or will it be the
Islam of Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak, and his government,
which promotes national unity and non-sectarian ethics? In this ar-
ticle the author gives a brief review of early Arab education, surveys
challenges in Egyptian education today, discusses ways in which the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is
attempting to help reform education in Egypt, and, finally, focuses
on students and teachers at New Ramses College in Cairo and how
they are handling some of the challenges.

The study of education in Egypt, for children in grades K–12, reveals

the important role that the religion of Islam plays in the education of
Egyptian children. Education in Egypt, which is the subject of this
article, is Islamic in character. The scrutiny under which the Islamic
world now finds itself in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, has re-
sulted in calls for educational reform, not only from the outside world,
but also from within the Muslim world itself. There is a major effort at
the highest levels of the Egyptian government to reform education so

Religious Education Copyright

C The Religious Education Association

Vol. 101 No. 4 Fall 2006 ISSN: 0034–4087 print

DOI: 10.1080/00344080600956590

481
482 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

as to emphasize national identity and non-sectarian ethics over against

a predominately Islamic identity and worldview.
My interest in education in Egypt is personal as well as academic.
I am a white, middle-class American. My daughter is married to an
Egyptian Christian and they are raising their two daughters in Cairo.
My granddaughters attend an Egyptian school and for that reason,
as well as because I am a former teacher, I am interested in what
and how children in Egypt are taught. During a five-month stay in
Egypt, I interviewed students, teachers, and parents—both formally
and informally. I also reviewed Arabic and social studies textbooks
with the help of Arabic-speaking students to discover lesson content.
These discussions plus the observation of Egyptian culture convinced
me of the truth of my thesis, that education in Egypt is Islamic in
character. One goal in this article is to show how conditions in early
Arab education are still characteristic of Egyptian education today.
One major difference between early Arab education and education
in Egypt today is the attitude among students toward education and
the teaching profession. Also, I will show that attempts at educational
reform in Egypt reveal a kind of schizophrenia in the Egyptian national
character. The article will give a brief review of early Arab education,
survey challenges in Egyptian education today, discuss ways in which
the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is
attempting to help reform education, and, finally, focus on students and
teachers at New Ramses College in Cairo and how they are handling
some of the challenges.

HISTORICAL REVIEW

Education in Egypt today resonates with challenges faced by early

Arab education. Let us go back and look briefly at some of those early
challenges.
The religion of Islam began with the Prophet Muhammad in the
seventh century CE. The story is well-known how Muhammad sought
solitude in a cave outside the town of Mecca (caves were thought to
contain spiritual power and blessing) where, in about the year 610
CE, he began to see visions and to receive revelations that led him to
believe that he was called to be a messenger from God. Through the
archangel Gabriel, Muhammad received the words from God that later
became the Qur’an. Muhammad was a member of the Bana Hashim
clan of the nomadic tribe of Quraish. He engaged in commerce for his
living.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 483

Muslims call the time before Muhammad, jahiliyyah, or the age of

ignorance. The truth is that, before Muhammad, Arabs had a rich oral
literary tradition. Between the fifth and sixth centuries, inhabitants on
the Arabian Peninsula composed both poetry and prose—especially
poetry. These were not written, but were instead recited. Listeners in
the audience memorized the poetry and prose and transmitted it orally
from one generation to the next (Irwin 2000, 1). The only people who
could read and write in Arabia before Muhammad were Christians and
Jews, for they each had a Book. Muhammad called Christians and Jews
“the people of the book.” When the Qur’an was created it became the
agency by which Arab students learned to read and write. The word
Qur’an comes from the root word in Arabic that means “read” or
“recite.” Irwin makes an interesting point that is germane because it is
typical of Egyptian classrooms today. He writes that even after literacy
became widespread in the ninth century, and it was commonplace to
compose on paper, what was written was usually intended to be read
aloud or recited to an audience. Medieval Arab literature, he writes,
was “noisy” (Irwin 2000, 1) Memorization and recitation are still the
primary modes of learning in Egyptian schools. Classrooms are “noisy.”
The first course of study in the Arab world consisted in reading and
reciting the Qur’an. It was the study of the Qur’an and the traditions
of the Prophet—the hadith—that drove the curriculum of Muslim
schools. The Qur’an was written in Arabic, the language of Allah, just
as it was spoken to Muhammad. It was necessary to develop grammar in
order to explain the Qur’an’s usages and to protect the sacred language
from corruption. The mathematical disciplines grew in order to be
able to calculate the time and the correct orientation for prayers, the
movement of the moon (Muslims follow the lunar calendar), and to
collect the zakat or alms. Penmanship was important and it served
a utilitarian purpose as well as being an art form. Islamic religious
art avoided recreating the human form for that was thought to be
God’s prerogative only. God alone is the Creator or the “Fashioner.”
Calligraphy, in addition to vegetal and geometrical designs, became
a way of artistic expression. Students used copy books to copy poetry
and portions of the Qur’an repeatedly in order to achieve proficiency
in their penmanship. As a general rule, Muslim students in the Middle
Ages had the entire Qur’an memorized by the time they were ten years
old (Totah 1926, 49). Arabic education flourished before printing was
known so textbooks were almost unheard of. Students had to use their
copy books to copy whatever material was relevant to the subject.
Schools were built around an individual rather than an institution.
Students traveled great distances to learn under the tutelage of an
484 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

eminent teacher. Teachers’ salaries were not an issue because teaching

was considered a holy calling, not to be diminished by pecuniary con-
siderations. Al-Ghazzali (d. 1111) believed that teaching is a “form
of worship which would be nullified in case it had a worldly motive”
(Totah 1926, 86). Despite such exalted standards adhered to by the
devout, teachers did receive small salaries collected from parents and
students and, later on, by pious endowments (awqaf).1 They were
treated much like rural pastors in America in the early years of the
twentieth century. Their salaries were supplemented with gifts of food
such as chickens, eggs, and vegetables.
During the seventh–tenth centuries, schools achieved natural,
spontaneous growth. Often a school was connected with a mosque,
but it could also be in a home, a shop, a tent, or under a palm tree. By
the eleventh century schools had been institutionalized by the state and
held strong religious and political biases. It was at this time that a dif-
ferent kind of educational institution was established, the madrasah or
religious school. Madrasahs were endowed residential schools for sec-
ondary male students. Girls were not allowed to attend madrasahs, so
in order for them to pursue higher education, their parents had to en-
gage private tutors. The man credited with the founding of madrasahs
was a Persian vizier (prime minister) in the administration of the Seljuq
sultans, Nizam-al-Mulk (d. 1092). Madrasahs were established about
the middle of the eleventh century for the purpose of indoctrinating
students in the Sunni tradition of Islam over against the Shiite
tradition.2 Their primary role was to mold public opinion (Totah 1926,
20) and to produce good Muslims who were obedient to Allah.
Totah points out some major defects in early Arab education. It
tended to be driven by dogma with theology the controlling interest.
Further, too much emphasis was put on grammar, rhetoric, and mem-
orization, which can produce a static attitude of mind (Totah 1926, 92).
Teachers dictated and students copied. The system of education was
superimposed from the outside such as by the prince, caliph, or sul-
tan. No involvement or authority rested with the community. Financial
support was from outside sources.
But there were many merits to early Arab education. In the be-
ginning it was democratic in that it was available to all, regardless of

1
A waaf is perishable property, usually land and buildings, from which the benefits
are used for some philanthropic purpose. Education is one beneficiary.
2
The differences between Sunni and Shiite Islam are complicated. One differ-
ence is in the belief about the succession of leadership after Muhammad. Sunnis
believe that leadership should be chosen by consensus. Shiites believe the leader
must be a direct descendent of the Prophet.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 485

gender or class. In early Arabic education, before the madrasahs, girls

attended school with boys and also received private education (Totah
1926, 81). Among the nomadic tribes of Arabia women went with
their men to battle, wrote poetry, and were influential in public affairs.
There is significant evidence that women were not only students, but
were also teachers (Totah 1926, 81). The seclusion of women in the
Arab world was a later development. The Arab religious conception
of learning gave it a certain reverence, sacredness, and dignity. Teach-
ing was considered a noble and much respected profession. Students
compelled by their strong desire to learn were willing to travel great
distances for their education (Totah 1926, 81).

EGYPT TODAY

In Egypt there are two parallel educational systems; the secular or

state-controlled system (consisting of both public and private schools)
and the Al-Azhar system, which is a system of Islamic schools. If at all
possible, families send their children to private schools because the
public school system is notoriously inadequate. There is no teacher
certification in the public schools. Anyone with a bachelor’s degree can
teach even though they lack training in teaching methodologies and
classroom management. Classrooms are overcrowded with sometimes
as many as eighty children in a class. Teachers’ salaries begin as low as
LE80 or $13 per month. All secular schools, both public and private,
must follow the government curriculum. Only international schools
are exempt from these curricular requirements as they are governed
by agreements signed by Egypt and the concerned countries.
Religious education in Egyptian schools is mandatory. It amounts
to about three hours per week at the primary level and two hours each
week at the preparatory and secondary levels. Muslim students take
courses in Islam whereas Christian students take Christianity classes.
The Muslim religion teachers are usually paid staff whereas the Chris-
tian teachers, at least in the public schools, are mostly volunteers.
Christians number about 10% of the population of Egypt. Of those,
the majority are Orthodox Copts3 who trace their origins to the Apostle
Mark who came to Egypt as a missionary. There are also small com-
munities of Coptic Catholics and Coptic Evangelicals (the majority

3
Essentially the word Coptic means Egyptian. It also refers to a late stage of the
written Egyptian language. The Coptic language is used by the Egyptian Christian
Church (Coptic Orthodox) and members of the church are called “Copts.”
486 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

of whom are Presbyterians). Because Egypt is an Islamic country,

Christian children in the schools are, naturally, in the minority and
are often made to feel “other.” There are very few Jewish children in
Egypt because most of Egypt’s once vibrant Jewish community left
the country in the wake of the Arab–Israeli wars and Nasser’s nation-
alization policies in the 1950s and ’60s. Non-Christian minorities such
as Baha’is or Jehovah’s Witnesses have no government protection or
legal status in Egypt. Mormonism is outlawed all together.
Egypt is in the midst of an identity crisis. What is the Egyptian na-
tional character—Islamic or secular? Is it Arab or is it Egyptian? The
government struggles to keep Islamic fundamentalism under control.
In schools a trend has been noted in which “Islamic extremist” teach-
ers use their own curriculum instead of the state’s and teach Islamic
songs instead of the national anthem, which they regard as a Western
invention (Murphy 2002, 131). The Egyptian minister of education
declared that the government was only dealing with the tip of the
iceberg in dealing with Islamic extremism. In an interview he said that
these “extremist” teachers were “forcing school girls to cover their hair,
separating Christian and Muslim students in class and giving fire and
brimstone sermons about the horrors of hell” (Murphy 2002, 131).
The government has put hundreds of extremists in jail, but a member
of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s cabinet remarked,

How can you handle thousands of Islamic schools and teachers who have
their own sympathies? You change the curriculum and they refuse to teach
it! How do you handle it? To whom does every Egyptian have loyalty? An
Islamic banking system, an Islamic educational system, Islamic social ser-
vices. Already we have a problem. It’s as if we already have two parallel
societies. One administered by the state. One administered by someone
else. (Murphy 2002, 131)

What is Egypt to do about the crisis in its educational system?

What challenges confront all efforts to reform? What is fundamen-
tal to the crisis can be traced all the way back to the establishment
of the Islamic empire by the Prophet Muhammad; that is, the unity
and the identity of the universal Islamic community (umma). The cur-
rent situation of the umma in the world contrasts radically with what
it once was—a prosperous, technologically superior, militarily strong,
scientifically and artistically advanced empire. Muslims in Egypt and
beyond to the broader Middle East wrestle with the questions; if the
umma is God’s favored community, why has it now been relegated
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 487

to a subordinate economic and political position in relation to secu-

lar Western nations? In order to restore the dignity and preeminence
of the umma, how much Western culture and technology can be as-
similated without compromising the integrity of Islam? (Cook 2000,
477).
President Mubarak constantly stresses the importance of educa-
tion. It is easy to discern how Mr. Mubarak’s view of the role of edu-
cation contributes to the Egyptian schizophrenia from the following
remark made in a speech in 1999:

More attention has to be given to modern education which is the centre of

our future educational policy. Modern education’s main aim is the service
of comprehensive development. It is our medium to prepare the coming
generations and rebuilding the society in the spirit of the future. Mod-
ern education as such is capable of preparing a citizen able to understand
his rights and duties with full affiliation to his country and comprehensive
awareness to what is going around him. Although we have succeeded to
some extent in solving the problem of population increase in the last years;
through family planning programs; still modern education will remain our
main medium in the long run to face this problem and to reach its roots. It is
a great challenge in the way of our national development. (“Main Indicators”
2003, 2)

The President mentioned neither Islam nor the importance of a

Qur’anic education to instill the correct knowledge of God in Egypt’s
citizens. Instead, he declared that citizens must be educated in the
rights and duties necessary for “national development.”
Education in Egypt is structured like a ladder consisting of three
parts: primary education (6 years) for children aged 6 to 12 years;
preparatory education (3 years), for children aged 12 to 15 years; and
secondary education (3 years), which provides a choice between a col-
lege preparatory track or a technical track. The primary and prepara-
tory steps are compulsory.4 The official net school enrollment is 80%
for both boys and girls. However, school enrollments vary greatly from
region to region. Rural areas have lower enrollments than cities such
as Cairo or Assiut. In Upper (southern) Egypt girls, in particular, are
often excluded from educational opportunities. To advance up the edu-
cational ladder, students must pass standardized written examinations.
The most important tests are the test at the end of preparatory school,
the ‘Idadiyya, and the secondary school test taken three years later,

4
One wonders how well this is enforced for children can be seen playing in the
streets at all hours of the day and night.
488 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

the Thanawiyya al-‘Amma. Pressure on the students to do well on the

examinations and advance to the next level is so severe—especially at
the preparatory and secondary levels—that every year there are cases
of students who fail and commit suicide.
The government has mandated that an ethics class be taught at the
primary school level. (The content of the ethics class is discussed later
in this article). Gradually the course will be added to the curriculum at
the preparatory and secondary levels. The ethics course has religious
leaders—particularly Muslim ones—concerned that it will replace the
religious education classes or reduce the number of hours now spent
in them.
What should the role of Islam be in education in Egypt? This is the
crucial question that splits Egyptian opinion on education reform into
two opposing forces: the secularists versus the moderate Islamists.5
The split began in the nineteenth century when Muhammad Ali (ruled
1805–1848), who is considered to be the father of modern Egypt, in-
troduced modern European education in Egypt. Muhammad Ali es-
tablished a modern government school system and he also allowed
Western missionaries to set up schools. His primary reason for estab-
lishing a government school system was to produce personnel for gov-
ernmental and administrative positions. To accomplish his purposes, it
was easier to establish new schools than to reform the existing system.
The secularists, represented by the national government, have an
obvious agenda of relegating religious education to the sidelines. Ques-
tions on religion, although they may be included in the qualifying ex-
ams that students take to advance to the next level, no longer figure in
the overall score of the exam. The government wants more attention
focused on students’ ability to read and write well, to comprehend and
apply mathematics, and to learn better analytical and problem-solving
skills; all for the purpose of being a part of the competitive market
of the “global village.” The Egyptian government wants its citizens to
have the necessary skills to compete with citizens of other countries.
Teaching children ethical values has to do with national political goals
rather than being obedient to God.
The bottom line for the secularists is that too much emphasis on
Islam in the curriculum leads to intolerance, which leads to extremism
and results, ultimately, in terrorism. The administration, in an effort
not to appear un-Islamic, pays a great deal of lip service to Islam

5
I use the term “moderate Islamists” to refer to Muslims who want to change the
society to conform more fully to Islamic ideals through peaceful means.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 489

in education, but it is used to further the purposes of the state and to

combat religious extremism. There is no doubt that the administration
of President Mubarak is attempting to navigate complex and often
perilous political, cultural, and religious waters.
From the moderate Islamist perspective, to remove Islamic influ-
ences in education is to deny the very nature of the Egyptian character,
which is, after all, Islamic. Should not education reflect and reinforce
the national character? Moderate Islamists maintain that reliance on
Western educational models, such as standards-based models that em-
phasize critical thinking, robs Egyptian students of the religious and
moral foundation that Islam provides (Cook 2000,6). Inherent in this
perception is the belief that Western culture and moral degeneration
go hand in hand.
Efforts at educational reform reveal the schizophrenia that now
pervades the Egyptian culture. A press release from the office of Pub-
lic Affairs of the U.S. Embassy announced: “USAID Signs Education
Memorandum with Egypt” (2003). This particular press release was
issued on May 14, 2003. The memorandum merely provides grant
money to continue the ongoing programs of educational reform that
have, for the past thirty years for upwards of $764 billion, been under-
taken in a cooperative effort between Egypt and the United States. This
press release, however, because of the spotlight under which all Middle
Eastern countries find themselves after September 11, 2001, attracted
an unusual amount of attention. It exemplified the schizophrenia ram-
pant in Egypt. Most members of the Egyptian parliament agree that
education in Egypt is in dire need of reform. The fact that the grant
money was coming from the United States was what posed the prob-
lem. Accepting the grant money from the United States was hotly
debated by parliamentarians. Here are some of the arguments made
in the debate that were recorded in an article entitled “A Question of
Motives” in Cairo’s Al-Ahram Weekly newspaper. Members of parlia-
ment of the Islamist persuasion saw American funding as an attempt to
purge the educational curriculum of all Islamist ideas that smacked of
intolerance or extremism. One member stated, “The explicit objective
is improving the quality of basic education, while the implicit goal is to
restructure Egyptian and Islamic values and traditions in an American
way.” Part of the grant money will be used for teacher training in the
United States. The fear is that the teachers will merely be indoctri-
nated in American values and teaching methodologies and will return
to Egypt bent on Americanizing the Egyptian education system. An-
other parliamentarian held the opposing view. He emphasized that,
490 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

“the Americans have no role to play in changing the school curricula.

That function belongs solely to the Education Ministry.” Despite the
strength of the controversy, the funding was overwhelmingly approved
by the parliament.

ROLE OF USAID

It is true that the desire, if not the overt policy, of the United
States government as expressed by officials at the highest level is
to rid Egyptian schools of their Islamic flavor—and it is no wonder
considering the fear of terrorism now overshadowing all other na-
tional concerns. USAID officials in Egypt, however, insist that chang-
ing the Egyptian educational curriculum is none of their business.
A USAID education specialist whom I interviewed6 denied vocif-
erously that any attempt is being made to de-Islamize the curricu-
lum. Her quick, forceful response to my question about curricular
reform made the sensitivity of this issue abundantly clear. Basically,
USAID education specialists would not touch the curriculum with a
ten-foot pole.
According to the USAID education specialist, the work that US-
AID does toward educational reform in Egypt is geared toward small,
innovative programs that focus on primary education, rural communi-
ties, and girls’ access to education. Teacher training is an integral part
of the program. One major focus is on trying to decentralize school
management and encourage more community involvement. In a coun-
try that is only quasi-democratic and has experienced a long history
of external control over its educational system, this is a real challenge.
However, a pilot program in the Alexandria governorate that began
in 2001 with a focus on decentralization, has been highly successful.
The government has supported the project, which encourages private
sources of funding and, thereby, alleviates some of the pressure on
the government coffers. It is the goal of USAID in the next five years
to expand the educational reform package to include a total of seven
governorates. At that time the reform effort will be turned over to
the Egyptian government to continue and eventually to expand the
program to all twenty-six governorates in Egypt. She (the USAID ed-
ucation specialist) complimented the Egyptian Ministry of Education
for their work and said that they have been nothing but supportive of
USAID efforts.
6
The interview was conducted by telephone on June 3, 2004.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 491

The education specialist reported that one of the areas of reform

that USAID is especially excited about is the education of girls. An
African proverb says, “When you educate a man you educate only one
man, but when you educate a woman, you educate a nation.” About
10 years ago attendance by girls in schools in upper Egypt was about
55%. By 2000 it had grown to 79%. Studies were done to determine
why girls in specifically targeted areas were not attending school and
then move toward removing those constraints. Scholarships are given
to cover enrollment fees, uniforms, shoes, supplies, and a monthly
stipend to compensate the family for transportation and loss of labor.
The girls who receive these scholarships have either never attended
school or have dropped out. The efforts to involve the communities in
the girls’ education gives the young girls the incentive and support to
stay in school and to do well at their studies. The program also includes
school construction and renovation.
Another of USAID’s projects in Egypt is the creation of an Arabic
version of “Sesame Street,” ‘Alam Simsim. Many people in Egypt were
talking about it. It is a huge success. Research shows that the majority
of Egyptian children are watching the program (99% urban, 86% rural)
and 54% of mothers are watching whether they have school children
or not. USAID believes that the program helps children to develop
basis school readiness skills.7 Part of the grant money for the ‘Alam
Simsim program will be used to assist Egyptian television to develop
the capacity to sustain the program.8
Reading and recitation, the method of learning that goes back
to early Arab education when students gathered around the feet of
a revered teacher, continues to be the principle modus operandi in
Egyptian schools. Children still use copy books in every class. One
result is that Egyptian students are severely lacking in critical-thinking
skills. My oldest granddaughter has now transferred to the American
School in Cairo, an international school that follows the American cur-
riculum. She made this comment about her new school: “They expect
me to think!” USAID programs encourage the advancement of critical
thinking, not by changing curriculum, but through training teachers
in the skills and by revising the tests. In order to pass the advance-
ment tests, students must memorize, memorize, and memorize some
7
Online: http//www/usaid-eg.org/detail.asp?id-9., 6. Cited 10 September 2004.
8
As of the year 2000, there were approximately 217 television sets per 1,000
people in Egypt. I am not certain if that includes television sets in cafés, restaurants,
corner grocery stores, fruit stalls, bakeries, and other shops. Every rooftop in Cairo is
crowded with satellite dishes.
492 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

more, making tutoring outside the classroom, at exorbitant rates, ab-

solutely necessary. Some teachers purposely leave important subject
matter out of their classroom teaching so that students will have to
come to them for tutoring, for a fee. What about the children from
poor families who cannot afford this expense? One of the goals of US-
AID is to change this situation. It will be difficult. Teachers’ salaries
are so low that after-school tutoring is a way for them to earn a livable
income.
As USAID and the government of Egypt work cooperatively to
bring about reform, many of these problems can be alleviated. US-
AID’s specific goals include: encouraging schools and communities
to develop public/private partnerships that will expand the base of
resources for education; improving instructional quality through re-
forming education management, establishing standards at teachers’
colleges, and improving teacher and learner assessment systems; and
establishing incentive systems to recognize and reward educators who
achieve excellence in the teaching profession (USAID/Egypt 2004).
Reforms can only be successful if local capacity to advocate for
change can be strengthened. USAID pledges to help the government
of Egypt empower parents and local communities to get involved with
the education of their children. Community development associations
have been formed (a total of 32 as of the year 2000) including NGOs
(nongovernmental agencies), parent–teacher councils, and commu-
nity education teams.

NEW RAMSES COLLEGE

Let us now look at a specific school in Cairo and see how it is facing
these challenges. Can the schizophrenia that characterizes Egyptian
society as a whole be detected in this one school?
Frenetic activity fills Cairo streets in the early morning hours. As
early as 6:00 A.M. on every street corner, students with large back-
packs wait for their school buses. It is not considered safe to leave
textbooks, copy books, pens, markers, and the like in their desks at
school so each night students must “pack” their bags in preparation
for the morning rush. An observer from just one vantage point will see
buses for many different schools—St. Clare’s School, Ramses College
for Girls, Sacre Coeur, American International School, Thebes Lan-
guage School, Kenana Language School—pass by in a short period
of time, gathering students as they go. The buses mix with a plethora
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 493

of other vehicles—taxicabs, motorists, and the small transport buses

that are the terror of Cairo roads—all forcing their way through the
crowded streets blaring their horns as they go. Crossing Cairo streets
is a harrowing business. Egyptian pedestrians know how to read the
traffic flow and boldly make their way across the streets with perfect
timing and amazing grace, much to the shock of visitors who just run
for their lives. The traffic sounds are mixed with the aromas of fried
and boiled ful (fava beans), fresh Egyptian bread, and roasting corn
for sale on many corners.
New Ramses College is a school that educates both boys and girls,
grades K–12. It is a private Christian school but, as was stated earlier
in the article, must follow the government curriculum. It is owned
and operated by the Evangelical Church in Egypt (Presbyterian). The
student body is 60% Christian and 40% Muslim. This school is a rel-
atively new private school in Cairo, having first opened in 1994. Ob-
serving New Ramses College, one gets the sense that it represents a
microcosm of the tension that exists between secularists and moderate
Islamists.

Ethics Text Books

An examination of the two first-grade ethics textbooks—those

newly mandated at the primary level by the Egyptian government—
clearly shows the secularist influence. Even if one cannot read the
Arabic text, it is obvious from the colorful pictures what kinds of
lessons are being taught: cleanliness—both personal and neighbor-
hood; love and caring; manners; caring for the environment; diligence
in studies; obedience to parents; health and nutrition; sense of beauty
and order; kindness and sharing; cooperation. The value that is pro-
moted above all others is patriotism. Pictures of the Egyptian flag
are scattered throughout the texts, much like subliminal advertis-
ing. One lesson in particular is about love. Along the margin of the
page is a prominent row of pictures of possible—or recommended—
objects of love in the following order: the flag of Egypt; teacher;
Mom, Dad, and baby brother; and, lastly, friends. There are also
lessons on the majesty of Egypt, showing lovely scenes of the coun-
tryside and famous national monuments, further promoting a love
of country.
The typical family depicted in these texts could very well be any
American family. Each has only two or three children. (Egyptians,
494 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

typically, have large families.)9 The family members are clothed in

Western fashions—moms can be seen in short pleated skirts and turtle-
neck sweaters and dads in suits and ties. Basically the life-style shown
in the texts bears little or no resemblance to the reality of life that the
average Egyptian child experiences.
It is obvious that what these ethics books stress is the unity of all
people under the Egyptian government, both Christians and Muslims.
“National unity” has become a code phrase for peaceable Christian–
Muslim relations. For Coptic Christians, playing the nationalism card
helps them escape the inequalities based on religion that they have
experienced in the past.
Further examination of textbooks used by students at New Ramses
College helps to expose the confusion in determining Egypt’s national
character—Islamic or secular? Egyptian or Arabic?—and how to teach
to it. The textbooks examined were not those used for religious educa-
tion because those would only be read by Muslim children. In order
to get a feel for what all children are taught, I explored the content in
a selection of Arabic and social studies texts.

Examples from Arabic Language Textbooks

The lessons in the Arabic texts are based on quotations from the
Qur’an and the hadith. Just as in the days of early Arab education,
children are required to copy, memorize, and recite these passages.
In the fourth-grade Arabic text, second term, on page 35, the lesson
is built around the following Qur’anic quote from Surah (chapter) II,
“The Cow,” verses 261–263. It is important to note that the Qur’an
is only in Arabic, the language of Allah. Any translation of the Arabic
such as the following quote is an interpretation. The Qur’anic quotes
are taken from the English translation of (the meaning of) the Qur’an
by Marmaduke Pickthall:

The likeness of those who spend their wealth in Allah’s way is as the like-
ness of a grain which groweth seven ears, in every ear a hundred grains.
Allah giveth increase manifold to whom He will. Allah is All-Embracing,
All-Knowing. Those who spend their wealth for the cause of Allah and
afterward make not reproach and injury to follow that which they have

9
At present the birthrate in Egypt is 2% per year. At that rate the current pop-
ulation of 70 million people will be 85 million in 10 years. Due to the age structure
of Egypt’s population it is estimated that the population will stabilize at around 115
million.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 495

spent; their reward is with their Lord, and there shall no fear come upon
them neither shall they grieve. A kind word with forgiveness is better than
almsgiving followed by injury. Allah is Absolute, Clement.

The children learn from this passage that it is God to whom they
owe their first loyalty. Donating one’s money to God has a double
reward. The more you give the greater the reward. This passage also
contains a warning! Be careful of your motive for giving alms. You must
do it out of a spirit of kindness and forgiveness, not for the reward. This
is quite a different message from the one of patriotism and optimism
put forth in the ethics books.
Another lesson in the same text, page 47, is based on Surah III,
“The Family of ‘Imran’,” verses 103–104:

And hold fast, all of you together, to the cable of Allah, and do not separate.
And remember Allah’s favour unto you; how ye were enemies and He made
friendship between your hearts so that ye became as brothers by His grace;
and (how) ye were upon the brink of an abyss of fire, and He did save
you from it. Thus Allah maketh clear His revelations unto you, that haply
ye may be guided, And there may spring from you a nation who invite to
goodness and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. Such are they who
are successful.

This passage calls for unity among believers of Islam, not national
unity. It has served as an important text for discussing the specifically
Islamic umma or community.
On page 29 of the fourth grade Arabic text, first term, we find a
lesson based on the hadith—or tradition—of the Prophet. A summary
of the hadith is that a truthful character leads to serenity and all good
things and, ultimately, Allah will reward the truthful person with Par-
adise. Lies lead to worry and lack of serenity. The consequences for
lying are evil with Hell the final destination.
The first lesson in the eighth-grade Arabic text, second term, be-
gins with the Qur’anic passage found in Surah XXXIII, “The Clans,”
verses 21–25:

Verily in the messenger of Allah ye have a good example for him who looketh
unto Allah and the Last Day, and remembereth Allah much. And when the
true believers saw the clans, they said: This is that which Allah and His
messenger promised us. Allah and His messenger are true. It did but confirm
them in their faith and resignation. Of the believers are men who are true to
that which they covenanted with Allah. Some of them have paid their vow
by death (in battle), and some of them still are waiting; and they have not
altered in the least; That Allah may reward the true men for their truth, and
496 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

punish the hypocrites if He will or relent toward them (if He will). Lo! Allah
is Forgiving, Merciful. And Allah repulsed the disbelievers in their wrath;
they gained no good. Allah averted their attack from the believers. Allah is
Strong, Mighty.

In this passage students are reminded of the exemplary role of

Muhammad. He is the first example of courage and determination to
show the truth about God. One wonders what the students’ reactions
are to this animosity between “disbelievers” and “believers.” Does
it make any difference to them? We can also see the importance of
martyrdom in this Qur’anic passage.
Anti-Israeli sentiment is rampant in Egypt and textbooks are full
of it. A poem in the eighth-grade Arabic text, first term, page 28, is a
good example. The poem, roughly translated, pleads for Jerusalem to
be returned to the Arabs for it belongs to them. The Al Aqsa Mosque
is a center for Islamic belief. Jerusalem is bleeding. You can hear the
suffering; you can hear the screaming. History will not forgive those
who do not liberate Jerusalem. It is the duty of all Arabs to fight for
Jerusalem.
Another lesson is based on Surah XVIII, “The Cave,” verses 107–
111 found in the fifth-grade Arabic text, first term, page 7:

That is their reward: hell, because they disbelieved, and made a jest of Our
revelations and Our messengers, Lo! Those who believe and do good works,
theirs are the Gardens of Paradise for welcome, Wherein they will abide,
with no desire to be removed from thence. Say: Though the sea became ink
for the Words of my Lord, verily the sea would be used up before the Words
of my Lord were exhausted, even though We brought the like thereof to
help. Say: I am only a mortal like you. My Lord inspireth in me that your
God is only One God. And whoever hopeth for the meeting with his Lord,
let him do righteous work, and make none sharer of the worship due unto
his Lord.

These are the verses from which the Muslim principle of tawhid—
or unity—is derived. God has no partner. There is no God but God and
Muhammad is his Prophet. It is a defense against the Christian concept
of the Trinity. Muslims must obey God and God’s messenger—or else.
Hell is the reward for disbelief.

Examples from Social Studies Textbooks

I turn now to the government social studies curriculum as taught

at New Ramses College.
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 497

The eighth grade social studies textbook is structured in two vol-

umes, each divided into units. Volume I is comprised of six units: three
on geography, and three on Islamic history including the appearance
of Islam, the conquests during the period of the rightly guided caliphs
(the first four leaders of the Islamic umma after the Prophet Muham-
mad), and Arab conquests during the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties.
The title page gives background on the first appearance of Islam. Fol-
lowing that are several pages with specifics about the history of Islam. A
number of pages have specifically to do with the career of Muhammad.
Volume II consists of three units: Manufacture and trade in the
Middle East, the Islamic civilization, and the Islamic civilization of
Egypt. The overview includes a political history of the Islamic empire
as well as scientific and architectural accomplishments. There is much
about the resistance to the Crusades. The cross is mentioned as the
military symbol of the invaders who came to defeat the Muslims. Egyp-
tian history begins with the Islamic conquest of the Ottoman Empire,
640–1517 C.E. It is interesting to note that one could read these texts
and never be aware that there are now and always have been Christians
living in Egypt.10

Interviews with Christian Teacher and Students

It was a delicate matter to talk to people at the school. Because

it is a Christian school in an Islamic country, there is inherent appre-
hension about being questioned or observed. It was important to be
very low-key when interviewing so as not to appear to be “investigat-
ing” the school. In fact, it was recommended that administrators not
be interviewed, but only select teachers and students in an informal
setting.
A meeting with a male, Christian, social studies teacher took place
in the home of my family over coffee and sweets. The teacher gave an
overview of the social studies curriculum, which begins in the fourth
grade with general information about Islam. Grade five is a review of
famous people in history going back to Pharaonic times through the
10
Christianity was brought by missionaries to Egypt in the first century CE. It
first spread among Jews who had been in Egypt for centuries. It has been difficult for
historians to distinguish between Christianity and the Jewish religion in the first two
centuries of Coptic Christianity. For more information on early Egyptian Christianity
see: Birger A. Pearson and James E. Goehring eds., The Roots of Egyptian Christianity
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986) and Theodore Hall Patrick, Traditional Egyptian
Christianity: A History of the Coptic Orthodox Church (Greensboro, North Carolina:
Fisher Park Press, 1996).
498 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

golden days of the Islamic empire to modern times. At the preparatory

level more history is delved into about the Pharaonic period, Islamic
history, and the history of the Ottoman Empire.
Until the last two years Coptic history and culture (that is, Egyptian
history and culture from the first to the seventh centuries) were absent
from the curriculum. Now some facts about Coptic history have been
added, but only Coptic social and economic history is taught, not the
history of Egyptian Christianity. There is much memorization. No
questions on the subject are included in the final examinations so
there is no incentive for students to learn the information.
Secondary social studies is all Islamic history including how Islam
brought civilization to surrounding countries and major threats faced
by the Islamic Empire such as the Mongol invasions and the Crusades.
In the social studies curriculum there is much negative information
about Jews. Students are taught that Jews have no right to land or a
nation of their own.
Nothing is taught about civics or world history. Basically, according
to this teacher, if Islam were taken out of the social studies program,
there would be nothing to teach.
Despite rhetoric about taking a more nationalistic approach to the
teaching of social studies in the schools, this teacher sees no evidence
of that in the curriculum at this time. When asked about the mandatory
ethics program that emphasizes national unity over religion that has
been instituted at the primary level, the teacher knew nothing about it.
The teacher’s opinion is that changing the curriculum to teach nation-
alism over religion is not practical or realistic. In the first place, it would
have a polarizing effect, in his opinion, rather than a unifying one. In
the second place, because in this Islamic society it is a foregone con-
clusion that Islamic civilization is superior to all others, it would simply
not be possible to emphasize nationalism over Islam. The ideology of
Islam separate from the state would not be Islam. It is unlikely that
any reform efforts will go past the proposal stage. The teacher made
an excellent point about polarization. President Mubarak’s emphasis
on nationalism could, in fact, be fueling the growth of a more strident
Islamism.
The teacher sees a crisis looming in Egyptian education. More and
more fundamentalist Muslims are entering teaching, although this is
more true in public schools than in private schools. But even at New
Ramses College, a Christian school, there are many Muslim teachers,
especially in Arabic and social studies. After the third grade the gov-
ernment requires that all Arabic teachers be Muslims. A new source of
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 499

friction among students is that, since September 11, 2001, more Mus-
lim girls at New Ramses College have begun to veil. A Muslim English
teacher at the school was pressured by her Muslim students to veil,
too. Veiling could be another manifestation of the push for Islamic re-
vival by moderate Islamists, although to say that vastly over-simplifies
a very complex phenomenon.
The question was asked of the teacher whether it was difficult, as
a Christian, to teach an Islamic agenda. He accepts that that is the way
it is. If the teacher could change anything in the curriculum it would
be to add world history and civics. He would teach history separate
from religion.
Asking Christian students how they feel about all of the Islam
in their education elicits the same attitude of acceptance. Students
said that they follow their parents’ advice and memorize what they
need to pass their exams and then forget it. They realize that, after
all, they do live in a Muslim country. It is unfortunate that, as the
children in the school get older, consciousness of a Christian–Muslim
divide grows with them. There is no physical separation of the students,
but derogatory comments are often made. The gulf between them is
most exposed during Ramadan. Christian students try not to eat their
lunches in the presence of Muslim children who are fasting, but the
situation is awkward and one cannot always avoid creating tension.
Overall, however, the relationship among the students at New Ramses
College is one of tolerance.

PTA in Egypt?

There is a movement toward more community and parental in-

volvement in schools in Egypt. As mentioned earlier, that is one of
the goals of the reform agreement between USAID and the Egyp-
tian government. Parental involvement is so much an integral part
of the educational system in the United States that it is difficult to
fully comprehend the sensitive and complex political climate in which
Egyptian schools operate. One mother told me about her experience
with “rocking the boat” at New Ramses College. She is an American
married to an Egyptian Christian. New Ramses College promises to
limit class size to 25 students maximum. When the number of pupils in
the first grade class of this mother’s daughter reached 37, she arranged
a meeting with the teacher. Achieving no results, she composed a letter
to the administration that she and a number of other parents signed.
The rocking boat produced a tidal wave at the highest echelon of the
500 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

Presbyterian Church in Egypt. This is not the way to effect change in

education in Egypt! The woman’s husband heard about the letter from
his employer at the Egyptian Bible Society. After all of this furor, 37
students remained in the classroom!

One Student’s Exam Experience

Another curious event occurred during the administration of one

of the standardized tests so feared by Egyptian children. These are the
tests that determine whether a student advances to the next level so
the pressure on the students can be unbearable. In this one particular
instance, during a test to move from preparatory level to secondary
level, a government employee proctoring the exam was blatantly pro-
viding students with answers! One girl told me that she had left an
answer on her Arabic test blank because she could not think of the
answer and, wisely, moved on with the intention of going back later.
The proctor came by and whispered the answer to her. The girl was
not sure what she had heard so continued with her test. The proctor
came by a second time and repeated the answer louder. The student
still did not know what to do so the third time the proctor stopped
and looked at the girl’s test and said, “I am not trying to make you
cheat. That is the answer that everyone else has,” and then proceeded
to spell the word for the girl. It is hard to know what to make of such
an event or whether it is a common occurrence. Perhaps it is a form
of acknowledgment that the system is flawed and an attempt to ease
some of the pressure on students.

Discipline

The atmosphere at New Ramses College certainly does not reflect

the same reverence for teaching and learning that was characteristic
of early Arab education. Discipline is a problem. There appears to be
more tolerance for misbehavior than most American schools would
allow. Classes are noisy, and not just because of student recitations.
Teachers are constantly shouting at their students. One student de-
scribed a chaotic classroom scene after a female teacher fainted from
yelling. It seems an atmosphere in which learning would be difficult
without strong parental support. Because New Ramses College is a
private Christian school the majority of the students there have sup-
portive families who help them with their homework and can afford
CHARLOTTE M. NEILL 501

the extra tutoring. Students in the public schools mostly do not have
this good fortune.

Conclusion

This examination of education in Egypt reveals that it is essen-

tially Islamic in character. In the curriculum inherited from early
Arab/Islamic education, theology is the controlling interest; memory
and recitation are the primary modes of learning; and outside control
and lack of community involvement characterize Egyptian education
today. There is no doubt that Islam will continue to be the controlling
interest, but whose Islam will dominate? Will it be the Islam of Pres-
ident Mubarak’s administration, which places national unity before
religion? “Fazlur Rahman aptly observes that one dimension of the
Islamic conception of tawhid, the integration of religion and state, has
actually meant the subordination of religion by the state to legitimize
political objectives” (Cook 2000,7). Or will it be the Islam of the mod-
erate Islamists who take the religion of Islam as their reference point
and from that determine that the role of the state—and the state-run
education system—is to advance the ideals and goals of Islam? Egypt
and the entire Muslim world must find a way to forge a new under-
standing of Islam that brings the two sides together; an understanding
that is compatible with the needs of contemporary Muslims who are
caught in the middle. It is imperative if the Islamic world—and, more
specifically, Egypt—is to become a participating member of the “global
village.”
Journalist Thomas Friedman in his book, Longitudes and Atti-
tudes: The World After September 11, wrote,

. . . Stephen P. Cohen, the Middle East analyst, is so right when he says,

‘Either we have wars within civilizations’—wars between those in each civi-
lization who want to embrace modernity, integration, and co-existence with
other cultures, faiths, and peoples and those who oppose all that—‘or we
will end up with wars between civilizations.’ (Friedman 2002, 377)

Egypt has the opportunity to be the role model for the entire
Islamic world. Egyptian educators can make this happen if they re-
vise their curriculum to teach Islam in a way that promotes reli-
gious tolerance rather than confrontation and conversion. They must
remove lessons that promote the idea that non-Muslims are infe-
rior to Muslims. Early Arab education was also Islamic in character
for it was the Qur’an that provided the agency by which medieval
502 ISLAM IN EGYPTIAN EDUCATION

children learned to read and write. There were positive aspects of

early Arab education. We can see some of those being recalled in Egyp-
tian education today. Early Arab education was democratic in that all
children, regardless of gender or class, had access to it. UDAID’s pro-
gram for girls’ education and better compensation for teachers through
incentive programs, which will make expensive tutoring less neces-
sary, are two ways that the early democratic ideal is being recalled.
More community and parental control recalls the spontaneity of early
Arab education before governmental institutionalization of education
in the eleventh century. Parents, educators, and students need to be in
conversation. Providing forums to discuss issues facing their schools
will remove some of the angst over such controversial matters as the
meaning of veiling; veiling may merely be an individual expression of
faith, not some kind of affront to Christian students. The challenge
is to interpret Islam in a way that is compatible with democracy and
modernity, but still acknowledges Islam as a vibrant spiritual force.
If such reforms can be accomplished—and it will take time—Islam
could become a positive force in the world for tolerance, justice, and
peace.

POST SCRIPT

While the powers that be argue about educational reform, scenes

like the following can be witnessed all over Egypt. A dozen eight- and
nine-year-old girls have gathered in a Cairo flat for a birthday party.
There are balloons, cake and ice cream, and prizes for all. Some of the
little girls are Muslims and some are Christians. None of them appears
to notice the difference. They play games, eat pizza, laugh, and just
enjoy being together, totally unaware that in other parts of their world
this could not happen. These little girls are our hope. Let us pray that
their Islamic Egyptian education does not come between them.

Charlotte M. Neill completed a M.A. in the Islamic Studies program of

Luther Seminary in December 2004. E-mail: chardy001@luthersem.edu

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