The Mozart Family.. Critique

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 5

Review

Author(s): Andrew Steptoe


Review by: Andrew Steptoe
Source: Music & Letters, Vol. 80, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 125-128
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/854676
Accessed: 27-07-2016 11:11 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Music &
Letters

This content downloaded from 144.96.123.4 on Wed, 27 Jul 2016 11:11:19 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
those pieces examined. Whether others will build publishers. All the family's correspondence that is
on his approach remains to be seen. Certainly, as known to have survived is of course published in
Eitan himself points out, it would be beneficial to German, and a substantial portion has been trans-
go on to investigate a wider repertory. But it would lated into English by Emily Anderson and others.
be good to see this carried out with rather more However, Halliwell feels that previous comment-
historical awareness-and not only to avoid the ators have failed to apply 'stringent historical
pitfalls of teleology mentioned above. Certainly procedures' to the evidence, and that some of
Eitan's basic thesis would have been more author- their inferences have therefore been erroneous.
itative if he had undertaken fuller discussion of his I was disappointed by this book. It failed to live
choice of repertory. I find myself wondering why up to the promise of studying the Mozart family in
Haydn was chosen to represent Classicism, rather a social context. A study of social context must
than Mozart, who is generally regarded as more surely involve locating people within the cultural
melodically minded-and why early Haydn at that, and social milieu of their times, so that, rather than
a repertory in which Classicism was to some extent studying their lives and experiences in the abstract,
still emerging. Berg, too, could have been better they are considered in relation to contemporary
served in terms of contextualization: his use of mores. But apart from a description of the immedi-
contour in the Adagio appassionato of the Lyric ate social world in which the Mozarts moved in
Suite is described as constituting 'an exaggerated, Salzburg, the background is only sketched. We
somewhat hysterical version of Wagnerian or find out very little about the political situation, the
Brucknerian processes' (p. 139), but comparison intense religious disputes of the era (which had
with Mahler, Strauss, Zemlinsky and early Schoen- direct effects on Leopold Mozart as an employee of
berg-his most immediate exemplars-would the Church), the growth of the Enlightenment,
surely have been more illuminating. attitudes to women and the family, or standards
CHRISTOPHER MARK of living and lifestyle. The social context in which
the family developed is presented superficially. For
example, they spent many of the early years living
The Mozart Family: Four Lives in a Social Context. By on the road in countries with strange customs, food
Ruth Halliwell. pp. xl + 732. (Clarendon Press, and climate, and unfamiliar religious observances,
Oxford, 1998, ?30. ISBN 0-19-816371-1.) surrounded by languages they did not understand.
Neither Wolfgang nor his sister had opportunities
The Mozart Family is a biographical study of the to make lasting friendships with children of their
composer, his father, his mother and his sister own age, and neither went to school. Instead they
Nannerl. Ruth Halliwell argues that the Mozarts moved as an extended family unit within an almost
have hitherto been viewed solely in relation to the exclusively adult world. These factors are not
composer's development, to the neglect of other described, and their impact on family relationships
family members. She is particularly interested in and the children's development is not discussed.
the characters of Nannerl and Mozart's father Or take the period between 1773, when Wolfgang
Leopold, and promises a 'rigorous contextual returned from Italy for the last time, and 1777,
study' of the family in the context of the social when he left Salzburg to seek his fortune in
conditions prevailing in their home town of Salz- Germany. These years were spent in Salzburg,
burg. and coincide with Mozart's growth from adoles-
The core of the book is an examination of family cence to adulthood and growing desire for inde-
correspondence from the birth of the children in pendence. It was an epoch of intense creative
the 1750s through to the early nineteenth century. fertility, during which he composed several sym-
The book is divided into six sections, largely phonies and large-scale serenades, along with the
structured according to the episodes of Wolfgang violin concertos, religious music, keyboard sonatas
Mozart's life: the early years and tours through and string quartets. Yet these crucial years are
northern Europe; the journeys to Italy and first covered very briefly, and we learn little about
period of service in Salzburg; the journey by aspects such as Leopold's and Wolfgang's duties
Wolfgang and his mother to Mannheim and at the cathedral and court, whether musicians were
Paris; the years surrounding his break with Salz- treated any better at other courts, what Nannerl
burg and marriage to Constanze; Nannerl's mar- Mozart did over these years, or how the theatre
riage to Johann Berchtold von Sonnenburg and her opposite their home was used.
move to St Gilgen; and the years following Leo- Mozart's mother Maria Anna is one of the four
pold's and Wolfgang's deaths, when both Nannerl family members at the centre of this book, but she
and Constanze Mozart negotiated extensively with fails to emerge from the shadows. Almost nothing

125

This content downloaded from 144.96.123.4 on Wed, 27 Jul 2016 11:11:19 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
is written about her attitudes to life and music, The author solves the difficulty of the patchy
religion, or beliefs about how her children should record by inferring the contents of the lost letters
be educated. She was evidently rather ineffectual in from the replies to them. The system works well up
curbing Wolfgang's wayward enthusiasms on the to a point, but it is not always clear which
journey to Mannheim and Paris, yet Leopold statements are speculations and which are summa-
seldom became irritated with her. The possible ries of actual letters. There are also occasions when
causes of her death are not discussed; instead, the sequence of events is reconstructed rather too
Halliwell speculates about whether Wolfgang imaginatively. For example, Wolfgang wrote from
delayed calling a doctor to tend her because of Vienna to his sister on 19 September 1781, having
preoccupations with his own affairs, irrespective of recently been told by Leopold that she was ill. He
whether medical attention would have been helpful comforted her and strongly urged her to move to
in this case. Vienna, where together they would be able to
Halliwell seems to interpret social context rather support their father in his declining years. In a
narrowly. One reason is that the family letters take postscript, Wolfgang sympathized with Leopold for
such a central role. Halliwell explains how she the dizziness that he had evidently described in a
decided not to quote extensively but, rather, to previous letter. Halliwell interprets these happen-
precis the contents of the correspondence. This is a ings as Nannerl falling seriously ill, and Leopold
pity, since the method robs the correspondence of devotedly nursing her, while worrying about his
much of its vitality. Shorn of their rhetoric, insight- son in Vienna. 'The combined worries affected his
ful asides and the almost theatrical changes of own health, and he suffered dizzy spells' (p. 367).
mood and pace, many of the letters emerge as There is no evidence for this sequence; we do not
plodding and charmless. The contents of the letters know whether Leopold had dizzy spells before,
are often summarized almost without comment. during or after Nannerl's illness, whether she
For instance, the early weeks of 1778 contain the required nursing, or whether his indisposition
extraordinary exchange between father and son, had anything to do with worry.
when Wolfgang's sudden infatuation with Aloysia Ruth Halliwell is not much interested in Wolf-
Weber led him to extravagant plans to abandon the gang Mozart in this book. Music is scarcely
family's agenda and travel to Italy. His naive mentioned and never discussed. Wolfgang's rela-
assumption that his father would join in his tionship with Constanze is treated cursorily, and
enthusiasm, and the frustrated despair of Leopold his tender letters to his wife are not included.
as he tried to influence events from a distance, Indeed, the last four years of Wolfgang's life
reveal the gulf that had developed between the two, (following the death of his father) are covered in
and are a gripping commentary on their crumbling just six pages. Nor does she seem to like him much.
relationship. The author misses the opportunity to She describes him as conceited, selfishly preoccu-
discuss Wolfgang's emotional development, his pied with his own life, insensitive in his contacts
mother's role, or Leopold's realization that he with Salzburg, and a disappointment to his father.
was losing control over his life's work and his It is really Leopold and Nannerl who are the
cherished son. central characters. Because Leopold's letters to
There is an additional difficulty in basing a book his daughter have not been published in English,
on the family's correspondence, which is that so unless they explicitly mention Wolfgang, much of
many letters are lost. After 1781, none of Leopold's the narrative concerning Nannerl's life in St Gilgen
letters to his son have survived, even though they will be unfamiliar to readers.
maintained a regular exchange; presumably Wolf- Nannerl herself is something of an enigma. What
gang did not take care of them. None of Wolfgang's turned the girl who up to the age of sixteen played
letters to Salzburg written between 1785 and in public to aristocrats and rulers into the retiring
Leopold's death in 1787 have survived either. individual whose life in Salzburg revolved around a
Halliwell suggests that, by this time, Leopold had few private keyboard pupils, churchgoing and
abandoned earlier plans he had had to write about domestic acquaintance? Was she prevented from
his son's life, and so took no further interest in exploiting her talent by her domineering father?
keeping the letters. It is perhaps more plausible Unlikely, because he was ambitious and enterpris-
that it was Nannerl who kept the family letters. ing, and never expressed disapproval of female
After she married and moved to St Gilgen, she was professional musicians. Was she not good enough
no longer able to save her brother's correspondence as a performer? Again, this is improbable, given
from loss or destruction. It is notable thai she Wolfgang's confidence throughout his life that she
stored all Leopold's letters to her in St Gilgen, could play his newest music. Was she perhaps too
while he kept none of her replies. much in the shadow of her brother's phenomenal

126

This content downloaded from 144.96.123.4 on Wed, 27 Jul 2016 11:11:19 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
talent, or was she so committed to her immediate the rest of his grandfather's life, seeing his mother
family and domestic responsibilities that she felt and father only occasionally during their visits from
unable to strike out with an independent career? St Gilgen. The arrangement seems to have been a
Perhaps she shared the disdain expressed so fre- satisfactory one, giving Leopold a focus of affection
quently by Leopold and Wolfgang about the in his life, while relieving Nannerl of the care of an
boorish behaviour of musicians, and felt that to infant along with the other children. Nonetheless,
be a musician was not a sufficiently ladylike the interesting consequence was that Nannerl's
profession. former lover d'Ippold saw much more of her first-
Whatever the cause, Nannerl Mozart lived born than she did. Leopold also deliberately failed
quietly in Salzburg with her father until she was to tell his son about the situation, and Wolfgang
33, when she married Berchtold, the Pfleger, or learnt about it by chance a year later. Halliwell
administrator, of the lands around St Gilgen. She suggests that Leopold was somewhat ashamed of
moved to the house in St Gilgen where her mother Nannerl's marriage, which had perhaps been pre-
was bor. Little is known about the events leading sented to Wolfgang as very desirable, and so he did
up to her marriage. She had for more than three not want to reveal any shortcomings.
years been attached to Franz d'Ippold, the director The last section of the book shifts gear to a
of the school that was situated virtually next door to different set of issues. It is concerned with the
the Mozarts' apartment in Salzburg. The couple development of Mozart's reputation after his
were probably in love, and marriage was discussed. death, and the sources of the early biographies.
It is not known why the relationship foundered, how Constanze Mozart, hitherto virtually ignored, now
Nannerl met Berchtold, or why she married him. assumes a central role along with Nannerl. Neither
Apart from a perfunctory statement after his death appears in an especially positive light, although the
that he was her 'most dearly beloved husband', we publishers such as Breitkopf & Hartel with whom
know nothing of Nannerl's feelings for him. they negotiated were far from scrupulous them-
Certainly, the position into which she moved selves. It was particularly distasteful that Nannerl
does not seem enviable. St Gilgen was small and connived with the Kapellmeister in Salzburg to
remote, with only a handful of educated inhabi- cheat the old and ailing Michael Haydn by
tants. She inherited five stepchildren aged between having his music secretly copied from parts held
two and twelve, who were poorly educated, bad- by the court, so that Breitkopf & Hartel could
mannered and ran wild. Her lifeline to civilization publish it without having to pay the composer a
and culture was Leopold, and their letters were fee. In 1821, Constanze and her second husband
conveyed across the six-hour journey between Georg Nissen returned to Salzburg, where the
Salzburg and St Gilgen by the weekly official widowed Nannerl had been living since 1801. In
courier or by the glass-carrier who plied her trade contrast to the majority of music historians, Halli-
along this route. Leopold provided her with gossip well asserts that the two women were on good
about acquaintances in Salzburg, practical advice, terms and that the claim that relations were poor
new music and news of her brother. But it was at a is a fiction. It is difficult to know what she would
cost. He was fiercely critical to the point of nasti- regard as adequate proof of their bad relationship,
ness about her unruly stepchildren, and sarcastic for the circumstantial evidence is surely over-
about Berchtold's parsimony and pretensions, put- whelming. First, there was the violent hostility to
ting her in an uncomfortable position of divided Constanze and her mother expressed by Leopold
loyalties. Mozart before the marriage. Nannerl was living
Leopold Mozart lost a major portion of his raison with her father at the time and so would have been
d'etre with Wolfgang's break for independence in well aware that Leopold felt his son had been
Vienna, and Nannerl's departure left him com- seduced by the unscrupulous Webers. Second,
pletely bereft. He complained about the dullness of there is scarcely a mention of Constanze in Leo-
life in Salzburg and the lack of agreeable conversa- pold's letters to Nannerl, even though he passed on
tion. The contrast with the exciting social and to her the least scrap of information about her
musical world that he encountered during his brother. This is hardly an indication that Con-
stay with his son in Vienna in 1785 was marked. stanze was a treasured sister-in-law. The absence of
Interestingly, Nannerl apparently raised several correspondence between Constanze and Nannerl,
objections when this visit was mooted, fearing either during Wolfgang's life or afterwards, is also
perhaps that Leopold might be persuaded to striking. Nannerl evidently hoarded documents
move to Vienna, leaving her isolated. Soon after and family memorabilia, so either they had no
his return, Nannerl's first child, 'Leopoldl', was contact or else she considered it insignificant.
born. He was to stay with Leopold in Salzburg for Most telling of all was Nannerl's decision not to

127

This content downloaded from 144.96.123.4 on Wed, 27 Jul 2016 11:11:19 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
be buried in the same plot as her father Leopold tions about labelling both 'German' and 'mascu-
and daughter Josepha, after Constanze's husband line', and contrasting with inferior foreign
Nissen had been interred there, and a tombstone elements.
had been erected that bore his name alone. The It is much to Morrow's credit that, while making
hostility engendered by this act must have been such observations, she largely avoids the ideologi-
very bitter, to persuade a religious woman like cal entrapments that have made critical musicology
Nannerl to be separated from her beloved father. a political minefield. She clearly has a highly
This is a long book and quite heavy going. developed appreciation of what German music
Probably more than half of the text is taken up critics in the late eighteenth century were able to
with summaries of the letters of Leopold and accomplish, and, despite her awareness of their
Wolfgang. It assumes extensive knowledge of limitations, she shares that appreciation with the
Mozart's life and correspondence, since characters reader.
such as the Mozarts' Augsburg cousin Maria Anna The scope of Morrow's subject matter is indeed
Thekla (the Basle) and the Salzburg castrato Fran- vast. According to her own copious documentation,
cesco Ceccarelli enter the narrative with little she has examined 52 different periodicals covering
introduction. Familiarity with the secondary liter- a 48-year period and containing 1,311 music
ature is also taken for granted, as Halliwell devel- reviews. Most of her chapters includes tables of
ops arguments that are specifically opposed to the journals covered, the dates when they were
those of authors such as Maynard Solomon and published or of those numbers surveyed for the
Nannerl Mozart's biographer Eva Rieger. All in all, book, and the number of reviews in each one. The
this is not a book that I can recommend. sources range from music magazines such as J. A.
ANDREW STEPTOE Hiller's Wochentliche Nachrichten to general scholarly
journals such as the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek
and political newspapers such as the Hamburgischer
German Music Criticism in the Late Eighteenth Century: Correspondent. Morrow shows how the reviews break
Aesthetic Issues in Instrumental Music. By Mary Sue down among these three types (approximately
Morrow. pp. xiii + 253. (Cambridge University equally), by decade (the largest number appeared
Press, 1997. ?40. ISBN 0-521-58227-X.) in the 1780s, and they tapered off again somewhat
in the 1790s before the founding of the Allgemeine
The growing interest in the history of music musikalische Zeitung in 1798), and by genre (key-
criticism among musicologists, of which Mary board sonatas always accounted for a large share,
Sue Morrow's latest book is an indication, is in but symphonies, which predominated during the
many ways a reflection of the field itself, which for 1760s, were virtually ignored by the 1790s, their
the past several decades has been inexorably position being usurped by variations and keyboard
transforming itself into a critical enterprise. One reductions of opera overtures). Morrow also care-
of the merits of Morrow's book is that, at the very fully counts the numbers of reviews reprinted from
least, it helps put this latter phenomenon in one journal to another.
perspective, showing how a large number of writers Unfortunately-or perhaps inevitably-there is
at the end of the eighteenth century worked in a no tabulation of the individual reviews. Morrow
similar fashion to transform the musical discourse does, however, include extended excerpts from the
of their time. original German texts in her notes, frequently
These critics, whose backgrounds and creden- going beyond the portions she has elsewhere
tials were very diverse, faced, Morrow suggests, a translated into English. As a result, the notes
uniform task-making the independent instrumen- occupy fully half as much space as the text itself,
tal music of their day comprehensible in terms that suggesting that setting the German and English
escaped from the limitations of academic aesthetic quotations in parallel columns might have been a
theory. In so doing, they prepared the way for the more user-friendly approach. In any case, the
nineteenth century's high valuation of absolute source material is so vast that the reader is forced
music. What is unspoken but implied here is that to trust Morrow's judgement that the passages she
they also laid the groundwork for many of the has excerpted are representative and typical.
aesthetic assumptions that have tended to hobble The very premiss of Morrow's book depends on
musical discourse in our own time: the treatment this assumption, because she maintains throughout
of music in purely technical terms, the appreciation that the often anonymous writers who reviewed
of formal construction, and, Morrow seems to instrumental music in German periodicals between
imply, the positive spin placed on elements which 1750 and 1798 functioned as a 'collective', provid-
eighteenth-century German writers had no inhibi- ing, in the sense of Braudel's social history, the

128

This content downloaded from 144.96.123.4 on Wed, 27 Jul 2016 11:11:19 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like