Professional Documents
Culture Documents
For Reading Development
For Reading Development
For Reading Development
Ponce entitled
“Assimilation and Ethno-development of the Mamanwa amidst Changing Ecological,
Economic and Political Context”
Ethno-development
It is noteworthy to consider the statement of Radcliffe and Laurie (2006) which explains
the relationship between culture and development. The authors postulated that culture is vital
to the implementation of development projects and programs. If development is intended to
produce sustained change, giving due significance to the culture will explain the success of
development interventions. The challenge is on how to situate culture in the development
paradigms or how development paradigms will adopt the concepts of culture. Indeed, culture is
crucial if it is incorporated into the implementation of development projects. But since
development is inevitable and inescapable, many strategies, guidelines, and frameworks came
into being as a result of studies, planning, and experiments. These became the basis for
formulating and implementing development programs or projects. Although some of these
initiatives are efficient in involving the people and their ideas, the tendency of the dominant
culture to manipulate and intervene is not impossible. Different indigenous people experience
this phenomenon in different ways and levels.
The review of Corpuz (2008) of the national indigenous institutes in many countries
revealed the prevalence of strategies, such as top-down and paternalistic, which assimilate
indigenous cultures into the dominant western culture. In addition, indigenous cultures and
small-scale subsistence economies were regarded as obstacles to modern development. The
author noted that “interventionism was justified by the promise of development”. The concept
of development that is based on economic measures is not anymore the only form of
development that exists. Following the awareness of the plight of indigenous peoples in the
international arena is the conception of different forms of “alternative development”, one of
which is ethno-development.
In a paper presented during the Annual World Bank Conference on Development in
Latin America and the Caribbean, Bogotá, Colombia, June 30 - July 2, 1996, Partridge et al
(1996) defined ethno-development as: “those processes which are defined by and controlled
by the indigenous peoples themselves as they seek better lives for their communities in the
face of increasing poverty and social disintegration.”
The Ethnic Newswatch (cited by Partridge et al 1996), quoted the statement by Carlos
Alfonso Palma, former President of ONIC, the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia
(Organizacion Nacional Indígena de Colombia), when asked what development means for
indigenous peoples in Colombia, responded: “For us development is not just economics, it is
integral; that is to have autonomy, to have organizational and administrative capacity. For us,
however, it would not just mean individually, but at the collective level; it means to propose
solutions for the community. We have to generate many alternatives such as appropriation of
technology, credit possibilities, an adaptation of an economy proper to us, an economy that
allows us to control our means that allows the communities to develop their autonomy.”
In the context of the Peruvian Andes, Yates (2014) focused on understanding the
kamayoq system and the role it plays in promoting development that does not disregard the
importance of culture. Kamayoq, a political-economic organization, contributed to building
‘regionally specific visions of livelihoods, based on the ‘profound values’ of Andean social
organization, technology, and philosophy.” While in the highlands of Ecuador, the objective of
the Development Project for Indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian Peoples (PRODEPINE) is to
oversee the development potential of indigenous culture publicized by the World Bank as one
of its most innovative initiatives for strengthening local organizations (social capital) and
development with identity (ethno-development) (De ZaldÍvar 2008). While in the study of
Chernela (2011) the organization of women in an urban area, after having knowledge and
awareness about their rights, were able to improve their lives and increase their participation in
society.
In the Philippine context, specifically in the northeastern part of Mindanao, the Surigao
del Norte Archived News at Zamboanga.com presented three connected stories of the
Mamanwa from different parts of the CARAGA province. The presence of mining industries in
the province created two different scenarios: the creation of conflict and incorporation into
development projects. The military combat operations in Gigaquit, Surigao del Norte produced
internal refugees. After Inano, a Mamanwa, who was allegedly shot by a soldier from the 30 th
Infantry Battalion, many Mamanwa families from different communities evacuated for fear of
being the next victims. Catoto (April 2, 2012) reported that refugees who built makeshift huts,
with each hut being shared by three families, became ill due to unfavorable conditions. They
also blame the NFA rice, which is the only help they received from the local government, for
causing stomach pains, diarrhea, colds, fever, and stress. The article of Boncocan (April 30,
2012) emphasized that these displaced indigenous peoples are desperately in need of food,
clothing, water and medicines. In addition, the author’s interview with the Secretary General of
KahugpongsaLumadnongOrganisasyon (KASALO) revealed that the military presence in their
land is to ensure security for mining companies. On the other hand, Crismundo (May 4, 2012)
reported how the Mamanwa in Claver, Surigao del Norte were being incorporated into
development projects implemented by Adnama Mining Resources, Inc. (AMRI). The company
released P50 million for various social development projects and livelihood programs that
benefited remote villages and more than 100 Mamanwa families; these include educational
support and apartment-type housing. The Mamanwa are also recipients of the 1% share from
AMRI in exchange to conduct mining operations in the ancestral land.
The study of Tomaquin (2014) shows how social development programs, livelihood
programs, and assistance mentioned in the news have affected the Mamanwa. The author
presented problems in the integration of the Mamanwa (in Claver, Surigao del Norte) in the
Philippine Body Politic as follows: royalty share of 1% from mining companies are perceived to
be improperly implemented, they failed to enjoy full educational grant offered by the
government, Pantawid sa Mahirap and PhilHealth programs failed to a certain extent, livelihood
program lack sustainability, mainstreaming the Mamanwa in the educational system does not
work, and the need to establish schools of living traditions (Tomaquin, 2014). Indigenous
peoples become victims of internal colonialism (by dominant ethnic groups, no longer by a
foreign power), human rights violations, powerlessness, centrally defined and controlled
“economic development programs” and insecurity in their borderland regions, and they are
asking for the right of self-determination (Lasaca 1990)
Apparently, these problems imply that programs, both from the Government and
private industries aiming to help the Mamanwa and some indigenous groups are not effective
and efficient. National government laws and programs tend to have their own interests and
objectives, resulting in overlooking specific situations at the micro level where laws and
programs are to be implemented (Amper 2005). These studies represent the scenario when
indigenous people are not being represented, nor their various cultural landscapes are being
considered, in the planning of government programs, projects, and policies.