Impact of Islamically Influenced South Asian Culture on Parent-Adolescent Interactions

AP Research

Word Count: 5148

Introduction

Adolescence, the years that create the foundation of personalities, is characterized by one

great misconception: only adolescents are affected by changes in their social and emotional

responses. The impact on relationships, especially with parents, is often forgotten. It is

imperative to understand that the quality and consistency of a parent-adolescent relationship can

vary due to factors, such as socioeconomic status and gender. This paper analyzes and interprets

various parent-child interactions and how they indicate different dynamics in typical Muslim

South Asian American families. It also searches for any relationship between Islamically

influenced South Asian culture and parent-child interactions.

Islamically Influenced South Asian culture is the term in this study that represents the

culture and common social beliefs in Islamic South Asian countries, more specifically,

Bangladesh in Pakistan. This research aims to find the association between select Islamic

countries’ (Bangladesh and Pakistan’s) cultural values and how they influence parent-child

relations in New York State. This raises the question: To what extent can Islamically

influenced South Asian culture impact Bengali and Pakistani American parent-adolescent

relationships in Long Island, New York? Ideally, Islamic morals are intended to support

positive connections between families; however, other factors also impact these relations (Bakar,

2011, pp.13-14).

Currently, there is limited information on the association between Islamic South Asian

culture and parent-child interactions, let alone parent-adolescent relationships. In a study on

parenting stress, behaviors, and adolescent outcomes with offspring, valuable, information is

given about the effect on parent-child relationships, but the sample consists primarily of
Caucasian participants (De Maat et al., 2020, p.780). This problem is further supported by Leon

Kuczynski, a developmental psychologist who specializes in parent-child dynamics, and believes

“that parent-child relationship[s]... function differently according to the given cultural

conditions.” (Kuczynski, 2003, p. 272). Therefore, information in this research is imperative for

a better understanding of how a different culture changes parent-child interactions.

South Asian culture is defined by the following characteristics: collectivism, strict

parenting, genderization, restricted dating, etc. (Somerville, K. 2019; Shariff, A., 2009; Deepak,

A.C., 2005; Zaidi, A.U., Couture-Carron, A., & Maticka-Tyndale, E., 2016). However, many

studies fail to consider these confounding variables. Many studies on parent interactions, such as

those by Lippold et al. (2016) and Obsuth et al. (2014) consist of very similar participants that

were from Western countries, Caucasian, and of a similar socioeconomic background. This

allowed data to be accurate for the type of sample they were looking at, but that does not mean

their findings account universally for all parent-child interactions. For data to be more accurate

about a certain population, increasing analysis must be conducted.

The term, ‘host country’ is used to define the country one assimilated or immigrated to.

Likewise, a ‘heritage country’ is where one originally comes from or would ethnically identify

themselves. Although it is aimed to find how Islamically-influenced South Asian culture affects

parent-adolescent relationships, the society is studied in Long Island, New York. The society the

family is in likely affects how they interact with each other (A. Abouguendia & K.A. Noels,

2001, pp. 164-166), making it necessary to evaluate the possibility of intergenerational conflict,

differing opinions, and opposition in the host country for individuals to see how that affects

relations.
 To fill in the gap in this topic, it is necessary to understand if Islamically-influenced

South Asian culture and parent-adolescent interactions have synchrony.

Indicative Behaviors in Parent-Child Relationships

According to research from Stephen A. Small (1988), a professor in the School of Human

Ecology at the University of Wisconsin, and Erika C. Manczak (2019), an assistant professor of

sociology and the humanities at the University of Denver, a multitude of behaviors during

parent-child interactions can allude to certain dynamics and roles in the said relationship. For

example, parent personality, stress, and personal problems can be implied by parent-child

interactions (Small, 1988, p. 1063; De Maat et al., 2021, pp. 771-772).

In a study by Stephen A. Small, during a week-long session of recreational activities for

parents and children, a questionnaire was handed out to assess their behavior, their child’s

behavior, and the quality of their parent-child relationship (1988, p. 1066). It was found that

parents with lower self-esteem were more likely to exert control by using physical force and

making decisions for their children (Small, 1988, p. 1063). Likewise, the more capable and

overall better a parent felt about themselves, the more attention, positive regard, affection, and

autonomy would be provided to their children (Small, 1988, pp. 1068-1070).

It was later also considered in research by D.A. de Maat et al., published by the Journal

of Child and Family Studies, that “higher levels of parenting stress at age 13 were related to

more parental over-reactivity and less warmth,” which was also later found to be related to more

adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems at that age (2021). This illustrates that for

parents with children at the age of 13, parents felt more stressed by their offspring expressing

their problems. Additionally, at age 15 this amount of parental warmth and over-reactivity was
associated with greater adolescent behavioral and directional problems— impairments in

decision-making skills (De Maat et al., 2021, p. 778). The less warmth and increased

over-reactivity of parents can indicate higher levels of parental stress and internal conflict

between parents and adolescents.

The methods by de Maat et al. (2021) consisted of more observations than the

aforementioned study (Small, 1988) and lasted for a greater amount of time. While de Maat et al.

(2021) observed parenting behaviors and stress for 5 years, observations by Small (1988) only

lasted a week. Regardless of this difference, the results do concur because there is an attestation

that increased parenting stress and a lack of parental self-esteem have negative impacts on the

social and emotional well-being of the offspring in this relationship.

Based on a different study on parenting behaviors’ influence on adolescent behavior

indicates that “adolescent behavioral outcomes, including externalizing, internalizing, and

pro-social behavior, are important markers of social wellbeing” (Truhan et al., 2022, p. 1536).

Truhan et al. are a team of doctoral students and professors at Queens University, Belfast in the

United Kingdom, and the University of Southampton (2022). The results provided by Truhan et

al. (2022) concur with those of De Maat et al. (2021). Social learning theory—the idea that

“offspring model their behavior on that of their parents”— was evident in both studies (Truhan et

al., 2022, p. 1537; De Maat et al. p. 777). It elaborates on why mental stress in adolescents and

parents is positively correlated, negatively influencing adolescent behaviors. It is determined

that adolescent and parent internalization and externalization of problems provide indications

about their social health. Altogether, it is indicated that poor directional skills and social behavior

within adolescents and greater expression (warmth and over-reactivity) from parents can be

indicators of longitudinal parental stress (De Maat et al., 2021; Truhan et al., 2022).
 Corporal punishment, for example, is the “ ‘use of physical punishment with the intention

of causing a child pain, but not injury for the purposes of correction or control of the child’s

behavior’” (Mulvaney & Mebert, 2010, p.401) and according to Li et al., from the Journal of

Child and Family Studies, “Corporal punishment is harmful to adolescent growth and impedes

the formation and development of good behaviors.” (2022, p.957). It elucidates that parental

corporal punishment is positively related to peer victimization and aggressive behavior (Li et al.,

2022, p. 949). Corporal punishment is seen to be associated with “internalizing characteristics,

such as depression and lower self-esteem” (Mulvaney & Mebert, 2010, p. 401). Therefore,

depressive symptoms and aggressive behavior can be considered results of corporal punishment

and parental strictness. Both studies agree that corporal punishment has negative effects on peer

interaction and social behavior for adolescents (Li et al., 2022, p. 949; Mulvaney & Mebert,

2010, pp. 401-403).

Moreover, physical problems in adolescents, such as consistent headaches, stomach

aches, and emotion dysregulation can be indications of parent-adolescent interaction at home

(Lippold et al., 2016, p. 3585; Manczak et al., 2019, p.841; Mulvaney & Mebert, 2010, p. 402).

Research from a group of Harvard Medical School students, Obsuth et al., depicts that children

with disorganized attachment interactions with their parents are more likely to be perceived as

“disruptive and [having] internalizing symptoms” (2014, p. 371). The term “disorganized” refers

to “the lack of a consistent way of organizing attachment responses to the parent when under

stress” (Obsuth et al., 2014, p. 371). Likewise, if a parent had greater relationship variability or a

less consistent way of interacting with their child, they and their children experienced greater

emotional dysregulation variability (Manczak et al., 2019, p. 844), as well as physical symptoms

(Lippold et al., 2016, p. 3585). If an adolescent exhibits inconsistent physical symptoms, it may
indicate that the parent-adolescent relationship has very inconsistent interactions (positive or

negative).

The methods used by these authors are controversial; this is expressed by the Michigan

Association for Infant Mental Health, which explicitly states, “Focusing on behaviors during

dyadic interactions fails to capture the essence of many important relationship qualities.”

(Stoiber & Houghton, 1993, p. 63). This is accurate because “parent-child interactions… [are]

associated with youth adjustment,” or vary based on changes in their relationship, of any type, as

stated by the Journal of Child Family Studies (Lippold et al., 2016, p. 3584). Data regarding the

variability in parent-adolescent interactions suggests that greater relationship variability, or how

often the quality of parent-child interactions fluctuates, is associated with greater emotional

dysregulation—the inability of one to modulate their emotions adaptively (Manczak et al, 2019,

pp. 840, 844). This insinuates that there is not only a degree of fluctuation between the emotions

and moods of adolescents, but that can be reflected in the quality of each parent-adolescent

interaction.

One repetitive concept in the research is behavioral continuity—the idea that certain

behaviors found in pre-adolescence, or childhood, can be continuous during adolescence, at least

in terms of parent-child relations. This is advocated by many researchers, such as Fuhrman and

Holmbeck, who explain how emotional detachment behaviors from parents for many adolescents

are viewed similarly in an infant or child during adoption as an avoidant attachment strategy

(1995). Furthermore, Obsuth et al. illustrate that “forms of disorganized behavior first described

in early childhood can… be reliably assessed in adolescence and are associated with maladaptive

outcomes across multiple domains” (2014, p. 370). Moreover, parent-infant relations for

adolescent pregnancies allude to the same idea; there are “no relations between children’s age…
and ratings of the children’s coping in… [several] behavior domains'' (Stoiber & Houghton,

1993, p. 71). There is no significant change or difference in individuals’ coping behaviors as they

mature, therefore age does not affect behavioral responses to situations relating to select

relationships. Overall, various studies show behavioral continuity as an aspect of coping, in

terms of emotional attachment tendencies, disorganized behaviors, and coping behaviors,

respectively. Therefore, behavioral continuity allows for the use of research on stages before

adolescence as indications for interpreting data for adolescent behaviors.

Islamically Influenced South Asian Culture

South Asian culture is quite disparate from Western Culture (Somerville, K. 2019;

Shariff, A., 2009; Deepak, A.C., 2005; Zaidi, A.U., Couture-Carron, A., & Maticka-Tyndale, E.,

2016). One of the most relevant differences between South Asian and Western cultures—in this

research—is the expression of collectivist ideas versus individualist ideas (Somerville, K. 2019;

Shariff, A., 2009, n.p.; Deepak, A.C., 2005). This is interpreted as the reason why most South

Asian parents have strict constraints they want their children to follow (Sharrif, A., 2009, p. 41;

Zaidi, A.U., Couture-Carron, A., & Maticka-Tyndale, E., 2016, n.p.). Most South Asian parents

set these expectations, or constraints, as a way to guarantee their children’s successful future and,

more importantly, that of the family’s reputation (Abbas, T., 2007, p.81-82; Somerville, K., 2019,

p. 103).

In terms of gender roles, females are expected to be more modest and more aware of how

they act in society, whilst males’ social activities are not as heavily regulated because they do not

seem to affect the family’s reputation as much (Somerville, K., 2019, pp. 100-102; Beharry, P. &

Crozier, S., 2008). Although this may be based on a more collective society that most South
Asian parents are used to, this belief remains for many parents who emigrated from South Asian

nations to Western countries and causes a vast assortment of differences between the treatment of

male and female adolescents by parents (R. Mathews, 2000, n.p.). Males are typically given less

surveillance, less traditional expectations by family members, and less conflict in sociocultural

decisions. Females are given more surveillance, more traditional expectations, more conflict in

sociocultural decisions (i.e. dating, marriage, financial independence, etc.), and more insistence

on marriage, especially someone the family collectively finds favorable is involved (k.

Somerville, 2019, pp.101-103; A.C. Deepak, 2005, pp.600-603). In Islam, regardless of South

Asian culture, there are usually tight regulations on dating, familial collaboration, clothing, and

other aspects of life, which is why for South Asian Muslim families, there is often a greater

emphasis on these ideas with culture (O. Bakar, 2011, pp.13-15).

Intergenerational Immigrant Relationships

Intergenerational conflict is a common phenomenon found in relationships where one

person has emigrated from a host country into a completely new region and one is accustomed to

a different society, especially those involving parents and children (Abouguendia, M. & Noels,

K.A., 2001, pp.169-170; Shariff, A., 2009, pp.35). In the context of this study, for someone

transitioning from South Asian culture—which has stricter roles for people based on gender,

familial status, age, and religious beliefs—to that of the West—which consists of greater

leniency in those aforementioned areas (Zaidi, A.U., Couture-Carron, A., & Maticka-Tyndale,

E., 2016, pp 234-136). It may be difficult for them to adapt because of how much of their new

culture they will accept and how much of their original culture they will leave (A. Abouguendia

& K.A. Noels, 2001, 163-166; Eckstein, K., & Crocketti, E., 2021).
 As defined by A. Shariff, in Berry’s Model, there are four outcomes in terms of how

much of their heritage values one wants to retain and how many new values one wishes to adopt

from the host country; these are assimilation (complete adoption of the host country’s values and

customs), separation (full identification with the heritage culture and detachment from the host

country’s culture), integration (selective incorporation of each culture into one’s own identity),

and marginalization (rejection of both the host country’s culture and that of one’s heritage)

(2009). By these definitions, most often, South Asian immigrant families, where parents are the

first generation immigrants, are seen to exhibit more separation and marginalization, but the

offspring, or the second-generation immigrants, are more likely to assimilate (A. Abouguendia &

K.A. Noels, 2001, pp.164-165).

As immigrants, South Asian parents are more likely to emphasize education in the host

nation than other parents because “poor school achievement or failure has been found to be a

precursor of dropping out among children of all ethnic groups” (G. Bhattacharya, 200, p.77).

This can be seen as a way for parents to have their children properly represent their culture in a

new, host society (T. Abbas, 2004) and relates to the South Asian principle that the collective

reputation of the family must be preserved (Shariff, A., 2009, n.p.).

Overall, immigrant parents seem most likely to put extreme pressure on their children in

host nations, and with the pre-existing tensions between parents and adolescents in terms of

acculturation, it can be argued that South Asian immigrant families have established distinct

roles for parents and offspring (T. Abbas, 2004; A. Shariff, 2009, A. Abouguendia & K.A. Noels,

2001). Parents have taken on the role of strict enforcers of expectations, while children have

established the role of those that have to strive to meet said expectations (T. Abbas, 2004; A.

Shariff, 2009; A. Abouguendia & K.A. Noels, 2001).

 Despite a myriad of sources to explain the relevance of intergenerational relationships,

parental stress, parental self-esteem, and South Asian culture, hence far, there is no published

research to explain how Islamically influenced South Asian culture influences parent-adolescent

relationships.

Methods

This research employed a qualitative and quantitative approach best expressed as a mix

of a quasi-experiment and content analysis. Behaviors are observed, and, using a survey, each

individual’s adherence to Islamically influenced South Asian beliefs is recorded and analyzed.

These two factors are then compared and the goal of such comparison is to understand if there is

a trend between parents’ and adolescents’ interpretation of Islamically influenced South Asian

values and the overall quality of their relationship.

Participants

Participants for this study were acquired from local mosques in Long Island, New York:

Masjid Al Baqi, Selden Mosque, and Masjid Bilal. Consent forms with the basis and outline of

the experiment were handed out to each person at the mosque in the adolescent classes. These

forms have the researcher’s name and contact information, so once they filled out the form or

had any questions, they emailed the researcher. All participants are of Pakistani or Bengali

heritage, so they identify themselves to be part of a Muslim South Asian nation. The target

population for this research is South Asian adolescents between the ages of 13 and 18 and their

parents in Long Island, New York.

The design of this experiment was based on the research of Kavanagh et al., Manczak et

al., S.A. Small, and Li et al. (1988; 2018; 1988; 2019). Manczak et al., S.A. Small, and Li et al.
each used a questionnaire in their research as a form of self-analysis of each participant and,

despite not always being fully accurate, these surveys did provide trends to show the mental

status and well-being of each person (2018; 1988; 2019). With the same trend, a clear basis for

comparing the self-analysis of adherence to ideologies for each person may be provided.

Evidently, in the procedure, a survey will be given to each adolescent and parent to self-report

how well they follow certain principles of Islamically Influenced South Asian culture.

Procedure

The experimental portion of this study consists of two parts: an interactive activity and a

survey. The activity consists of the parent-child pair attempting to complete a two-hundred-piece

puzzle within ten minutes; the goal is to finish this puzzle within the time frame. This is a very

stressful and difficult task to do and is meant to put significant pressure on the participants. This

is recorded, as the researcher is not in the same area during the process. The timer for ten

minutes is set at the start of the recording and when it ends, so does the video. The pair are

assessed on the amount of cooperation, communication, engagement, and overall quality of the

interactions. The activity portion classifies healthy and unhealthy habits in these parent-child

interactions (interaction score). The observations and categorizations of different types of

interactions are identified in the content analysis.

The survey identifies the amount of adherence to Islamically-influenced South Asian

cultural values (survey score). On a Likert scale from one to ten, the amount of agreeability to

various opinions in South Asian culture is recorded (zero is the least agreeability and ten is the

most). There are ten different statements of common ideologies of Bangladesh and Pakistan. This

survey is administered to each person after the parent and child finish the ten minutes of the
activity and are asked to move apart from one another. The group mustn’t know each other’s

responses, since this may serve as potential bias in each survey. The higher the survey score, the

greater adherence to traditional Islamically-influenced South Asian principles.

The statements on the survey include:

“I identify as Muslim and practice Islam.”

“Dating before marriage is shameful for an individual and their family.”

“Economic responsibility for maintaining the family falls on the shoulders of the man in a

household.”

“Females should always behave in modest and respectful ways because they are

responsible for their family’s honor.”

“Women who have children out of wedlock are shameful and deserve public ridicule.”

“The older someone is, the more power they hold within the family.”

“It is better to live in a household with extended family, than in one with only nuclear

family (only parents and siblings).”

“Parents should be involved in making decisions for their children, especially in areas

involving marriage, career, and education.”

“Love is a feeling which comes after marital engagement and grows over time.”
 These statements are common cultural values many people in Bangladesh and Pakistan

share, according to sources, such as Somerville (2019), Shariff (2009), Deepak, (2005), and Zaidi

et al. (2016); in the more collective South Asian society, gendered roles, dating before marriage,

importance of family, family roles, and other traditional ideologies are heavily regulated.

Although names are kept anonymous, ages and whether each individual is a parent or

adolescent are recorded. The full procedure extends to fifteen minutes maximum. To get the

survey score for each person, the sum of all the numbers they chose on the survey based on

agreeability is recorded. The closer one’s score is to 90, the greater their adherence to Islamically

influenced South Asian culture. Likewise, the farther from 90, the less they adhere to these

values.

Finally, each person’s survey score is compared to that of their respective parent or

adolescent. The difference in overall scores is taken and compared to the interaction score from

the activity piece of the study.

The following criteria determine the interaction score:

1 2 3

Verbal Occurred once or Occurred rarely, but more Occurred consistently

Communication not at all than once

Mostly speaking in

Communication Phrases were longer (more sentences

was brief (only 3 than 3 words)

words or less per

 phrase) (i.e.

muttering)

Physical Occurred once or Occurred rarely, but more Occurred consistently

Communication not at all than once

(i.e. tapping,

motioning,

pointing)

Expressiveness Neither showed Only one side showed some Both sides showed

any form of form of expression expressions consistently

expression

Focus Neither person Both were doing the activity Both were actively doing

was focusing on but got distracted more than the activity without much

the activity three times distraction

Language Neither person There was a lack of Both speaking mostly in

spoke to the other reciprocity in terms of one language (change in

at all language. If one spoke in language spoken occurs

native language, other did infrequently)

not respond in the same

language.

Cooperation Little to no Some cooperation Both sides work together

cooperation consistently.
 Each person works

Neither side individually for a long

worked with the period but collaborates at

other times.

Dominance One person Only a few times, one Neither side actively

actively redirects person redirects or criticizes dominates over the

the other others’ actions. actions of the other

The healthier the score is, according to this rubric, the closer the value is to 21. The

difference between the survey scores of individuals will be compared to the group’s score from

the activity (interaction score).

The interaction score categories are verbal communication, physical communication,

expressiveness, focus, language, cooperation, and dominance. Verbal communication refers to

how many times each person speaks to each other. Physical communication refers to body

language and certain motions meant to convey a message (i.e. pointing or tapping).

Expressiveness refers to how many times each person uses facial expressions and expressive

gestures, such as hand or head movements while doing the activity. Focus refers to how often

each person gets distracted from the task at hand and each other. Language refers to which

language they speak and how much they speak each time. Cooperation refers to how often they

share ideas. Dominance refers to how often one person invades the other’s autonomy and dictates

their actions.

Children with disorganized attachment interactions with their parents are more likely to

be perceived as “disruptive and [having] internalizing symptoms” (Obsuth et al., 2014, p.371).
Evidently, disorganized attachment interactions are a form of a lack of focus when adolescents

are with their parent(s), resulting from a decrease in expression from one or more sides. This

type of interaction indicates an increase in variability in how the parent and adolescent interact

(Obsuth et al., 2014, p.371). With an increase in relationship variability, parents and their

children experience greater emotional dysregulation variability, which leads to decreased

expressiveness and focus (Manczak et al., 2019, p.844). The information elucidates that a

decrease in focus and expressiveness during interactions is translated into a less healthy

relationship dynamic, which is illustrated in the format of the procedure rubric. It is also

concluded by Kavanaugh et al. (1988) and Li et al. (2022) that, for parent-child relations, a lack

of verbal and physical communication indicates an unhealthy, or even abusive, relationship

dynamic. Since the cooperation criteria include verbal and physical communication, it is also

supported by these same findings. Kavanagh et al. (1988) and Stephan A. Small (1988) elaborate

further on abusiveness, their research demonstrating that, in an unhealthy dynamic, one person,

frequently the parent, may actively redirect or attempt to control the actions of the other; in this

study, this elucidates that an increase in dominance translates to a decrease in the healthiness of

the relationship.

Results

The null hypothesis of this study is that there is no difference between the parents’ and

adolescents’ survey scores. The alternative hypothesis is that the difference between the mean of

the parents’ survey score and adolescents’ survey score is greater than 0.

A 2-sample T-test for the difference between the means of the adolescents’ and parents’

survey scores was conducted with a significance level of 5%. The sample was randomly selected,
is normally distributed, and represents approximately 10% of the population since it is assumed

that there are at least 200 South Asian parents and adolescents in Hicksville.

t = 2.9449 p = 0.0043

Since the p-value of .00433 is less than .05 (5%), the null hypothesis is rejected. There is

significant evidence that there is a mean difference in survey scores for parents and adolescents.

Another T-test was conducted for the sum of the parents’ and adolescents’ survey scores

with a significance level of 5%. The null hypothesis was that the sum of these scores was 90. The

alternative hypothesis was that the sample mean is greater than the null hypothesis. The

population mean was 90 and the maximum total value was 180.

t = 2.6218 p = 0.0139

Since the p-value is less than .05 (5%), the null hypothesis is rejected. There is

convincing evidence that the sample mean is greater than the expected population mean.

Finally, to see if there was any relationship between the interaction and survey scores, the

Pearson correlation coefficient was taken between the two data sets of the sum of the survey

scores for each group, which represents the total adherence to Islamically influenced South Asian

culture, and the interaction score. The r value was -.0502, which indicates a very weak, negative

correlation.

Discussion and Results Analysis

The original hypothesis for the survey was that parents would score high, close to ninety,

while adolescents would score half as much, around forty-five. This was because, assuming

offspring are second-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants are more likely to

assimilate into the host culture than their parents and first-generation counterparts (A.

Abouguendia & K.A. Noels, 2001, pp.164-165). The results section of the analysis supports

these findings. The hypothesis for the entire study was that, as adherence to Islamically

influenced South Asian culture overall (sum of survey scores) increases, the better parent-child

interactions are.

Of the 10 participant groups in the study, during the survey portion of the experiment, as

expected, the parents scored higher than their respective adolescents for adherence to Islamically

influenced South Asian Culture. The difference between the parents' and children’s scores was

approximately 18.3. Of the 10 adolescent participants, none were able to score higher than their

parents. 9 of the 10 adolescents received a score lower than their parents, but 1 adolescent scored

the same as their parent. The adolescent sample received a mean score of 45.6, while parents had

a mean score of approximately 63.9. The general trend indicates that adolescents are less likely

to adhere to traditional Islamically Influenced South Asian culture than their parent(s) (as seen

by the chart).
 When evaluated in reference to the rubric, all groups scored above 10 (out of 21), 4 of the

10 groups scored lower than 15 (out of 21), and 6 of the remaining 10 groups scored above 15

(out of 21), which is very high. This data advocates that the parent-adolescent relationships of

ethnically Islamic South Asian heritage are generally scattered, but based on this data, it is more

often healthy.

For the quality of interactions, it was evident that in some cases, while the parents did not

act aggressively towards their children, there was a great lack of autonomy during the

interactions for the adolescents because of parental intervention. Despite the length of the puzzle,

many groups did not start exhibiting stress till the last three or four minutes of the experiment.

This caused an increase in stress on the parent and dominance of the parent over the adolescent

increased, which concurs with the study by De Maat et al. (2021) that as stress increases, the

autonomy parents give to their children gradually decreases.

 Moreover, as illustrated in the chart, language,, and expressiveness are generally the

lowest during interactions. This was expected in the data because most parent-child relationships

involve an immigrant parent and second-generation offspring. As elucidated by Abouguendia

and Noels (2001), there is often a loss of native language and culture as one assimilates into a

host culture, most often in second generation, and preceding, immigrants.

Limitations

The methods used in this study are designed to identify healthy and unhealthy aspects of

parent-child relationship dynamics and how well they work together because, throughout

childhood and adolescence, parent-child interactions serve as an initial affective form of

scaffolding (support for children's development and learning) (Manczak et al., 2019, p. 840).
Therefore, even by observing interactions, it is possible to determine a general understanding of

how the pair would normally interact, but this is controversial among the scientific community.

Another confounding factor is that participants knew they were recorded. They probably

projected a positive version of themselves to the researcher as a result.

Relative to the previous variable, it was noticed that, despite telling participants before

the survey that they may ask me questions if necessary, parents still preferred to ask their

offspring. This may have interfered with results because, although usually the way they

explained things was correct, the language was not neutral. One strength, which may have

limited bias, is that participants in each group took the survey on opposite sides of the room so

they were unable to see each other’s answers.

According to research by Mulvaney and Mebert (2010, p.403), an increase in opposing

views worsens parent-child relationships. Therefore, it is likely that the results may result from

the agreeability of the two individuals, rather than the impact of Islamically Influenced South

Asian culture.

Future Research

Covariables in the research included the participants’ (adolescents and parents) ages,

ability to speak native languages, gender, immigrant generation, socioeconomic status, physical

health, self-esteem, and corporal punishment. Previous research effectively addresses these

factors, but not in the context of Islamically influenced South Asian culture and South Asian

immigrants in Long Island, New York. Additionally, longitudinal observational studies with

more participants will prove to be beneficial in verifying the findings and methods of this study.
 If this method of experimentation were to be repeated, the survey should ask for each

immigrant generation because it was irrevocable that some participants communicated in English

better than others and scored significantly higher, which immensely diversified results.

Moreover, different areas in Long Island have different socioeconomic trends, so it is beneficial

to ask for this to understand if this may affect adherence to Islamically influenced South Asian

culture and parent-child interactions.

Conclusion

No relationship between Islamically influenced South Asian culture and

parent-adolescent interactions was found. This contradicts the original hypothesis and that of

Kuczinski, allowing for a new interpretation of culture’s impact on parent-child relationships in

the scientific community; culture may not be as important of a variable for parent-child

interactions.
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