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But what do open borders mean? The first thing to note is that borders are never entirely open or closed, it is
rather a matter of degree. Borders can be more or less open in a variety of ways depending on the recipient.
According to Chandran Kukathas (2021), openness can be conceptualized along three dimensions: entry,
participation, and membership. The easier it is to enter a country, participate in its affairs, and acquire formal
citizenship, the more open the border is, and vice versa. Nonetheless, this should not lead us to believe that open
borders are just more open borders, ‘rather, it entails that people can move freely across state lines
and settle abroad regardless of their citizenship’ (Sager 2020, 14). In this line, Lea Ypi (2008) considers
that any obstacle (physical or otherwise) to movement is in effect a restriction. It is very important to note,
however, that open borders do not entail an unqualified right to move. As will become clear later,
there are occasions when freedom of movement might be rightly curtailed, such as in the event of
a pandemic or a terrorist attack. In this way, open borders should be understood as a prima
facie unrestricted right to move across and settle in a different jurisdiction.
The original position is a central feature of John Rawls’s social contract account of justice, “justiceas fairness,” set forth
in A Theory of Justice (TJ). The original position is designed to be a fair and impartial point of view that is to be
adopted in our reasoning about fundamental principles of justice. In taking up this point of view, we are to
imagine ourselves in the position of free and equal persons who jointly agree upon and commit themselves to principles of
social and political justice. The main distinguishing feature of the original position is “the veil of ignorance”: to insure
impartiality of judgment, the parties are deprived of all knowledge of their personal characteristics and
social and historical circumstances. They do know of certain fundamental interests they all have, plus general facts
about psychology, economics, biology, and other social and natural sciences. The parties in the original position are presented
with a list of the main conceptions of justice drawn from the tradition of social and political philosophy, and are assigned
the task of choosing from among these alternatives the conception of justice that best advances their
interests in establishing conditions that enable them to effectively pursue their final ends and fundamental interests. Rawls
contends that the most rational choice for the parties in the original position are two principles of justice:
The first guarantees the equal basic rights and liberties needed to secure the fundamental interests of free and
equal citizens and to pursue a wide range of conceptions of the good. The second principle provides fair equality of
educational and employment opportunities enabling all to fairly compete for powers and positions of office;
and it secures for all a guaranteed minimum of the all-purpose means (including income and wealth) that
individuals need to pursue their interests and to maintain their self-respect as free and equal persons.
The Criterion, or measuring stick for the attainment of the value, is Equality. British
journalist Neal Lawson writes:
(Neal Lawson is British journalist and political activist who writes for The Guardian; Equality in the Good Society,
03/28/2011, Accessed online, 04/19/2018; https://www.socialeurope.eu/equality-in-the-good-society)
And so second we need a better concept of the good life and the good society. Here we have to ask why we want greater
equality? It’s not because people are equal – they clearly aren’t. We have different attributes and qualities.
But we are equal in terms of our right to make the most of the attributes, dreams and hopes
we have. Greater equality allows more people to express their unique differences, to develop fully
as human beings. Inequality denies us freedom. Equality buys us freedom – it makes freedom real. The more equal
allocation of resources provides the ability to take more control over our lives as individuals and collectively. Consumption
won’t buy us freedom – indeed in a world of turbo consumption inequality is bound to grow because all that matters is how
much more we have than the prison next door. We want equality not because we are the same but because we are different.
And equality provides the collective resources to buy freedom and control on a social scale through the state and other
collective forms of provision.
The connection is clear: Rawls’ system creates fair, just institutions that, because they
are not structurally biased, best promote equality. Let’s move now to…
Cont. 1
Contention one, where we will establish the framework for today’s discussion
A) — First, the phrase, “requires open borders” means that a system of open borders
is required, not that borders are required to always be open no matter what. Recall
that my definition of open borders allows for reasonable restrictions to be put in place
for security concerns. And, having a policy of open borders does not create an
obligation for a nation-state to provide the means for migrants to get there.
Contention Two, where we’ll discuss the application of Rawls’ theory of Justice to
human migration:
A) Although Rawls wrote about an individual society, expanding the scope of his
thinking to the international level is appropriate.
Carens ‘87; Joseph, professor of political science at the University of Toronto; Aliens and Citizens: The Case for
Open Borders; The Review of Politics, Vol. 49, No. 2; Spring 1987; Accessed online, 01/24/2023;
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407506
Like a number of other commentators, I want to claim that many of the reasons that make the original
position useful in thinking about questions of justice within a given society also make it useful for
thinking about justice across different societies.8 Cases like migration and trade, where people
interact across governmental boundaries, raise questions about whether the background conditions
of the interactions are fair. Moreover, anyone who wants to be moral will feel obliged to justify the use of force
against other human beings, whether they are members of the same society or not. In thinking about these
matters we don't want to be biased by self-interested or partisan considerations, and we don't want existing
injustices (if any) to warp our reflections. Moreover, we can take it as a basic presupposition that we should
treat all human beings, not just members of our own society, as free and equal moral
persons.9 The original position offers a strategy of moral reasoning that helps to address these concerns. The
purpose of the "veil of ignorance" is "to nullify the effects of specific contingencies which put men at odds"
because natural and social contingencies are "arbitrary from a moral point of view" and therefore are factors
which ought not to influence the choice of principles of justice.10 Whether one is a citizen of a rich nation
or a poor one, whether one is already a citizen of a particular state or an alien who wishes to
become a citizen-this is the sort of specific contingency that could set people at odds. A fair
procedure for choosing principles of justice must therefore exclude knowledge of these
circumstances, just as it excludes knowledge of one's race or sex or social class. We should therefore take
a global, not a national, view of the original position.
B) In a global original position, that development of a just system would include open
borders
Carens ‘87; Joseph, professor of political science at the University of Toronto; Aliens and Citizens: The Case for
Open Borders; The Review of Politics, Vol. 49, No. 2; Spring 1987; Accessed online, 01/24/2023;
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407506
Let us therefore assume a global view of the original position. Those in the original position
would be prevented by the "veil of ignorance" from knowing their place of birth or whether
they were members of one particular society rather than another. They would presumably choose
the same two principles of justice. (I will simply assume that Rawls's argument for the two principles is correct,
though the point is disputed.) These principles would apply globally, and the next task would be to design
institutions to implement the principles - still from the perspective of the original position. Would these institutions
include sovereign states as they currently exist? In ideal theory, where we can assume away historical obstacles
and the dangers of injustice, some of the reasons for defending the integrity of existing states disappear. But ideal
theory does not require the elimination of all linguistic, cultural, and historical differences. Let us assume that a
general case for decentralization of power to respect these sorts of factors would justify the existence of
autonomous political communities comparable to modern states.13 That does not mean that all the existing
features of state sovereignty would be justified. State sovereignty would be (morally) constrained by the principles
of justice. For example, no state could restrict religious freedom and inequalities among states would be restricted
by an international difference principle. What about freedom of movement among states? Would it
be regarded as a basic liberty in a global system of equal liberties, or would states have the
right to limit entry and exit? Even in an ideal world people might have powerful reasons to
want to migrate from one state to another. Economic opportunities for particular individuals
might vary greatly from one state to another even if economic inequalities among states were
reduced by an international difference principle. One might fall in love with a citizen from another land, one
might belong to a religion which has few followers in one's native land and many in another, one might seek
cultural opportunities that are only available in another society. More generally, one has only to ask
whether the right to migrate freely within a given society is an important liberty. The same sorts
of considerations make migration across state boundaries important.14 Behind the "veil of ignorance," in
considering possible restrictions on freedom, one adopts the perspective of the one who would be
most disadvantaged by the restrictions, in this case the perspective of the alien who wants to
immigrate. In the original position, then, one would insist that the right to migrate be
included in the system of basic liberties for the same reasons that one would insist that the
right to religious freedom be included: it might prove essential to one's plan of life. Once the
"veil of ignorance" is lifted, of course, one might not make use of the right, but that is true of other rights and
liberties as well. So, the basic agreement among those in the original position would be to permit no restrictions on
migration (whether emigration or immigration).
Cont. 3
In contention three, we consider moving from the theoretical realm to the practical
A) Rawls concludes that, even in the face of nonideal realities that might call for some
restrictions, we should still pursue open borders
Carens ‘87; Joseph, professor of political science at the University of Toronto; Aliens and Citizens: The Case for
Open Borders; The Review of Politics, Vol. 49, No. 2; Spring 1987; Accessed online, 01/24/2023;
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407506
In ideal theory we face a world of just states with an international difference principle. Under such conditions,
the likelihood of mass migrations threatening to the public order of any particular state
seems small. So, there is little room for restrictions on immigration in ideal theory. But what
about nonideal theory, where one takes into account both historical contingencies and the
unjust actions of others? In the nonideal, real world there are vast economic inequalities
among nations (presumably much larger than would exist under an international difference principle).
Moreover, people disagree about the nature of justice and often fail to live up to whatever
principles they profess. Most states consider it necessary to protect themselves against the
possibility of armed invasion or covert subversion. And many states deprive their own citizens of basic rights
and liberties. How does all this affect what justice requires with regard to migration? First, the
conditions of the real world greatly strengthen the case for state sovereignty, especially in those states that have relatively just
domestic institutions. National security is a crucial form of public order. So, states are clearly entitled to prevent the entry of
people (whether armed invaders or subversives) whose goal is the overthrow of just institutions. On the other hand, the
strictures against an expansive use of the public order argument also apply to claims about national security. A related concern
is the claim that immigrants from societies where liberal democratic values are weak or absent would pose a threat to the
maintenance of a just public order. Again the distinction between reasonable expectations and hypothetical speculations is
crucial. These sorts of arguments were used during the nineteenth century against Catholics and Jews from Europe and against
all Asians and Africans. If we judge those arguments to have been proven wrong (not to say ignorant and bigoted) by history,
we should be wary of resurrecting them in another guise. A more realistic concern is the sheer size of the potential demand. If a
rich country like the United States were simply to open its doors, the number of people from poor countries seeking to
immigrate might truly be overwhelming, even if their goals and beliefs posed no threat to national security or liberal democratic
values."7 Under these conditions, it seems likely that some restrictions on immigration would be justified under the public order
principle. But it is important to recall all the qualifications that apply to this. In particular, the need for some
restriction would not justify any level of restriction whatsoever or restrictions for other reasons, but
only that level of restriction essential to maintain public order. This would surely imply a much less restrictive
policy than the one currently in force which is shaped by so many other considerations besides the need to maintain public
order. Rawlsasserts that the priority accorded to liberty normally holds under nonideal
conditions as well. This suggests that, if there are restrictions on immigration for public order
reasons, priority should be given to those seeking to immigrate because they have been
denied basic liberties over those seeking to immigrate simply for economic opportunities.
There is a further complication, however. The priority of liberty holds absolutely only in the long run. Under
nonideal conditions it can sometimes be justifiable to restrict liberty for the sake of economic gains, if that will
improve the position of the worst-off and speed the creation of conditions in which all will enjoy equal and full
liberties. Would it be justifiable to restrict immigration for the sake of the worst-off?
B) Modern trade agreements provide a blueprint for ensuring justice and freedom of
movement
Arnaiz ‘22; Borja, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos,
Madrid, Spain; Should we open borders? Yes, but not in the name of global justice; Ethics & Global Politics, Vol. 15,
No. 2; May 2022; Accessed online, 01/24/2023; https://doi.org/10.1080/16544951.2022.2081398
In conclusion, and as a reason for optimism, we should note that there is already a realm in which
freedom of movement is not considered to be in tension with distributive justice. At the
regional level, free mobility is often seen as mutually beneficial in both economic and social
terms. Such rapprochement often begins by the signing of trade agreements with the intention of
promoting the free movement of goods, capital, and sometimes labour. And although they do not
come without controversy, they do strengthen ties between countries insofar as they share common goals and
they have a sense of mutual responsibility. Eventually, such agreements may lay the foundations for the
creation of political bodies and legal institutions with redistributive powers, as in the case of
the European Union. Current dynamics seem to point in this direction, which is good news for
global justice activists and proponents of freedom of movement alike. We will have to keep a
critical eye on how the events unfold, since these alliances can effectively advance freedom of movement and
justice within some regions, but they can also lead to an ever-stricter control of their external borders, as it is
happening in Fortress Europe.
Cont. 4
Open borders don’t have to just solve structural violence, they can also save our life
Nuclear tensions are rising in Kashmir a separatist state between India and Iran, only
open borders can solve them
Thakur, '19 — Ramesh Thakur, a former United Nations assistant secretary-general, is Emeritus
Professor at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University. August 7th 2010.
"India's Bad Bet in Kashmir." Project Syndicate. https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/india-
removes-kashmir-autonomy-angers-pakistan-by-ramesh-thakur-2019-08 // rhetoric modified, denoted
in brackets — :>
The combination of surging Hindu nationalism in India, Kashmiri grievances against India’s government, Pakistan-backed jihadist
groups waging hybrid warfare in Indian Kashmir, the new normal of India’s retaliatory military strikes on Pakistan, and growing
nuclear stockpiles has turned Kashmir into a tinderbox . India’s decision to withdraw Kashmir’s special status threatens to be the
spark that ignites it. CANBERRA – Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has decided to strip Kashmir of its special status – which granted considerable
autonomy to the disputed Muslim-majority territory – and split it into two union territories (a status below that of states) that India will govern more directly.
Kashmir’s special status, granted under Article 370 of India’s constitution, was essential to facilitate its accession to newly
independent India over seven decades ago. In transforming its relationship with the territory, which Pakistan also claims, the Indian
government has jeopardized regional peace and stability. The Modi government is well aware that the move will not
be well received in Kashmir and Pakistan. In the days preceding the announcement, it deployed thousands more troops to the
territory. After the announcement, it imposed a curfew on residents; evacuated tourists and pilgrims; placed prominent local politicians (who immediately
denounced the move) under house arrest; and imposed media and telecoms blackouts. But, as members of most Indian opposition parties recognize, the Modi
government’s capacity to quell resistance in Kashmir, which has endured decades of violence, is limited. Ominously,
Pakistan has already rejected the move “unequivocally,” calling it illegal , and pledged to “exercise all possible options” to counter it.
This raises the specter of another military clash between the two nuclear-armed neighbors . There are three
reasons why the dispute over Kashmir has proved so intractable – and why India’s unilateral attempt to force a shift in its own
favor may not work . The first reason relates to identity. Kashmir represents the unfinished business from the 1947 partition of India that created
Pakistan. On the one hand, the existence of a Muslim-majority Indian province contradicts Pakistan’s raison d’être as the homeland for all the subcontinent’s
Muslims. On the other, the loss of India’s only Muslim-majority province would undermine its core identity as a
secular republic and leave its remaining 180 million Muslims vulnerable .1 Kashmir lies at the nexus of these
conflicting imperatives, because, unlike other former princely states, Kashmir acceded to, but did not merge with, the Union of India. In doing so, it secured
autonomy on all matters except defense, foreign affairs, and communications. Under Article 35A, added to the Indian
constitution in 1954, Kashmiri citizens were afforded additional special rights and privileges, including with
regard to property ownership and government jobs. Second, Pakistan has the will and the means to create small-scale mischief
essentially indefinitely – or at least for the foreseeable future – but knows that it would lose a full-scale war. India knows that it could defeat
Pakistan on the battlefield, but not decisively enough to [stop] cripple the latter’s ability to resume its cross-
border incursions . This military balance naturally leads to stalemate, rather than decisive resolution. Lastly,
India is effectively trapped in a policy prison cell that is largely of its own making. To Indian voters, the
government claims that there is no dispute at all. Kashmir is an integral part of India, it insists, so no negotiations are needed. To the
world, Indian leaders point to Pakistan’s perfidy in supporting jihadist groups that launch terrorist attacks
on India, and reject any effort to internationalize discussions of the issue. Just weeks before the recent announcement,
when US President Donald Trump offered to mediate the dispute over Kashmir, Modi flatly refused, reiterating that any discussion of the subject would involve only
India and Pakistan. India
refuses to engage with Pakistan until attacks are brought to a halt – a stance that has
pushed the country into a corner. But it is Pakistan that closes the cell door, owing to the nature of its state, in which the military, rather than the
civilian government, decides key policies, including on Kashmir. And the policy the military has chosen has been to exploit the Kashmir insurgency as part of its effort
to “bleed India with a thousand cuts.” To some extent, however, India is losing the credibility it needs to push back, as the
government, ruled by Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, threatens to transform the country into a kind of Hindu Pakistan. The BJP
government’s religious chauvinism, together with its handling of the Kashmir conflict, has severely
damaged India’s reputation.1 Still, the damage to Pakistan’s international standing has been more extreme, given the country’s consistent support
for jihadists. As then-US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton famously warned in 2011, Pakistan could not keep snakes in its backyard and expect only its neighbors to
be bitten. The combination of surging Hindu nationalism in India, Kashmiri grievances against India’s government, Pakistan-backed jihadist groups waging hybrid
warfare in Indian Kashmir, the new normal of India’s retaliatory military strikes on Pakistan, and growing nuclear stockpiles has turned Kashmir into a tinderbox.
India’s decision to withdraw Kashmir’s special status threatens to be the spark that ignites it. Instead
of moving forward with this
dangerous policy , India should agree with Pakistan to transform the de facto international border – which
has barely shifted over 70 years of conflict – into an official, open one, across which Indians and Pakistanis could travel
freely . This would facilitate people-to-people connections , increased market integration , and
cooperation in a range of areas, from tourism to environmental management . By boosting shared prosperity,
such a step would enable both countries to invest more in social security , welfare , and economic
development . Closer integration across South Asia would likely follow.
If India and Pakistan were to each target urban centers in the opposing country with 250 100-kiloton nuclear
weapons , which they are believed to possess, about 127 million people in South Asia would be killed by explosions, fires and radiation, the study
found. An estimated 37 million metric tons of soot would be injected into the atmosphere, sending
temperatures across the planet plunging by more than 5 degrees Celsius, a range last experienced during the Ice Age,
according to earlier research by Robock and others. Food production would consequently collapse , with the number of calories available
from major crops and fisheries falling by up to 42% and the resulting famine killing over 2 billion people worldwide, according to
the most recent study.
1AR---X/T’s
def
Open borders on default allow people to move freely except for special scenarios like
pandemics, terrorism, or disease [which solves their offense about conditional
borders] — that’s our Borja Arnaiz evidence, a professor of political science.
Value — / — Criterion
The value is justice and the way to measure it is with progress, open borders are
critical to ensuring that all people have the ability to engage with financial
opportunities or the ability to flee from cartel violence. I think that it is morally unjust
to kill people by barring their entry — for example on the U.S Mexico border — 250
migrants have been murdered by CBP Border Agents in the past few years but many
more have been maimed by wars and killed by cartel violence.
You should frame your analysis through Rawl’s theory of the vail of ignorance, that if
you were reborn in a random place-you wouldn’t want it to be inescapable and war
stricken Syria but freedom of migration. Thus you should help the most disadvantaged
first which maximizes equality.
1
C) — We don’t need to defend a mechanism of open borders, ideally that they are
required for justice.
D) — You should hold the NEG to sufficiently explaining their value, if you can’t re-
articulate it on the ballot – vote AFF on presumption.
2
Extend our evidence that says India and Pakistan are raising nuclear tensions in the
middle east now because of fighting over the territory of Kashmir BUT open borders
have the ability to curb these tensions by proposing an open border solution, our
Thakur evidence indicates that an increase in cooperation between these nations, for
example: market integration, tourism, environmental cohesion, security, welfare, co-
economic development which all require a bigger level of free-er borders, these will
help to de-escalate a nuclear war that would kill more than two billion people. This
large of an impact should be the sole deciding factor in the round because it would
effect justice the most. It is simply unacceptable to let a quarter of our worlds
population be annihilated by radiation and the follow on effects like our ozone layer
depleting as a result of nuclear ash and collapse of worldwide agricultural systems
because food needs light — this would only exacerbate the existing inequalities with
food distribution and health services that exist now which means that we access their
case offense.
Borders 1NC
Because of the inefficiencies of the AFF’s proposal and alternative systems of border
regulation, like targeted admission--I negate that Resolved: Justice requires open
borders for human migration.
When we talk about open borders, we do not merely imply the relaxation of immigration controls,
but an unrestricted freedom of movement between countries. In turn, lifting all restrictions does
not only entail the absence of direct coercion on the subjects, but also the absence of all
conditionality on the right to move (Ypi 2008). Note, however, that this is not exactly what the advocates
of global justice suggest. In addition to the state not interfering with the attempt of individuals to cross the border,
they demand that they be granted the full panoply of rights enjoyed by citizens, including access to social welfare
programmes (Carens 2013). In other words, what is being demanded here is not just freedom of
movement (understood as a negative duty of non-interference), but a right to immigrate (with the
corresponding positive duties of assistance by the state). 8
The supreme value for this round is Rule Utilitarianism. Dr. Dona Warren, a
philosophy professor, explains:
Dona Warren is the Director of the Critical Thinking Center at University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point
https://www4.uwsp.edu/philosophy/dwarren/IntroBook/ValueTheory%5CConsequentialism%5CActVsRule
%5CActVsRule.htm
“See the difference? This kind of utilitarianism doesn’t assess individual actions for their utility, but rather focuses on the utility of the general
rules of which a particular action would be an instance. Not surprisingly, this is called “rule
utilitarianism,” and it says that an
action is good [if] it conforms to a rule which, if generally practiced, would produce the
greatest happiness for the greatest number. As we’ve seen, rule utilitarianism would have us ask two
questions: 1) “What general rule would I be following if I did this particular action?” and 2)
“Would this rule, if generally followed, maximize happiness?” To this extent, it’s more theoretically complex
than act utilitarianism, but because it can give us general rules to follow, it’s simpler to apply. We no longer
need to worry too much about the specific circumstances surrounding any particular ethical
decision. And maybe, with rule utilitarianism will enable us to resolve some of the problems with utilitarianism we’ve discussed. Let’s see if
rule utilitarianism allows us to respond to the objections to utilitarianism that we’ve seen so far.
The Criterion, or measuring stick for the attainment of the value, is Progress. Robert
Nisbet, a professor of sociology at Columbia University, writes,
Nisbet, Robert (1979). "The Idea of Progress," Literature of Liberty, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 7–37. Robert Nisbet (1913-
1993), former professor of sociology at Columbia University, is the author of Sociology as an Art Form; The Social
Philosophers; Prejudices: A Philosophical Dictionary; The Sociological Tradition; History of the Idea of Progress;
and Twilight of Authority, also published by Liberty Fund.
The essence of the Western idea of progress can be simply stated: mankind has advanced in the past, is now
advancing, and may be expected to continue advancing in the future. But what, it will be asked, does "advance"
mean? Here matters necessarily become more complex. Its meanings have ranged from the most sublimely
spiritual advance to the absolutely physical or material. In its most common form the idea of progress has
referred, ever since the Greeks, to the advance of knowledge, more particularly the kind of practical
knowledge contained in the arts and sciences. But the idea has also been made to refer to the achievement
of what the early Christians called earthly paradise: a state of such spiritual exaltation that man's liberation from all
tormenting physical compulsions becomes complete. We find the perspective of progress used, especially in
the modern world, to give substance to the hope for a future characterized by individual freedom,
equality, or justice. But we also find the idea of progress made to serve belief in the desirability and necessity of
political absolutism, racial superiority, and the totalitarian state. In sum, there is almost no end to goals and
purposes which have been declared the fulfillment or outcome of mankind's progress.
In the context of the resolution, the connection is clear: the resolution asks us make a
rule utilitarian judgment that open borders generally maximize happiness and utility,
and the Negative will demonstrate that they do not by showing that more and better
progress is possible without open borders.
Contentions:
The idea of open borders seems deeply at odds with the principles of global distributive justice. The
opening of borders is nothing but the removal of barriers to free transit, so that individuals can freely
decide which country to live and work in, and with whom to cooperate and associate voluntarily.
Distributive justice, by contrast, requires the intervention of the state (or other type of public authority)
to ‘fairly’ allocate the benefits and burdens of social cooperation, usually through the exaction of taxes
and the coactive transfer of resources from the richest to the poorest segments of the population. But
how might distributive justice look like in the context of migration? Let us begin with the
countries of origin. Governments in developing countries could adduce reasons of justice to justify
restrictions on the emigration of their qualified or wealthy citizens.9 Such a policy could take the form of a ban on
the emigration of highly qualified professionals most needed in their countries of origin (e.g.
doctors, engineers, scientists, to mention just a few); or in a less draconian version, an obligation to work in the
country for a certain amount of time or to pay a tax before departure. As for the receiving countries, let us
imagine that a government committed to global justice decided to preferentially admit
refugees and necessitous migrants, whilst at the same time setting a limit on the so-called
‘economic’ immigration. This policy would involve the poorest migrants taking precedence
over the rich ones, and once the state’s obligations of distributive justice had been
discharged, the closing of borders to the latter. However, a human right to migrate must be
understood as the right of every human being, irrespective of their talents, resources or any
other circumstances, to travel and establish their residence in any country. And, as such, ‘it
attaches as much to the rich Canadian wishing to settle in Germany as it does to the desperate Somali trying to
cross the border into Kenya’ (Miller 2016a, 49). We can now clearly see how these remedial policies come into
conflict with the very idea of freedom of movement. In all these cases, the state would be favouring one type of
immigration over another, or to put it bluntly, it would be restricting the freedom of movement of the relatively
better-off for the benefit of the least advantaged.10
C) — Open borders are not required for justice and do not help create equality. If you
believe that these things are important, then you should endorse a system of targeted
admission that ensures justice better than the Affirmative.
Arnaiz ‘22; Borja, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Madrid,
Spain; Should we open borders? Yes, but not in the name of global justice; Ethics & Global Politics, Vol. 15, No. 2;
May 2022; Accessed online, 01/24/2023; https://doi.org/10.1080/16544951.2022.2081398
The second objection, somewhat more plausible, is that immigration benefits both sending and receiving
countries, so that it is not a zero-sum game in terms of redistribution. But if it were indeed mutually beneficial,
then the inequality between these countries would not be significantly diminished. And this is tantamount to
asserting that inequality is a chronic disease with which we must learn to live. Alternatively, one could say that
inequality is not a matter of global justice, but that what it really matters is the eradication of
absolute poverty (sufficientarianism). But notice that this is not what most cosmopolitan accounts of
distributive justice aim for. In fact, Thomas Nagel (2005) has argued that ‘[j]ustice as ordinarily
understood requires more than mere humanitarian assistance to those in desperate need, and
injustice can exist without anyone being on the verge of starvation.’ Even if the concern were
only with rising global living standards up to a subsistence level, justice would not require an
indiscriminate policy of open borders, but a targeted admissions policy (Song 2019).
In conclusion, it is incorrect to assume that borders are the root cause of inequality
and injustice, implementing them is unlikely to resolve these issues and may make
them worse, and a system of targeted admissions makes more sense to build around.
Let’s move now to the issues with the Affirmative Case.
1NR---X/T’s
Def’s
Even if you don’t think we’ve won this level of debate, ill do that work below.
Value —/— Criterion
The value is Rule Utilitarianism wherein you vote NEG for the model of borders that is
the most just — frame our value through targeted admissions, countries would have
the ability to regulate entry of immigrants which solves their offense and maximizes
happiness. Pair it with Rawl’s theory of the “veil of ignorance” which constitutes that
we should help the most disadvantaged in society and compound it with utilitarianism
above, this calculus proves that only my model of borders solves because [under their
definition] border’s would still be regulated for concern of the economy, population,
and potential security threats BUT that does NOT include specific admissions to the
nation which means that they don’t have a mechanism or filter to enforce that the
most disadvantaged migrants are admitted instead their model would admit high class
workers, tourism, etc., which take the place of immigrants in need of escape violence
or future opportunities which means affirming the resolution is counterproductive for
migrant justice, that’s our Arnaiz evidence — even if you don’t believe that
utilitarianism is the best value there are two safety nets for still voting NEG A) We’ve
won that they create injustice because they have no way to filter immigrants which
means the most privileged would take the spots of those under privileged which is a
case turn and B) we’ll prove that we win the debate even under their interpretation of
the resolution which I’ll do below on case.
If we win even a risk of case mitigation you should compound it with the work I did
above—I strongly encourage you to vote negative in endorsement of utilitarian border
management.
“1AC”
Framework
I stand resolved, Justice requires open borders for human migration, before we begin I
will define a few terms in the resolution:
1 — An open border defined by both Wikipedia and Definitions as, “a border that
enables free movement of people between jurisdictions with few or no restrictions on
movement, that is to say lacking substantive border control.”
https://www.definitions.net/definition/open+border
Justice is the ethical, philosophical idea that people are to be treated impartially, fairly, properly, and
reasonably by the law and by arbiters of the law, that laws are to ensure that no harm befalls another, and that,
where harm is alleged, a remedial action is taken - both the accuser and the accused receive a morally right consequence
The UN Migration Agency (IOM) defines a migrant as any person who is moving or has moved across an
international border or within a State away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of (1) the person’s
legal status; (2) whether the movement is voluntary or involuntary; (3) what the causes for the movement
are; or (4) what the length of the stay is.
The value is life because it is a prerequisite to achieving justice, if we are dead it can’t
happen!
2—
Cont. 1 — s/v
Contention 1 is structural violence
The U.S Mexico border — 250 migrants have been murdered by CBP Border Agents
since 2010.
Aceves, '22 — William J. Aceves, law professor at California Western School of Law in San Diego. Nov
30th 2022. "Op-Ed: U.S border killings evade justice . An international commission can change that." LA
Times. https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2022-11-30/u-s-border-killings-anastasio-hernandez-
rojas-death-hearing — :>
On May 28, 2010, Hernández-Rojas — an undocumented Mexican national and father of five — attempted to cross
from Mexico into the U.S. at the border near San Diego. He was detained by border patrol agents. He was then
violently abused , according to detailed allegations presented to the Inter-American Commission. Hernández-Rojas was punched , kicked ,
dragged , Tasered and denied medical treatment by officers. Witnesses reported that he did not attempt
to harm the officers. On recordings, he is heard screaming in pain and begging for mercy. As a result of this
brutal assault, Hernández-Rojas suffered severe physical injuries , brain damage and eventual cardiac arrest .
He died three days after being taken into custody. The San Diego medical examiner’s office ruled the death a
homicide . No criminal charges were ever filed in this case. In fact, the Justice Department declined to bring
charges against the CBP officers involved on the grounds that their actions complied with established use of force
policies. A lawsuit filed by Hernández-Rojas’ family against the United States government resulted in a $1-million settlement, but no admission of fault by U.S.
officials. For decades, the same cycle — kill , pay and deny responsibility — has continued. Since 2010, there have
been nearly 250 fatal encounters between migrants and CBP agents. Despite these deaths, few CBP officers have been
prosecuted. There have been no known convictions of agents for border killings.
Cont. 2 — ex !
Contention two is border conflicts — Scenario one is India/Pakistani tensions,
Nuclear tensions are rising in Kashmir, only open borders can solve them
Thakur, '19 — Ramesh Thakur, a former United Nations assistant secretary-general, is Emeritus
Professor at the Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University. August 7th 2010.
"India's Bad Bet in Kashmir." Project Syndicate. https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/india-
removes-kashmir-autonomy-angers-pakistan-by-ramesh-thakur-2019-08 // rhetoric modified, denoted
in brackets — :>
The combination of surging Hindu nationalism in India, Kashmiri grievances against India’s government, Pakistan-backed jihadist
groups waging hybrid warfare in Indian Kashmir, the new normal of India’s retaliatory military strikes on Pakistan, and growing
nuclear stockpiles has turned Kashmir into a tinderbox . India’s decision to withdraw Kashmir’s special status threatens to be the
spark that ignites it. CANBERRA – Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has decided to strip Kashmir of its special status – which granted considerable
autonomy to the disputed Muslim-majority territory – and split it into two union territories (a status below that of states) that India will govern more directly.
Kashmir’s special status, granted under Article 370 of India’s constitution, was essential to facilitate its accession to newly
independent India over seven decades ago. In transforming its relationship with the territory, which Pakistan also claims, the Indian
government has jeopardized regional peace and stability. The Modi government is well aware that the move will not
be well received in Kashmir and Pakistan. In the days preceding the announcement, it deployed thousands more troops to the
territory. After the announcement, it imposed a curfew on residents; evacuated tourists and pilgrims; placed prominent local politicians (who immediately
denounced the move) under house arrest; and imposed media and telecoms blackouts. But, as members of most Indian opposition parties recognize, the Modi
government’s capacity to quell resistance in Kashmir, which has endured decades of violence, is limited. Ominously,
Pakistan has already rejected the move “unequivocally,” calling it illegal , and pledged to “exercise all possible options” to counter it.
This raises the specter of another military clash between the two nuclear-armed neighbors . There are three
reasons why the dispute over Kashmir has proved so intractable – and why India’s unilateral attempt to force a shift in its own
favor may not work . The first reason relates to identity. Kashmir represents the unfinished business from the 1947 partition of India that created
Pakistan. On the one hand, the existence of a Muslim-majority Indian province contradicts Pakistan’s raison d’être as the homeland for all the subcontinent’s
Muslims. On the other, the loss of India’s only Muslim-majority province would undermine its core identity as a
secular republic and leave its remaining 180 million Muslims vulnerable .1 Kashmir lies at the nexus of these
conflicting imperatives, because, unlike other former princely states, Kashmir acceded to, but did not merge with, the Union of India. In doing so, it secured
autonomy on all matters except defense, foreign affairs, and communications. Under Article 35A, added to the Indian
constitution in 1954, Kashmiri citizens were afforded additional special rights and privileges, including with
regard to property ownership and government jobs. Second, Pakistan has the will and the means to create small-scale mischief
essentially indefinitely – or at least for the foreseeable future – but knows that it would lose a full-scale war. India knows that it could defeat
Pakistan on the battlefield, but not decisively enough to [stop] cripple the latter’s ability to resume its cross-
border incursions . This military balance naturally leads to stalemate, rather than decisive resolution. Lastly,
India is effectively trapped in a policy prison cell that is largely of its own making. To Indian voters, the
government claims that there is no dispute at all. Kashmir is an integral part of India, it insists, so no negotiations are needed. To the
world, Indian leaders point to Pakistan’s perfidy in supporting jihadist groups that launch terrorist attacks
on India, and reject any effort to internationalize discussions of the issue. Just weeks before the recent announcement,
when US President Donald Trump offered to mediate the dispute over Kashmir, Modi flatly refused, reiterating that any discussion of the subject would involve only
India and Pakistan. India
refuses to engage with Pakistan until attacks are brought to a halt – a stance that has
pushed the country into a corner. But it is Pakistan that closes the cell door, owing to the nature of its state, in which the military, rather than the
civilian government, decides key policies, including on Kashmir. And the policy the military has chosen has been to exploit the Kashmir insurgency as part of its effort
to “bleed India with a thousand cuts.” To some extent, however, India is losing the credibility it needs to push back, as the
government, ruled by Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, threatens to transform the country into a kind of Hindu Pakistan. The BJP
government’s religious chauvinism, together with its handling of the Kashmir conflict, has severely
damaged India’s reputation.1 Still, the damage to Pakistan’s international standing has been more extreme, given the country’s consistent support
for jihadists. As then-US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton famously warned in 2011, Pakistan could not keep snakes in its backyard and expect only its neighbors to
be bitten. The combination of surging Hindu nationalism in India, Kashmiri grievances against India’s government, Pakistan-backed jihadist groups waging hybrid
warfare in Indian Kashmir, the new normal of India’s retaliatory military strikes on Pakistan, and growing nuclear stockpiles has turned Kashmir into a tinderbox.
India’s decision to withdraw Kashmir’s special status threatens to be the spark that ignites it. Instead
of moving forward with this
dangerous policy , India should agree with Pakistan to transform the de facto international border – which
has barely shifted over 70 years of conflict – into an official, open one, across which Indians and Pakistanis could travel
freely . This would facilitate people-to-people connections , increased market integration , and
cooperation in a range of areas, from tourism to environmental management . By boosting shared prosperity,
such a step would enable both countries to invest more in social security , welfare , and economic
development . Closer integration across South Asia would likely follow.
If India and Pakistan were to each target urban centers in the opposing country with 250 100-kiloton nuclear
weapons , which they are believed to possess, about 127 million people in South Asia would be killed by explosions, fires and radiation, the study
found. An estimated 37 million metric tons of soot would be injected into the atmosphere, sending
temperatures across the planet plunging by more than 5 degrees Celsius, a range last experienced during the Ice Age,
according to earlier research by Robock and others. Food production would consequently collapse , with the number of calories available
from major crops and fisheries falling by up to 42% and the resulting famine killing over 2 billion people worldwide, according to
the most recent study.
https://carnegieendowment.org/2017/09/20/are-india-pakistan-peace-talks-worth-damn-pub-73145
In October 2006, Musharraf’s envoy, Tariq Aziz, and Singh’s representative, Satinder Lambah, reached an initial agreement. The full details are still not public, but
the understanding pertained to the interim status of Jammu and Kashmir and was to have remained in force initially for fifteen years, pending a final settlement.218
The broad accord hinged on the acceptance of “open borders” across the divided state. This would
enable both sides to claim victory: India could maintain its position that no territorial change would
indeed occur, while Pakistan could truthfully claim that a fundamental transformation had transpired
because the functional boundary—the Line of Control—would no longer prevent the movement of the
authenticated native populations and their associated intercourse on both sides. As Lambah would later note, “This
is particularly essential as on both sides of the Line of Control live not only the same ethnic groups but also divided families.”219
Both countries accepted the prerogative of designating “sensitive areas” within the state that would not
come under the agreement’s purview, though both also concurred that neither the Vale of Kashmir (in
India) nor Azad Jammu and Kashmir (in Pakistan) would be treated as sensitive areas, so as to permit a
genuine integration of the most heavily populated Muslim-majority areas of the former princely
kingdom. In this context, India was expected to designate the Jammu and Ladakh regions as sensitive
areas (because of their respective Hindu majority and Buddhist plurality), whereas Pakistan was
expected to designate the northern areas of Gilgit and Baltistan as its sensitive areas (because of their
Shia majorities and their proximity to China). Furthermore, both nations committed to thin down their
troop levels within the state to the minimum required for border security and law and order, especially
in populated areas, so as to reduce the levels of threat experienced by the local inhabitants. And, finally,
both sides agreed “to ensure self-governance for internal management in all areas on the same basis on
both sides of the Line of Control.”220 In that context and after difficult deliberations, they accepted the
need for a “joint mechanism,”221 which—working with the established representative institutions on
both sides—would oversee matters pertaining to “Tourism, Travel, Pilgrimages to Shrines, Trade, Health,
Education, and Culture,”222 as well as any other forms of social intercourse; monitor the practical
implementation of the agreement in these areas; and settle any differences that might arise on the
ground.
The agreement ultimately made improving the lives of ordinary Kashmiris, rather than the formal
exchange of contested territory, the new litmus test of political acceptability. It represented a
transformative shift in Pakistan’s previous position on at least five counts: First, Musharraf resiled from
the previous Pakistani insistence that the fate of Jammu and Kashmir had to be decided solely by the UN
Security Council resolutions calling for a plebiscite, instead favoring a bilaterally negotiated agreement
between India and Pakistan (as New Delhi has demanded since the 1971 Simla Accord). Second, the old
Pakistani mantra of “the right to self-determination” for the Kashmiris was replaced by a commitment to
“self-government” on both sides of the Line of Control (which required more changes in Pakistan-
controlled Kashmir than it did in its Indian counterpart). Third, the rejection of religion as a criterion for
resolving the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir was indelibly formalized (since the agreement, consistent
with the long-standing Indian rejection of the two-nation theory as the basis of Partition, provided for
no territorial changes on confessional lines). Fourth, Musharraf advised the Kashmiri separatists to begin
negotiating with New Delhi, thereby superseding the previous Pakistani insistence that India’s internal
solutions to the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir were illegitimate in the face of Pakistan’s valid claims
(thus reinforcing New Delhi’s long-standing attempts at incorporating the dissidents into the Indian
polity). Fifth, Musharraf’s clear acceptance that the Line of Control would remain the formal boundary
between the two parts of the divided state—demarcating the limits of sovereignty enjoyed by each,
even as the perimeter’s significance was to be diminished by various administrative devices—remained
the starkest evidence of how far Pakistan had travelled toward compromise with India (effectively
conceding to New Delhi’s position that no territory would be transferred between the two nations).223
In sum, the back-channel agreement between Musharraf and Singh represented the most consequential
reversal to date of Pakistan’s persistent efforts to wrest control over the entire state of Jammu and
Kashmir (or at least its Vale) from India.
The agreement represented a change in New Delhi’s strategy as well: instead of adamantly asserting
that the kingdom’s accession to India was “final and irrevocable” and that the only thing left for
discussion was “how the parts of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) can be again included in India,”224
Singh found a way to accommodate Pakistan’s interests without giving up on the legal foundations of
Indian claims. Pakistan undoubtedly conceded much more than India, but this outcome only reflected
the reality that New Delhi already controlled the territory it wanted, whereas Pakistan could never hope
to secure its claims—as the almost seventy-year history of the conflict has abundantly demonstrated—
against any resolute Indian opposition.
Given that the agreement ensured that Jammu and Kashmir would neither secede nor achieve
independence, India sought to assuage Pakistani sensitivities by consenting to certain “institutional
arrangements” that would permit both nations to cooperate on the specific issues affecting their
populations on either side of the Line of Control.225 Although the exact constitution of these
arrangements was far from settled in October 2006—with Pakistan seeking a “governing council” that
would serve as “a joint management system at the top for both sides of the Line of Control . . . [in order
to] make the Line of Control irrelevant” and India envisioning a “cooperative, consultative mechanism so
as to maximize the gains of cooperation in solving problems of social and economic development of the
region”226—the quintessential feature of the back-channel agreement was that it preserved the
existing structures of formal sovereignty in Jammu and Kashmir even as it reduced their political
salience.
Indeed, this was the fundamental breakthrough: permitting the de facto unification of a fractured state
despite its de jure division. Obviously, more details would have to be settled to make the accord
effective—including, and most importantly, Pakistan’s conclusive renunciation and elimination of
terrorism—if the notion of open borders and the reduction of troops in populated areas were to have
had any compelling meaning for India. Yet Pakistani-supported terrorism in India had been sufficiently
stanched, and a breakthrough of enough significance had been achieved for Musharraf and Singh to
contemplate unveiling the accord after the May 2007 state elections in India. Unfortunately for both
leaders—and their respective nations—Musharraf’s fears and hubris combined to precipitate a
confrontation with the chief justice of Pakistan in March 2007227—an altercation that severely
weakened Musharraf, opened the door to his final exit, and prevented consummation of the boldest
agreement ever reached, however incompletely, between India and Pakistan. As Singh would later
lament in a May 2, 2009, interview, “General Musharraf and I had nearly reached an agreement, a non-
territorial solution to all problems, but then General Musharraf got into many difficulties with the Chief
Justice and other forces and therefore the whole process came to a halt.”228
https://carnegieendowment.org/2017/09/20/are-india-pakistan-peace-talks-worth-damn-pub-73145
https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2021/09/28/the-agonizing-problem-of-pakistans-
nukes/
AT: Equality
https://academic.oup.com/book/4570/chapter-abstract/146668379?redirectedFrom=fulltext
AT: Jobs
But it is the economic argument that typically dominates open-borders debates . Contrary to the
commonly invoked fear that “ they ” will steal “ our ” jobs, the economists Gihoon Hong and John McLaren have found that in
the U nited S tates, “immigrants can raise native workers’ real wages, and…[each] immigrant creates 1.2
local jobs for local workers.” Michael Clemens, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development, where he leads research on migration,
displacement, and humanitarian policy, said, “The bottom line is that if even one in 20 people currently in poorer countries could
work in richer countries, that would add more value to the world economy overall than removing every
remaining policy barrier to goods-and-services trade—every tariff, every quota.” If borders were opened ,
economists, both conservative and liberal, predict an enormous boost in global GDP, which would ratchet up by
about $40 trillion —a 60 percent rise.
Again, they used founders’ nation of origin as logged in the Census data to determine whether they
were an immigrant or U.S.-born. And then, using estimates of the total number of immigrants and U.S.-
born workers in the economy, they calculated the rate of entrepreneurship for each group.
Finally, the researchers performed the same analysis for the 2017 Fortune 500, which represented the
500 largest firms in the United States.
“This last approach allows us to really focus in on the very largest businesses in the economy. And, of
course, these businesses are especially important,” says Jones, “because they employ so many people.
One very large company employs far more people than a large number of relatively small companies. So
we went through all the Fortune 500 companies using teams of research assistants, who traced back to
the origin of the company to see who the founders were and whether they were U.S.-born or
immigrants.”
The researchers were able to track down this information for 449 firms, 96 of which had at least one
immigrant founder.
Immigrants Are More Likely to Found Firms of All Sizes
Despite the differences in the three datasets, researchers saw a remarkably stable pattern across all of
them: immigrants founded firms at a higher rate than native-born Americans.
“Looking at any of those datasets, immigrants are overrepresented among the founders compared to
how many immigrants there are in the population, either today or at the time [of their company’s
founding],” says Jones.
For instance, 0.83 percent of immigrants in the workforce between 2005–2010 started a firm, while just
0.46 percent of U.S.-born ones did. The survey data, which also take into account older and more stable
firms, found that 7.25 percent of immigrants were entrepreneurs, compared with about 4 percent of
native-born individuals.
In both these cases, says Jones, “the rate of founding businesses is 80 percent higher among the non-
U.S.-born than among the U.S.-born.”
The same general trend was also borne out among fortune 500 firms.
Critically, the researchers also found that immigrants founded firms of all sizes at a higher rate than
those born in the U.S.: small firms, large ones, and everything in between. This is important because it
suggests that that the net influence of immigrants on the economy is to increase the demand for labor,
ultimately pushing up overall wages.
Jones points out that if immigrants behaved exactly like American-born founders—founding firms of the
same sizes at the same rates—they would help to grow the scale of the economy but not actually impact
income per person or wages for the typical American-born worker. That’s because, while there would be
more businesses and more jobs created, there would be proportionately more workers to fill them,
resulting in no change to the actual demand for labor. But because immigrants are more entrepreneurial
than American-born workers in both the number and the success of the companies they start, their
presence in the country actually increases the demand for labor, to the benefit of workers.
These findings were extremely robust, holding even when researchers accounted for all plausible
estimates of the number of immigrants (including undocumented immigrants) in the U.S. at a given
time.
Jobs That Pay Better
The researchers also looked at the quality of the companies and jobs created by immigrants. First, they
analyzed how innovative their firms were as measured by the number of patents granted to them.
“Not only do these immigrant firms create more jobs, they are also much more inventive. They’re more
likely to have patents than U.S.-founder firms,” says Jones.
Then the researchers looked at the wages paid out by firms started between 2005 and 2010 with
immigrant versus American-born founders.
“You might think, immigrant firms have a lot of jobs, but are they good jobs? Are they good paying jobs?
It turns out, if anything, the immigrant-founded firms pay somewhat higher wages than the native-
founded firms,” says Jones.
Overall, the researchers conclude, the evidence is clear: immigrants create more jobs than they take.
“Ironically, the result is exactly the opposite of the usual narrative,” says Jones. “It seems like
immigrants actually improve the economic outcomes for native-born workers.”
So why are immigrants so much more entrepreneurial than individuals born in the U.S.? The research
doesn’t explicitly unravel the answers to this question, but Jones raises several potential factors.
For one, recent immigration policy prioritizes highly talented workers. “It’s much easier to get a green
card in this country if you are extremely skilled and qualified,” says Jones.
More broadly, however, he points to the qualities that might lead an individual to move to another
country. “Who would choose to emigrate? What is the personality type or the skill type that encourages
someone to cross the world?” he asks.
“People who are willing to pick up and move to another country—into the unknown—are risk takers.
And there are empirical studies that indicate this,” he says. “They are going to be masters of their own
destiny. And that is a personality trait of entrepreneurs.”
Ultimately, he says, what is clear is that economic arguments people use against immigration “appear
flatly wrong—immigrants are powerful job creators.”
This research could bolster the efforts of many in the business and policy communities who see great
economic advantages from immigrants. Still, Jones is not confident that even a study of this size and
comprehensiveness will change the tune of the most ardent opponents of immigration.
“Getting the economics right can change the debate,” he says, “but to the extent that noneconomic
perspectives dominate thinking in swathes of the electorate, and their political representatives,
immigration-policy reform will continue to be a challenge.”
AT Rawls
Carens ‘87; Joseph, professor of political science at the University of Toronto; Aliens and Citizens: The Case for
Open Borders; The Review of Politics, Vol. 49, No. 2; Spring 1987; Accessed online,
01/24/2023; https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407506
In contrast to Nozick, John Rawls provides a justification for an activist state with positive
responsibilities for social welfare. Even so, the approach to immigration suggested by A
Theory of justice leaves little room for restrictions in principle. I say "suggested" because
Rawls himself explicitly assumes a closed system in which questions about immigration could
not arise. I will argue, however, that Rawls's approach is applicable to a broader context than the one he
considers. In what follows I assume a general familiarity with Rawls's theory, briefly recalling the main points and
then focusing on those issues that are relevant to my inquiry.
AT: Disease
1 — Not resolutional, that’s bacterial migration not human.
2 — CDC solves — 96% of immigrants are treated, non-uq---3.5 million have already
moved in the past 5 years, upwards of 150,000 were infected
https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/71/ss/ss7102a1.htm
Problem/Condition: Each year, approximately 500,000 immigrants and tens of thousands of refugees (range: 12,000–85,000 during 2001–2020) move
to the United States. While still abroad, immigrants, refugees, and others who apply for admission to live
permanently in the United States must undergo a medical examination. This examination identifies persons with class A or
B conditions. Applicants with class A conditions are inadmissible. Infectious conditions that cause an applicant to be
inadmissible include infectious tuberculosis ( TB ) disease (class A TB), infectious syphilis, gonorrhea, and infectious
Hansen’s disease. Applicants with class B conditions are admissible but might require treatment or
follow-up. Class B TB includes persons who completed successful treatment overseas for TB disease (class B0), those with signs or symptoms suggestive of TB
but whose overseas laboratory tests and clinical examinations ruled out current infectious TB disease (class B1), those with a diagnosis of latent TB infection (LTBI)
(class B2), and the close contacts of persons known to have TB disease (class B3). Voluntary public health interventions might also be offered during the overseas
examination. After arriving in the United States, a follow-up TB examination is recommended for persons with class B TB. Period Covered: This
report
summarizes health information that was reported to CDC’s Electronic Disease Notification (EDN) system for refugees, immigrants,
and eligible others who arrived in the United States during 2014–2019. Eligible others are persons who although not
classified as refugees (e.g., certain parolees, special immigrant visa holders, and follow-to-join asylees) are eligible for the same services and benefits as refugees.
Description of System: The EDN system has both surveillance and programmatic components. The surveillance
component is a centralized database that collects 1) health-related data from the overseas medical examination for immigrants with class A or B
conditions and for all refugees and eligible others and 2) TB-related data from the postarrival TB examination. The programmatic
component is a reporting system that sends arrival notifications to state and local health agencies in the
jurisdiction where newly arriving persons have reported intending to live and provides state and local
health agencies and other authorized users with medical data from overseas examinations. Results: During
2014–2019, approximately 3.5 million persons moved to the United States from abroad, including 3.2 million immigrants, 313,890
refugees, and 95,993 eligible others. Among these, the overseas examination identified 139,683 persons (3,903 per 100,000 persons
examined) with class B TB, 54 with primary or secondary syphilis (30 per 100,000 persons tested), 761 with latent syphilis (415 per 100,000 persons
tested), and, after laboratory testing for gonorrhea was added in 2016, a total of 131 with gonorrhea (374 per 100,000 persons tested). Refugees
were offered additional, voluntary interventions, including vaccinations and presumptive treatment for
parasites. By 2019, first- and second-dose coverage with measles-containing vaccine were 96% and 80%,
respectively. In refugee populations for whom presumptive treatment is recommended, up to 96% of refugees, depending on the specific regimen, were offered
and accepted treatment. For the 139,683 persons identified overseas with class B TB, EDN
sent arrival notifications and overseas
medical data to the appropriate state or local health agency to facilitate postarrival TB examinations.
Among 101,119 persons identified overseas as having class B0 TB (6,586) or class B1 TB (94,533), a total of 67,432 (67%) had a complete postarrival examination
reported to EDN. Among 35,814 children aged 2–14 years identified overseas with class B2 TB, 20,758 (58%) had a complete postarrival examination reported to
EDN. (Adults are not routinely tested for immune reactivity to Mycobacterium tuberculosis during the overseas medical examination.) Among those with a complete
postarrival examination reported to EDN, the number with a diagnosis of culture-positive TB disease within the first year of arrival was 464 (688 cases per 100,000
persons examined) for those with class B0 or B1 TB and was 11 (53 cases per 100,000 persons examined) for children with class B2 TB. Interpretation: During 2014–
2019, the overseas medical examination system prevented importation of 6,586 cases of infectious TB, 815 cases of syphilis, and 131 cases of gonorrhea. When
the examination is used to offer public health interventions, most refugees (up to 96%) accept the
intervention. Postarrival follow-up examinations, which were completed for 88,190 persons and identified 475 cases of culture-positive
TB, represent an important opportunity to further limit spread of TB disease in the United States by identifying and providing, if
needed, preventive care for those with LTBI or treatment for those with disease.
AT: Terror
1 — Open borders do not mean free borders, that’s our 1AC definition — security and
screening still occurs.
Data from 145 countries, 30 years of research, information from the Global Terrorism
Database, and results from 3,919 cases conclude that migrants =/= terrorism
https://doi.org/10.1086/684679
Our study extends earlier research on terrorism, migration, and diffusion. Our arguments and empirical
analyses support the Migration
Inflow hypothesis that immigrants are an important vehicle for the diffusion of terrorism from one country to
another. At the same time, however, while controlling for a series of unit-level variables, fixed effects, and other influences, our results emphasize that immigration
per se is unlikely to positively affect terrorism. On the contrary, we actually find that more
migration generally (i.e., when immigration is not
necessarily linked to terrorism in the migrants’ countries of origin) into a country is
associated with a lower level of terrorist attacks.
These two findings are particularly relevant to the scholastic literature and have crucial policy implications for states’
immigration policies worldwide. First and foremost, this study provides the first quantitative evidence on the migration-terrorism debate. Second, in line with
Neumayer (2006) who examines visa restrictions and those studies on ***TABLE OMITTED*** the positive impact of immigration (e.g., Boubtane and Dumont
2013; Dustmann and Frattini 2014), it may be very much counterproductive to implement overly restrictive
immigration policies that do not discriminate between certain types of migrants (see also Bandyopadhyay and Sandler 2014; Epifanio 2011; Givens et al.
2008; Neumayer et al. 2014; Rudolph 2003). In detail, if immigration laws are enforced in an indiscriminate way, all potential
immigrants are affected by this, which in turn may lead to the loss of the “positive” impact we found for
Migrant Inflows (ln), which is likely to stem from side effects of human capital. Having said that, whereas our results
emphasize that terrorism travels from one country to another via migration flows, note that only a minority of migrants from high-
terrorism states can be associated with increases in terrorism, and not necessarily in a direct way. In a similar
vein, our theoretical framework stresses the exploitation of migrant networks by terrorist organizations, which use migrant communities as a recruitment pool. If
anything, this
may also imply that enforcing discriminate immigration laws, that is, focusing more on those
immigration flows that directly come from terrorprone states, is inadvisable and likely to have
unfortunate consequences if national security agencies and immigration authorities fail to identify the perpetrators of terrorism in the first place,
and enact ad hoc restriction policies accordingly. The president of the EU Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, announced in September 2015 that “the commission
will come forward with a well-designed legal migration package in early 2016”(Traynor 2015), thus allowing for legal channels of migration into Europe. Our
research, at least partly, suggests that while this policy is commendable, it should be coupled with serious efforts to fight terrorism abroad and reduce the incidence
of political violence in immigrants’ countries of origin at the same time while being implemented. The recommendation made by several media outlets, including
the German weekly news magazine Der Spiegel (Popp 2015), to
suspend visa restrictions for citizens from terror and conflict-
prone states seems misleading. On the other hand, recall that our findings also emphasize that states may want to
loosen immigration restrictions for countries with lower rates of terrorism and thus pursuing discriminate
immigration laws is likely to be counterproductive. Banning all inflows of migrants and pursuing overly
restrictive policies affecting all immigrants equally seems to put a country at a disadvantage. As Adamson (2006,
196; emphasis added) states, “The reorganization and incorporation of the Immigration and Naturalization Service into the Department of Homeland Security, the
screening of potential border crossers, the use of immigration lists for intelligence purposes, and increased cooperation with other states on such issues as the
forgery of passports and other documents have all become tools in the war against terrorism. Striking a balance between border control and intelligence gathering,
on the one hand, and facilitating the benefits of maintaining relatively open borders, on the other, is a delicate task.” We certainly agree on this position and hope
that our research could make a contribution to successfully addressing this “delicate task.”
NEG cards
https://www.masters.edu/master_tmu_news/foreign-policy-understanding-a-world-in-crisis/
https://direct.mit.edu/isec/article/43/4/7/12221/Bound-to-Fail-The-Rise-and-Fall-of-the-Liberal
consequentialism = nah.
https://ethicsunwrapped.utexas.edu/glossary/consequentialism#:~:text=Consequentialism%20is
%20sometimes%20criticized%20because,know%20the%20future%20with%20certainty.
Consequentialism is sometimes criticized because it can be difficult, or even impossible, to know what the result of an action
will be ahead of time. Indeed, no one can know the future with certainty. Also, in certain situations, consequentialism can lead to
decisions that are objectionable, even though the consequences are arguably good. For example, let’s
suppose economists could prove that the world economy would be stronger, and that most people
would be happier, healthier, and wealthier, if we just enslaved 2% of the population. Although the
majority of people would benefit from this idea, most would never agree to it. However, when judging the idea solely on its
results, as classic consequentialism does, then “the end justifies the means.”
Extra
Cubicism — K
[]
Ignoring the Four Cornered world and self-made decryption of Marshmelic scripture
leads to being trapped in the death state and erasure of all life through Academic
engagement of non-cubic theories, the alt is a socio-mathematical shift towards
understanding Cubicism as the only correct cosmological theory to escape Academia’s
ONEistic and Burritified tendencies.
Ray, ’97 — Dr. Gene Ray, wisest man on Earth, held lectures at Georgia Tech and MIT. 1997. Time
Cube. https://timecube.2enp.com/
Earth Has 4 Days In Same 24 Hrs ., 1 Day God Was Wrong. Einstein Was ONEist Brain. Try My Belly-Button Logic. No God Knows About 4 Days, It
Is Boring To Ignore 4 Days, Does
Your Teacher Know ? Fraudulent ONEness of religious academia has retired your
opposite rationale brain to a half brain slave. YOU IGNORE 3 OF 4 DAYS - FORCE 4 DAYS ON EARTH, THEY ALREADY EXIST. 4
HORSEMEN HAVE 4 DAYS IN ONLY 1 EARTH ROTATION. 4 ANGLES STOOD ON 4 CORNERS. 4 CORNERS ROTATE TO 16
CORNERS WHICH EQUAL TO 4 CORNER DAYS. TEACHERS ARE EVIL LIARS - THE ONEness OF GOD IS STILLness DEATH . YOU
WERE ONEness RETIRE ON THE EARTH OPPOSITES ALL YOUR LIFE. LOVE OF GOD IS HATE OF CHILDREN . SUPPORT TIMECUBE OR
BE CURSED . EARTH HAS 4 CORNER SIMULTANEOUS 4-DAY TIME CUBE WITHIN SINGLE ROTATION. 4 CORNER DAYS PROVES 1 DAY 1 GOD IS TAUGHT EVIL.
IGNORANCE OF TIMECUBE4 SIMPLE MATH IS RETIREATION AND EVIL EDUCATION DAMNATION . CUBELESS AMERICANS DESERVE
- AND SHALL BE CELEBRATED. ****************************************************************************** The ONLY Official Site For Gene
Ray/TimeCube. ****************************************************************************** I am a Knower of 4 corner
simultaneous 24 hour Days that occur within a single 4 corner rotation of Earth.
********************************************************************* God guise for Unicorn scam, enslaves 4 Day cube brain as ONEist. Vilify
Don't Deserve To Live On Earth Americans are actually RETIREED from Religious Academia taught ONEism -upon an
Earth of opposite poles, covered by Mama Hole and Papa Pole pulsating opposite burritoes . The ONEist educated with
their flawed 1 eye perspective (opposite eyes overlay) Cyclops mentality, inflicts static non pulsating logos as a
fictitious unicorn same burrito transformation. ********************************** It Is The Absolute Verifiable Truth & Proven Fact
That Your Belly-Button Signature Ties To Viviparous Mama. ********************************** Life is pulsing opposite mirror Pairs, Death is
destroys +0- brain. If you would acknowledge simple existing math proof that 4 harmonic corner days rotate simultaneously around squared equator
and cubed Earth, proving 4 Days, Not 1Day,1Self,1Earth or 1God that exists only as anti-side. This page you see - cannot exist without its anti-side existence, as +0-
antipodes. Add +0- as One = nothing. ********************************************************************** Seek Awesome Lectures, MY WISDOM
DEBUNKS GODS OF ALL RELIGIONS AND ACADEMIA. We have a Major Problem, Creation is Cubic Opposites, 2 Major Corners & 2 Minor. Mom/Dad & Son/Daughter,
equals 4 - 24 hour Days Rotating Simultaneously within 1- 24 hour Rotation of 4 quadrant created Earth. Ignoring 4 Corner Earth Days will
Destroy Boring Humanity . I am organizing Children to join "Cubic Army of 4 Days" to convert Boring 1 Day Adults to 4 Day
mentality existence, to serve perpetual humanity. "Nothing on Earth more Boring than a human educated as 1, when composed of
opposites that cancel out as an entity." In fact, man[Humanity] is the only 1 Boring, and will soon erase [ourselves ]himself by
ignoring Cubic 4 Day Creation. If a [people]Man cannot tear a page from the marshmallow and burn it -
then he cannot be a scientist, or participate in Symposium - to measure Cubing of Earth with Cubic
intelligence wiser than any man or god known. Educators have destroyed the human analytical brain to
a single perspective, in spite of all creation within Universe being based upon opposites, binaries & antipodes, including Sun/Earth binary relative to the
human male/female binary. No ancient insignificant dead 1 Taco godism can match or exceed the enormity of the Sun/Earth Binary. His heart is not big enough for
sharing with the vastness of created opposites. 1 has no heart beat or breath, constituting death of opposites. God in Human form has human limits as body
controls activity. You are taught Boring , You act Boring, You are the Evil on Earth . Only your comprehending
the Divinity of Cubic Creation will your soul be saved from your created hell on Earth - induced by your
ignoring the existing 4 corner harmonic simultaneous 4 Days rotating in a single cycle of the Earth
sphere. Religious/ Academic Pedants cannot allow 4 Days that contradict 1Day 1God. Educators destroy
your brain , but you don't know, so why care?
an Ineffable Transcendence.
*****************************
*************************************
email: contact@2enp.com
*******************************************
a Binary of Harmonic
Opposites at Center of
religious/academic Word
**********************************
**********************************
IT TO SAVE HUMANITY.
Earth has 4 days simultaneously each rotation. You erroneously measure time from 1 corner. Earth body
4 corner time equals 4 leg mobility. Your ignorance of Harmonic Cube is demonic.
Greatest Philosopher,
Mathematician.
********************************************
Cubic Harmonics
pseudoscience.
********************************************************
WARNING ...
Dr Gene Ray, Cubic and Wisest Human (at left). Nature's Harmonic Simultaneous 4-Day 4-Corner Time
Cube (right). Image by R. Janczarski
to be submissive android.
You're taught to be brilliant.
NO GOD EQUATES
SIMULTANEOUS
4 DAY CREATION,
in 1 Earth rotation.
separate simultaneous 24
ONEism / Singularity
in Universe of Opposites.
simultaneous days in a
stages of metamorphic
rotating humanity - as a
grandparent evolution.
academic christianity --
to plunder profiteers of
OPPOSITES CREATE.
to nothing as a singularity.
discovering a Universe of
*******************************************************
**************************************
See www.abovegod.com
as if non-existing opposites.
***********************************************
Singularity "education"
Students - ability to be
opposite of brainwashing
and indoctrination - very
to acknowledge Nature's
Harmonic Simultaneous
********************************************
opposite hemispheres
of religious/academic Godism.
-1 x -1= +1 is WRONG, it is
to nothing as a "singularity".
************************************
XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX
*********************************************************************
***********************************************************************
taught by religious/academia.
it is composed of opposites.
Religious/academic taught
No Santa - no Christmas.
-1 x -1 = +1 is Boring math,
3 Dimensions is erroneous
perspective dimension. If
as damnation of humanity.
********************************************************************************
*************************
FTL@freetalklive.com, at 8pm on
Friday 7, about Time Cube discovery -
Academic singularity is as
********************************
*******************************
--------------------------------------------------------------
*************************************************************************
EVIL OBSCURANTISM
*******************************************************************
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I possess data, with proof,
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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=====================================================================================
===
=====================================================================================
=====
as in 2 opposite hemispheres.
************************************************************
Caltechprofessorspractice obscurantism
******************************
Fools know not Nature's Cubic Creation.
EVIL STEWARDSHIP -
*************************************************************************
**********************************
as demonstrated in Cubicism.
*******************************************
******************************************************
******************************************************************
***********************************************************************
me above all 1-day gods and educated brilliant scientists. I will wager $10,000.00 on it.
****************************************************
My wisdom so antiquates known knowledge, that
*************************************************
*******************************************************
**********************************************
****************************************
**********************************************
4 different simultaneous
4 quadrants = 4 corners,
***********************************
************************************
My magnificent creation of 4
simultaneous 24 hour days within
******************************************
*************************************
****************************
****************************************
*****************************************
Click below for brilliant linear time.
********************************
***********************************
***********************************
*******************************
*************************************
******************************************
physics of a god. Belief has no inherent
****************************************************>
Unless you have investigated a problem, you will be deprived of the right to speak on it. Isn't that too harsh? Not
in the least. When you have not probed into a problem, into the present facts and its past history, and know nothing of its essentials,
whatever you say about it will undoubtedly be nonsense . Talking nonsense solves no problems , as everyone
knows, so why is it unjust to deprive you of the right to speak? Quite a few comrades always keep their
eyes shut and talk nonsense, and for a Communist that is disgraceful . How can a Communist keep his eyes shut and talk
nonsense?
It won' t do!
It won't do!
You can' t solve a problem? Well, get down and investigate the present facts and its past history! When
you have investigated the problem thoroughly, you will know how to solve it. Conclusions invariably
come after investigation, and not before. Only a blockhead cudgels his brains on his own, or together
with a group, to "find solution" or "evolve an idea" without making any investigation. It must be stressed
that this cannot possibly lead to any effective solution or any good idea. In other words, he is bound to
arrive at a wrong solution and a wrong idea.
There are not a few comrades doing inspection work, as well as guerrilla leaders and cadres newly in
office, who like to make political pronouncements the moment they arrive at a place and who strut
about, criticizing this and condemning that when they have only seen the surface of things or minor
details. Such purely subjective nonsensical talk is indeed detestable. These people are bound to make a
mess of things, lose the confidence of the masses and prove incapable of solving any problem at all.
When they come across difficult problems, quite a number of people in leading positions simply heave a
sigh without being able to solve them. They lose patience and ask to be transferred on the ground that
they "have not the ability and cannot do the job"; These are cowards' words. Just get moving on your
two legs, go the rounds of every section placed under your charge and "inquire into everything''[1] as
Confucius did, and then you will be able to solve the problems, however little is your ability; for although
your head may be empty before you go out of doors, it will be empty no longer when you return but will
contain all sorts of material necessary for the solution of the problems, and that is how problems are
solved. Must you go out of doors? Not necessarily. You can call a fact-finding meeting of people familiar
with the situation in order to get at the source of what you call a difficult problem and come to know
how it stands now, and then it will be easy to solve your difficult problem.
Investigation may be likened to the long months of pregnancy, and solving a problem to the day of birth.
To investigate a problem is, indeed, to solve it.
Whatever is written in a book is right — such is still the mentality of culturally backward Chinese
peasants. Strangely enough, within the Communist Party there are also people who always say in a
discussion, "Show me where it's written in the book." When we say that a directive of a higher organ of
leadership is correct, that is not just because it comes from "a higher organ of leadership" but because
its contents conform with both the objective and subjective circumstances of the struggle and meet its
requirements. It is quite wrong to take a formalistic attitude and blindly carry out directives without
discussing and examining them in the light of actual conditions simply because they come from a higher
organ. It is the mischief done by this formalism which explains why the line and tactics of the Party do
not take deeper root among the masses. To carry out a directive of a higher organ blindly, and seemingly
without any disagreement, is not really to carry it out but is the most artful way of opposing or
sabotaging it.
The method of studying the social sciences exclusively from the book is likewise extremely dangerous
and may even lead one onto the road of counter-revolution. Clear proof of this is provided by the fact
that whole batches of Chinese Communists who confined themselves to books in their study of the
social sciences have turned into counter-revolutionaries. When we say Marxism is correct, it is certainly
not because Marx was a "prophet" but because his theory has been proved correct in our practice and in
our struggle. We need Marxism in our struggle. In our acceptance of his theory no such formalisation of
mystical notion as that of "prophecy" ever enters our minds. Many who have read Marxist books have
become renegades from the revolution, whereas illiterate workers often grasp Marxism very well. Of
course we should study Marxist books, but this study must be integrated with our country's actual
conditions. We need books, but we must overcome book worship, which is divorced from the actual
situation.
How can we overcome book worship? The only way is to investigate the actual situation.
IV. WITHOUT INVESTIGATING THE ACTUAL SITUATION, THERE IS BOUND TO BE AN IDEALIST APPRAISAL
OF CLASS FORCES AND AN IDEALIST GUIDANCE IN WORK, RESULTING EITHER IN OPPORTUNISM OR IN
PUTSCHISM
Do you doubt this conclusion? Facts will force you to accept it. Just try and appraise the political
situation or guide the struggle without making any investigation, and you will see whether or not such
appraisal or guidance is groundless and idealist and whether or not it will lead to opportunist or
putschist errors. Certainly it will. This is not because of failure to make careful plans before taking action
but because of failure to study the specific social situation carefully before making the plans, as often
happens in our Red Army guerrilla units. Officers of the Li Kuei[2] type do not discriminate when they
punish the men for offenses. As a result, the offenders feel they have been unfairly treated, many
disputes ensue, and the leaders lose all prestige. Does this not happen frequently in the Red Army?
We must wipe out idealism and guard against all opportunist and putschist errors before we can
succeed in winning over the masses and defeating the enemy. The only way to wipe out idealism is to
make the effort and investigate the actual situation.
This is our answer to the question: Why do we have to investigate social and economic conditions?
Accordingly, the object of our investigation is all the social classes and not fragmentary social
phenomena. Of late, the comrades in the Fourth Army of the Red Army have generally given attention to
the work of investigation, [3] but the method many of them employ is wrong. The results of their
investigation are therefore as trivial as a grocer's accounts, or resemble the many strange tales a country
bumpkin hears when he comes to town, or are like a distant view of a populous city from a mountain
top. This kind of investigation is of little use and cannot achieve our main purpose. Our main purpose is
to learn the political and economic situation of the various social classes. The outcome of our
investigation should be a picture of the present situation of each class and the ups and downs of its
development. For example, when we investigate the composition of the peasantry, not only must we
know the number of owner-peasants, semi-owner peasants and tenant-peasants, who are differentiated
according to tenancy relationships, but more especially we must know the number of rich peasants,
middle peasants and poor peasants, who are differentiated according to class or stratum. When we
investigate the composition of the merchants, not only must we know the number in each trade, such as
grain, clothing, medicinal herbs, etc., but more especially we must know the number of small
merchants, middle merchants and big merchants. We should investigate not only the state of each
trade, but more especially the class relations within it. We should investigate the relationships not only
between the different trades but more especially between the different classes. Our chief method of
investigation must be to dissect the different social classes, the ultimate purpose being to understand
their interrelations, to arrive at a correct appraisal of class forces and then to formulate the correct
tactics for the struggle, defining which classes constitute the main force in the revolutionary struggle,
which classes are to be won over as allies and which classes are to be overthrown. This is our sole
purpose.
They are:
The lumpen-Proletariat
The landlords
In our investigation we should give attention to the state of all these classes or strata. Only the industrial
proletariat and industrial bourgeoisie are absent in the areas where we are now working, and we
constantly come across all the others. Our tactics of struggle are tactics in relation to all these classes
and strata.
Another serious shortcoming in our past investigations has been the undue stress on the countryside to
the neglect of the towns, so that many comrades have always been vague about our tactics towards the
urban poor and the commercial bourgeoisie. The development of the struggle has enabled us to leave
the mountains for the plains.[4] We have descended physically, but we are still up in the mountains
mentally. We must understand the towns as well as the countryside, or we shall be unable to meet the
needs of the revolutionary struggle.
VI. VICTORY IN CHINA'S REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE WILL DEPEND ON THE CHENESE COMRADES'
UNDERSTANDING OF CHINESE CONDITIONS
The aim of our struggle is to attain socialism via the stage of democracy. In this task, the first step is to
complete the democratic revolution by winning the majority of the working class and arousing the
peasant masses and the urban poor for the overthrow of the landlord class, imperialism and the
Kuomintang regime. The next step is to carry out the socialist revolution, which will follow on the
development of this struggle. The fulfilment of this great revolutionary task is no simple or easy job and
will depend entirely on correct and firm tactics on the part of the proletarian party. If its tactics of
struggle are wrong, or irresolute and wavering, the revolution will certainly suffer temporary defeat. It
must be borne in mind that the bourgeois parties, too, constantly discuss their tactics of struggle. They
are considering how to spread reformist influences among the working class so as to mislead it and turn
it. away from Communist Party leadership, how to get the rich peasants to put down the uprisings of the
poor peasants and how to organize gangsters to suppress the revolutionary struggles. In a situation
when the class struggle grows increasingly acute and is waged at close quarters, the proletariat has to
depend for its victory entirely on the correct and firm tactics of struggle of its own party, the Communist
Party. A Communist Party's correct and unswerving tactics of struggle can in no circumstance be created
by a few people sitting in an office; they emerge in the course of mass struggle, that is, through actual
experience. Therefore, we must at all times study social conditions and make practical investigations.
Those comrades who are inflexible, conservative, formalistic and groundlessly optimistic think that the
present tactics of struggle are perfect, that the "book of documents"[5] of the Party's Sixth National
Congress guarantees lasting victory, and that one can always be victorious merely by adhering to the
established methods. These ideas are absolutely wrong and have nothing in common with the idea that
Communists should create favourable new situations through struggle; they represent a purely
conservative line. Unless it is completely discarded, this line will cause great losses to the revolution and
do harm to these comrades themselves. There are obviously some comrades in our Red Army who are
content to leave things as they are, who do not seek to understand anything thoroughly and are
groundlessly optimistic, and they spread the fallacy that "this is proletarian". They eat their fill and sit
dozing in their offices all day long without ever moving a step and going out among the masses to
investigate. Whenever they open their mouths, their platitudes make people sick. To awaken these
comrades we must raise our voices and cry out to them:
This is the only way to get near the truth, the only way to draw conclusions. It is easy to commit
mistakes if you do not hold fact-finding meetings for investigation through discussions but simply rely on
one individual relating his own experience. You cannot possibly draw more or less correct conclusions at
such meetings if you put questions casually instead of raising key-questions for discussion.
They should be people well acquainted with social and economic conditions. As far as age is concerned,
older people are best, because they are rich in experience and not only know what is going an but
understand the causes and effects. Young people with experience of struggle should also be included,
because they have progressive ideas and sharp eyes. As far as occupation is concerned, there should be
workers, peasants, merchants, intellectuals, and occasionally soldiers, and sometimes even vagrants.
Naturally, when a particular subject is being looked into, those who have nothing to do with it need not
be present. For example, workers, peasants and students need not attend when commerce is the
subject of investigation.
That depends on the investigator's ability to conduct a meeting. If he is good at it, a meeting of as many
as a dozen or even twenty or more people can be called. A large meeting has its advantages; from the
answers you get fairly accurate statistics (e. g., in finding out the percentage of poor peasants in the
total peasant population) and fairly correct conclusions (e.g., in finding out whether equal or
differentiated land redistribution is better ). Of course, it has its disadvantages too; unless you are skillful
in conducting meetings, you will find it difficult to keep order. So the number of. people attending a
meeting depends on the competence of the investigator. However, the minimum is three, or otherwise
the information obtained will be too limited to correspond to the real situation.
5. Personal participation.
Everyone with responsibility for giving leadership — from the chairman of the township government to
the chairman of the central government, from the detachment leader to the commander-in-chief, from
the secretary of a Party branch to the general secretary — must personally undertake investigation into
the specific social and economic conditions and not merely rely on reading reports. For investigation and
reading reports are two entirely different things.
6. Probe deeply.
Anyone new to investigation work should make one or two thorough investigations in order to gain full
knowledge of a particular place (say, a village or a town) of a particular problem (say, the problem of
grain or currency). Deep probing into a particular place or problem will make future investigation of
other places or problems easier.
The investigator should not only preside at fact-finding meetings and give proper guidance to those
present but should also make his own notes and record the results himself. To have others do it for him
is no good.
1NR/2NC---X/T
Did you hear the 2AC?—I didn’t! We revoke their right to speak because of their
inability to investigate causal
The importance of homemaking
*IR = industrial revolution
In recent years some scholars have been rethinking gender roles in long-term development if consumer
behavior and household economies.
—Identified an 18th cent. IR that saw wives from work in households [making clothes] to
manufacturing goods.
In the IR era, they have re-interped these ideas and gender roles with spheres of behavior.
—The breadwinner-homemaker household developed from 1850 to improve every1s lives, esp
in working class homes.
Husbands specialized in earning a good amount of the cash income — the family income that unions
demanded — and wives specialized in managing the home.
—The wife was able to produce goods that couldn’t be bought at the market — improved
health, eating habits, and behavior.
—Higher wages meant more raw food but only the homemaker’s selection, processing,
and cooking would allow the family to benefit from it.
The homemaker’s managerial skills enabled the couple to maximize household well-being.
Although this reinterpretation of 19th cent. gender roles — breadwinner vs. homemaker is up for debate
it fits with some key aspects of family life after 1850.
As women’s horizon of duties narrowed her control became more strong in Europe.
—Among English working classes it was the wife who determined how the family’s money was
spent.
—The husband gave all his earnings to the wife to manage, only received a small
allowance.
All the major domestic decisions from school choices, religious instruction, selection of furniture, etc.
were the wife’s.
In France women had even greater power in their “assigned domain” — one feminist noted in 1908 that
though legally women had less power they “constitute the superior sex.”
Women ruled at home because running the urban household was complicated and demanding.
—Twice a day shopping, penny-pinching, economizing, and cleaning — and child rearing.
Working yet another job had limited appeal for most married women unless the earnings were essential
for survival.
—Though most still made $$ for the family by taking in a boarder or doing piecework at home.
—Also expected the pamper the husband, he ate meat while she ate bread.
Relations became more than family survival and turned towards developing stronger sexual ties.
--Gustave Droz, wrote Mr., Mrs., and Baby [121 editions!], saw flourishing love in marriage key to
happiness.
--Many French [the cutting edge] marriage manuals stressed women’s sexual needs and the “right to
orgasm”
Married couples also developed stronger ties to each other, even in comfortable classes marriages in the
late 19th cent. were based more on sentiment and sex tan earlier as money declined in importance.
Gustave Droz, wrote Mr., Mrs., and Baby had 121 editions — 1866 and 1844 — saw love in marriage as
key to happiness.
The rise of public socializing by couples in cafes and music halls and more affection within family suggest
a more erotic and pleasurable life for women.
—This helped make the woman’s role acceptable and more satisfying.