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The Role of Eco-Anarchy in The Standing Rock Protests
The Role of Eco-Anarchy in The Standing Rock Protests
English/American Studies
PS/MS Politics and Culture: US Environmental Movements
Sarah Marak, M.A.
Research Paper
vorgelegt von:
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1. Standing Rock and the Role of Eco-Anarchist Movements
2 What is Eco-anarchism?
Eco-anarchism is a form of political ecology based on the tenets of direct action and
“social and ecological regeneration” (Clark, 2020: 09). The word itself is derived from
Oikos, meaning “home”, anarche, meaning “without”, and arche, meaning “domina-
tion” (Ibid). Therfore, an eco-anarchist is one who wants our earthly home to exist
without domination. Eco-Anarchy, as a movement, seeks to create a “post-statist, post-
capitalist, post-patriarchal ecological society”, with the “goal of freedom for both hu-
manity and other-than-human nature as synonymous with the realization of the com-
mon good” (Clark, 2020: 13). It is thus seen as both an offshoot of radical environ-
mentalism and a form of communitarianism (Clark, 2020:9).
Bron Taylor traces the varied ideological “tributaries” which influenced radical envi-
ronmentalism. They include the pantheistic and animistic spirituality of John Miur
(1838- 1914), founder of the Sierra Club, and author Edward Abbey (1928- 1989),
himself influenced by Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin,who idealized the desert
landscapes as “best suited to fostering (…) a biocentric vision” (Taylor, 2008:32).
Such authors see nature as deeply sacred, and seek to eradicate anthropocentrism or
nationalism. Gary Snyder, in Turtle Island, took inspiration from anti-industrial ideas
of the Wobblies, Buddhism and the lifestyle of the Native Americans. Eco-Anarchism
1
2. What is Eco-anarchism?
was also highly influenced by the writings of philosopher and revolutionary Jacques
Élisée Reclus, whose anarcho-communist works embraced bio-regionalism and natu-
ralism (Clark, 2020: 9). Other possible influences could be found in the works of Hen-
ry David Thoreau, whose transcendental belief system has been associated with deep
ecology, and the Sarvodaya Movement in India, which was based on pursuing the
common good and protecting the environment, and followed an ideal that Gandhi de-
scribed as “an ordered anarchy”(Clark, 2020: 12).
Anarchism, with its emphasis on direct action, civil disobedience, and anti-
authoritarianism, also played a role within the New Left movements of the 1960’s,
including the anti-nuclear, civil rights and feminist movements. A resurgence of
interest in anarchism also came about in the 1990’s after the fall of the Soviet Union
(Williams, 2018: 3).
Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess coined the term Deep Ecology in 1972, an
approach pioneered by authors such as Edward Abbey and Gary Snyder, which is “an
2
3. The Influence of Deep Ecology and Ecocentrism on Eco-Anarchy
ecocentric ideology that includes compassion for all nonhuman species” (Taylor,
2008: 28). This became one of the founding elements of the eco-anarchistic approach.
Another key ideological element of eco-anarchism is Ecocentrism, a term coined by
Aldo Leopold and analyzed in The Ecocentrists: A History of Radical
Environmentalism by Keith Makoto Woodhouse. Woodhouse explains how radical
environmentalists broke from traditional liberalism: “Radical environmentalists
questioned beliefs that most late twentieth-century Americans considered beyond
question—the necessity of economic growth, the soundness of human reason, and the
inviolability of individual freedom—and ignored debates about inequity and social
justice that marked the same period” (Woodhouse, 2018: 2).
Woodhouse traces how the ecology movement evolved from so-called “crisis
environmentalism” to ecocentric movements such as Earth First!, founded by Dave
Foreman in 1980. The new ecocentric movement distrusted both the state and the
mainstream environmental movement. Instead of pushing for new legislation or suing
corporations, the new movement used direct action such as sabotage, sit-ins or
blockades. Instead of relying on public donations or a hierarchical structure, they used
a loose-knit, decentralized core based on affinity.
Groups such as Earth First! have been controversial for several reasons. Despite the
professed nonviolence of many in the movement, there are so-called “lone wolf
assassins” who use violence as a means to gain attention, “the most well-known
example being Ted Kaczynski (…) the Unabomber, who killed three people and
injured 23 others with a series of ‘letter bombs’ before his arrest and conviction in
1996. While the motives for Kaczynski’s actions were complex and remain debated, it
is clear that aspects of ‘his ideology intersected with typical elements of the
worldviews of radical environmentalists and green anarchists” (Fletcher, 2018: 151).
EF has disavowed any connection to the actions and ideology of Kaczynski, openly
stating that they practice non-violent civil disobedience (see Fletcher, 2018: 151).
However, the media label of “eco-terrorist” remains. Critics of Earth First! and Deep
Ecology have also pointed out their lack of interest in class or race, or “the inequality
that global capitalism wrought” (Woodhouse, 2018:199).
3
3. The Influence of Deep Ecology and Ecocentrism on Eco-Anarchy
In their 2011 book The Deep Green Resistance, authors Lierre Keith, Derrick Jensen
and Aric McBay argue that modern industrial civilization must be dismantled for the
sake of the planet. This is stated in contrast to “bright green environmentalism, which
focuses on technological, political or personal solutions”. DGR sees this approach as
inadequate, calling for a return to a pre-agricultural lifestyle. In his book, “How to
Blow Up a Pipeline”, Andreas Malm describes the DGR tactic called “Decisive
Ecological Warfare”:
“Deep Green Resistance casts its net as wide as the enemy is hazy: the attacks shall
target bridges, tunnels, mouqtain passes,dams, factories, the electrical grid, the
internet - Jensen has also proposed ‘immediately taking down every cell phone tower
in the world’ — banks and the Bombay Stock Exchange, in addition to the power
plants and the pipelines” (Malm, 2021: 156).
Founding member of Deep Green Resistance, Derek Jensen, has carried out a
correspondence with “Unabomber” Ted Kaczynski for years (Richardson, 2018: 9),
and their group and website openly call for a primitivist approach.
Anarchist Zines1 online, following the old tradition of DIY hand-printed zines with
handmade art and comics, play an important role in eco-anarchy. Often based in the
Pacific Northwest, these zines serve as a mouthpiece for the movement. Dozens of
“anarchist zine distro” websites with names like “Sprout Distro”, “1312 Press” and
“Warzone Distro” or the “Anarchist Library”distribute digital versions of zines,
providing would-be anarchists with to-do instructions on organizing demonstrations
and blockades, and articles such as “The Eco-Anarchist Manifesto”. Ted Kaczynski,
long considered a hero among the far-left fringe of the movement is listed with other
“Prisoners of War” in the Zine “Green Anarchy”, which prints his prison address.
1
“Zine” comes from the word “magazine”, usually referring to a fanzine. Originating in the alterna-
tive music scene, they soon grew to encompass alternative politics and culture.
4
4. Earth Liberation Front and their Tactics
The 1980’s and 1990’s saw the rise of radical eco-activists such as Earth First!,
founded by Dave Foreman in the 1980’s, and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). Robert
Fletcher notes that the ELF “ ‘was founded by the more radical members of Earth
First! who believed criminal acts would better advance their environmentalist agenda
than would legal protest’. In this way, ‘Earth First! recruits those who believe in
peaceful, non-violent protest. The ELF, in contrast, draws those who favour direct
action and revolutionary violence’ ”(Fletcher 2018: 150).
The attacks on buildings or other targets has caused negative media scrutiny. Paul
Joose notes the paradox of framing that the media employs: stories about activists
focus on protesters’ appearances, or perceived violence, resulting in “trivialization, but
paradoxically at the same time (…) tendency to treat them seriously as terrorists”
(Joose, 2012:82)
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5. Standing Rock Protests
In 2016, Indigenous activists2 based at the Standing Rock Indian Reservation in North
Dakota began a protest against the proposed $3.7 billion 1,200 Dakota Access pipeline
(DAPL) that would transport fracking oil under two rivers, under Lako Oahe and
across Indigenous sacred burial grounds, stretching across four states from North
Dakota to Illinois (Montare, 2018: 31-32). Calling themselves “water protectors”
rather than protesters, activists argued that the pipeline could contaminate the Missouri
river and was in violation of federal law, violating lands previously ceded to Native
tribes3.
The protests used marches, letter-writing campaigns and direct action such as
blockades and sabotage. By mid-2016, several full-time camps had been set up in the
area, attracting activists and media attention from all over the country. The backlash,
with armed police in riot gear using tear gas, and rubber bullets and making mass
arrests, was predictably brutal. However, although the camps were eventually cleared
and the Trump administration made the expedited completion of DAPL and Keystone
XL through executive order a top priority (Sze, 2020: 26), the movement’s momentum
brought thousands of people together and raised global awareness (Levin, 2016:2).
Unlike most mainstream political movements, the #NODAPL movement, notes Sze,
“was primarily a youth-led and women-led Native Movement” (Sze, 2020: 27), as 14-
year-old Tokata Iron Eyes and her friends started the hashtags #NoDAPL and
#StandwithStandingRock and an online petition on Change.org. Young people also
organized a 500-mile run (Lopez, 2019: 124). “Using school-based presentations, legal
challenges, eco hip-hop, and public talks, Indigenous youth highlight their voices
emerging from the rural and urban front lines” (Sze, 2020:39).
Interest in the protest also skyrocketed due to the use of social media like Facebook
Live. With the increase in attention, a group calling itself the International Indigenous
2
The Oceti Sakowin (Sioux) include the Lakota-, Dakota-, and Nakota- speaking people. See Estes,
Fighting for Our Lives: #NoDAPL in Historical Context, Wicazo Sa Review, Vol 2, No. 2, 2017, Footnote
1
3
The pipeline was planned on unceded territory affirmed in the 1851 Treaty of Ft. Laramie as sovereign land
under the control of the Oceti Sakowin
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5. Standing Rock Protests
Youth Council (IIYC) was formed, setting up space at Sacred Stone Camp on the land
of Ladonna Bravebull Allard (Levin, 2016: 2). Another group was formed, called the
Indigenous Environmental Network, who describe themselves as an “alliance of
Indigenous Peoples whose Shared Mission is to Protect the Sacredness of Earth
Mother from contamination and exploitation” (sic).
The Standing Rock Protests enabled a coalition of anarchists, political activist groups
and Indigenous groups to coordinate their efforts in an unprecedented way; the direct
actions at Standing Rock “included people from almost 300 Native nations, the largest
such gathering in history”. Kauanui notes that “in the case of Standing Rock (non-
Indigenous ) people deferred explicitly to the Great Sioux Nation whose land
participants were on. (Kauanui, 2021: 24).
5.2 Tactics
In examining the tactics used at Standing Rock,the efficacy of the bottom-up, non-
hierarchical structure can be seen. First of all, law enforcement were unable to simply
arrest “leaders”, as “leaderless resistance also remains thoroughly in keeping with the
anti-authoritarian ethos to which many in the contemporary radical environmental
movement adhere“ (Joosse, 2012:79) According to the Earth First! Journal online:
“Were Earth First!ers at Standing Rock? I wasn’t there, but I would find it very
surprising if they weren’t. There might not have been folks waving “Earth First!”
banners in any of the footage, but that's the point—if Earth First!ers went to Standing
Rock it would have been to support the Indigenous folks who were trying to protect
their land, water, and families, not to take credit or run the show” (Earth First!
Journal).
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5. Standing Rock Protests
Direct actions were taken including “setting up a new encampment directly on the
pipeline route, and simultaneously erecting 3 major blockades on surrounding
highways to prevent police and workers from accessing the site” and “blocking an
access road with an immobilized RV. (…) Others have occupied banks, blocked
intersections, and redecorated oil company offices. Some have decided to take it a step
further. On October 11t h a group of activists shut down all 5 pipelines carrying tar
sands oil into the US from Canada in solidarity with the Standing Rock resistance”
(Xhopakelxhit, 2016: 9-10).
The Standing Rock protest was extraordinary for its use of social media as a tool for
protest and activism, including using tactics such as checking-in on Facebook to show
solidarity and disrupt policing.4
In the end, the protests proved to be expensive for Energy Transfer Partners, the
company behind DAPL. So much, that they decided to sue Greenpeace, BankTrack
and Earth First!, arguing that these groups were purposefully misleading the public
about the dangers of pipelines, and that Earth First! incited terrorism. However, Earth
First! itself is a “movement”, not a hierarchical organization. ETP “didn’t know who
to serve with the lawsuit”, stated Earth First! Journal blogger, “Rabbit”: “In the end,
they sent it to the office of the Earth First! Journal”.
5.3 Anarcho-indigenism
Significantly, the Standing Rock protests enabled the further development of a new
form of Eco-Anarchy, anarcho-indigenism, a concept first developed in 2005 by
Taiaiake Alfred (Kahnawake Mohawk) “who (…) points to the models of self-
governance afforded to Indigenous peoples in both U.S. and Canadian policy, urging
instead on the need for the decolonization of Indigenous thinking about governance”
(Kauanui, 2021: 18). This new form of eco-anarchism challenges “settler colonial
anarchism” and opposes the racist, sexist, and classist notions of wilderness protection
commonly employed by conservation groups; instead, it focuses on creating solidarity
4
Authorities were using Facebook check-in to see which activists were at the camp. Thousands then
“checked in” virtually in a show of solidarity, rendering the police surveillance tactic toothless. See
https://moveme.berkeley.edu/project/nodapl/ for a description of this tactic.
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5. Standing Rock Protests
that transcends the “often fraught (…) nature of solidarity politics across social
differences between (non-Indigenous) anarchists and Indigenous activists” (Kauanui,
2021: 20).
Kauanui notes that these practices are firmly rooted in Native traditions:
The tactics described are a blend of boycotts, grassroots and social media organizing
and sabotage. Noah describes how the divestment campaign alone cost Wells Fargo
“well over $3 billion”. Significantly, volunteer journalist collective Unicorn Riot was
significantly involved in documenting the movement. Their footage ended up being
picked up by mainstream media outlets and shared on social media. When the
journalists were arrested, citizen journalists used smart phones in real-time.
“ND Zine” was produced by Sacred Stone Camp. Using simple photos and graphics, it
tells the story of the fight for the land and water, quoting LaDonna Bravebull Allard:
“The place where pipeline will cross on the Cannonball is the place
where the Mandan came into the world after the great flood, it is also a
place where the Mandan had their Okipa, or Sundance. Later this is
where Wisespirit and Tatanka Ohitika held sundances. There are
numerous old Mandan, Cheyenne, and Arikara villages located in this
9
5. Standing Rock Protests
area and burial sites. This is also where the sacred medicine rock [is
located], which tells the future.”
Since the completion of DAPL, other online zines are taking up the cause of water
protection. “Water is Life”, by Nipinet, uses Indigenous-inspired art, maps and
diagrams to inform about oil pipelines crossing Native reservations in Minnesota and
Wisconsin, and demanding an end to pipeline construction in Indigenous land.
Despite this, Julie Sze sees Standing Rock as a turning point for transformative politics
for non-Native allies”, for those who “reject the economics, politics, and ideologies of
DAPL”(Sze, 2020:42-43). By creating a temporary home for Indigenous and non-
Indigenous activists, the Standing Rock camps created a non-hierarchical communal
community embodying the principles of anarcho-indigenism.
By creating an impetus for Indigenous unity, the Standing Rock struggle raised global
consciousness on issues of environmental justice and settler colonialism and
environmental racism. This was accomplished by framing the struggle according to
ancient myths and legends of the Sioux and Lakota people: “An old Lakota prophecy
tells of the coming of Zuzeca Sape; a “black, slippery terror” that will desecrate the
land and poison the water, and when it makes its way underground the Black Snake
will destroy the world“ (Lopez, 2019: 116).By framing the struggle to protect their
land as a part of their spiritual destiny, Indigenous water protectors connected it to the
historical legacy of struggle against settler colonialism. As stated by Indigenous
Rising:
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6. Lessons Learned from Standing Rock
“Water protectors took back unceded territory affirmed in the 1851 Treaty
of Ft. Laramie as sovereign land ... erecting a frontline camp of several
structures and tipis.... This new established camp is directly on the proposed
path of the Dakota Access Pipeline” (Lopez, 2018:142).
7 Conclusion
Despite the failure to halt the pipeline after the Trump election, the goal of the Oceti
Sakowin people is to reclaim lost lands and their way of life. The protests have
resulted in a newfound rise in international interest in environment justice for
Indigenous people, as well as a new interest in Indigenous anarchism.
Alternative media such as zines, citizen journalism, and social media campaigns
played a significant role in raising awareness of the concerns of Indigenous water
protectors, and helped bridge the gap between Indigenous environmental justice
movements and Eco-anarchist groups such as Earth First!. Anarchist tactics and
structures were effectively employed to disrupt and sabotage ETP, costing the
company millions of dollars.
Drawing on lessons from the previous Keystone XL pipeline struggle, the Standing
Rock protests showcased how “the power of multinational unity between Natives and
non-Natives was one of the movement’s successes” and “the transformative power and
potential of anticolonial resistance to successfully mobilize poor people against the
rich and powerful—and win!”(Estes, 2017: 119).
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8 Appendix
I
II
9 Bibliography
Works Cited
III
Woodhouse, Keith M. The Ecocentrists: A History of Radical
Environmentalism. Columbia UP, 2018.
Xhopakelxhit. Dispatches from Standing Rock: Against the Dakota
Access Pipeline and Its World. Ill Will, 2016.
IV
Erklärung
Hiermit erkläre ich, dass ich die vorliegende Arbeit selbstständig und ohne Benutzung
anderer als der angegebenen Hilfsmittel angefertigt habe. Alle Stellen, die wörtlich
oder sinngemäß aus veröffentlichten und nicht veröffentlichten Schriften entnommen
wurden, sind als solche kenntlich gemacht. Die Arbeit ist in gleicher oder ähnlicher
Form oder auszugsweise im Rahmen einer anderen Prüfung noch nicht vorgelegt wor-
den.
Tabitha Elkins