CAUSES OF THE ROHINGYA CONFLICT

The Rohingya are a Muslim majority group of more than one million people that reside in the
western Rakhine state of Myanmar, close to Bangladesh’s border. They have endured severe
oppression from their community and government, and are denied citizenship in Myanmar.
Extremist Buddhist factions frequently demand the expulsion of Muslims, conduct assaults on
[1]
their settlements, and urge boycotts of Muslim businesses.

Rakhine state's situation is defined by a damaging mixture of longstanding animosity between

the core and the outlying areas, severe clashes among various religious and ethnic factions,
particularly with the minority Muslim populations, and pervasive destitution and lack of
progress. As a result, significant incidents of violence erupted in 2012, followed by intermittent
[2]
episodes.

The genocide of the Rohingya, began when the government expelled them from Myanmar. Their
citizenship was revoked in 1982 and they were expelled twice, first in 1978 and again during
1992-1993. Although many returned to Myanmar later, they ultimately ended up in Bangladesh.
The Rohingyas' inability to establish themselves in Myanmar was due to a multitude of factors,
including revoked citizenship rights, the restriction on freedom of movement, dispossession of
their lands and property, and physical violence. Consequently, the Rohingyas are confronted
[3]
with severe threats to their human security.

Over 1.1 million Rohingya refugees have been forced to reside in Bangladesh, having fled from
Myanmar (Shahid, 2019). As such, the United Nations and the Chief of human rights both
[4]
classify the genocide of the Rohingya as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing" .

The root causes of the Rohingya conflict are complex and multifaceted and have been the subject
of much debate and analysis. This essay aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the
underlying factors that led to the Rohingya conflict. This conflict has deep historical roots and is
influenced by a range of ethnoreligious, economic, political, and geopolitical factors. By
examining these factors in depth, this essay will shed light on the complexities of this conflict,
and provide a better understanding of the challenges that the Rohingya face.

Historical Precedents:
The Rakhine State, formerly known as Arakan, exemplifies the post-colonial failings of
Myanmar. Despite being located in a strategic position at the center of regional exchange,
colonial rule disrupted Arakan's inter-community relations, which has had a long-term impact on
national politics. This has resulted in various conflicts and periods of instability in Arakan's
history, all caused by external interference and government changes that disregarded the rights of
[5]
local populations. Regrettably, this pattern continues to persist today.

This section of the report will examine the historical precedents of the causes of the Rohingya
crisis, including the colonial legacy, the denial of citizenship rights, and the rise of Buddhist
nationalism in Myanmar. By understanding the historical context of the crisis, the essay will shed
light on the underlying causes of the conflict.

Pre-Colonial Period:

Today, the ethnopolitical clashes in the Rakhine State and the tri-border region encompassing
India and Bangladesh are among the most contentious issues in Myanmar. The background of
those ongoing disputes is the historical interpretations of events.

The current leaders of Myanmar assert that the country's population, made up of eight primary
ethnic communities, including the Rakhaing (Arakanese Buddhist), who are further subdivided
into 135 ethnic groups, are all descended from Mongolian origins. They unequivocally reject the
notion that any indigenous ethnic group in Myanmar has Aryan ancestry, including the Rohingya
[6]
(Arakanese Muslim). Furthermore, the majority of the Rohingya community does not speak,
read or write the Burmese language. As such, they have been viewed by Myanmar leaders as the
least assimilating ethnic community.

The region which was previously referred to as Burma was made up of a collection of
independent areas with diverse cultures and languages, including the Arakan Kingdom, which is
presently known as Rakhine. The Arakan Kingdom suffered isolation from the rest of Burma as
they were separated by a vast mountain range. On the contrary, this resulted in the region
[7]
experiencing significant trade and migration from what is now southern Bangladesh.

[11]
In 1430, the last independent Arakan kingdom was established at Mrauk-U. The Rakhine
took advantage of the Mughal invasion of Bengal in 1531 to strengthen their rule and occupy
East Bengal, leading to the kingdom's independence. As a result of raids in Bengal and the
capture of slaves, the Muslim population grew over time. However, in 1784-1785, a Burmese
force launched a surprise attack on the Rakhine, defeating them and destroying Mrauk-U,
causing the kingdom to be annexed by Burma. The nobility was compelled to relocate to Upper
[12]
Burma, and approximately 200,000 Rakhine fled to Chittagong, presently in Bangladesh.

As various dynasties rose and fell, “Greater Arakan” was once over 50 percent larger in area than
it is today. Territories claimed to be under the authority of the Arakan kings included the
Chittagong Division in Bangladesh, lands stretching further westwards into Bengal and
[13]
southwards into lower Myanmar.
Unfortunately, due to the vicissitudes of history, the concept of "Greater Arakan" as a unified
and expansive territory is no longer present in the current geopolitical landscape. The shifting
borders and political realignments over time have resulted in the dissolution of the once vast
"Greater Arakan."

Bodawpaya's conquest (1784-1785) removed all traces of Arakanese society and religion's
autonomy, and the Burman's attempts to extract resources from Arakan led to tens of thousands
of Arakanese crossing the Naf River into Bengal. Charney referred to this as the "Burmanisation
[14]
of Arakan" based on British records. While the debate over the origin of the Rohingya
remains unresolved, it is certain that a substantial number of Muslims have lived in Arakan for
[15]
several centuries.

Historians hold two contrasting views regarding the northern strip of Arakan. Aye Chan, drawing
upon British records, argues that the Rohingyas are descendants of Bengali immigrants who
arrived during the British colonial period as agricultural workers and settled in Burma. Chan
[16]
suggests that the Muslim-inhabited region in Arakan is essentially an "enclave". This
viewpoint aligns with the beliefs of the Myanmar government and other Burmese historians.
They contend that the Muslim population in Rakhine State can trace their ancestry back to
Bengali migrants who arrived in the 15th or 16th centuries, with a significant number originating
[17]
from Chittagong.

The arrival of Islam in Burma has its origins in the 8th century when Muslim sailors founded
settlements along the coast of Burma.[9] The Rohingya people trace their origins back to the
15th and 16th centuries, when a unique community of Muslims settled in the northern region of
Arakan, now known as Rakhine State. It is believed that these people were the offspring of
traders from Moorish, Arab, and Persian origins who had arrived and stayed in Arakan from the
9th to the 15th centuries. They settled along the coastal regions and some even intermarried
with the local population.[10]
This narrative has been supported by the Rohingya School of thought. They assert that the original

Rohingya are indigenous to Arakan and are descendants of the region's first Muslim converts from

the 8th century.

While the debate over the origin of the Rohingya remains unresolved, it is certain and widely
accepted by scholars that a substantial number of Muslims have lived in Arakan for several
centuries. Their presence in the region is an essential part of the region's history and cultural
heritage.
This history provides important context for understanding the Rohingya conflict and the

complexities of their identity. While the Rohingya have been living in Myanmar for centuries, the

government and many Burmese citizens still consider them to be illegal immigrants and deny them

citizenship and basic rights. A more nuanced understanding of the Rohingya identity and the

conflict is therefore necessary to move beyond the oversimplified narrative that portrays them as

only illegal immigrants.

Colonial Turmoil

Arakan politics suffered through five eras of colonisation. Of the five colonisations, the
prominent being 1824-1941, under British rule; 1942-45, under Japanese occupation and 1945-
[20]
48, under the British again” The aftermath of certain policies implemented by both the
British and the Japanese, not only persisted beyond the end of the war but also transformed into
[21]
the biggest humanitarian catastrophe in Asia.

British colonialism played a pivotal role in fostering mistrust and violence between the Rakhine
Buddhist majority and the Rohingya Muslim minority. The introduction of divide-and-rule
policies, migration policies, and legal differentiation, in the 19th century altered the
[22]
demographic and economic dynamics in the region, causing tensions. This led to an
emergence of Buddhist nationalism, and saw Buddhists identifying with Burmese culture and
[23]
history. The effects of colonization can still be seen in the political and social landscape of
Myanmar today, and it is important to understand this historical context in order to find a
sustainable solution to the Rohingya crisis.

1824-1941 British Rule

The process of British colonization in Burma occurred in several stages. Initially, Burma was
governed as a province of British India, but in 1937, it was transformed into a buffer zone
between India and the rest of Asia. During this time, the British government promoted the
migration of large numbers of Muslim agricultural laborers from Bengal and Chittagong to
Arakan, where they worked on previously unoccupied and fertile land, cultivating crops such as
[25]
rice, fruit, and tobacco. This migration altered the demographic makeup of the region. The
“favouritism” of Muslim Rohingya in social and economic spheres resulted in significant
dissatisfaction among the Rakhine Buddhist community.

Additionally, the British employed a strategy of 'divide and rule' in Myanmar by creating
conflicts between different ethnic groups and promoting xenophobia. They discouraged the
practice of traditional cultural practices, including Buddhism, and enforced the separation of
religion and state to weaken the Burmese national identity centered around Buddhism, in an
[28]
effort to prevent a nationalist uprising. This shift in power generated deep tensions and
competition over resources, between Burmese Buddhists and Muslims.

1942-45 Japanese occupation

To make matters worse, during World War II, the Rohingya Muslims sided with the British
[30]
forces, while the Buddhist Rakhines supported Japan. As such, violent clashes broke out
between Muslim and Buddhist groups, resulting in massacres on both sides and exacerbating the
divide between the two communities. When the British lost control of Burma, the Japanese
established a government and trained the Burmese army, which then carried out a genocide
against the Rohingya people in 1942. This was in retaliation for the Rohingya's loyalty to Britain,
and resulted in the deaths of thousands of Rohingya, with many once again fleeing to
[31]
Chittagong.

1945-48 , 2nd stage of British rule

As the British forces advanced to retake Arakan, they did not do enough to prevent these
retaliatory attacks between the Muslims and Buddhists from occurring. In fact, after the war, the
British government granted administrative roles to the Rohingya in Arakan. This cycle of
[32]
violence further fueled tensions between the two communities.

Following the war, there was an increasing demand for local self-rule. Muslim leaders
acknowledged the importance of creating a distinct "nationality" identity to obtain political
representation. As the British departure loomed, discussions were already beginning about the
representation of Muslims in north Arakan by the name that they use for themselves: Rohingya.
[35]
Yet, no action was taken to resolve this issue. As a result, when Myanmar gained
independence, the lack of recognition for the Rohingya people set the stage for the ongoing
Rohingya crisis.

Military interference & Political instability

Myanmar has a long history of military rule, and the transition to democracy has been marked by
ongoing political turmoil. The military has played a key role in exacerbating the Rohingya crisis,
and there have been reports of human rights abuses and military atrocities.

In 1958, General Ne Win took control of the government and established a "Military Caretaker"
administration. Prior to the coup, Prime Minister Nu had made false commitments to grant
Rakhine the status of an ethnic state, which had already been granted to other important ethnic
regions under the 1947 constitution. Moreover, he also vowed to gain the support of Muslim
[36]
voters by providing them with an autonomous region in northern Rakhine.

February 12, 1964 marked a significant turning point for the concept of Taingyintha (“national
races” or ethnic groups). General Ne Win posed as an advocate for the various ethnic groups and
made the Taingyintha concept the centerpiece during his Union Day speech. He maintained that
his government would implement policies to bring economic and social equality to the national
[39]
races. He stressed that foreigners desiring to stay in Burma "must merge themselves with the
[40]
common people in building a socialist economy." In contrast to the Taingyintha promises,
Parliament passed the Emergency Immigration Act (EIA) in 1974. The EIA limited the rights of
[42]
“foreigners” from Bangladesh, China, and India. All citizens were given national registration
cards, while the Rohingya were given foreign identity cards, which restricted their economic and
[43]
educational opportunities. This event was significant as it marked the beginning of the
persecution of the Rohingya community through revoked citizenship rights.

The military initiated a countrywide operation to register and verify citizenship status of
individuals and those who they considered as "foreigners." This operation served as a pretext for
the military to attack and intimidate the Rohingya population, resulting in the destruction of their
homes and property across Rakhine State. This again caused 200,000 Rohingya to flee to
Bangladesh. Although the military allowed them to return to Burma later, many of them lost
[44]
their ID cards in the process.

Additionally, a 1982 law formally restricted citizenship to people whose descendants lived in
[45]
Myanmar before 1823, effectively disenfranchising many Indians who had remained.
According to Section 3, those ethnic groups and Taingyintha (national races) who had lived
[46]
permanently in a state prior to 1823 AD were considered Burmese citizens. This law further
alienated the Rohingya community, particularly those that had been dispersed between
Chittagong and the Rakhine, as they were unable to produce documentation attesting to their
historical ties to the region.

Over time, the idea of national race persisted and became even stronger. As the military took
over the government, they repeatedly emphasized the importance of "Taingyintha". The regime
vigorously enforced the citizenship law, requiring those with a green card (national registration
[47]
card) to exchange it for a pink one called the Citizenship Scrutiny Card. Rohingya never
[48]
receive the new cards, further discriminating against them.

Meanwhile, the Burmese were protesting against military rule whilst calling for democratic
reforms. In response, the military launched a campaign against the Rohingya to divert attention.
This campaign, which took place in 1991, involved soldiers committing atrocities such as rape,
assault, and execution against the Rohingya, as well as destroying their homes and property. As a
result, many Rohingya were forced to flee again, with over 250,000 seeking refuge in
Bangladesh between 1991 and 1992. To ensure control over the Rohingya community, the
Burmese authorities created a special border security force to persecute and harass them,
[49]
resulting in forced labor, land seizure, marriage restrictions, and physical abuse. As such, the
1991 campaign marks the launch of the full-scale oppression of the Rohingya minority and their
expulsion from the Myanmar state which has continued to this day.

Religion & Ethnic politics:

The conflict between the Rohingya and the majority Buddhist population in Myanmar has also
long been fueled by long-standing ethnic and religious tensions.
As discussed, the tensions between Rakhine Buddhist and Rohingya have been increasing since
the 1970s. According to a report, Rakhine's perception of the rapid growth of the Rohingya
population, their informal acquisition of land and their demand to be recognised as an official
indigenous group are some of the key factors behind this deteriorating relationship.

The Buddhists became concerned that they may lose their political power over the state because
of demographic changes, and as such, viewed the Rohingya as a threat to their dominance.
Granting the Rohingya official recognition as an ethnic group could give them political and
representational rights, which the Rakhine fear could lead to a loss of influence over local
[57]
policies, resources, and culture.
The year 2011 marked an upsurge in extreme Buddhist nationalism in Myanmar, anti-Muslim
[51]
hate speech and deadly communal violence, not only in Rakhine state but across the country.
The Buddhist leadership promoted a racist agenda by demonising the Rohingya as a malicious
group with the intention of destroying Buddhism. The perceived threat resulted in further
restrictions being placed on the Rohingya, regarding marriage, family, and children, even though
[52]
they made up a mere 4% of the population, compared to the 88% Buddhist majority.

To make matters worse, this hostility towards Muslims, was not only held by hardliners but also
by the general public, including politicians, and social activists who viewed Muslims from all
backgrounds as a threat to the country. Fundamentalists argued that Myanmar's Buddhist culture
and society were under siege by Muslims, especially given that the country is surrounded by
Islamic countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia. As a result, the Rohingya people
were further targeted, as they were viewed as a potential entry point for Islamization in
[53]
Myanmar.

The hostility intensified following violent clashes between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in
mid-2012 in Arakan state, which caused over 200 fatalities and displaced a further 140,000
people, mostly Muslims. This resulted in anti-Muslim riots across Myanmar, going beyond the
problem of "anti-Bengali immigrants," or Rohingya. Consequently, the Rohingya were not
acknowledged as an ethnic group in the 2014 national census and were instead categorized as
[54]
"intruders from neighboring Bangladesh." This marks the key point of the Rohingya being
victims of severe human rights violations thereby making them the world's largest stateless

population.

Ethnic politics:

In Myanmar, ethnic identity plays a central role in subnational politics. The long history of
conflict has embedded ethnic categories in the political system, leading to controversies over
[55]
population estimates and ethnic classification.

The Myanmar government recognizes 135 ethnic groups, but individuals perceived as
descendants of migrants are not acknowledged as a distinct category, leaving them without
representation. Ethnic minority groups typically live in peripheral regions that have been
historically oppressed and excluded. During the 2015 elections, the National League for
Democracy (NLD) campaigned heavily against ethnic parties. The Rohingya, who mostly reside
in Rakhine State, are the most marginalized group and are not recognized as an official ethnic
[58]
group by the Myanmar government.

The government and ethnic Rakhines prefer to call the Muslim population in Rakhine State
"Bengali," which suggests that they are migrants from Bangladesh or India. The term
"Rohingya" is not accepted due to its political significance in Myanmar, which implies a claim to
land and identity. Rakhine nationalists' opposition to the use of the term "Rohingya" is linked to
[59]
their general discrimination against Muslims. This resulted in a challenging environment,
inhibiting the promotion of shared values or pluralistic governance, thereby threatening the
peaceful co-existence of diverse groups residing in the same territory.

Economic marginalization

Myanmar's Rakhine state has faced significant difficulties resulting from issues such as political
isolation from the central government, causing it to become one of the poorest ethnic states in
Myanmar. The Rakhine people have limited access to basic resources and job opportunities,
which has left the Rohingya population in a vulnerable position, resulting in poverty and
[60]
potential exploitation.

Rather than promoting reconciliation between the Rohingya and the rest of the Rakhines, the
government backs the Rakhine Buddhist extremists to protect its interests in the resource-rich
region. Consequently, the Rohingyas have become an additional economic burden as they
[61]
compete for limited job opportunities and business prospects. As such, it can be concluded
that the hostility of the Buddhists stems not only from religious differences but also from
political and economic factors.

This economic marginalization is another oppressive tactic employed by the government

descending the Rohingya into a cycle of poverty and dependence, with limited avenues for
socioeconomic advancement. This lack of economic opportunities not only hampers the well-
being of Rohingya individuals and families but also perpetuates their vulnerability and exclusion
within society.
Addressing the economic marginalization of the Rohingya is crucial for resolving the crisis and
promoting long-term stability. Efforts should focus on providing access to education, skills
training, job opportunities, and inclusive economic development initiatives that empower
Rohingya individuals and communities. By fostering economic integration and inclusion, it
becomes possible to break the cycle of marginalization and contribute to the overall well-being
and dignity of the Rohingya population.
Regional Geopolitics:

The Rohingya conflict is influenced by regional geopolitics, as neighboring countries, especially

China, and other international organizations play a significant role in the crisis. The crisis has
also had implications for neighboring countries, particularly Bangladesh and India, which have
received an influx of refugees from Myanmar.

China, Russia & India

The clear backing of China, Russia, and India played a significant role in enabling the forced
expulsion of Rohingya Muslims. China has been Myanmar's primary trading partner and its most
significant diplomatic ally in recent times. China's objectives in Myanmar are diverse, including
safeguarding and enhancing its infrastructure projects and investments in the country, preventing
the outbreak of full-scale civil conflict, particularly near its borders, and thwarting significant
[62]
involvement from influential democracies like the United States.

China and India have invested significantly in infrastructure and power projects in Myanmar,
including in the Rakhine state, which offers access to the Bay of Bengal. Despite being historical
strategic rivals, both countries are currently pursuing a pro-Myanmar approach regarding the
Rohingya crisis. Although competing to exert their influence and strengthen their foothold in the
region, stability in Rakhine state is equally crucial for India's economic and geopolitical interests
[63]
as it is for China's.
Although India has accepted a few thousand Rohingyas in the past and China has committed to
covering part of the costs Bangladesh is incurring in the current crisis, both New Delhi and
Beijing have firmly embraced the official narrative of Myanmar’s government. Likewise, Russia
[64]
is also keen on sheltering Myanmar from any international sanctions.
This support has bolstered Myanmar's military leaders and protected the country's standing on
the international stage. China, for instance, faulted the Rohingya insurgents for the violence and
prevented the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) from adopting a resolution denouncing
the assaults on innocent Rohingya individuals. Moreover, China committed to forging stronger
military ties with Myanmar.

Bangladesh

International relations analysts have emphasized that Bangladesh has been facing geopolitical
and geo-strategic challenges, placing it in a sensitive position. On the one hand, the plight of the
Rohingya people and their migration to Chittangong is of significant concern to Bangladesh. On
the other hand, Bangladesh and Myanmar also share a strong strategic and economic
relationship. However, to refrain from endangering commercial ties, Bangladesh has chosen to
overlook the Rohingya crisis in regional and international discussions. Bangladesh's failure to
prioritize this issue could have adverse consequences for both the Rohingya population and the
[65]
country itself in the long run.
Regardless, Bangladesh has contributed to handling the refugee situation. However, it has been
an immense challenge for them to sustainably provide for over 700,000 Rohingya refugees for an
[66]
extended period.
Conclusion

In conclusion, the Rohingya conflict is a complex issue with many different factors
contributing to it. Until the Myanmar government recognizes the Rohingya as citizens
and takes steps to address their grievances, the conflict is unlikely to be resolved.To
truly address the Rohingya conflict, it is essential to address the underlying causes. This will
require a long-term, multi-faceted approach that involves addressing issues at the core.
Meanwhile, providing humanitarian aid, including food, shelter, and medical care, is essential to
alleviate the suffering. Those responsible for human rights violations against the Rohingya must
be held accountable for their actions. This includes not only government officials but also
members of the military and other groups involved in the conflict. Providing support to refugees,
including access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities, is essential to help
them rebuild their lives and achieve a better future.

4611

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[1]
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