24.0 PP 1565 1620 Inflectional Morphology and Related Matters

18
Inflectional morphology
and related matters
Frank Palmer
Rodney Huddleston
Geoffrey K. Pullum
1 Preliminaries 1567
1.1 Lexical base, morphological operations, and alternation 1568
1.2 Overview of inflectional categories 1569
1.3 Speech and writing 1570
2 General phonological and spelling alternations 1572
2.1 Phonological alternations 1573
2.1.1 The sibilant suffixes: /iz/ ∼ /s/ ∼ /z/ 1573
2.1.2 The alveolar plosive suffix of the preterite and past participle: /id/ ∼ /t/ ∼ /d/ 1573
2.1.3 Bases ending in syllabic /l/ (/hmbl/ ∼ /hmbliŋ/) 1574
2.1.4 Bases ending in post-vocalic /r/: alternation in non-rhotic accents (/reər / ∼ /reərə/) 1574
2.2 Spelling alternations 1575
2.2.1 Consonant doubling (bat ∼ batt·ing) 1575
2.2.2 E-deletion (like ∼ lik·ing, subdue ∼ subdu·ing) 1576
2.2.3 Y-replacement (silly ∼ silli·er, try ∼ trie·s) 1578
2.2.4 Alternation between ·s and ·es in the plural and 3rd sg present tense 1579
3 Grade 1580
3.1 Inflectional comparative and superlative forms 1581
3.2 Inflectional vs analytic comparatives and superlatives 1582
4 Nouns 1585
4.1 Plural formation 1585
4.1.1 Regular ·s plurals (cats, dogs, horses) 1585
4.1.2 Irregular ·s plurals: modification of the base (wives, mouths, houses) 1587
4.1.3 Base plurals (cod, bison, series, Chinese, craft) 1588
4.1.4 The vowel change plurals (teeth, mice, men) 1589
4.1.5 The ·en plurals (oxen, children, brethren) 1590
4.1.6 Foreign plurals ( formulae, curricula, phenomena, crises) 1590
4.1.7 Compound nouns (grown-ups, commanders-in-chief ) 1594
4.1.8 Proper nouns (Joneses, Marys) 1595
4.2 The genitive 1595
5 Verbs 1596
5.1 Regular forms 1596
5.2 Irregular present tense forms 1599
5.3 Irregular preterite and past participle forms 1600
5.3.1 Class 1 verbs: secondary ·ed formation (burn, keep, hit, lose) 1600
5.3.2 Class 2 verbs: vowel alternations (drink, dig, find, come) 1603
5.3.3 Class 3 verbs: past participles formed with the ·en suffix (see, ride, take) 1604
5.3.4 Class 4 verbs: other formations ( flee, hear, stand, buy, can) 1607
5.3.5 Index to the classification 1608
5.4 Verbs with complex bases (underpin, become) 1609
5.5 Negative forms of auxiliaries 1610
1565
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. National University of Singapore (NUS), on 28 Jan 2022 at 01:59:26, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available
at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316423530.019
1566
6 Phonological reduction and liaison 1612

6.1 Weak forms 1613
6.2 Clitic versions of auxiliary verbs 1614
6.3 Incorporation of the infinitival marker to 1616
6.4 Liaison 1618
1567
1 Preliminaries
This chapter and the next are concerned with morphology, that part of a grammar that
deals with the form of words. As explained in Ch. 1, §4.3, morphology is divided into
two subcomponents: we look first at inflectional morphology and then in Ch. 19 turn to
lexical word-formation.
Inflectional morphology vs lexical word-formation

The distinction between these two subcomponents of morphology may be illustrated
with reference to a set of words such as the following:
[1] i simple simpler simplest
ii simpleton simpletons simpleton’s simpletons’
iii simplify simplifies simplified simplifying
The three words in [i] are forms of the same lexeme, which we represent in bold face as
simple. Simpleton and simplify, however, are not forms of this lexeme: they are forms,
together with the other words in [ii–iii] respectively, of the lexemes simpleton and
simplify.
As is implied by saying that they are forms of the same lexeme, simple, simpler, and
simplest represent the same lexical item, the same vocabulary item. They are forms of
this item that are required or permitted in different syntactic constructions. In the frame
‘This is than that’, for example, only the comparative form simpler is permitted, and
similarly the frame ‘This is the of them all ’ requires the superlative form simplest. And
if we replace the lexeme simple by another adjective, we will still need a comparative
and superlative form in these constructions: This is cheaper than that and This is the
cheapest of them all, and so on.
Simpleton and simplify, by contrast, represent different vocabulary items, different
lexemes. From a syntactic point of view, the fact that simpleton is formed by adding an
affix to simple is irrelevant: its syntactic distribution is no different from that of nouns
that are not derived from an adjective. Simpleton and fool, for example, are syntactically
alike: the grammatical difference between them is purely morphological. Similarly, the
morphological structure of simplify is of no syntactic significance: the grammatical
difference between I’ll simplify the problem and, say, I’ll solve the problem is again purely
morphological.
The various forms of a lexeme are, more specifically, its inflectional forms, and it is
with the morphological description of these that the bulk of this chapter is concerned.
However, we also include in the final section of the chapter a description of various
1568 Chapter 18 Inflectional morphology and related matters
non-inflectional variations in form that involve different pronunciations for certain

grammaticised words – variation such as that between strong and weak forms of certain
auxiliaries, personal pronouns, prepositions, etc. There is, for example, a clear difference
between the pronunciations of at in What are you looking at? (the strong form, /æt/)
and Look at this! (the weak form, /ət/). This is not a difference in inflection, but the
phenomenon has it in common with inflection that it is concerned with a difference in
form that depends in part at least on the grammatical context.
1.1 Lexical base, morphological operations, and alternation

Lexical base
The starting-point for the description of the inflectional forms of a lexeme is the lexical
base. A lexical base may be simple, as with dog, or complex, as with worker, which is
divisible into smaller morphological units, work and ·er.1 The difference between simple
and complex lexical bases is, however, of hardly any relevance to inflectional morphology,
and that is why we can leave the description of complex lexical bases to the next chapter.
Note, for example, that the plurals dogs and workers are formed from the lexical base in
the same way.
In English it is almost always the case that one of the forms of a variable lexeme is
identical with the lexical base. In [1], for example, the first word in each of [i–iii] is
identical to the lexical base. Exceptions are to be found among certain defective lexemes,
i.e. lexemes which do not have the full set of inflectional forms found with other lexemes
of the same syntactic category. For example, the plural noun-form dregs has no singular
counterpart, but it nevertheless has dreg· as its lexical base. Moreover, there are lexemes
where more than one inflectional form is identical with the lexical base. An obvious
example is sheep, where the (plain, or non-genitive) plural form as well as the singular
is identical with the lexical base. Lexical base is thus a distinct concept: it cannot be
subsumed under that of inflectional form.
Morphological operations
The plural forms dogs, workers, and dregs are formed by adding ·s to the lexical bases.
We refer to this as a morphological operation – specifically, the operation here is that of
suffixation. This is in fact the major type of operation involved in English inflectional
morphology. However, it is not the only one. The plural teeth, for example, is formed
by changing the vowel of the base tooth, and the same applies to the preterite form
rang, formed from the base ring. In the case of knives, suffixation is accompanied by
modification of the base (with voicing of the final consonant in speech and corresponding
replacement of f by v in writing). Other, relatively minor, operations will be introduced
as they are needed.
Present-day English has a very simple system of inflection – much simpler than Latin,
for example, or indeed than earlier stages of English such as Old English. There are
few inflectional categories and relatively few types and combinations of operation are
involved in their formation. Most inflectional forms are either identical with the lexical
1
We use the notation ‘·’ when citing suffixes (like ·er) or prefixes (like un·) and, where relevant, for marking
morphological divisions within words (dog·s).
§ 1.2 Overview of inflectional categories 1569
base or formed directly from it, as in the above examples. There are some, however,
where two steps are involved. One obvious example is the genitive plural, with children’s,
say, formed by suffixation from the plural children, not from the base child. A second
example is provided by a small subset of past participles like trodden: this is formed not
from the base tread, but from the preterite form trod, by suffixation of ·en (with doubling
of the final d in the spelling).
Alternations
We speak of alternation when a morphological unit has different realisations depending
on the context in which it appears. For example, the plural ending is realised in writing
as s in cats but as es in boxes: there is alternation between the suffixes ·s and ·es in the
formation of plural nouns. A good deal of this chapter will be devoted to the description
of such alternations.
Regular and irregular forms

An inflectional form is regular if it is formed in accordance with a general rule applying
without reference to particular lexemes. Cats and boxes, for example, are regular plurals
(and the alternation they exhibit between ·s and ·es is likewise said to be regular), and
similarly the verb-form talked is a regular preterite and past participle. Children and
bought, however, are irregular: the dictionary entries for child and buy must contain
specific information about the plural and preterite forms respectively. Thieves too is
irregular, for although the suffixation of ·s follows the general rule, the voicing of the base-
final consonant, together with addition of e in the spelling, is not general throughout
the language; we have thief ∼ thieves but not chief ∼ ∗ chieves, hoof ∼ hooves but not
proof ∼ ∗ prooves, etc. For lexemes like thief and hoof the dictionary must record that
the plural suffix is added to a special alternant of the base. Note, by contrast, that the
preterite and past participle knitted is fully regular, for the modification of the written
base by doubling the final t does follow a general rule.
Syncretism
When two or more inflectional forms of a lexeme are pronounced or spelled alike, we
say that there is syncretism between them, or that they are syncretised. To return to the
example used above, sheep has syncretism between the singular and plural forms.
1.2 Overview of inflectional categories

(a) Nouns
Prototypical nouns inflect for number and case:
[2] singular plural
plain (non-genitive) dog dogs
genitive dog’s dogs’
The non-genitive singular is identical with the base, and the plural is formed from it as
described in §4.1; the genitives are formed from the corresponding non-genitives (§4.2).
The two demonstrative determinatives this and that also inflect (irregularly) for number.
The forms are this ∼ these and that ∼ those; they do not require further discussion
here.
Pronouns
Most of the personal pronouns have nominative and accusative case forms, separate
dependent and independent genitive forms, and reflexive forms in which number func-
tions as an inflectional category in all three persons. The nominative–accusative contrast
is also found with relative/interrogative who. The forms have been listed in Ch. 5, §10.1.1.
The reflexive forms are morphologically compounds, formed with self (singular) or
selves (plural) combining with the dependent genitive in the 1st and 2nd persons, and
with the accusative in the 3rd person. There are no other significant morphological
generalisations to be made about pronouns, so they are not dealt with further in this
chapter.
(b) Grade
The system of grade applies to many adjectives and a few other lexemes:
[3] plain comparative superlative
weak weaker weakest [adjective]
soon sooner soonest [adverb]
The plain form is identical with the lexical base, and the inflectional comparative
and superlative are formed, for the bases that permit inflection, by simple rules of
suffixation, with very few irregularities in either speech or writing. Our discussion,
in §3, also deals with the distinction between, on the one hand, inflectional compara-
tives and superlatives, such as those in [3], used with a large but restricted class of bases,
and, on the other, analytic ones, such as more careful, most careful, used with all other
bases.
(c) Verbs
For the great majority of verbs six inflectional forms must be distinguished, as argued
in Ch. 3, §1, and illustrated here for take:
[4] plain 3rd sg plain gerund- past
present present preterite form participle participle
take takes took take taking taken
The plain present tense and the plain form are identical with the lexical base: be is the
only verb without syncretism between the base and a present tense form. In addition to
the categories in [4], auxiliary verbs have negative forms.
1.3 Speech and writing

Syntactic description of English can quite often ignore not only interdialectal differences
but also the distinction between spoken and written English. Morphological analy-
sis cannot. To a small but not negligible extent we find different morphology in the
spoken and written forms of the language. Spoken forms will be represented here
in terms of the transcription system presented in Ch. 1, §3.1.2; when citing individ-
ual words we normally indicate stress only if the lexical base contains more than one
syllable.
§ 1.3 Speech and writing 1571
Different alternations in speech and writing

The most obvious point that must be made regarding the differences in inflectional mor-
phology between written and spoken English is that in numerous cases the alternations
found in writing are different from those found in speech. Consider, for example, these
preterite verb-forms:
[5] i sighed kissed waited /said/ /kist/ /weitid/
ii sighed rubbed tried loved /said/ /rbd/ /traid/ /lvd/
In [i] the three forms are all alike in writing in that they involve the addition of ·ed to the
lexical base, but the three spoken forms are all different, with three suffixes added: /d/,
/t/, and /id/. In [ii] it is the other way round; the spoken forms have the same suffix /d/,
while the written forms are different. All again involve the addition of ·ed, but in those
other than sighed the lexical base is modified: in rubb·ed the final consonant of the base
rub is doubled, in tri·ed the final y is replaced by i, and in lov·ed the final e of the base is
dropped before the suffix (as it also is in lov·ing).
Primacy of speech
In some cases the spoken rules are clearly primary, the written ones derivative. One very
obvious example concerns the alternation between ·es and ·s in forming the plurals of
words ending in a consonant:
[6] i gases boxes buzzes bushes churches stomachs
ii /gæsiz/ /bɒksiz/ /bziz/ /bυʃiz/ /tʃ
r tʃiz/ /stməks/
Bases ending in s, x, z, sh, and (usually) ch take ·es rather than ·s, but this reflects the
fact that the spoken forms have /iz/. In speech the presence of the vowel /i/ in the suffix
depends on the phonological properties of the base. If the immediately preceding sound
is one of the subclass of consonants called sibilants, comprising /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, //, /tʃ/
and /d/, then the vowel /i/ is required in the suffix. The presence of e in the written
suffix, on the other hand, depends on how the suffix is pronounced in speech. Note, for
example, that while most bases ending in ch take ·es, as in the above churches, there are a
few that take ·s, as in stomachs, epochs, eunuchs. The choice depends not on the spelling
but on the pronunciation: in the former case ch corresponds to sibilant /tʃ/, so that the
suffix in speech is /iz/, whereas in the latter case it corresponds to non-sibilant /k/, which
takes /s/ as the suffix in speech. There is nothing about the letters ch (or indeed s, x, etc.)
that calls for ·es : it is simply a matter of matching the pronunciation.
Inflectional classes in speech and writing

For the most part, we will be able to deal with matching written and spoken forms together
in the same sections, because there is close correspondence between the membership of
the inflectional classes of the written and spoken language. The nouns and verbs that
have regular morphology in the written language generally have regular morphology in
the spoken, and vice versa. But there are some exceptions:
[7] i say ∼ says pay ∼ paid house ∼ houses money ∼ moneys, monies
ii /sei/ ∼ /sez/ /pei/ ∼ /peid/ /haυs/ /haυziz/ /mni/ ∼ /mniz/
The 3rd person singular (henceforth ‘3rd sg’) present tense form of say is regular in writ-
ing but irregular in speech, where there is a change in the vowel of the base. Conversely,
the preterite (and past participle) of pay is regular in speech, but irregular in writing,
where y is changed to i and the suffix is ·d, not regular ·ed (contrast the regular play ∼
played). Again, the plural of house is regular in the written form, but irregular in the
spoken, since the final consonant of the base is voiced in the plural, changing from /s/ to
/z/. And while money is regular in speech, in writing there is variation between regular
moneys and irregular monies (irregular because replacement of y by i normally applies
only if y is preceded by a letter representing a consonant).
In ordering the material in this chapter we have given priority to the spoken
forms: the sections on regular plurals and verb-forms deal with those that are regular in
speech, and cover the corresponding written forms whether regular or not.
Forms that are irregular in both writing and speech can usually be assigned to the
same subclasses. The verb read is an exception, however, as we see from these preterites
and past participles:
[8] i meet ∼ met hit ∼ hit read ∼ read
ii /mi
t/ ∼ /met/ /hit/ ∼ /hit/ /ri
d/ ∼ /red/
Meet belongs to a subclass where there is a change in the base from /i
/ to /e/ in speech and
ee to e in writing, while hit belongs to a subclass where the preterite and past participle
are identical with the base in both speech and writing. With read, however, we see that
it belongs with meet in speech but with hit in writing. Again, it proves easier and more
illuminating to base the classification on the spoken form. The divergent case of read
will therefore be handled primarily in the appropriate spoken class, i.e. with meet, but it
will also be given a secondary mention in the discussion of the class to which it belongs
in writing, i.e. with hit.
Symbols and letters, vowels and consonants

As explained in Ch. 1, §3.2, we use the term symbol for the minimal unit of writing that
corresponds to a unit of speech. Symbols may be simple, consisting of a single letter,
or composite, consisting of two or more letters. Through, for example, contains three
symbols: composite th + simple r + composite ough (corresponding to /θ/, /r/, and /u
/
respectively). The categories vowel and consonant apply primarily to speech and only
derivatively to writing. Except where there could be no possible confusion we will not
use these terms on their own when referring to writing: instead we will talk of vowel
symbol and consonant symbol – or vowel letter and consonant letter, for the case
where the symbols are simple. Note, then, that y is a vowel letter in fully (representing
/i/), a consonant letter in yes (/j/), and just part of a composite vowel symbol in boy (/ɔi/).
Similarly, u is a vowel letter in fun (//), a consonant letter in quick (/w/), and part of a
composite symbol in mouth (/aυ/).
2 General phonological and spelling alternations
Before looking in turn at the various lexeme categories mentioned in §1.2, we intro-
duce a number of phonological and spelling alternations which apply independently of
particular categories.
§ 2.1 Phonological alternations 1573
2.1 Phonological alternations

In this section we look at the main phonological rules relating generally to alternation
in inflectional suffixes or in the bases to which they are attached.
2.1.1 The sibilant suffixes: /iz/ ∼ /s/ ∼ /z/

There are three places in the inflection of nouns and verbs where we have a suffix
containing an alveolar fricative, indicated in the spelling by s : the plural of regular
nouns, the genitive, and the 3rd sg present tense of verbs. There are three alternants,
with the alternation conditioned by the phonological features of the final consonant of
the base.
[1] i /iz/ after sibilants (/s/, /z/, /ʃ/, //, /tʃ/, and /d/)
ii /s/ after all other voiceless consonants (/p/, /t/, /k/, /f/, /θ/)
iii /z/ after all other sounds
Thus the vowel /i/ is present only where it separates two sibilants; and in its absence
elsewhere the remaining consonant is subject to voicing assimilation, that is, it assumes
the same voicing as the immediately preceding sound.
We illustrate the alternation in [2], where most of the examples can belong to any of
the three categories of plural, genitive, and 3rd sg present:
[2] plural genitive 3rd sg pres
i /mis·iz/ misses miss’s misses
/eiz·iz/ gazes gaze’s gazes
/wiʃ·iz/ wishes wish’s wishes
/ru
·iz/ rouges rouge’s rouges
/mætʃ·iz/ matches match’s matches
/dd·iz/ judges judge’s judges
ii /kp·s/ cups cup’s cups
/reit·s/ rates rate’s rates
/reik·s/ rakes rake’s rakes
/naif·s/ knife’s knifes
/deθ·s/ deaths death’s
iii /klb·z/ clubs club’s clubs
/men·z/ men’s
/sju
·z/ sues
2.1.2 The alveolar plosive suffix of the preterite and past participle:
/id/ ∼ /t/ ∼ /d/
This suffix, written ed, attaches to regular verb bases, and has the three alternants shown
in [3], with examples in [4]:
[3] i /id/ after alveolar plosives (/t/ and /d/)
ii /t/ after all other voiceless consonants (/p/, /k/, /f/, /s/, /ʃ/, /tʃ/)
iii /d/ after all other sounds
[4] i /heit·id/ hated /lænd·id/ landed
ii /lɑ
f·t/ laughed /his·t/ hissed
iii /lv·d/ loved /stei·d/ stayed
Again /i/ is present just where it prevents the juxtaposition of two similar sounds (this
time two alveolar plosives) and where it is absent there is voicing assimilation between
the consonant of the suffix and the final sound of the base. The alternation thus matches
that for the sibilant suffixes, and hence has been included in this section even though the
suffix attaches only to verbs.
2.1.3 Bases ending in syllabic /l/ (/hmbl/ ∼ /hmbliŋ/)

For many speakers words like humble, couple, rattle are pronounced with a syllabic /l/
following the plosive – i.e. the /l/ (represented below as /l/) forms a syllable by itself. When
a suffix beginning with a vowel is added to the base, however, the /l/ loses its syllabicity,
becoming simply the initial consonant of the syllable containing the suffix. This is found
with the comparative suffix /ər /, superlative /ist/, or gerund-participle /iŋ/,2 but not with
suffixes beginning with a consonant such as preterite or past participle /d/ and plural or
3rd sg present /z/. Compare, then, the forms in [5i], with non-syllabic /l/, and those in
[5ii], where syllabic /l/ is retained:
[5] i /hmblə/ /hmblist/ /hmbliŋ/ (humbler humblest humbling)
ii /hmbl/ /hmbld/ /hmblz/ (humble humbled humbles)
Other speakers have /əl/ instead of syllabic /l/ (/hmbəl/ ∼ /hmbəld/ ∼ /hmbəlz/),
but the /ə/ drops before the vowel-initial suffixes, so that the forms are again as
in [i].
Bases such as cudgel, funnel, quarrel, pummel, and squirrel, where a vowel letter preced-
ing the l appears in the spelling and the preceding consonant is an affricate or sonorant
rather than a plosive, tend (though there is interspeaker variation) to have /əl/ through-
out the paradigm: ?/kdliŋ/ for cudgeling would be unusual compared to /kdəliŋ/.
2.1.4 Bases ending in post-vocalic /r/: alternation in non-rhotic accents

(/reər / ∼ /reərə/)
As discussed in Ch. 1, §3.1.1, non-rhotic accents such as BrE have the sound /r/ only in
pre-vocalic position: in these accents the forms we are representing with superscript /r /
are pronounced without any base-final /r/ sound. Thus rare and mar, for example, which
we represent as /reər / and /mɑ
r / are actually pronounced /reə/ and /mɑ
/. When a suffix
beginning with a vowel is added to a base of this kind, the /r/ becomes pre-vocalic, and
hence is not lost. Lexical bases like rare and mar thus have two alternants in non-rhotic
accents, one with final /r/ occurring before a vowel, and one without /r/ occurring in
other positions.
[6] i rare /reə/ /reərə/ /reərist/ rare rarer rarest [adjective]
ii mar /mɑ
/ /mɑ
d/ /mɑ
riŋ/ mar marred marring [verb]
With adjectives, the alternant with /r/ appears in both the comparative and superlative
forms. With a verb, it appears in the gerund-participle – but not in the preterite and past
participle, where the suffix is /d/.3
2
See §3.1 for some exceptions. Compare also the past participle suffix ·en, which is pronounced as syllabic /n/
after certain consonants: see §5.3.3.
3
The /r/ that appears before the vowel-initial suffix is a special case of linking /r/. Some speakers also have an
intrusive /r/ in forms like drawing, sawing, and thawing : again, see Ch. 1, §3.1.1.
§ 2.2 Spelling alternations 1575
2.2 Spelling alternations

There are likewise spelling alternations – or spelling rules – that apply across different
lexeme classes; for most of them, however, there are exceptions, which we will deal with in
the appropriate sections. Three rules affect the final letter of the base, while one involves
alternation in the form of the inflectional suffix itself:
[7] i consonant doubling hop ∼ hopp·ing
ii e-deletion hope ∼ hop·ing [alternations in base]
iii y-replacement pity ∼ piti·ed
iv ·s ∼ ·es alternation cat·s ∼ fox·es [alternation in suffix]
The three rules affecting the base apply in both lexical and inflectional morphology: we
focus here on inflection and take up these rules again, more briefly, in the context of
lexical word-formation (Ch. 19, §5.1.5).
2.2.1 Consonant doubling (bat ∼ batt·ing)

The general case of this rule applies to bases ending in a single consonant represented
by a single consonant letter; the letter is doubled before suffixes beginning with a vowel
under the following conditions:
[8] i The final syllable of the base must have a single-letter vowel symbol.
ii The base must be stressed on its final syllable.
Monosyllabic bases necessarily have the stress on the final syllable and hence always
satisfy [8ii]. The examples in [9i] illustrate doubling of the base-final consonant letter,
while those in [9ii] have no doubling because one or other of the conditions in [8] is not
satisfied:4
[9] i a. bat batt·ed batt·ing
b. trod trodd·en [monosyllabic base]
c. fat fatt·er fatt·est
d. prefer preferr·ed preferr·ing
e. forgot forgott·en [disyllabic base with final stress]
f. unfit unfitt·er unfitt·est
ii a. bleat bleat·ed bleat·ing
b. beat beat·en [condition [8i] not satisfied]
c. neat neat·er neat·est
d. offer offer·ed offer·ing [condition [8ii] not satisfied]
Bases like equip satisfy condition [8i] because u is here a consonant symbol representing
/w/, so the doubling rule applies to give equipp·ed and equipp·ing.
The inflectional suffixes that trigger the doubling in [9i] are the preterite or past
participle ·ed, the irregular past participle ·en, the gerund-participle ·ing, the comparative
·er, and superlative ·est. For historical reasons, as noted in Ch. 1, §3.2, ·ed counts as a
vowel-initial suffix even when it corresponds to phonological /t/ or /d/, and base-final r
counts as a consonant letter even in non-rhotic accents, where post-vocalic /r/ has been
lost in speech.
4
The verb combat may be stressed on either syllable and the suffixed forms are accordingly spelled with or
without doubling: combated/combatted; combating/combatting.
In addition the plural or 3rd sg present suffix begins with a vowel when the base ends
in a sibilant (§2.1.1), and hence we have the following patterns of doubling:
[10] i quiz quizzes quizzed quizzing [verb]
ii fez fezzes [noun]
The letters h, w, y, and x are not doubled
It follows from the account of the rule given above that base-final h, w, y, and x will not
be doubled: they do not represent single consonants. Compare, then:
[11] verbs adjectives
i hurrah hurrahed hurrahing [no adjectives ending in h]
ii saw sawed sawing raw rawer rawest
iii stay stayed staying coy coyer coyest
iv box boxed boxing lax laxer laxest
On the traditional classification of all letters other than a, e, i, o, u as consonants, examples
like these have to be treated as exceptions. But they are not exceptions on the account given
here. The letters h, w, and y are never consonant symbols when they occur at the end of a
base with final stress: they are always parts of composite symbols (ah /ɑ
/, aw /ɔ
/, ay /ei/,
oy /ɔi/ in the examples of [11]). As for x, in base-final position this too is not a consonant
symbol; it is a single-letter symbol representing the two-consonant sequence /ks/, and hence
it does not fall within the scope of the rule either.
Exceptions to the consonant doubling rule

There are two exceptions to be stated for the doubling rule.
(a) Doubling in bases with non-final stress
[12] i travel travelled travelling cruel crueller cruellest [BrE]
ii travel traveled traveling cruel crueler cruelest [AmE]
For certain kinds of base, condition [8ii] is waived. The most general case is with bases
ending in l, where doubling applies in BrE, but not AmE. Condition [8i] on the type
of vowel still holds, so that there is no doubling with travail (which can take stress
on either syllable), just as there isn’t with prevail (which has final stress), because the
vowel symbol is the composite ai. For further cases of doubling with non-final stress,
see §5.1.
(b) Bases ending in s
With these (unlike those in z, as illustrated in [10]) doubling is not always found before ·es
in bases satisfying conditions [8i–ii]. There are, however, significant differences between
nouns and verbs, with doubling much less usual in nouns. Gas as a noun has gases as
its plural form, while as a verb it has gasses as its 3rd sg present. The noun bus has the
plural form buses, while with the verb both busses and buses occur. We will thus take up
this matter in the separate sections on the noun and the verb.
2.2.2 E-deletion (like ∼ lik·ing, subdue ∼ subdu·ing)

A base-final e is generally dropped before suffixes beginning with a vowel. Like, for
example, loses its final e in lik·ing but retains it in like·s.
§ 2.2.2 E-deletion (like ∼ lik·ing, subdue ∼ subdu·ing) 1577
We distinguish three cases of base-final e :

[13] i simple vowel symbol acme acne be cafe the
ii composite vowel symbol blue dye eye free sortie
iii mute e edge hope love plane simple
The e in [i] constitutes a vowel symbol by itself, corresponding to /i/, /i
/, /ei/, or /ə/. In
[ii] the e is part of a composite two- or three-letter vowel symbol at the end of the base:
ue, ye, eye, etc. Mute e in [iii] is the residual case, including any base-final e not covered
in [i–ii].
The e-deletion rule does not apply to case [i]; there are few words of this kind and very
few places where such bases occur before a vowel-initial suffix, but note the retention of
the e of be in be·ing and be·en. The main place where e-deletion occurs is thus case [iii],
where there are few exceptions, at least in inflectional morphology. We take this case
first, and then turn to case [ii]; nothing further needs to be said about [i].
(a) Mute e
Application of e-deletion is illustrated in:
[14] i edge edg·ing edg·ed
ii hope hop·ing hop·ed
iii take tak·ing tak·en
iv simple simpl·er simpl·est
v square squar·ing squar·ed squar·er squar·est
As with consonant doubling, ·ed counts as beginning with a vowel even when it represents
/d/ or /t/, as in edged and hoped, and post-vocalic r counts as a consonant in non-rhotic
as well as rhotic accents, so that bases like square end in mute e and undergo the rule.5
E-deletion applies before the same suffixes as consonant doubling. The result is that
with such verb-base pairs as hope and hop or plane and plan, distinguished by the
presence or absence of mute e, the forms with vowel-initial suffixes are distinguished
instead by absence or presence of doubling: hope ∼ hoping ∼ hoped vs hop ∼ hopping ∼
hopped, or plane ∼ planing ∼ planed vs plan ∼ planning ∼ planned.6
With the suffixes other than ·ing we have assumed that the morphological division is before
the e, e.g. that hoped is analysed as hop·ed, not hope·d. On this account the alternation is in
the base, not the suffix. There are two arguments in favour of this analysis.
First, the omission of e before ·ing shows that there is unquestionably alternation in the
base: the proposed analysis is simply a generalisation of the rule of e-deletion needed for the
gerund-participle form. Note here that e also drops before non-inflectional suffixes beginning
with i: compare pure ∼ pur·ity, simple ∼ simpl·ify, etc.
Second, with ·er, ·est, and ·en the proposed division matches the pronunciation: nic·er,
nic·est, tak·en, for example, match /nais·ər /, /nais·ist/, /teik·ən/, and the same holds for ·ed
for bases ending in an alveolar plosive, as in hat·ed /heit·id/ and sid·ed /said·id/. The only
troublesome case is ·ed corresponding to /t/ or /d/, but we have already noted that this behaves
like a vowel-initial suffix with respect to consonant doubling, so the present analysis again
involves a generalisation of rules motivated elsewhere.
5
BrE has mute e in bases like centre, whereas AmE has the spelling center, with non-final e ; the e therefore drops
in the inflected forms of BrE (centr·ing ∼ centr·ed), but not in AmE (center·ing ∼ center·ed).
6
Note, however, that in the much rarer type of pair seen in bathe vs bath the distinction is lost in the inflected
forms bathing and bathed: e-deletion applies to bathe but consonant doubling cannot apply to bath because it
doesn’t end in a single consonant letter.
(b) The e is part of a final composite vowel symbol

Bases ending in ue
[15] i subdue subduing subdued
ii blue bluing/blueing blued bluer bluest
Most such bases undergo e-deletion, with no e appearing in the gerund-participle form:
compare arguing, ensuing, imbuing, pursuing, rescuing, ruing. There are, however, a few
monosyllabic bases where the rule is optional, as with blue: others of this kind are clue,
cue, glue.7
Bases ending in ee, oe, ye
[16] i free freeing freed freer freest
ii hoe hoeing hoed
iii dye dyeing dyed
Deletion does not apply here, except that with eye (where final e is part of a three-letter
vowel symbol) it is optional: eying/eyeing.
Bases in ie
[17] i sortie sortieing sortied
ii lie lying lied
In [i] ie represents /i/, and the e is retained, as with ee, oe, ye; other examples are
birdieing and stymieing. In [ii] ie represents /ai/; what we have here is not e-deletion, but
alternation between ie and y : we return to this case in §2.2.3 below.
Problems of segmentation
We have not indicated the morphological boundaries in the above forms because in a number
of cases the morphological analysis is problematic. The problem arises with those verbs such
as free which retain e before ·ing : where does the boundary fall in the other forms? Take freed,
for example. Fre·ed is implausible precisely because we do not have ∗ fre·ing. But free·d has the
disadvantage of requiring alternation in the suffix, which otherwise is invariably ·ed in regular
verbs. A possible explanation, perhaps, is in terms neither of fre·ed nor of free·d, but rather
that one e has to be omitted because the sequences eee, oee, yee, and iee are not permissible in
English (∗ freeed, ∗ hoeed, ∗ dyeed, ∗ sortieed), so that the situation is quite different from that
of ·ing – and it is then immaterial which e it is that is said to be omitted. Similar arguments
hold for the adjectives freer and freest, and also with forms like died in [20ii].8
2.2.3 Y-replacement (silly ∼ silli·er, try ∼ trie·s)

Bases ending in a y as a single-letter vowel symbol show the following alternation:
[18] i before a suffix beginning with i y is retained try ∼ try·ing
ii before plural or 3rd sg present ·s y is replaced by ie try ∼ trie·s
iii elsewhere y is replaced by i silly ∼ silli·er, silli·est
The inflectional suffixes that trigger replacement of y by i all begin with e, but other types
work the same way in lexical word-formation (deny ∼ deni·al, embody ∼ embodi·ment,
7
The loss of e in catalogue ∼ catalogu·ing falls under the mute e case, with gue a composite consonant symbol,
while the retention of e in segue ∼ segueing is due to its being a single letter vowel symbol, representing /ei/.
8 Notice that spelling facts from lexical word-formation reinforce this: while freelance and freewheeling are
spelled as unhyphenated words, in free-enterprise system a hyphen is called for to prevent the impossible
∗freeenterprise.
§ 2.2.4 Alternation between ·s and ·es: plural and 3rd sg present 1579
etc.). Note that y-replacement does not apply where y is part of a composite vowel symbol.
Compare, then, the verbs in [19i], the adjectives in [ii], and the nouns in [iii]:9
[19] single vowel symbol composite vowel symbol
i a. try tries tried b. stay stays stayed
ii a. silly sillier silliest b. coy coyer coyest
iii a. city cities b. guy guys
Again it must be emphasised that the rule cannot be stated simply in terms of letters: we
need to consider what sounds they represent. Both guy and soliloquy, for example, end
in uy, but whereas y-replacement does not apply to the former because uy is a composite
vowel symbol (representing /ai/) it does apply to soliloquy since u is here a consonant
symbol (representing /w/) and y a simple vowel symbol: the plural form is therefore
soliloquie·s.
A handful of verbs have final ie rather than y in the base: die, lie, tie, vie. The other
forms, however, are the same as for try:
[20] i try trying tried tries
ii die dying died dies
For die the ie is the default spelling, so that the replacement works in the opposite
direction: ie is replaced by y before the ·ing suffix.
Analysis of the plural and 3rd sg present forms

It will be noticed that in [18ii] we have analysed the form tries as trie·s rather than tri·es,
even though this necessitates special mention of the plural or 3rd sg present suffix: if we had
tri·es it could be subsumed under the general case of replacement of y by i. There are two
reasons why we have opted for trie·s. In the first place, we have just seen that such verbs as die
clearly have an alternation between ie and y – and note that these spellings also alternate as
variants of the diminutive suffix, as in aunty ∼ auntie. Secondly, ·s is the default alternant of
the plural and 3rd sg present suffix (as will be demonstrated in the next section), and there
is no reason why the ·es alternant should appear in such words as tries and cities: note that it
doesn’t normally occur in words with a base ending in i, as we see from alibis and taxis.
2.2.4 Alternation between ·s and ·es in the plural and 3rd sg present tense
This alternation can be most economically described by stating the conditions under
which ·es is used, and then saying that ·s appears everywhere else: it is in this sense that
·s can be regarded as the default alternant. This suffix is very different from the default
preterite and past participle suffix ·ed. The difference is particularly clear in pairs like
sip·s and sipp·ed, where ·ed triggers doubling of the base-final consonant letter p.
(a) Bases which in speech end in a sibilant

Bases with a final sibilant take ·es, matching the /iz/ of speech. There is no difference
between the noun plural suffix and the verb 3rd sg present.
Bases spelled with final s, x, z, or sh
These are the most straightforward cases, always taking ·es:
[21] gas·es box·es buzz·es wish·es
miss·es fix·es fizz·es lash·es
9
For some exceptions among the verbs, see §5.1.
The bases here end in /s/, /z/, or /ʃ/ (x represents /ks/, the second component of which is
sibilant /s/). We have seen that a single z doubles and a single s may do so, but the suffix
is still ·es: fezz·es, gas(s)·es.
Bases spelled with final ch
These take ·es when the base ends in sibilant /tʃ/ but ·s in the less common case where
ch represents non-sibilant /k/:10
[22] i bench·es branch·es catch·es coach·es lunch·es [(t)ch = /tʃ/]
ii epoch·s eunuch·s monarch·s stomach·s triptych·s [ch = /k/]
Bases ending in mute e
Bases ending in the sibilant /d/ have mute e in the spelling: edge, judge, age, change.11
The same applies to the relatively small number ending in // (mirage, barrage, rouge),
and to some of those in /s/ (dose, niece), or /z/ (gaze, nose), and a small number in /ʃ/
(douche, niche). This e drops before a suffix beginning with a vowel by the e-deletion
rule (§2.2.2), giving edg·es, mirag·es, dos·es, etc.
An alternative analysis is edge·s, which does not involve loss of the base-final e. We adopt the
analysis edg·es, however, since this both matches the pronunciation (/ed·iz/) and allows a
more general statement of the alternation, namely that ·es occurs with all bases ending in a
sibilant. Note, moreover, that these bases do lose the e when they are followed by the ·ing
suffix: edg·ing, chang·ing, gaz·ing, etc. (see §5.1 for a few exceptions).
(b) Bases ending in o

Bases with final o take the ·es alternant if the o is preceded by a symbol representing a
consonant sound; otherwise they take the default ·s :
[23] i echo·es go·es hero·es potato·es veto·es [o follows consonant]
ii boo·s embryo·s radio·s studio·s zoo·s [no preceding consonant]
The default [ii] covers cases where o follows a vowel symbol (i or y) and those where it
is part of a composite vowel symbol (oo). There are some exceptions to this rule, with ·s
used after consonant + o; almost all involve plural nouns where there is no homophonous
verb, such as dynamo: see §§4.1.1, 5.1.
3 Grade
The inflectional system of grade applies primarily to adjectives, but also to a few ad-
verbs that do not end in the ·ly suffix and a handful of determinatives and prepositions
(see Ch. 6, §2.2). We look first at the inflectional forms, and then at the distinction
between inflectional comparatives and superlatives (e.g. taller, tallest) and analytic ones
(more distinct, most distinct).
10
Bases ending in nch can be pronounced with /nʃ/ instead of /ntʃ/ (except that in nudibranch and elasmo-
branch – types of mollusc and fish – it represents /ŋ k/, so these take ·s). The base loch may be pronounced
with a velar fricative rather than /k/, but in either case the base does not end in a sibilant and hence
takes ·s.
11
Foreign words like hadj and raj are exceptions, but the plurals of these words rarely occur and have somewhat
questionable status.
§ 3.1 Inflectional comparative and superlative forms 1581
3.1 Inflectional comparative and superlative forms

The inflectional suffixes marking comparative and superlative are /ər / and /ist/ in speech,
·er and ·est in writing. The spelling alternations illustrated in [1] have been described in
§2.2 and need not be repeated in this section:
[1] i big bigg·er bigg·est [consonant doubling]
ii nice nic·er nic·est [e-deletion]
iii pretty pretti·er pretti·est [y-replacement]
Monosyllabic dry and shy are optionally exceptions to the y-replacement rule, allowing
either y or i before the suffix: dry ∼ dryer/drier ∼ dryest/driest and shy ∼ shyer/shier ∼
shyest/shiest.
Phonological changes in the base

Addition of the suffixes affects the base as follows:
(a) Syllabic /l/
We noted in §2.1 that a base-final syllabic /l/ loses its syllabicity before the suffixes, as
they begin with a vowel. The adjectives little and brittle, however, are exceptions in that
the /l/ may optionally remain syllabic – compare:
[2] i /simpl/ /simplə/ /simplist/ (simple simpler simplest)
ii /litl/ /litlə/, /litlə/ /litlist/, /litlist/ (little littler littlest)
(b) Irregular adjectives in /ŋ/

There are only three adjectives with bases ending in /ŋ/ that normally inflect for grade,
and all three are irregular in speech (though not in writing), adding // before the
comparative and superlative suffixes:
[3] i /lɒŋ/ /lɒŋg·ər / /lɒŋg·ist/ (long longer longest)
ii /strɒŋ/ /strɒŋg·ər / /strɒŋg·ist/ (strong stronger strongest)
iii /jŋ/ /jŋg·ər / /jŋg·ist/ (young younger youngest)
These forms are described as irregular, rather than as following a regular rule of /g/ addition
between /ŋ/ and a suffix. This is because there is no evidence of any such rule in stan-
dard dialects.12 Verb bases ending in /ŋ/ take vowel-initial affixes such as /iŋ/, as in /siŋ·iŋ/
(singing) and never add /g/, even when they are phonologically identical with the bases in
[3] (e.g. /lɒŋ·iŋ/, longing). Non-inflectional suffixes beginning with a vowel never induce
addition of /g/ after /ŋ/, even when they are phonologically identical with the comparative
suffix (e.g. /siŋ·ə/, singer). Regular adjective bases ending in /ŋ/ that are semantically eli-
gible to inflect for grade happen to be almost entirely absent. Wrong does not occur in the
inflectional comparative or superlative (it may be best treated as a lexical exception), but
native speakers read the spelling wronger as /rɒŋər / (and the noun wronger /rɒŋər / “one who
wrongs someone”, which is attested, is so pronounced). Cunning is likewise seldom if ever
found inflected, but the pronunciation /kniŋist/ seems reasonably plausible in comparison
with ∗ /kniŋgist/.
12 In the dialects of the north of England, there is no irregularity, because /ŋg/ is found instead of final /ŋ/: long is
pronounced /lɒŋg/, and the comparative and superlative /lɒŋgə/ and /lɒŋgist/ are regular. What has happened
in all other dialects is that word-final /g/ has been lost after /ŋ/ but retained in the inflected forms of long,
strong, and young, creating a mismatch with the base.
Irregular inflection
The following have irregular forms:
[4] i good, well better best
ii bad, badly worse worst
iii much, many more most
iv little less least
v far farther/further farthest/furthest
As indicated in [i–iii], the distinction between good and well, bad and badly, much and
many is lost in the comparative forms. Well and badly, moreover, can be adjectives or
adverbs. Compare, for example:
[5] i a. This one is good. b. That one is better.
ii a. I’m feeling well. b. I’m feeling better. [adjective]
iii a. They played well. b. They played better than ever. [adverb]
Better in [iib], moreover, is ambiguous between the ordinary comparative sense “better
than before”, and the sense “recovered, well again”.
In addition, old has the regular forms older and oldest, but also irregular elder and
eldest, as used in:
[6] i my elder brother her eldest daughter
ii the elder (of the two) the eldest (of them)
These forms are highly restricted both semantically and syntactically. Semantically,
they indicate relative order of birth within a family – contrast ∗the elder of the two
editions. Syntactically, they modify a following noun, as in [i], or appear in fused
modifier-head function, as in [ii]. Elder can’t be used predicatively (∗Which one is
elder?) or with than (∗an elder brother than Max). The regular forms can be used as
variants of the irregular ones in [6]. Elder is also used in the idioms elder statesman/
stateswoman and is the source for the converted noun elder.
3.2 Inflectional vs analytic comparatives and superlatives

Adjectives
Many adjectives allow both types, many others only the analytic type, and a few only the
inflectional:
[7] inflectional analytic
i lively livelier liveliest more lively most lively
∗ ∗
ii public publicer publicest more public most public
∗ ∗
iii good better best more good most good 13
There is no simple set of rules to indicate which adjectives take which type: in many cases
it is a matter of more or less likely rather than possible or impossible.
13 The asterisks here apply to the use of these expressions as ordinary comparatives/superlatives. More good is
possible in metalinguistic comparison, where inflectional comparatives are excluded: I’d say it was more good
than excellent (“more properly classified as good than as excellent”). Most good has most as an intensifier, not
a strict superlative marker: It was most good of you to invite us.
§ 3.2 Inflectional vs analytic comparatives and superlatives 1583
There are some generalisations that can be made, however. One is that participial
adjectives, as illustrated in [8], take only analytic forms:
[8] i amazing amusing boring frightening pleasing wearing worrying
ii amazed amused bored frightened pleased worn worried
(A marginal exception is tired, though more tired is much more usual than tireder.)
The remaining generalisations are best dealt with by separating adjectives out into
sets according to the syllabic composition of the base.
(a) Monosyllables
Adjectives with monosyllabic bases almost always have inflected forms, but there are some
that do not. First, the generalisation mentioned just above overrides monosyllabicity:
participial adjectives do not have inflected forms even when they are monosyllabic.
Second, there are also a few morphologically simple exceptions:
[9] cross, fake, ill, like, loath, prime, real, right, worth, wrong
These do not inflect – or at least, their inflected forms are in practice virtually never
encountered. This is not because these adjectives do not express gradable proper-
ties: there can certainly be degrees to which one can be cross with someone, loath
to do something, or in error; yet ∗crosser, ∗loather, and ∗wronger appear never to
occur.
Most monosyllables allow analytic forms, either as an alternative to inflection or as
the only way to express comparative or superlative degree, but the irregular inflectional
forms better, worse, further pre-empt use of ∗more good, ∗more bad, ∗more far, and the
inflectional forms are very much more usual with such common adjectives as big, large,
small, high, low, fat, thick, thin, long, tall, short, fast, slow, hot, cold, cool, old, young,
clean, great, wide.
(b) Disyllables
With disyllables the analytic forms are always possible, while the inflectional ones are
sometimes possible and sometimes not. Many of the conditions making inflection im-
possible relate to the ending of the lexical base. With initially stressed bases, the endings
in [10i] (only the first two of which have the status of suffixes) generally permit inflection,
while those in [10ii] reliably exclude it:
[10] i ·y angry, dirty, early, easy, funny, happy, hungry, noisy, pretty, silly
·ly beastly, costly, deadly, friendly, ghastly, ghostly, likely, lovely, manly
le able, ample, feeble, gentle, humble, little, noble, purple, simple, subtle
ow hollow, mellow, narrow, sallow, shallow, yellow
ii ·ful bashful, careful, cheerful, faithful, graceful, harmful, skilful, useful
·ish boorish, boyish, brutish, fiendish, foolish, priggish, sheepish, ticklish
·al focal, global, legal, lethal, local, moral, primal, rural, venal, vital, vocal
·ic caustic, chronic, comic, cyclic, epic, magic, manic, public, septic, tragic
·ous anxious, bumptious, callous, cautious, conscious, famous, jealous, porous
There can be no doubt, however, that the matter is very much lexically determined,
and certainly not a matter of phonology; note, for example, the following contrasts
between pairs of disyllabic initially stressed bases with phonologically identical

endings:
[11] i stupid handsome common clever wicked pleasant [inflection allowed]
ii placid awesome wanton eager rugged mordant [no inflection]
The above examples all have the stress on the first syllable, but we find the same
differences among bases with stress on the final syllable. Thus demure, mature, obscure,
polite can inflect but secure, superb, effete, and replete do not. It should also be borne in
mind that there is no hard and fast boundary between those that can inflect and those
that can’t: speaker judgements are by no means wholly uniform.14
(c) Bases with more than two syllables
These normally allow only the analytic forms.15 One systematic exception is where the
prefix un· is added to a disyllabic adjective that inflects: unhappy ∼ unhappier ∼ unhap-
piest. There are one or two other exceptions, such as shadowy and slippery, but the forms
shadowier, slipperier, etc., are rare and perhaps only marginally acceptable.
Adverbs
Most gradable adverbs take analytic forms: softly ∼ more softly ∼ most softly. Only a
handful of adverbs have regular comparative and superlative inflection:
[12] early fast hard late long often soon
The majority of gradable adverbs have bases formed with ·ly, and the inflectional endings
are never attached to bases of this kind: early of course is not an exception, since it is not
formed from an adjective base ∗ear.
All the adverbs in [12] except often and soon are homonymous with adjectives.
Often is a somewhat marginal member of this class: the analytic forms are much more
frequent and for some speakers are the only possibility. With the others, however, only the
inflectional forms are normally possible: The meeting lasted longer / ∗more long than usual.
Earlier and later have a wider range of meaning than the corresponding plain forms. In
such examples as Earlier he had adopted a rather aggressive position and I later realised he
had been joking, where a than complement could not be added, the meanings are approx-
imately “previously” and “subsequently”; the plain forms have no corresponding use.
Adverb pairs of the type loud ∼ loudly
There are a number of pairs of adverbs where one is formed from the adjective by
·ly suffixation and the other by conversion: loud ∼ loudly, easy ∼ easily, slow ∼ slowly,
quick ∼ quickly. The ones with simple bases have regular inflection (loud, louder, loudest),
while those with the ·ly suffix take analytic more/most (loudly, more loudly, most loudly).
The former are of more limited distribution than the latter, and are commonly subject to
14
Historically, there has been a trend to move increasingly towards the analytic, though with fluctuations in the
treatment of disyllabic adjectives during the twentieth century. Early Modern English used the inflectional
type more freely (apter, privatest) and sometimes allowed both types to be combined (the most unkindest cut
of all ) – a doubling damned out of existence by prescriptivists – and even in the nineteenth century there were
occasional examples like properer, playfullest, scornfullest, sociablest.
15
Lewis Carroll’s ∗curiouser and curiouser, involving a trisyllabic base in ·ous, is ungrammatical, and was intended
jocularly, or as indicating that his young heroine Alice had not quite grasped the limitations of the inflectional
system yet.
§ 4 Nouns 1585
prescriptive criticism. The inflected forms, however, tend to be somewhat less restricted
and more acceptable than the plain form without ·ly :
[13] i a. They complained loudly/∗loud about the service
b. They complained louder than anyone else
ii a. He was walking quite slowly/?slow because of his injury
b. He was walking slower than usual
4 Nouns
Prototypical nouns inflect for number and case. The singular non-genitive is identical
with the lexical base, and genitive marking is added after the plural marking: we will
therefore look first at plural formation and then at genitives.
4.1 Plural formation

There are a number of types of plurals: regular ·s plurals, ·s plurals accompanied by
modification of the base (as in wives), base plurals (identical in form to the singular, and
hence to the base, such as species), plurals with vowel change (such as geese, from base
goose), a small set with the suffix ·en (oxen, etc.), and foreign plurals of various kinds.
4.1.1 Regular ·s plurals (cats, dogs, horses)

We begin with nouns whose plural is regular in speech, presenting first the phonological
alternation, and then the spelling ones.
Plurals in speech: the alternation between /iz/, /s/, and /z/

This alternation (already described in §2.1) is entirely predictable in terms of the final
consonant of the base:
[1] i /iz/ after the sibilants /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, //, /tʃ/, and /d/
ii /s/ after other voiceless consonants
iii /z/ after other voiced sounds (including all vowels)
[2] i /hɔ
r s·iz/ /bυʃ·iz/ /mirɑ
·iz/ /tʃ
r tʃ·iz/ (horses bushes mirages churches)
ii /kp·s/ /kæt·s/ /wik·s/ /klif·s/ (cups cats wicks cliffs)
iii /kb·z/ /rɒd·z/ /hiəroυ·z/ /zu
·z/ (cubs rods heroes zoos)
Plurals in writing: spelling alternations
Nouns ending in y
As we noted in [19] of §2.2.3, y remains intact when it forms part of a composite vowel
symbol; otherwise (when it represents a vowel sound on its own) the y drops and the
plural has ies:
[3] i guy ∼ guys quay ∼ quays donkey ∼ donkeys honey ∼ honeys
ii lady ∼ ladies baby ∼ babies city ∼ cities soliloquy ∼ soliloquies
Two optional exceptions are money and trolley: the plurals can be spelled monies, trollies
as well as moneys, trolleys. And the replacement rule does not apply to compounds in
·by (laybys, standbys); to the informal poly, a clipping formed from polytechnic (polys);
or to proper nouns (see §4.1.8).
The alternation between ·s and ·es

(a) Bases ending in a sibilant take ·es, matching spoken /iz/, as described in §2.2.4; where
the base ends in e it is deleted before the vowel of the suffix:
[4] bench·es box·es bush·es buzz·es judg·es kiss·es ros·es
(b) With bases ending in o, where o does not follow a consonant symbol (i.e. where it is
preceded by a vowel or is part of the composite vowel symbol oo), the plural takes ·s:
[5] bamboos, cameos, embryos, folios, kangaroos, patios, radios, studios, zoos
(c) Where o does follow a consonant, the plural has to be specified for the lexeme
concerned. There are three classes:
[6] i ·es only: echo ∼ echoes. Also domino, embargo, hero, mango, negro, potato,
tomato, torpedo, veto
ii ·s or ·es: motto ∼ mottos/mottoes. Also archipelago, banjo, buffalo, cargo,
dado, dodo, grotto, halo, innuendo, manifesto, mulatto, proviso,
tornado, volcano
iii ·s only: bistro ∼ bistros. Also calypso, do, dynamo, beano; clippings such as
demo, kilo, memo, photo; nouns of Italian origin: cello, concerto,
contralto, libretto, maestro, piano, quarto, solo, soprano, virtuoso
(but see also §4.1.6); and names of ethnic groups: Chicano, Eskimo,
Filipino, Texano (see also §4.1.3).
Cargo and volcano are marginal members of class [ii]: they usually take ·es, but the forms
cargos and volcanos are sometimes found.16
(d) Other bases take the default alternant ·s. This includes bases ending in a vowel other
than o: arenas, cafés, alibis, tutus. A marginal exception is that taxies is very occasionally
found instead of the more normal taxis.
Doubling of final consonant of the base
The general rule of final consonant doubling (§2.2.1) is of very limited relevance to plural
formation, since the default suffix ·s does not begin with a vowel. Doubling is found only
before ·es ; after base-final z it is obligatory, while after s it is sometimes available as a less
favoured alternant, but most often excluded:
[7] quiz ∼ quizzes plus ∼pluses/plusses bus ∼ buses
In accordance with the general rule, doubling is not normally permitted in bases like
atlas or surplus that have non-final stress; biasses and focusses are very occasionally
found, but these spellings are very largely restricted to the 3rd sg present verb-
forms.
Plurals with ’s
An apostrophe may be used to separate the plural suffix from the base with letters,
numbers (notably dates), symbols, abbreviations, and words used metalinguistically:
[8] i p’s and q’s, 1960’s, &’s, Ph.D.’s, if ’s and but’s
ii She got four A’s and two B’s.
16
For do in the colloquial sense of “social event”, which is converted from the verb and pronounced /du
/, the
plural is sometimes spelled do’s, with the apostrophe separating the suffix from the base, so that it is not
misconstrued as affecting the pronunciation of o (cf. also [8]).
§ 4.1.2 Irregular ·s plurals 1587
This practice is less common than it used to be; with dates and abbreviations ending
with an upper case letter, the form without the apostrophe is now more usual: in the
1960s, two candidates with Ph.D.s.
4.1.2 Irregular ·s plurals: modification of the base (wives, mouths, houses)

We turn now to nouns where the plural is irregular in speech in that it involves an
unpredictable change from a voiceless to a voiced final consonant. The consonants
concerned are /f/, /θ/, and (one example only) /s/; only with /f/ is the change reflected
in the spelling, with f being replaced by v or ve.
(a) Bases with final /f/

There are three classes of noun here: those where voicing is obligatory, those where it is
optional, and those where it is excluded.
[9] i knife /naif/ /naivz/ knife knives [/v/ only]
ii wharf /wɔ
r f/ /wɔ
r fs/ /wɔ
r vz/ wharf wharfs wharves [/f/ or /v/]
iii chief /tʃi
f/ /tʃi
fs/ chief chiefs [/f/ only]
While native-English bases with final /f/ can have f or fe in the spelling, those with final
/v/ always have ve. When modification applies, therefore, final f is replaced by ve, as in
wharve·s. Membership of the three classes is illustrated in:
[10] i /v/ only calf, elf, knife, leaf, life, loaf, self, sheaf, shelf, thief, wife, wolf
ii /f/ or /v/ dwarf, half, handkerchief, hoof, roof, scarf, wharf
iii /f/ only belief, chief, cliff, muff, oaf, photograph, proof, safe, tough, waif
Nouns with compound bases such as cloverleaf and housewife generally belong in the
same class as the final base, i.e. class [i] for these examples. However, cloverleaf in the
sense of a complicated road junction would normally belong in [iii], with the regular
plural cloverleafs, as would the expression still life. Dwarf is a rather marginal member
of [ii]: the voiced variant is comparatively rare. With half, by contrast, voicing (shown in
the spelling halves) is normal in the sense “half-portions”, with the plural in /fs/ restricted
to various other senses, such as “half-backs” in soccer or rugby. Handkerchief and roof
belong in [ii] only with respect to speech: in writing they belong in [iii]. Nouns spelled
with anything other than a single final f or fe are all regular, belonging in [iii].
(b) Bases with final /θ/

Voicing may be obligatory, optional, or excluded, with no change in the spelling:
[11] i mouth /maυθ/ /maυðz/ mouth mouths [/ð/ only]
ii oath /oυθ/ /oυθs/, /oυðz/ oath oaths [/θ/ or /ð/]
iii death /deθ/ /deθs/ death deaths [/θ/ only]
[12] i /ð/ only mouth
ii /θ/ or /ð/ lath, moth, oath, sheath, truth, wreath, youth
iii /θ/ only berth, birth, breath, death, length, strength
Path belongs to [i] in BrE but to [ii] in AmE, and hearth belongs to [ii] in BrE but to
[iii] in AmE. For youth in the sense “boy, young man” the plural is normally /ju
ðz/,
with /ju
θs/ confined to the sense “period of age” (e.g. in our youths).
(c) Bases with final /s/

There is just one noun, house, that has obligatory voicing, but no change in the spelling;
all other such nouns are regular:17
[13] i house /haυs/ /haυziz/ house houses
ii dose /doυs/ /doυsiz/ dose doses
4.1.3 Base plurals (cod, bison, series, Chinese, craft)

With some nouns, the plural has the same form as the singular and is thus identical
with the base: we speak here of base plurals. Compare, for example: A sheep has escaped
(singular), Two sheep have escaped (plural). This case is to be distinguished from that
where a noun has no plural form: sheep has syncretism between singular and plural,
equipment has only a singular form. We also exclude items like cattle and police which
are invariably plural. Finally, we take examples like She’s six foot tall to involve a special
use of the singular form rather than a base plural: the difference between this and How
many feet are there in a mile? is a matter of syntax rather than of inflectional morphology.
These exclusions leave the following cases of base plurals.
(a) Nouns denoting edible and game fish

[14] carp, cod, haddock, hake, mackerel, perch, roach, salmon, trout, turbot
These (and others of the same semantic class) almost always have base plurals: We
caught three salmon. However, with some, if not all, the regular ·s plural might be used
when referring to fish being purchased for food, especially when there is reference to
individuals, as in three herrings – as well as with reference to “kinds of ”, as with count
uses of basically non-count nouns (Ch. 5, §3.1). The noun fish itself, with base plural
fish and regular fishes, is also of this type, and similarly such compounds as goldfish and
swordfish.
(b) Nouns denoting game animals and birds

This is an area where there is a good deal of variation in usage, but we can broadly
distinguish the following classes:
[15] i bison, deer, grouse, moose, swine [base plural only]
ii elk, quail, reindeer [base or regular plural]
iii elephant, giraffe, lion, partridge, pheasant [base plural restricted]
The nouns in [i] do not have a regular ·s plural, only the base plural. Those in [ii] allow
both types: We saw three elk/elks.18 Those in [iii] normally have a regular plural as the
only possibility, as in The three elephants/∗elephant were the main attraction; base plurals,
however, are found in the context of hunting and shooting (They were hunting elephant)
or when referring to collections of them (a herd of elephant). It is arguable, however,
that the latter construction involves not a base plural, but a special use of the singular
in certain syntactic contexts (comparable to the six foot tall construction mentioned
above).
17
Including spouse, since here there is alternation between /s/ and /z/ in both singular and plural.
18
Swine belongs in [ii] when used as a term of abuse, usually applied to humans.
§ 4.1.4 The vowel change plurals 1589
(c) Nouns with bases ending in /s/ or /z/

Regular nouns of this kind take the /iz/ suffix (e.g. loss ∼ losses), but there are various
kinds which have the same form as the singular:
[16] i barracks, crossroads, dice, gallows, headquarters, innings, kennels, links,
means, mews, oats, series, species, works
ii Chinese, Japanese, Lebanese, Maltese, Portuguese, Vietnamese; Swiss
Many of those in [i] look like ordinary plural forms, but in fact can be used as either
singular or plural: There is one more crossroads ∼ There are two more crossroads; She played
a good innings ∼ two good innings; It is the biggest meatworks in the state ∼ There are few
meatworks still operating. The ·s element in such cases is therefore to be interpreted as
part of the lexical base (see Ch. 5, §3.2.3). Dice is etymologically the plural of die, but
the latter is virtually no longer in use (outside the fixed phrase The die is cast), with dice
reanalysed as the lexical base: another dice ∼ a pair of dice.
The items in [ii] are nationality terms in ·ese, together with Swiss. In some varieties
of English, these behave as singular nouns with base plurals: a Chinese/Swiss ∼ two
Chinese/Swiss. However, this usage is lessening in frequency, and count noun usages like
a Chinese sound old-fashioned or even slightly offensive to some speakers, for whom
plurals like the Chinese and the Swiss are acceptable but have the structure of generic
plural constructions with nationality adjectives, like the French or the English (cf. ∗a
French, ∗ two English); see Ch. 19, §5.6.2.
(d) Tribal and ethnic names

Such names as the following have both base and regular plurals (The Kikuyu/Kikuyus do
not share these beliefs):
[17] Apache, Bantu, Bedouin, Hopi, Inuit, Kikuyu, Navaho, Sotho, Xhosa, . . .
Sioux has only a base plural in writing, but in speech the singular is /su
/ and the plural
/su
/ or /su
z/.
(e) Other cases

Craft and offspring have only base plurals: One craft was damaged ∼ Two craft were
damaged. The usual plural of ski is the regular skis, but ski is also found. Compounds in
·man also belong here in speech, with policeman and policemen both pronounced with
/mən/, and conversely such French borrowings as chassis and corps have base plurals in
writing but not in speeech (§4.1.6).
4.1.4 The vowel change plurals (teeth, mice, men)

There are seven nouns where the plural is formed by changing the vowel of the base:
[18] i a. /tu
θ/ /ti
θ/ tooth teeth b. /mæn/ /men/ man men
ii a. /gu
s/ /gi
s/ goose geese b. / wυmən/ / wimin/ woman women
iii a. /fυt/ /fi
t/ foot feet
iv a. /laυs/ /lais/ louse lice
v a. /maυs/ /mais/ mouse mice
The only generalisation that can be made about these is that the [a] examples involve
alternations between a back vowel in the singular and a front vowel in the plural – in
[ia–iiia] /u
/ or /υ/ alternating with /i
/, and in [iva–va] /aυ/ alternating with /ai/ (where
it is just the second component of the diphthong that alternates). For the [b] items man
and woman, the changes in the written form are alike (a to e), but they are quite different
in the spoken form (/men/ and /wimin/). In complex bases in ·man the vowel difference
between /æ/ and /e/ is normally lost, with both reduced to /ə/: the result is that these
therefore have base plurals in the spoken language, as noted above.19
4.1.5 The ·en plurals (oxen, children, brethren)

Three nouns show fossilised remnants of an Old English weak ending ·en:
[19] i /ɒks/ /ɒksən/ ox oxen
ii /tʃaild/ /tʃildrən/ child children
iii / brðər / / breðrən/, / breðrin/ brother brethren
Only the first has a simple addition of ·en to the base. With children there is also the
addition of r and a vowel change in speech, while brethren has vowel change in both
speech and writing. Brother also has a regular plural, brothers: the form brethren is
restricted in its application to members of an organisation or religious group.
4.1.6 Foreign plurals ( formulae, curricula, phenomena, crises)

Many words borrowed from other languages have been completely anglicised and have
only regular plurals. Others have the plurals of the languages from which they are taken,
either as the only possibility or as a variant of a regular plural. Many of the foreign plurals
are restricted to scientific or technical genres or to formal style. In informal speech the
regular plural forms tend to be preferred where they exist; except in specialised contexts,
use of the more exotic foreign plurals is often regarded as pedantic or affected.
One problem is that there is no way of identifying foreign words from the form of
the base. Although some endings are found with one type of foreign word, others are
found with words of quite varied origin – for example, final a is characteristic of one
class of nouns in Latin, but is also found in such words as algebra (from Arabic) and
phobia (from Greek). Furthermore, an ending may be indicative of a particular foreign
language origin, but not restricted to the class of nouns having a certain type of plural.
While us, for example, is found with a fair number of nouns from Latin that have i in
the plural (e.g. alumnus ∼ alumni), corpus (plural corpora) does not belong to this class;
nor do foetus and prospectus. Similarly, polygon does not belong to the same class as
phenomenon in Greek.
Some words that are etymologically foreign plurals have been reanalysed as singulars
in English: this has happened where the original singular form is relatively uncommon
or no longer in use at all (see Ch. 5, §3.2.4). The reanalysis may be complete, as with
agenda, which is no longer used as a plural (and is in fact the base for a regular plural
agendas), or incomplete, with singular and plural uses co-existing, as with data. See the
comments below on algae, data, insignia, candelabra, bacteria, strata, media, criteria,
confetti, macaroni.
19
Pluralisation by vowel change is now effectively dead, and new uses and adaptations of the above words are
beginning to show regular plurals. Thus when louse is used to mean “despicable person” it has the plural
louses, and mouses is becoming increasingly common as the plural of mouse in the sense of a computer
cursor-movement peripheral.
§ 4.1.6 Foreign plurals 1591
Latin plurals
From Latin there are four common patterns:
[20] latin plural regular plural
i formula formulae formulas
ii radius radii radiuses
iii curriculum curricula curriculums
iv index indices indexes
The Latin plural involves changing the ending of the base, while the regular plural
adds the plural suffix to the base. For patterns [i–iii] there are some words which allow
only the Latin plural, some that allow either, and others that allow only the regular
plural. Thus for [i] larva takes only the Latin plural, replacing a by ae (larvae/∗larvas);
formula takes both (formulae/formulas); and arena takes only the regular English plural
(arenas/∗arenae). For pattern [iv] we have only the second and third of these possibilities.
(a) Bases ending in a
Bases of the three types just distinguished are shown in [21], those in [i] taking only
the Latin plural, those in [ii] allowing either, and those in [iii] taking only the regular
English plural:
[21] i ae only alga, alumna, larva
ii ae or s amoeba, antenna, fibula, formula, lacuna, nebula, persona,
retina, tibia, vertebra
iii s only algebra, area, arena, dilemma, encyclopedia, guerrilla, phobia,
quota, replica, rumba
The nouns in [iii] have a variety of origins – Arabic (algebra), Greek (phobia), Spanish
(rumba): only area and arena belong etymologically with those in [i–ii]. The normal
pronunciation of ae is /i
/, but /ai/ is found as a variant in algae, formulae, lacunae, and
/ei/ in vertebrae. Singular alga is uncommon and algae is often reanalysed as non-count
singular.
(b) Bases ending in us
The Latin plural of bases ending in us replaces this ending by i ; the default pronun-
ciation of this is /ai/, but the nouns marked † in [22] have a variant pronunciation
with /i
/.
[22] i i only alumnus, bacillus†, homunculus, locus, rectus, stimulus†
ii i or es abacus, cactus†, focus†, fungus†, hippopotamus, narcissus,
nucleus†, radius, stylus, syllabus, terminus, thesaurus, uterus
iii es only apparatus, census, excursus, foetus, hiatus, impetus, prospectus,
status, virus
Foci with the /ai/ suffix usually has /s/ rather than /k/ in the base. None of the nouns
in [iii], apart from virus, belongs etymologically with those of [i–ii]. Similarly, cor-
pus, genus, and opus do not belong in this group etymologically; they have either the
Latin plurals corpora, genera, opera, or the regular ones in es. Octopus does not be-
long here etymologically either (it derives, indirectly, from Greek); it behaves like the
nouns in [ii], though octopuses is more common than octopi (which is often criticised
by prescriptivists).
(c) Bases ending in um

The Latin plural here replaces um by a, normally pronounced /ə/. Again we have three
classes:
[23] i a only addendum, bacterium, corrigendum, datum, desideratum,
erratum, labium, ovum, pinetum, quantum
ii a or s aquarium, candelabrum, curriculum, honorarium, maximum,
memorandum, millennium, moratorium, plectrum, podium,
referendum, spectrum, stadium, stratum, symposium, ultimatum
iii s only album, asylum, chrysanthemum, conundrum, forum, geranium,
harmonium, mausoleum, museum, pendulum, premium
Agenda and insignia belong here etymologically but the forms in um are no longer used:
agenda is now a count singular with a regular plural and insignia is treated as either plural
or non-count singular. Candelabrum is also rare: for many people it is no longer in use,
with candelabra now a singular like agenda. Similarly, singular bacterium is rare outside
scientific contexts and bacteria is elsewhere often used as either singular or plural. Strata
can also be found reanalysed as a singular with the meaning “level in society” and with
stratas as plural, but this usage is widely regarded as non-standard. Medium in the sense
“spiritualist” belongs in [iii], with mediums as plural; media is used in a range of senses,
most commonly as a cover term for television, radio, and the press: here it is either plural
(but with singular medium extremely rare) or non-count singular.
(d) Bases ending in ex or ix
The Latin plural replaces these endings by ices. This time we distinguish just two classes;
the nouns in [24i] allow either the Latin or the regular plural, and those in [ii], which
do not belong to the same etymological class, have only regular plurals:
[24] i ices or es apex, appendix, cervix, codex, cortex, helix, ibex, index, latex,
matrix, tortix, vortex
ii es only annex, crucifix, reflex, spinifex
Dictionaries give only codices for codex, but the term is an uncommon and technical
one and without reference to a dictionary one might well use codexes (and similarly for
tortix). There are no examples comparable to larva in [21], stimulus in [22], desideratum
in [23], where regular plurals are quite clearly out of the question. With index the two
plurals usually correspond to different senses, indexes applying to alphabetical reference
lists in publications, indices to raised numerals in mathematics. With appendix the Latin
plural is commonly used for additions included at the end of a publication and the
regular plural for parts of the body, but the correlation is a good deal weaker than with
index.
There are also a few nouns in x that have ges in the plural: larynx ∼ larynges; similarly
pharynx and coccyx. These are also found with regular plurals.
Greek plurals
There are two types to be considered.
[25] i basis bases / beisis/ / beisi
z/
ii phenomenon phenomena /fənɒminən/ /fə nɒminə/
For the spoken versions of type [ii] the plural simply drops the final /n/ of the base.
§ 4.1.6 Foreign plurals 1593
Bases ending in is
Most nouns ending in is are from Greek and follow the pattern of basis, with es replacing
is ; there are a few with a regular plural, es being added instead of replacing is, but there
are none with alternation between the two types:
[26] i change is to es: analysis, antithesis, arsis, axis, crisis, diagnosis, ellipsis,
emphasis, genesis, hypothesis, metamorphosis,
neurosis, oasis, paralysis, parenthesis, psychosis,
synopsis, synthesis, testis, thesis, thrombosis
ii add es after is : iris, metropolis, pelvis, penis
The last two of the nouns in [ii] derive from Latin rather than Greek (as indeed does
testis in [i]). Note that while the plural of basis, bases, is the same in writing as the regular
plural of base, the two plurals are pronounced quite differently, /beisi
sz/ vs /beisiz/;
the same applies to axes (from axis or axe) and ellipses (from ellipsis or ellipse).
Bases ending in on
The foreign plural replaces on by a. Again there are three classes:
[27] i a only criterion, phenomenon, prolegomenon
ii a or s automaton, ganglion
iii s only electron, neutron, positron, prion, proton, skeleton
Horizon, pentagon, polygon, etc., do not belong to the same etymological class as
the above, but are like [iii] in having only regular plurals. With criterion, examples
of the regular plural criterions are in fact attested, but they are very rare; much more
common is the reanalysis of criteria as a count singular (?No criteria exists), but it is
not widely regarded as acceptable. Nor is the (less common) use of phenomena as a
singular.
French plurals
French words ending in s have base plurals in writing, whereas in speech the singular has
no final consonant and the plural a regular /z/ ending. There are others, ending in eau
or ieu, that are again regular in speech but in writing have a French plural in x as well as
a regular one in s :
[28] i /ʃæsi/ /ʃæsiz/ chassis chassis
ii /plætoυ/ /plætoυz/ plateau plateaux/plateaus
Other lexemes following these patterns are:
[29] i Like chassis: chamois, corps, faux pas, patois, rendezvous
ii Like plateau: adieu, bureau, chateau, milieu, tableau
Other foreign plurals
Two further patterns, from Hebrew and Italian, are the following:
[30] i kibbutz kibbutzim [Hebrew]
ii paparazzo paparazzi [Italian]
The Hebrew plural in im is found in religious language with cherub and seraph, and in
borrowings via Yiddish like goy. It coexists, however, with regular English forms: plurals
like cherubs, goys, and kibbutzes will be found and are quite acceptable.
The contrast between Italian singular o and i plural seen in [30ii] is extremely
marginal in English. Words such as paparazzi and graffiti were borrowed into English as
plurals; the singulars followed later and are not well established. Thus one of the paparazzi
is more usual than a paparazzo. Pasta terms like cannelloni, capellini, macaroni, ravioli,
spaghetti, tagliatelli, and tortellini, and some similar words such as confetti, are likewise
plurals in Italian. In English, however, they are non-count singulars; and paparazzi and
graffiti already show signs of following them in this.20
In contrast, a number of Italian borrowings in the sphere of classical music are
known primarily through their singulars: concerto, contralto, libretto, soprano, tempo,
virtuoso, etc. For these, however, the regular plurals are much more common than the
foreign ones in i, which are generally restricted to very specialised contexts such as concert
programme notes and likely to be perceived as affected elsewhere. There are thus almost
no signs of the o ∼ i pattern being active in English.
Dictionaries sometimes contain various other plurals from certain other languages
(e.g. erg ∼ arag “sand dunes” from Arabic; as ∼ aesir “gods” from Norwegian), but
none of them are in common use.
4.1.7 Compound nouns (grown-ups, commanders-in-chief )

Plural marked on second element
Most compounds form their plurals with the regular ·s suffix added to the second element:
grown-ups, overcoats, shopkeepers, etc. Where the second element is a noun with an
irregular plural, the compound normally exhibits the same irregularity: grandchildren,
policewomen, werewolves. There are a few exceptions, however. Reindeer, we have seen,
has a regular plural as well as a base one, whereas deer has only the latter. In speech
handkerchief has an irregular plural in /vz/ as well as the regular one in /fs/, while
the rarer kerchief has only the regular one. Compounds in man, such as policeman,
normally have no stress on the man syllable, so it is pronounced /mən/ in both singular
and plural; hence, in effect, these forms have base plurals in speech despite the vowel
change plural of man itself (§4.1.3).
Plural marked on first element

With some compounds, usually ones where the second element is an adjective or a PP,
the first element may carry the plural marking. In some cases this is the only possibility,
but in others there is alternation with a plural marked on the second element:
[31] i 1st only sg: man-of-war pl: men-of-war
ii 1st or 2nd sg: attorney general pl: attorneys general, attorney generals
[32] i 1st only commander-in-chief, passer-by
ii 1st or 2nd court martial; sister-in-law, son-in-law, . . . ; spoonful,
mouthful, . . .
Where both plurals exist, the one with marking on the first noun is generally the more
favoured one in formal style. The exception is the set of nouns in ·ful, spoonful, bucketful,
mouthful, and the like: these differ from the others in being written without space or
hyphen, and the form with final ·s is more frequent and recommended by manuals.
20
While not as widely accepted in non-count singular use as data or media, these words are beginning to be
thus attested; note, for example, the occurrence of its in this 1997 example: With his mother gone, there is an
expectation the paparazzi will turn its lenses on Prince William.
§ 4.1.8 Proper nouns 1595
Plural marked on both elements

This is found when the first base is man or woman and it stands in an ascriptive type
of relation to the second: menservants. Menservants should be contrasted with man-
eaters, where the relationship is not ascriptive: menservants are men, but man-eaters are
(generally) not.
4.1.8 Proper nouns (Joneses, Marys)

Proper nouns may be used in the plural in constructions like The Hudsons have invited us
over ; We must keep up with the Joneses; There are five Davids in the class (Ch. 5, §20.4). In
such cases the base always remains unchanged in both speech and writing, and takes the
regular suffixes: the Wolf family are referred to as the Wolfs (not as ∗the Wolves), people
called Mary can be referred to collectively as Marys (not ∗ Maries).
This principle extends to common nouns used as proper names. For instance, three
copies of the publication ‘Woman’ would be referred to as three Womans.
4.2 The genitive

In this chapter we are concerned solely with head genitives, those that are marked on the
head noun of the genitive NP, as in [the duke’s] children; phrasal genitives like [the Duke
of York’s] children are discussed in Ch. 5, §16.6.
From the point of view of inflectional morphology there are two types of genitives,
which we call ’s genitives (as in dog’s) and bare genitives (as in dogs’).
The ’s genitive
This is the default alternant: it occurs except in the special circumstances described
below where the non-genitive ends in /s/ or /z/. In speech the ·’s suffix has the same three
alternants as we have in regular plurals and 3rd person sg present tense verbs – /iz/ after
sibilants, /s/ after voiceless non-sibilants, and /z/ after voiced non-sibilants:
[33] /hɔ
r s·iz/ horse’s /kæt·s/ cat’s /dɒg·z/ dog’s
In writing it is invariantly ’s. The apostrophe separates the suffix from the base, which
does not undergo any of the regular or irregular modifications that apply in plural
formation:
[34] i wife’s lady’s potato’s quiz’s [genitive singulars]
ii wives ladies potatoes quizzes [non-genitive plurals]
The bare genitive
In writing this has the form of an apostrophe at the end of the word: dogs’. In speech
it has no realisation at all, such genitives being identical with the non-genitive: /dɒgz/.
Notice then that, as spoken, /dɒgz/ is ambiguous between genitive singular dog’s, non-
genitive plural dogs, and genitive plural dogs’.
The bare genitive is normally restricted to nouns ending in s. It is either obligatory or
else optional, with the ’s genitive as a variant:
[35] i cats’ dogs’ horses’ wives’ indices’ theses’ species’ [obligatory]
ii Socrates’ Xerxes’ Moses’ Jesus’ Burns’ Jones’ James’
iii Socrates’s Xerxes’s Moses’s Jesus’s Burns’s Jones’s James’s [optional]
The bare genitive is obligatory with plural nouns ending in s, regular or irregular,
including foreign plurals like indices. Nouns like species which have identical singular
and plural forms with final s take a bare genitive in the singular as well as the plural, and
in writing this will apply to nouns like chassis too (§4.1.6). The bare genitive is likewise
the only possibility in more or less fixed phrases with sake : for goodness’/convenience’
sake (the latter having spoken /s/ but not written s).
An optional bare genitive is found in certain types of proper names, where it is more
likely in writing than in speech, in formal style than in informal. There is a good deal
of variation here and it is not possible to give hard and fast rules. The bare genitive
is most widely used with classical, religious, and literary names like the first five in
[35ii]. Elsewhere it is normally restricted to names pronounced with voiced /z/ rather
than voiceless /s/ (as in all the names in [35ii] except Jesus). Examples like Ross’ are
sometimes attested but they are of questionable acceptability: Ross’s is the normal form,
and in speech the /iz/ is required. Even with final /z/, a bare genitive is hardly possible if
/z/ is preceded by a vowel, as in Les or Ros.
5 Verbs
All non-defective verbs other than be have syncretism between the plain form and the
plain present tense, both identical with the lexical base. Many verbs, including all regular
ones, also have syncretism between the past participle and the preterite. And a few have
syncretism between these last two and the plain form. Lexical verbs thus have five, four,
or three overtly distinct forms:
[1] plain plain past 3rd sg gerund-
form present preterite participle present participle
take took taken takes taking
love loved loves loving
cut cuts cutting
The gerund-participle is regular in speech for all verbs, and the 3rd sg present for all
but four: our major focus will therefore be on the preterite and the past participle.
We begin in §5.1 with the forms of regular verbs, and then deal briefly in §5.2
with the irregular present tense forms, before turning to the preterite and past par-
ticiple forms in §5.3. In these first three sections we consider only verbs with simple
bases, but the analysis extends very straightforwardly to verbs with complex bases,
as shown in §5.4. Finally, in §5.5 we examine the formation of negative auxiliary
verbs.
5.1 Regular forms

In this section we consider those inflectional forms that are regular in speech:
with some of them there are spelling alternations that make them irregular in
writing.
§ 5.1 Regular forms 1597
The gerund-participle
This is regular in speech for all verbs, even be ; it is formed by means of the suffix ·ing,
phonologically /iŋ/:21
[2] /laik·iŋ/ lik·ing /plei·iŋ/ play·ing /bi
·iŋ/ be·ing
The 3rd sg present tense
The suffix here is identical with that of regular plural nouns and has been discussed in
§2.1. It is written as s or es and in speech has the alternants /iz/, /s/, and /z/, depending
on the phonological features of the base:
[3] /wiʃ·iz/ /sip·s/ /rɒb·z/ wish·es sip·s rob·s
The preterite and past participle
Regular forms of these are always the same, and have the suffix written as ed and pro-
nounced /id/, /t/, or /d/, depending again on the phonological features of the base:
[4] /heit·id/ /laik·t/ /plei·d/ hat·ed lik·ed play·ed
Spelling alternations
Four sets of spelling alternations were discussed in §2.2, but there is a little more to be
said about each of them.
Doubling of base-final consonant letter before suffixes beginning with a vowel
The general rules given in §2.2.1 account for such forms as those in [5], where doubling
applies to the final consonant letter of a base preceded by a vowel symbol consisting of
a single letter and stressed on the final syllable.
[5] i bat batted batting
ii occur occurred occurring
iii gas gassed gassing gasses
Doubling extends to some bases meeting the above conditions except that they have
non-final stress:
[6] i level levelled/leveled levelling/leveling
ii focus focussed/focused focussing/focusing focusses/focuses
iii worship worshipped/worshiped worshipping/worshiping
iv handicap handicapped handicapping
We noted in §2.2.1 that bases of this kind ending in l, as in [i], take doubling in BrE but
not AmE. This applies quite systematically, except that BrE doubling is optional with
parallel (no doubt because the base already contains one instance of double ll ). The
base in [ii] ends in s : bias is the one other verb of this kind.
Worship and handicap are representative of a number of other verbs taking optional
or obligatory doubling respectively; further examples are as follows:
[7] i Optional: bayonet, benefit, diagram, kidnap, program
ii Obligatory: format, hobnob, humbug, leapfrog, sandbag, waterlog
21
In non-standard dialects in both the BrE and AmE families, and also in some now largely extinct upper-class
dialects in Britain, the ·ing suffix is pronounced /in/ in the gerund-participle use (but much less so where it is
part of the lexical base, as in belongings, planking, railings, etc.).
Where both forms are used, the one with doubling tends to be characteristic of BrE,
the other of AmE.22 For the most part these verbs have, or look as though they have,
complex bases – and the doubling can then be seen as following the pattern of complex
bases with a verb as final element, such as wiretap. In the latter, the inflection matches
that of the simple verb, irrespective of the stress, so that we have obligatory doubling,
as with tap: wiretap ∼ wiretapped ∼ wiretapping (see §5.4). Note the contrast with such
items as the following (likewise with non-final stress) where doubling does not occur:
develop, dollop, gallop, gossip, hiccup, scallop.
Comparable to consonant doubling is the (obligatory) addition of k after final c,
as in:
[8] picnic picnicked picnicking
Other verbs of this kind include: bivouac, frolic, magic (away/up), panic, tarmac,
traffic.23
Presence or absence of base-final e

The earlier rules (§2.2.2) deal with such cases as:
[9] i hope hoped hoping
ii hoe hoed hoeing
With verbs ending in inge, mute e is retained before ·ing in some, optional in others, and
omitted (in accordance with the general rule) in others:
[10] i singe singeing Also: swinge [e retained]
ii tinge tinging/tingeing Also: binge, hinge, whinge [e optional]
iii cringe cringing Also: fringe, impinge, syringe [e dropped]
The ge of the base indicates that the final consonant is /d/, and so marks the distinction
in the gerund-participle between singeing (/sindiŋ/) and singing (/siŋiŋ/), swingeing
(/swindiŋ/) and swinging (/swiŋiŋ/). Another example of the retention of e before ·ing
is BrE routeing /ru
tiŋ/: the e serves to distinguish routeing, a form of route, from routing,
a form of rout. (AmE has the pronunciation /raυtiŋ/ and the spelling routing for the
former.) With age, both ageing and aging are found, with the former more usual in BrE
(contrast the regular wage, where e is obligatorily dropped).
Alternation between y and i(e)

We have noted that, following a consonant symbol, y is changed to i before ·ed, but not
before ·ing, and that ie is changed to y before ·ing:
[11] i deny denied denying
ii lie lied lying
However, there is a mixed situation with two verbs that end in i: taxi and ski (both
formed by conversion from nouns):
[12] i taxi taxied taxiing/taxying
ii ski skied/ski’d skiing
22
In BrE the base program is used only in the sense relating to computers; for other senses the base is programme,
which itself contains double mm.
23
Arc, where the c follows r, optionally takes k: arced/arcked, arcing/arcking.
§ 5.2 Irregular present tense forms 1599
Taxying is clearly formed by analogy with lying, while the use of the apostrophe with
ski’d, to establish that the base is ski, may be motivated by a recognition that skied might
be taken to be the preterite or past participle of the verb sky.24
Where y forms part of a composite vowel symbol, it normally remains unchanged, but
there are three verbs in ay which have aid in the preterite and past participle – compare:
[13] i regular pray prayed praying Also: other regular verbs
ii irregular pay paid paying Also: lay, say
Say does not strictly belong here, for it is an irregular verb in speech by virtue of a vowel
change not matched in the spelling (/sei/ ∼ /sed/): see [54].
Alternation between ·s and ·es with bases ending in o

We have seen (§4.1.1) that there are a considerable number of nouns ending in o, some
of them forming their plurals in ·s, others in ·es, others again in either. There are only a
few verbs in o, and all are homonymous with nouns. Apart from radio (which takes ·s
because the o is preceded by a vowel symbol) almost all the verbs take the ·es suffix, like
the corresponding nouns:
[14] echoes embargoes goes torpedoes vetoes
(Does, from the verb do, also has ·es, though the verb is irregular and its 3rd sg present
is pronounced differently from the plural of the noun do.) One exception is photos with
·s in both verb and noun – but the verb photo is quite rare: for the verb we usually use
the non-clipped photograph.
5.2 Irregular present tense forms

Irregular 3rd sg present
Just four verbs have irregular forms in the 3rd sg present:
[15] i be /bi
/ /iz/ be is
ii have /hæv/ /hæz/ have has
iii do /du
/ /dz/ do does
iv say /sei/ /sez/ say says
The first two are irregular in both speech and writing; the 3rd sg present of be is suppletive
(phonologically unrelated to the base), while that of have drops the base-final /v/, as do
the preterite and past participle. The 3rd sg present forms of do and say are irregular
only in speech, where they have a different vowel from the base.
Non-3rd sg present forms of be

Be differs from all other verbs in having a distinct form for the 1st sg, am /æm/. The
default present tense form, used for all person–number combinations other than 1st/3rd
sg, is also suppletive: are /ɑ
r /.
Modal auxiliaries
The modals are highly irregular in that they show no person–number distinctions at
all, and may be treated as having neither the plain present nor the 3rd sg present, but
24
An apostrophe is also optionally found in mascara’d, where the motivation seems to be merely to avoid the
unusual sequence aed.
just a single undifferentiated present tense form. Must and ought derive historically from
preterite forms.
5.3 Irregular preterite and past participle forms

We have seen that with all regular verbs the preterite and the past participle are identical;
the same holds for many irregular verbs too, and we therefore treat the two forms together
in this section (and where they are identical we will normally give the form only once
in the examples below). Some verbs have regular forms as variants of the irregular ones:
these are indicated by the notation ‘r’ in the lists that follow.
The classification is based on the spoken forms, as explained in §1.3. We have four
broad classes, each with several subclasses. An index to the classification is given
in §5.3.5.
5.3.1 Class 1 verbs: secondary ·ed formation (burn, keep, hit, lose)
A number of common verbs are clearly somewhat irregular, but can nevertheless be
treated in terms of the ·ed formation, supplemented by four other operations: devoic-
ing of the suffix, vowel shortening, consonant reduction, and devoicing in the base.
Seven subclasses of these verbs may be recognised, each involving one or more of these
operations. In all cases the preterites and past participles are the same.
Class 1a: devoicing of the suffix

With eight verbs ending in /l/ or /n/ there is both a regular form with /d/ and one in
which the suffix is /t/, despite the voicing of the final consonant of the base. The variation
is normally reflected in the spelling, with t instead of ed (and ll reduced to l ).
[16] smell /smel/ /smeld/, /smelt/ smell smelled, smelt
burn /b
r n/ /b
r nd/, /b
r nt/ burn burned, burnt
[17] Also: dwell, earn, learn, spell, spill, spoil
Earn is an exception orthographically: it has only the regular form earned.
Class 1b: vowel shortening

With several monosyllabic verbs there is a change in the vowel from /i
/ to /e/; this is
matched in the spelling by the change from ee to e, though ea remains unchanged:
[18] keep /ki
p/ /kept/ keep kept
leap /li
p/ /lept/ leap leapt
[19] Also: creep, sleep, sweep, weep
This can be treated in terms of ‘vowel shortening’: /i
/ is a member of the class of long
vowels and /e/ a member of the class of short vowels, and the long vowel is replaced
by a short one when followed by two consonants. In addition to the vowel shortening
there is a change in the vowel quality (/i
/ is close and /e/ is half open), but the spelling
(generally using the same vowel letters) indicates that there has been a historical change.
This change is reflected elsewhere in the language, as in /səri
n/ (serene) vs /səreniti/
(serenity). All the verbs in this class end in /p/ and therefore have the /t/ alternant of the
suffix.
§ 5.3.1 Class 1 verbs 1601
Class 1c: consonant reduction

With some verbs the preterite and past participle form is identical with the base:
[20] hit /hit/ /hit/ hit hit
spread /spred/ /spred/ spread spread
[21] Also: bet r, bid 1 , burst, bust r, cast, cost 1 , cut, fit r, hurt, let, put, quit r,
rid r, set, shed, shut, slit, split, thrust, wed r, wet r
As indicated above, the notation ‘r’ means that the verb has regular forms as variants:
He had wet/wetted it. BrE has only regular forms for fit; otherwise, there is generally a
preference for the irregular forms, especially in BrE. The regular forms of the colloquial
bust are found primarily in AmE or when it has the sense “arrest”. Irregular rid is required
in adjectival passives like At last we were rid of them. The taboo verb shit (again with
regular alternants) also belongs here, but it has an additional preterite variant with vowel
change, shat.
There are phonologically similar verbs such as knit, shred, sweat that have only the
regular forms. Similarly, although cost 1 “be priced” is in class 1c, cost 2 “estimate the
cost of ” is always regular. Bid 1 “make an offer” has different forms from the bid 2 of bid
farewell, bid someone do something, which belongs in Class 3e. In writing read belongs
here too, but in speech it is like bleed and is therefore listed in Class 1f.
The identity of the preterite and past participle with the base might seem to suggest
that there is no suffix and that these verbs are like the base plural nouns of §4.1.3,
but it may be argued that it is significant that all of these verbs end in an alveolar
plosive /t/ or /d/. An alternative analysis, therefore, is that these verbs are irregular by
virtue of having the suffixes /t/ and /d/ rather than regular /id/ – just like verbs with
bases ending in consonants other than /t/ and /d/. Addition of /t/ and /d/ to the bases
here would give ∗ /hitt/ and ∗ /spredd/, but English phonology does not permit doubled
consonants at the end of a word, so these forms would be reduced to /hit/ and /spred/.
This is plausible in itself, and it also receives support from the discussion of Class 1f
below.
Class 1d: vowel shortening with devoicing of the suffix

Six verbs have both devoicing of the suffix and reduction of /i
/ to /e/, reflected in the
spelling change from ee to e, with ea again remaining unchanged. The bases end with
alveolar /l/ or /n/, except for one instance of /m/:
[22] feel /fi
l/ /felt/ feel felt
mean /mi
n/ /ment/ mean meant
[23] Also: deal, dream r, kneel, lean r
Class 1e: consonant reduction with devoicing of the suffix
Six verbs combine these two operations:
[24] bend /bend/ /bent/ bend bent
build /bild/ /bilt/ build built
[25] Also: lend, rend, send, spend
The verbs in this class all end in an alveolar sonorant plus voiced plosive (/n/ or /l/
followed by /d/) in the base, but in a sonorant plus voiceless /t/ in the preterite and
past participle. This can be accounted for by the combination of consonant reduction
(∗ /bendd/ and ∗ /bildd/ giving ∗ /bend/ and ∗ /bild/) and devoicing of the suffix (giving
/bent/ and /bilt/). The archaic gird (with girt /g
r t/ as its preterite and past participle)
is similar but would need to be explained in terms of another sonorant, /r/; this would
be correct for rhotic accents but, as we have noted, the /r/ has been lost in modern BrE
and is reflected by vowel quality alone.
Class 1f: vowel shortening with consonant reduction

These operations combine in:
[26] bleed /bli
d/ /bled/ bleed bled
lead /li
d/ /led/ lead led
[27] Also: breed, feed, meet, read, speed
These verbs have vowel shortening from /i
/ to /e/, like those in Classes 1b and 1d above.
The bases also end in an alveolar plosive, /d/ or /t/, which appears to be unchanged in
the preterite and past participle, but can again be accounted for in terms of consonant
reduction, with ∗ /bledd/ becoming /bled/, and so on. Indeed these verbs provide further
evidence for consonant reduction. The vowel shortening in Classes 1b and 1d applies
before two consonants (thus not, for example, with bases ending in a vowel, such as
free), so that vowel shortening in the present class is explained if we postulate forms with
two consonants like ∗ /bledd/, with reduction to /bled/ following from the prohibition
on double consonants.
In writing ee again changes to e ; this time ea also becomes e in lead. In read, on the
other hand, the spelling remains unchanged in the preterite and past participle, as in the
verbs of Classes 1b and 1d. Thus in writing read shows no change at all, and belongs in
Class 1c.
There are three other verbs that can be handled in terms of vowel shortening and
consonant reduction, but the vowels are different from the above:
[28] slide /slaid/ /slid/ slide slid
light /lait/ /lit/ light lit
shoot /ʃu
t/ /ʃɒt/ shoot shot
The vowel changes in the first two from /ai/ to /i/, and in the third from /u
/ to /ɒ/.
Both can be seen as vowel shortening, since diphthongs such as /ai/ are phonologically
long vowels – and this particular change is found elsewhere in English, e.g. in /divain/
(divine) vs /diviniti/ (divinity). The same vowel changes are found with bite (3d) and
shoe (4a). All three verbs in [28] end in an alveolar plosive and so fit in with the account
in terms of consonant reduction. Light is often regular in AmE, or in the idiom light
upon.
Class 1g: devoicing in the base with vowel shortening

These operations apply in:
[29] leave /li
v/ /left/ leave left
lose /lu
z/ /lɒst/ lose lost
Leave and lose are the only clear examples of this pattern. Bereave and cleave are usually
regular (bereaved, cleaved); the irregular forms /bireft/ and /kleft/, bereft and cleft, also
§ 5.3.2 Class 2 verbs 1603
occur, but they are more often found as participial adjectives than as verbs (and see 3f
for cloven).
5.3.2 Class 2 verbs: vowel alternations (drink, dig, find, come)

With many of the irregular verbs there is a change in the stressed vowel of the base to
form the preterite and/or the past participle. Usually there is a front vowel in the base
but a back vowel in the preterite or past participle, a pattern we will speak of as the
back vowel formation. Most again have syncretism between the preterite and the past
participle, but the forms are distinct in Classes 2a and 2e.
Class 2a: /i/ ∼ /æ/ ∼ //

Nine verbs have the vowels /i/, /æ/, and // (spelled i, a, and u) for base, preterite, and
past participle respectively:
[30] drink /driŋk/ /dræŋk/ /drŋk/ drink drank drunk
ring /riŋ/ /ræŋ/ /rŋ/ ring rang rung
begin /biin/ /biæn/ /bin/ begin began begun
[31] Also: shrink, sing, sink, spring, stink, swim
In the written form, the vowels suggest the basic vowel triangle i a u, a familiar pattern in
languages that have only three vowels. But this is not reflected in the spoken form in all
dialects; most have // instead of /υ/ corresponding to u (those of northern England being
exceptional in preserving the earlier system).
Class 2b: /i ∼ // ∼ //

The verbs in this class are similar to those in 2a except that there is syncretism between
the preterite and past participle. In general, the // corresponds to u in writing; win is
exceptional in spelling it with o.
[32] dig /dig/ /dg/ dig dug
win /win/ /wn/ win won
[33] Also: cling, fling, sling, slink, spin, stick, sting, string, swing, wring
All except dig and stick (which were formerly regular) end in a nasal. There is some
overlap between this class and the last. All the verbs in Class 2a are also occasionally
found with the // vowel in the preterite, e.g., /riŋ/ ∼ /rŋ/ ∼ /rŋ/, ring ∼ rung ∼ rung;
these preterites, however, are considered non-standard, in varying degrees. Conversely,
swing from [33] may occasionally be found in speech with the preterite /swæŋ/), and
there is an archaic preterite of spin, span.
Class 2c: /ai/ ∼ /aυ/ ∼ /aυ/

This class has a change from front to back in the last element of a diphthong in speech,
but from i to ou in writing:
[34] find /faind/ /faυnd/ find found
[35] Also: bind, grind, wind1
(Wind 2 , converted from the noun wind and pronounced /wind/, is regular.)
Class 2d: miscellaneous vowel alternations

Several other miscellaneous alternations, most of them between front and back vowels,
are seen in the following dozen verbs:
[36] abide r /əbaid/ /əboυd/ abide abode Also: dive AmE
fight /fait/ /fɔ
t/ fight fought
get BrE /get/ /gɒt/ get got
hang /hæŋ/ /hŋ/ hang hung
heave /hi
v/ /hoυv/ heave hove
hold /hoυld/ /held/ hold held
shine /ʃain/ /ʃɒn/ shine shone
sit /sit/ /sæt/ sit sat Also: spit
sneak AmE /sni
k/ /snk/ sneak snuck
strike /straik/ /strk/ strike struck
Heave belongs here only in its nautical sense: elsewhere it is regular. Dive and sneak are
regular in BrE, though snuck is used jocularly. In AmE strike has stricken as a variant of the
past participle; in BrE this is used only in the passive (or as a participial adjective), with
the sense “afflicted”, as in He was stricken with arthritis/fear. Sit, spit, and hang each have
two of the vowels involved in Class 2a. Hang tends to be regular in the execution/suicide
sense; hung is certainly found in this sense (e.g. hung in effigy), but is condemned in
some usage manuals. For AmE get, see Class 3f.
Class 2e: vowel change in preterite, past participle identical with base
Just two verbs show this pattern:
[37] come /km/ /keim/ /km/ come came come
run /rn/ /ræn/ /rn/ run ran run
5.3.3 Class 3 verbs: past participles formed with the ·en suffix (see, ride, take)
There are verbs in which the past participle has the suffix we refer to as ·en. This suffix is
never used for the preterite in standard English, though there are some forms, notably
done and seen, that are used as preterites as well as past participles in certain non-standard
dialects.
The suffix is most often added to the base, as in eat·en, sometimes with modification
of the base, as in swoll·en, but there are also verbs where it is added to the preterite form,
as in brok·en.
In speech it is pronounced /ən/, /n / (syllabic /n/), or /n/, normally under the following

conditions:
[38] i /ən/ after /l/ or /k/ /fɔ
lən/ /teikən/ fallen taken
ii /n / after /t/, /d/, /v/, /z/ /bi
tn / /tʃoυzn / beaten chosen

iii /n/ after vowels /si
n/ /groυn/ seen grown
There is variation between /ən/ and /n / after consonants other than /l/, so that /n / can

occur instead of /ən/ in taken, etc., and vice versa in beaten, chosen, etc.
The spelling alternations for bases taking ·en are the same as with other vowel-initial
suffixes with respect to deletion of final e, as in tak·en (formed from take), and doubling
§ 5.3.3 Class 3 verbs 1605
of final consonant, as in trodd·en (formed from trod). We also have consonant doubling
in such forms as ridden and written: the bases ride and write end in an e that forms part
of a discontinuous symbol representing the diphthong /ai/, but the change to the short
vowel /i/ leads to the dropping of the e, so that the d and t are now in final position and
hence subject to doubling.
In addition ·en is reduced to ·n after a composite vowel symbol, and i replaces y at
the end of such a symbol; with bases ending in re, both the e of the base and that of the
suffix are dropped, with /r/ therefore remaining post-vocalic and pronounced only in
rhotic accents:
[39] i after composite vowel symbol see seen sew sewn
ii after composite vowel in y slay slain lay lain
iii after re tore torn wore worn
The e of ·en is retained after the single-letter vowel symbol of be to give been. With
the three verbs do, go, bear the suffix has the exceptional spelling ne : done, gone,
borne.
Some of the verbs have similar vowel changes to those that have already been consid-
ered in §§5.3.1–2. We distinguish eight subclasses.
Class 3a: regular preterite, ·en added to base

There are eight verbs here, all with regular alternants:
[40] show r /ʃoυ/ /ʃoυd/ /ʃoυn/ show showed shown
[41] Also: hew r, mow r, prove r, saw r, sew r, sow r, strew r
Apart from prove, all have bases ending in a vowel; in writing they have a composite
vowel symbol in w, and hence the suffix ·n. With some, notably show, sow, strew, the
irregular past participle is preferred, but prove is again the odd one out: in BrE proved is
much more common than proven as a verb (as distinct from the participial adjective of
a proven friend, etc.).25 Proven can be pronounced with /u
/ or with /oυ/ — in the latter
case the verb belongs in Class 3b.
Class 3b: regular preterite, vowel change in past participle

Two verbs:
[42] shear r /ʃiər / /ʃiər d/ /ʃɔ
r n/ shear sheared shorn
swell r /swel/ /sweld/ /swoυlən/ swell swelled swollen
Class 3c: /ai/ ∼ /oυ/ ∼ /i/
These verbs have a different vowel in each form.
[43] ride /raid/ /roυd/ /ridn / ride rode ridden

[44] Also: drive, rise, shrive r, smite, ? stride, strive, thrive r, write
The change from base /ai/ to past participle /i/ might be regarded as vowel shortening,
but without the two consonants that normally condition it – compare slide in [28]. Stride
is marked ‘ ? ’ because the past participle form stridden is very dubious and may not occur.
For strike and the form stricken, see Class 2d.
25
Shaven is used only as a participial adjective and hence is not included in our list.
Class 3d: vowel shortening in preterite and past participle

Three verbs can be treated in terms of the secondary ·ed formation, with the preterite
having consonant reduction and vowel shortening from /ai/ to /i/:
[45] bite /bait/ /bit/ /bitn / bite bit bitten

[46] Also: chide r, hide
The past participle might appear to be formed from the preterite, but it is simpler to
treat it as formed from the base, as with most verbs: it is just that the past participle also
involves vowel shortening of /ai/ to /i/, as it does in the verbs of Class 3c (where there is
no question of the past participle being formed from the preterite).
One other verb that may be considered here is beat:
[47] beat /bi
t/ /bi
t/
/bi
tn / beat beat beaten

This too can be seen in terms of consonant reduction in the preterite, but it is unusual
in that there is no vowel shortening as there is with all similar verbs: if there were
vowel shortening as in meet or lead (and compare bite) the forms would be ∗ /bet/ and
∗
/betn /.

Class 3e: vowel change in preterite, ·en added to base
There are some other verbs that have past participles formed by the addition of ·en to
the lexical base, with various vowel changes in the preterite:
[48] bid 2 /bid/ /bæd/ /bidn / bid bade bidden

blow /bloυ/ /blu
/ /bloυn/ blow blew blown
draw /drɔ
/ /dru
/ /drɔ
n/ draw drew drawn
eat /i
t/ /et/ /i
tn / eat ate eaten

fall /fɔ
l/ /fel/ /fɔ
lən/ fall fell fallen
give /giv/ /geiv/ /givn / give gave given

see /si
/ /sɔ
/ /si
n/ see saw seen
slay /slei/ /slu
/ /slein/ slay slew slain
take /teik/ /tυk/ /teikən/ take took taken
[49] Also: (like blow) grow, know, throw ; (like take) forsake, shake
Alternative pronunciations of the preterites of bid and eat are /beid/ and (especially in
AmE) /eit/. Bid 2 has the sense “give a greeting/order”, and is somewhat archaic; for bid 1 ,
see 1c. In BrE know is not quite like blow in that the preterite has /j/: /nju
/.
Class 3f: vowel change in preterite, ·en added to preterite

There is another set of verbs that have past participles formed by the addition of ·en to
the preterite, rather than the lexical base, with various vowel changes:
[50] break /breik/ /broυk/ /broυkən/ break broke broken
choose /tʃu
z/ /tʃoυz/ /tʃoυzn / choose chose chosen

lie1 /lai/ /lei/ /lein/ lie lay lain
speak /spi
k/ /spoυk/ /spoυkən/ speak spoke spoken
tear /teər / /tɔ
r / /tɔ
r n/ tear tore torn
tread /tred/ /trɒd/ /trɒdn / tread trod trodden

wake /weik/ /woυk/ /woυkən/ wake woke woken
[51] Also: (like speak) cleave r, freeze, steal, weave; (like tear) bear, swear, wear
§ 5.3.4 Class 4 verbs 1607
AmE get belongs here, with the forms /get/ ∼ /gɒt/ ∼ /gɒtn /, get ∼ got ∼ gotten (the

same vowel pattern as tread), except that there is a variant of the past participle that is
identical to the preterite, as it always is in BrE. Lie1 has the meaning of position: lie2
“tell a lie” is regular. The preterite of intransitive lie1 is homophonous with the base of
transitive lay (listed in [13ii]): compare It lay on the floor (lie1 ) and He asked me to lay
it on the floor (lay). Lay, however, is often confused with lie1 and used intransitively,
but this usage is regarded as non-standard: ! He asked me to lay on the floor. In BrE, the
past participle of bear is spelled born only in the passive, in the childbirth sense (He was
born in 1900) or metaphorical extensions thereof (His anti-social behaviour was born of
frustration at being constantly ignored); elsewhere it is borne (It has borne fruit). Cleave
has cleft as a variant for the preterite and past participle (Class 1g).
Class 3g: vowel change in both preterite and past participle

There are two verbs that have an ·en suffix but different vowels (other than shortened
vowels) in all three forms:
[52] do /du
/ /did/ /dn/ do did done
fly /flai/ /flu
/ /floυn/ fly flew flown
Class 3h: suppletive preterites
Two verbs have suppletive preterites, and both have past participles with a version of the
·en suffix:
[53] be /bi
/ /wɒz/–/w
r / /bi
n/ be was–were been
go /goυ/ /went/ /gɒn/ go went gone
Be is idiosyncratic in that it has two preterite forms, was for 1st/3rd sg and were elsewhere;
its ·en suffix is phonologically /n/, as normal after a vowel. (Were with a 1st/3rd sg subject
is an irrealis mood form: see Ch. 3, §1.7.) The past participle of go is irregular in both
speech and writing, having an idiosyncratic vowel change in speech and ne as the spelling
of the suffix.
5.3.4 Class 4 verbs: other formations ( flee, hear, stand, buy, can)
There are some verbs that have features that are not covered in the previous discussion.
Most of them appear to have an ·ed type suffix, but with vowel changes that are not
typical of the secondary ·ed formation.
Class 4a: vowel shortening and ·d suffix

There are three verbs with bases ending in a vowel that have a /d/ suffix together with a
vowel change in the preterite and past participle:
[54] flee /fli
/ /fled/ flee fled
say /sei/ /sed/ say said
shoe /ʃu
/ /ʃɒd/ shoe shod
Flee has the same vowel change as keep (1b), while shoe has the same change as shoot
(1f). Say has a completely idiosyncratic vowel change – the same, however, as in the
3rd sg present form /sez/. The vowel change in all three verbs might be regarded as vowel
shortening, but again we do not here have the two final consonants that condition vowel
shortening in the central cases, such as keep.
Class 4b: vowel change and ·d suffix

Very similar, but with vowel changes that clearly do not involve shortening, are:
[55] hear /hiər / /h
r d/ hear heard
sell /sel/ /soυld/ sell sold Also: tell
Class 4c: loss of consonant
There are three verbs of this type:
[56] have /hæv/ /hæd/ have had
make /meik/ /meid/ make made
stand /stænd/ /stυd/ stand stood
Have and make would be regular except for the loss of /v/ and /k/. Stand has both vowel
change and loss of /n/; the final /d/ can be taken to be either the final consonant of the
base or the suffix /d/ with consonant reduction.
Class 4d: forms with ought and aught

There are seven verbs, with various types of base, that have preterite and past participle
forms ending in /ɔ
t/ (ought or aught):
[57] beseech /bisi
tʃ/ /bisɔ
t/ beseech besought
bring /briŋ/ /brɔ
t/ bring brought
buy /bai/ /bɔ
t/ buy bought
catch /kætʃ/ /kɔ
t/ catch caught
seek /si
k/ /sɔ
t/ seek sought
teach /ti
tʃ/ /tɔ
t/ teach taught
think /θiŋk/ /θɔ
t/ think thought
Fight has been listed in Class 2d as its base ends in /t/, but it could also be included
here.
Class 4e: preterites of the modals

Four of the modal auxiliaries have preterite forms, though not past participles; all are
highly irregular, three of them ending in /υd/ (ould), with an l that does not correspond
to a phonological /l/ in any extant dialect.
[58] can /kæn/ /kυd/ can could
may /mei/ /mait/ may might
shall /ʃæl/ /ʃυd/ shall should
will /wil/ /wυd/ will would
5.3.5 Index to the classification

abide 2d be 3h bear 3f beat 3d begin 2a bend 1e bereave 1g
beseech 4d bet 1c bid1 1c bid2 3e bind 2c bite 3d bleed 1f
blow 3e break 3f breed 1f bring 4d build 1e burn 1a burst 1c
bust 1c buy 4d can 4e cast 1c catch 4d chide 3d choose 3f
cleave 1g cling 2b come 2e cost 1c creep 1b cut 1c deal 1d
dig 2b dive 2d do 3g draw 3e dream 1d drink 2a drive 3c
dwell 1a earn 1a eat 3e fall 3e feed 1f feel 1d fight 2d
§ 5.4 Verbs with complex bases 1609
find 2c fit 1c flee 4a fling 2b fly 3g forsake 3e freeze 3f

get 2d,3f gird 1e give 3e go 3h grind 2c grow 3e hang 2d
have 4c hear 4b heave 2d hew 3a hide 3d hit 1c hold 2d
hurt 1c keep 1b kneel 1d know 3e lead 1f lean 1d leap 1b
learn 1a leave 1g lend 1e let 1c lie 3f light 1f lose 1g
make 4c may 4e mean 1d meet 1f mow 3a put 1c quit 1c
read 1f rend 1e rid 1c ride 3c ring 2a rise 3c run 2e
saw 3a say 4a see 3e seek 4d sell 4b send 1e set 1c
sew 3a shake 3e shall 4e shear 3b shed 1c shine 2d shoe 4a
shoot 1f show 3a shrink 2a shrive 3c shut 1c sing 2a sink 2a
sit 2d slay 3e sleep 1b slide 1f sling 2b slink 2b slit 1c
smell 1a smite 3c sneak 2d sow 3a speak 3f speed 1f spell 1a
spend 1e spill 1a spin 2b spit 2d split 1c spoil 1a spread 1c
spring 2a stand 4c steal 3f stick 2b sting 2b stink 2a strew 3a
stride 3c strike 2d string 2b strive 3c swear 3f sweep 1b swell 3b
swim 2a swing 2b take 3e teach 4d tear 3f tell 4b think 4d
thrive 3c throw 3e thrust 1c tread 3f wake 3f wear 3f weave 3f
wed 1c weep 1b wet 1c will 4e win 2b wind 2c wring 2b
write 3c
5.4 Verbs with complex bases (underpin, become)

Regular verbs
Where a verb with a complex base is formed from a regular verb, it too is regular.
Moreover, if there are spelling alternations, they match those of the verb from which it
is formed. This is seen in the doubling of the final consonant in:
[59] i underpin underpinned underpinning
ii wiretap wiretapped wiretapping
The stress pattern of the complex base verb cannot account for the doubling in [ii],
because the last syllable is not stressed; there is doubling because there is (predictable)
doubling in the simple form.26 As suggested in §5.1, this probably also accounts for
such verbs as hobnob, humbug, worship, handicap, kidnap, etc., which likewise have
doubled consonants before ·ed and ·ing, even though the last syllable is not stressed.
Whatever their actual status, these are apparently treated as if formed from nob, bug,
ship, cap, and nap (and with kidnap this analysis would appear to be etymologically
correct).
Irregular verbs
The same applies here: the complex verb has irregular forms matching those of the simple
verb in final position. For example, arise has the forms arise ∼ arose ∼ arisen, matching
those for rise, the preterite and past participle of retell is retold, and so on. This pattern
26
Compare the two verbs relay. In the sense “lay again” it is a derivative of lay and shares its irregular preterite
and past participle: relaid. In the sense “send by relay” it has no morphological connection with lay, and is
regular: relayed.
applies even where the meaning of the complex verb is relatively opaque. For example,
mistake is like take and understand like stand, in spite of the fact that there is no evident
semantic relation between the simple and complex verbs:
[60] i take took taken mistake mistook mistaken
ii stand stood stood understand understood understood
The inflectional-morphological relationship is thus maintained long after the semantic
connection has been lost. A sample of complex verbs of this kind is given in:
[61] become befall behold beset betake forbear
forbid forecast forgive forgo forswear hamstring
overbear overcome oversee overtake partake undergo
undertake uphold upset withdraw withhold withstand
Forbid derives from bid2 “order” of Class 3e: forbid ∼ forbade ∼ forbidden. Forget has
the forms forget ∼ forgot ∼ forgotten, following the model of get in AmE, except that
the past participle has only the form with ·en. Beget normally follows the same model
(beget ∼ begot ∼ begotten), but it also has a distinct archaic preterite begat.
Exceptions
There are a very small number of exceptions, where a complex verb has regular forms even
though the simple one is irregular. One example is gainsay, which differs from irregular
say in that it retains the vowel /ei/ of the base in the 3rd sg present tense (/geinseiz/
vs /sez/) and optionally does so in the preterite and past participle too (/geinsed/ or
/geinseid/ vs /sed/ only); in writing gainsay follows the pattern of say (with irregular
change of y to i).
A second exception is broadcast, which in addition to the irregular preterite and past
participle broadcast, matching that of cast, has the regular form broadcasted; likewise the
more recent telecast. Similar is deepfreeze, but here the irregular deepfroze and deepfrozen
are the normal forms and the regular form deepfreezed is of only marginal acceptability.
5.5 Negative forms of auxiliaries

A distinctive property of the English auxiliary verbs is that they have negative forms,
marked by the suffix /nt/, spelled n’t. The verbs concerned are be, have, do, the modals,
and (for some speakers) aspectual use. The negative suffix appears only in finite clauses:
on preterite and present tense forms (and the irrealis form of be), and in the auxiliary
do used in imperatives.
Regular forms
Most of the negative auxiliary forms are regular, with the suffix simply added to the
preterite or present tense form. This applies with the following:
[62] aren’t /ɑ
r nt/ couldn’t /kυdnt/ daren’t /deər nt/ didn’t /didn t/

doesn’t /dzn t/ hadn’t /hædn t/ hasn’t /hæzn t/ haven’t /hævn t/

isn’t /izn t/ mightn’t /maitn t/ needn’t /ni
dn t/ oughtn’t /ɔ
tn t/
r
shouldn’t /ʃυdn t/ wasn’t /wɒzn t/ weren’t /w
nt/ wouldn’t /wυdn t/

§ 5.5 Negative forms of auxiliaries 1611
We omit ?mayn’t (/meint/, /meiənt/); though current in the earlier part of the twentieth
century, it has now virtually disappeared from the language.
Irregular forms
Half a dozen negative auxiliary forms are irregular, either in speech alone or in both
speech and writing.
Forms that are regular in writing but irregular in speech
[63] i do don’t /du
/ /dəυnt/
ii must mustn’t /mst/ /msnt/
% %
iii used usedn’t /ju
st/ /ju
snt/

In [i] there is a change of vowel, and in [ii–iii] the final /t/ is lost before the negative
suffix. Usedn’t is the only form where the suffix is added to a preterite with the ·ed suffix,
and it has a variant irregular spelling usen’t in which the final consonant is dropped in
writing too (see Ch. 3, §2.5.9).
Forms that are irregular in both speech and writing
[64] i can can’t /kæn/ /kɑ
nt/ (BrE), /kæ
nt/ (AmE)
ii shall shan’t /ʃæl/ /ʃɑ
nt/ (BrE), /ʃæ
nt/ (AmE)
iii will won’t /wil/ /woυnt/
All the negative forms in this group lose the base-final consonant, and with will there is
also a change of vowel, in both speech and writing. In BrE, can’t and shan’t have a change
of vowel in speech.
The form cannot
Can has an additional variant form cannot, unique in that not (the etymological source
of the /nt/ suffix), complete with its vowel, is attached to the lexical base. This form is
more common in the written language than in speech, though the distinction in writing
between the single word cannot and the word sequence can not is matched in speech
by that between /kænɒt/ (one /n/ and stress on the first syllable) and /kən nɒt/ (two
/n/’s and stress on the second syllable). In cannot, as in can’t, the negative is invariably
external, having scope over the modality, whereas this is not so with the analytic negative
can not : see Ch. 3, §9.10.
Cannot is more formal in style than can’t. It is hardly possible in pre-subject position:
Can’t /? Cannot we stay a little longer?; Not only can’t /∗cannot he find the key, he’s not even
sure the papers are in the office anyway!
The form ain’t

This form, pronounced /eint/, serves as the negative of any of the present tense forms
of be and have: am, are, is, have, has. There is a long tradition of prescriptive condem-
nation of it. In BrE it is reasonably called non-standard,27 occurring (for example) in
working-class speech but not (except jocularly) in academics’ discourse; but in AmE it
is more widely used and accepted in informal style. Educated American speakers use it
not only in ordinary informal speech but also at times in writing.
27
Until the nineteenth century or even later, however, ain’t was common in colloquial upper-class BrE speech.
Its effective proscription has been one of the greatest successes of prescriptivists.
The negative of am
The regular negative form % amn’t is restricted to certain dialects, notably of Scotland
and Ireland. In interrogatives with subject–auxiliary inversion /ɑ
r nt/ is widely used:
Aren’t I going to be invited?; I’m right, aren’t I? The earlier spellings a’n’t and an’t
have given way to aren’t, reflecting its homophony with the negative of are. Aren’t I
is fully established in BrE or AmE, though in informal AmE ain’t I? would often be
substituted.
However, in uninverted constructions ∗ I aren’t is not admissible even in informal
style. Those who have ain’t, use that here, while others use analytic negation: I am not
or I’m not.
6 Phonological reduction and liaison
Inflectional morphology is concerned with the form of grammatically distinct words that
belong to a single lexeme, but we turn now to certain cases of phonological variation in
the form of a single grammatical word. Compare, for example:
[1] a. I think Pat has seen it. /əz/ b. I haven’t seen it, but Pat has. /hæz/
We are dealing here with the same word has (the 3rd sg present tense form of have),
but a natural pronunciation in the context of [a] is /əz/, whereas in [b] it is pronounced
/hæz/. These are called weak and strong forms respectively.
The weak form can be regarded as phonologically reduced relative to the strong
form, but this kind of reduction is found on a much larger scale in rapid casual
speech. Compare, for example, the three pronunciations of What do you want?
shown in:
[2] i /wɒt du
ju
wɒnt/
ii /wɒt dυ jυ wɒnt/
∼
iii /wɒdə wɒ ʔ/
Version [i] contains strong forms of do and you, and represents a somewhat unnatural
pronunciation, involving unusually careful or emphatic enunciation. Version [ii] con-
tains weak forms of do and you, and represents a natural pronunciation in ordinary
∼
connected speech. Version [iii] involves a much greater degree of reduction (with /ɒ /
indicating a nasalised vowel in place of vowel + nasal sequence, and /ʔ/ indicating a
glottal stop in place of /t/) and is restricted to casual style.
There are of course more than three possible pronunciations of the sentence, showing
varying degrees of phonological reduction. The study of pronunciation in rapid casual
style belongs to the field of phonology, and is outside the scope of this book. Weak forms
do merit some consideration, however, for two reasons. In the first place, they are used,
as we have said, in ordinary connected speech and in many cases represent the default
or stylistically neutral pronunciation. The natural pronunciation of Look at the cat, for
example, is /lυk ət ðə kæt/; the version with strong forms of at and the, namely /lυk
æt ði
kæt/, would generally be unnatural to the point of unacceptability, sounding like
a sequence of disconnected words. Secondly, the use of weak forms interacts with the
grammar in that it is subject to grammatical restrictions: it is not possible, for example,
to have a weak form of has in [1b].
§ 6.1 Weak forms 1613
We will also consider in §6.2 clitic forms, which represent a somewhat greater degree
of reduction. A clitic is a form which merges phonologically with an adjacent word, as
when the first two words of Pat has seen it are pronounced /pæts/ (the written language
indicates this with the spelling Pat’s seen it).
6.1 Weak forms

There are around fifty words that have one or more weak forms as well as a strong form,
as shown in the following table:28
[3] item strong weak item strong weak
a /ei/ /ə/ me /mi
/ /mi/
am /æm/ /əm/ must /mst/ /məst/, /məs/
and /ænd/ /ənd/, /ən/ my /mai/ /mi/
are /ɑ
r / /ər / of /ɒv/ /əv/
as /æz/ /əz/ shall /ʃæl/ /ʃəl/
at /æt/ /ət/ she /ʃi
/ /ʃi/
be /bi
/ /bi/ should /ʃυd/ /ʃəd/
been /bi
n/ /bin/ sir /s
r / /sər /
but /bt/ /bət/ some /sm/ /səm/
can /kæn/ /kən/ than /ðæn/ /ðən/
could /kυd/ /kəd/ that /ðæt/ /ðət/
do /du
/ /dυ/, /də/ the /ði
/ /ði/ ∼ /ðə/
does /dz/ /dəz/ them /ðem/ /ðəm/
for /fɔ
r / /fər / there /ðeər / /ðər /
from /frɒm/ /frəm/ to /tu
/ /tυ/, /tə/
had /hæd/ /həd/, /əd/ us /s/ /əs/
has /hæz/ /həz/, /əz/ was /wɒz/ /wəz/
have /hæv/ /həv/, /əv/ we /wi
/ /wi/
he /hi
/ /hi/, /i/ were /w
r / /wər /
her /h
r / /hər /, /
r /, /ər / who /hu
/ /hυ/, /υ/
him /him/ /im/ will /wil/ /wəl/, /əl/
his /hiz/ /iz/ would /wυd/ /wəd/, /əd/
is /iz/ /iz/ you /ju
/ /jυ/, /jə/
Except for sir, these words belong to one (or more) of the grammatical categories
auxiliary verb, pronoun, determinative, preposition, coordinator, and subordinator. The
weak form /ðət/ applies to that as a subordinator, not a determinative; /ðər / applies to
there as a dummy pronoun, not a locative preposition; /hυ/ and /υ/ apply to who as a
relative rather than interrogative pronoun.
With the definite article the, the weak form /ðə/ is generally used before consonants
and /ði/ before vowels: /ðə peər / (the pear) and /ði æpl/ (the apple). There is, however,
a certain amount of variation: some speakers use /ðə/ throughout – and there are also
those who have this as a strong form.
28
Forms containing /ə/ followed by /l, m, n/ have an alternate possible pronunciation with no vowel and syllabic
/l, /m, /n; these phonologically predictable alternants are not shown in the table.
Distribution of strong and weak forms

Strong forms are used when the word is stressed, weak forms when it is unstressed.
One completely general factor that leads to a word being stressed is emphasis or
contrast, as with the articles in [4i] or the verb was in [ii]:
[4] i I didn’t say I’d found THE missing key: I said I’d found A key.
ii I never said I WAS a member.
As far as the articles are concerned, the strong forms are found only under conditions of
this kind (see Ch. 5, §6), where they are not only stressed but also the informational focus.
For the rest, there are certain grammatical contexts that require strong forms:
[5] i a. Who did you give it [to ]?
b.We’ll help you if we [can ]. [stranding]
c. They want me to resign, but I don’t intend [to ].
ii How long will it be before she comes [to]? [intransitive use]
iii I haven’t any money: can you lend me some? [fused-head]
iv Thank you, sir. [not the appellation use]
In [i] we have stranding of a preposition, auxiliary verb, or infinitival to; in [ia] to is
followed by a gap linked to interrogative who, while [ib–c] are elliptical. In [ii] the
preposition has no complement at all; this use of to is highly restricted, and there are no
comparable uses of the other prepositions in [3]. The generalisation covering cases [i–ii]
is that prepositions, auxiliaries, and infinitival to are stressed when they are the sole or
final element in a phrase-level constituent, a PP or VP.29
Examples [5iii–iv] illustrate more specific conditions. Determinative some is always
stressed when in fused-head function; for its pre-head use, see Ch. 5, §7.5. The weak
form of sir is used only in pre-head position in a proper name, as in Sir James ; the same
applies to saint, whose weak form /sənt/ is found only in names like Saint/St Joan.
6.2 Clitic versions of auxiliary verbs

Certain tensed forms of auxiliary verbs have, in addition to their weak forms, clitic
versions, which merge phonologically with an adjacent word, their host. Thus we’ve
is pronounced like weave, and he’ll like heel, while I’m rhymes with time, and so on.
For the most part, as in these examples, the clitics attach to a preceding word: they are
then called, more specifically, enclitics. There is, however, one proclitic, attaching to a
following host: this is the clitic version of do, which merges with you in examples like
D’you like it?
Clitic forms are more restricted in their syntactic distribution than weak forms – but
in varying degrees. The most restricted is the proclitic form of do, which attaches only to
the pronoun you in clauses with subject–auxiliary inversion: D’you want it?; What d’you
want? The enclitics we will consider under three headings.
29
This statement may need to be qualified to cater for constructions where the gap is preceded by a sequence
of two (or more) auxiliaries or prepositions, as in I didn’t tell her, though I realise I probably should have
or What did she make it out of ? While strong forms are required for the first element (should and out),
both strong and weak forms are found for the second (have and of ). The strong version is the more usual,
however, and it may be that the weak forms are confined to the rapid casual style that falls beyond the scope
of this book.
§ 6.2 Clitic versions of auxiliary verbs 1615
(a) Most restricted: clitic forms of am, are, have, and will
These attach only to a preceding subject pronoun, as in:
[6] /aim/ I’m /wiər / we’re /ðeiv/ they’ve /hi
l/ he’ll
The clitic forms of am, have, and will consist of a single consonant: /m, v, l/. In the case
of are it is not possible to give a satisfactory representation for the clitic itself, as the
host + clitic combination may not be phonologically divisible into two corresponding
parts. For example, they’re in BrE is usually homophonous with locative there. Matters
are complicated by the rhotic vs non-rhotic contrast and by the fact that the host + clitic
combination may itself have strong and weak forms. Thus you’re has a number of strong
forms, including /jɔ
r / (rhyming with sore) and /jυər / (rhyming with pure), but also a
weak form /jə/.
The distributional restrictions on these clitics can be seen by comparing the examples
in [6] with those in [7], where cliticisation is not normally possible:
[7] i Jo and you are in for a shock.
ii Both of you have been pretty inconsiderate.
iii The Smiths will be there, and so will I.
In [i–ii] you is not itself the subject, only part of the subject; and in [iii] so is a connective
adjunct. We are concerned here with the phonology: so will, for example, can’t be reduced
to /soυl/ (homophonous with soul ). In writing, the use of contraction marked by an
apostrophe is somewhat more extensive, at least for ’ll and ’ve. In Pat’ll do it, for example,
’ll corresponds to the weak form /əl/, and in You could’ve been hurt the ’ve corresponds
to weak /əv/.
The contrast between [6] and [7] is very clear. The difference between clitics and
weak forms can, however, be quite slight, and there would seem to be some variation
among speakers concerning the use of these clitics. Some, for example, accept non-subject
interrogative words as host, as in Where have you put the keys? (% /weər v/).
(b) Least restricted: the clitic forms of is and has

The clitic form of both these verbs is /z/ (or /s/, after a voiceless consonant). Thus in Jean’s
here and Jean’s taken it we have /di
nz/, homophonous with the plural form jeans. The
loss of the distinction between the two auxiliaries can lead to ambiguities: It’s finished,
for example, can mean either “It is finished” or “It has finished”.30
These clitics place fewer requirements on what may serve as their host, allowing hosts
that are not subject pronouns; but they are still interestingly restricted. Compare:
[8] i Which dog’s been on the sofa? [NP subject]
ii That they’re wet’s obvious enough. [clausal subject]
iii Get the one that’s up in the bedroom. [subordinator that in relative]
iv What do you think’s going to happen? [matrix clause + subject gap]
v Ed, I think, is going, and so’s Sue. [connective so (or neither/nor)]
vi Here’s what you need. There’s the bus. [locative here/there]
vii Why’s this happening? [monosyllabic interrogative word]
viii What the hell’s she doing? [interrogative + emotive modifier]
30
In examples like What’s it matter? the /s/ is a clitic version of does, but this use belongs to a more casual style
of speech than we are concerned with here.
%
ix What salad’s that man over there eating? [multi-word interrogative]
%
x Don’t use more force than’s absolutely necessary. [comparative than]
∗
xi She often’s right about things. [central adjunct]
∗
xii Never’s it going to be easier. [other preposed constituent]
The clitic may attach to the last word of the subject, which does not have to be an NP. In
[iii–iv] it attaches to the word preceding a subject gap: the subordinator that in relative
clauses, or the last word of the matrix in content clause complements (in [iv] ‘ ’s going
to happen’ is complement of think: compare I think something absolutely terrible’s going
to happen, where the subject is present in the content clause). The elliptical construction
shown in [v] may have neither or nor instead of so: Ed isn’t going and neither’s/nor’s Sue.
With prenuclear non-subject interrogative phrases, the clear cases are those consisting
of a monosyllabic interrogative word, alone or followed by one of the emotive modifiers
the hell, on earth, ever, etc. Some speakers allow other interrogative phrases, as in [ix].
There is also variation with respect to comparative than in [x]. But [xi–xii] illustrate
constructions where cliticisation is excluded: following an adjunct in central position
(between the subject and the verb), and preposed constituents other than interrogatives
and the connectives of [v].
(c) Intermediate: the clitic forms of had and would

These auxiliaries have /d/ as their clitic form: in He’d gone and He’d go we have /hi
d/,
homophonous with heed. Again, then, ambiguities can arise: I’d put it away can mean
either “I had put it away” or “I would put it away”. Such ambiguities, however, are much
rarer than with is and has because there is less overlap in the distribution of had and
would.
The clitic /d/ occurs only after vowels: in Jan had seen it, for example, the auxiliary
can’t be cliticised to yield a form rhyming with sand. Syntactically, it is less restricted
than the clitic forms of am, are, have, and will: it may, for example, attach to to in The
person you were talking to’d been in prison. But it seems somewhat more restricted than
/z/: for example, it can hardly attach to connective so in and so had/would I. For many
speakers had cliticises somewhat more readily than would, so that reduction to /d/ would
be more likely in Who had she been seeing?, say, than in Who would you vote for?
6.3 Incorporation of the infinitival marker to

In some varieties, especially in AmE, the initial to of an infinitival catenative complement
may, in informal speech, be morphologically incorporated into the preceding head word.
This is found with the seven items listed in [9]; it is often shown in very informal styles of
writing (typically the written representation of casual speech) by non-standard spellings:
[9] i going + to / gənə / She’s gonna fall.
ii got + to /gɒtə/ You’ve gotta help me.
iii have + to /hæftə/ We’ll hafta give it away.
iv ought + to /ɔ
tə/ You oughta tell them the truth.
v supposed + to /səpoυstə/ He’s supposta be at work.
vi used + to /ju
stə/ I usta like her.
vii want + to /wɒnə/ They wanna get a new car.
§ 6.3 Incorporation of the infinitival marker to 1617
This phenomenon is to be distinguished from the regular phonological reduction of

to (infinitival marker or preposition) to the weak form /tə/, as in:
[10] a. I hope to see her. /hoυp tə/ b. They drove to Paris. /droυv tə/
The most significant difference is that the forms in [9] can be stranded, whereas the
reduction to a weak form illustrated in [10] does not take place in this kind of context
(cf. [5i] above). Compare, then:
%
[11] i a. He doesn’t want me to tell her but I’m gonna .
%
b. I asked them to help but they don’t wanna .
ii a. I’m not sure I’ll see her, but I hope to . [/hoυp tu
/, /not ∗ /hoυp tə/]
b. That’s not the place they drove to . [/droυv tu
/, not ∗ /droυv tə/]
In this respect the case is similar to that of negative forms like can’t or isn’t (§5.5), and we
again regard it therefore as a matter of morphology, not mere phonological reduction.
But it is much less systematic than the negative case, applying to just seven words which
do not in other respects belong together as a class; it thus falls within the sphere of lexical
morphology, not inflection.
This is to say that the forms in [9] are morphological compounds. And because the infinitival
marker has been incorporated into the compound the catenative complement is a bare
infinitival, not a to-infinitival. For the same reason they can only enter into the simple
catenative construction, not the complex one. The ordinary verb want can enter into either:
They want to get a new car (simple) or They want me to get a new car (complex). There is
naturally no compounded counterpart of the latter example because want and to are not
adjacent. But even when the object NP is fronted so that the to does immediately follow want,
the compound is still excluded. Compare, then:
[12] i a. %Who do you want to invite ? b. %Who do you wanna invite ?
ii a. Who do you want to win? b. ∗Who do you wanna win?
In [ia] who is object of invite, whereas in [iia] it is object of want. Example [ia] thus belongs to
the simple catenative construction (like I want to invite Kim) and hence allows incorporation
of to, as in [ib]; [iia] belongs to the complex construction (like I want Kim to win) and hence
has no counterpart with wanna, for the compound verb licenses only a single complement,
a subjectless bare infinitival.31
Two of the seven compounds display the inflectional contrast shown in:
[13] 3rd sg present plain present or plain form
i hafta /hæstə/ /hæftə/
ii wanna /wɒnstə/ /wɒnə/
The inflectional marking of the 3rd sg present form is on the head element, the verb base,
just as in plural compounds like passers-by it is on the noun base. In contexts requiring some
other inflectional form, only the ordinary, non-compounded construction is available: They
had to leave ; We’re having to sell it. Note that in ellipsis these behave like [11ii], not [11i], so
that in We asked them not to leave but they had to, for example, we have /hæd tu
/, not ∗ /hædə/.
In addition, /ju
stə/ can be either a preterite form (I usta like it) or a plain form (I didn’t
31 Aminority of speakers appear to allow the pronunciation /wɒnə/ in [12iib], but we would regard that not
as a case of morphological compounding but a matter of phonological reduction. The complex catenative
construction provides no evidence for a morphological explanation of the kind illustrated in [11].
usta like it), the syncretism here reflecting the homonymy in the non-compounded I used to
like it and I didn’t use to like it. The /gɒtə/ of [9ii] is a past participle form governed by per-
fect have; the latter is often omitted, however, leading to the reanalysis of /gɒtə/ as an invariant
present tense form. The /ɔ
tə/ of [iv] is an invariant present tense form or a non-standard
plain form used in the negative with supportive do (! He didn’t oughta). Also invariant are
/gənə/ and /səpoυstə/, the former being part of an idiom headed by progressive be, the latter
a participial adjective likewise found only after be (cf. Ch. 16, §10.1.3).
6.4 Liaison
There are two instances in English phonology and morphology of transitional consonants
that are inserted between words, or parts of words, to avoid a hiatus between two vowels.
This phenomenon is widely known as liaison, a term taken over from the grammar of
French.
One case is that of linking and intrusive /r/ found exclusively in non-rhotic accents.
This is of morphological relevance in the formation of gerund-participles, as discussed in
§2.1.4. For the rest, it is a quite general phonological phenomenon, and it is not necessary
to add here to the account given in Ch. 1, §3.1.1. It is never reflected in the orthography.
The indefinite article

The other case is specific to one grammaticised word, the indefinite article, which has
an as a liaison form before vowels:
[14] i a. a fool b. an idiot
ii a. a by no means ugly man b. an in some ways handsome man
Historically, the indefinite article derives from an unstressed form of the cardinal numeral
one: the /n/ of the latter has been lost in a but retained in an. As far as Present-day English
is concerned, the result is that the indefinite article is unique in having a distinct liaison
form. It has /ən/ as its weak form, /æn/ as its strong form.
An is used when the next word begins with a vowel. The choice between a and an
depends purely on the phonological context. The liaison form occurs before a vowel
sound, not before particular letters. Thus uncle and epic are pronounced with an initial
vowel, so we have an uncle and an epic, but unit and eunuch are pronounced with an
initial consonant (/j/), giving a unit and a eunuch. Or compare an onion and a once-in-
a-lifetime opportunity (where once begins with /w/).
The only complication concerns words spelled with initial h. We need to distinguish
three sets of words beginning with h:
[15] i heir honest honorarium honour hour
ii a. habitat hero history hostel hysterectomy
b. habitual heroic historical hotel hysterical
The words in [i] do not have an /h/ in their pronunciation, and hence require the liaison
form: an heir, an honest man, etc. There are relatively few such words: those listed,
together with derivatives and compounds (heirloom, hourly) – and, in AmE but not
BrE, herb.
The words in [15iia–b] all have initial /h/ when spoken in isolation. The difference is
that with those in [iia] the syllable beginning with /h/ is stressed, while with those in [iib]
§ 6.4 Liaison 1619
it is unstressed. The [iia] words never take the liaison form: we have a hero, not ∗ an hero,
in accordance with the general rule. The initial /h/ of an unstressed syllable, however,
may optionally be dropped in connected speech, as in Did you see him?, this habitual
criminal, its historical development, and so on. Loss of the /h/ results in a word beginning
with a vowel, thus providing the context for the liaison form, again in accordance with
the rule: /ənəbitʃυəl kriminəl/.
This is unproblematic as far as speech is concerned, but in writing the status of
expressions like an habitual criminal, an heroic trek, an historical novel, an hysterical
outburst is less clear. Usage manuals generally agree that an is permissible, but not
obligatory, in such cases – which reflects the fact that /h/ is optionally, but not obligatorily,
omitted in speech. The manuals suggest, however, that the present trend is towards always
using a before words of type [15iib]: a habitual criminal, a heroic trek, a historical novel, a
hysterical outburst. A hotel is often mentioned as a special case, with the suggestion that
an hotel is now old-fashioned and to be avoided.

24.0 PP 1565 1620 Inflectional Morphology and Related Matters

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

24.0 PP 1565 1620 Inflectional Morphology and Related Matters

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

18

6 Phonological reduction and liaison 1612

Inflectional morphology vs lexical word-formation

non-inflectional variations in form that involve different pronunciations for certain

1.1 Lexical base, morphological operations, and alternation

Regular and irregular forms

1.2 Overview of inflectional categories

1.3 Speech and writing

Different alternations in speech and writing

Inflectional classes in speech and writing

Symbols and letters, vowels and consonants

2 General phonological and spelling alternations

2.1 Phonological alternations

2.1.1 The sibilant suffixes: /iz/ ∼ /s/ ∼ /z/

2.1.3 Bases ending in syllabic /l/ (/hmbl/ ∼ /hmbliŋ/)

2.1.4 Bases ending in post-vocalic /r/: alternation in non-rhotic accents

2.2 Spelling alternations

2.2.1 Consonant doubling (bat ∼ batt·ing)

Exceptions to the consonant doubling rule

2.2.2 E-deletion (like ∼ lik·ing, subdue ∼ subdu·ing)

We distinguish three cases of base-final e :

(b) The e is part of a final composite vowel symbol

2.2.3 Y-replacement (silly ∼ silli·er, try ∼ trie·s)

Analysis of the plural and 3rd sg present forms

(a) Bases which in speech end in a sibilant

(b) Bases ending in o

3.1 Inflectional comparative and superlative forms

Phonological changes in the base

(b) Irregular adjectives in /ŋ/

3.2 Inflectional vs analytic comparatives and superlatives

between pairs of disyllabic initially stressed bases with phonologically identical

4.1 Plural formation

4.1.1 Regular ·s plurals (cats, dogs, horses)

Plurals in speech: the alternation between /iz/, /s/, and /z/

The alternation between ·s and ·es

4.1.2 Irregular ·s plurals: modification of the base (wives, mouths, houses)

(a) Bases with final /f/

(b) Bases with final /θ/

(c) Bases with final /s/

4.1.3 Base plurals (cod, bison, series, Chinese, craft)

(a) Nouns denoting edible and game fish

(b) Nouns denoting game animals and birds

(c) Nouns with bases ending in /s/ or /z/

(d) Tribal and ethnic names

(e) Other cases

4.1.4 The vowel change plurals (teeth, mice, men)

4.1.5 The ·en plurals (oxen, children, brethren)

4.1.6 Foreign plurals ( formulae, curricula, phenomena, crises)

(c) Bases ending in um

4.1.7 Compound nouns (grown-ups, commanders-in-chief )

Plural marked on first element

Plural marked on both elements

4.1.8 Proper nouns (Joneses, Marys)

4.2 The genitive

5.1 Regular forms

Presence or absence of base-final e

Alternation between y and i(e)

Alternation between ·s and ·es with bases ending in o

5.2 Irregular present tense forms

Non-3rd sg present forms of be

5.3 Irregular preterite and past participle forms

Class 1a: devoicing of the suffix

Class 1b: vowel shortening