African Clusters in India

African Clusters in India examines the discrimination and stereotypes faced

by African migrants in India. It outlines the narratives of the migrants and
demonstrates how their ‘African identity’ gets associated with drugs, prosti-
tution, and cannibalism. The book brings to the fore how African migrants
experience racial profiling based on a conflated African identity and how
this identity gets generalized irrespective of the different nationalities and
leads to social exclusion.
This monograph argues that the antagonistic urban environment gives
rise to the formation of a pan-African identity as a response to cultural
biases and stereotypes. Thus, it explores the role of language, culture, and
politics of representation to show the process of ‘othering’ and exclusion in
India.
Drawing on lived experiences of the migrants, the volume engages with
the larger discourse of globalization, liberalization, and migration within
the global south. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of
critical race theory, ethnography, urban sociology, African studies, and
South Asian studies.

Koyal Verma is currently working as an Assistant Professor at the School of

Liberal Arts, Bennett University. She has taught at Delhi University in col-
leges like Miranda House, Hindu College, and Maitreyi College, as well as
Ambedkar University Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University. She has done
research for projects funded by Yale University, UNESCO, Ford Foundation,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, and United Nations Population Fund
(UNFPA). Her areas of specialization are urban sociology, migration stud-
ies, diaspora studies, and race and ethnic studies.
South Asia in Context

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Indigenous Question, Land Appropriation, and Development

Understanding the conflict in Jharkhand, India
Gautam Pingali

African Clusters in India

Koyal Verma

For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge.

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African Clusters in India

Koyal Verma
First published 2023
by Routledge
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British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
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Names: Verma, Koyal, author.
Title: African clusters in India / Koyal Verma.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2023. | Series:
South Asia in context | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022045846 (print) | LCCN 2022045847 (ebook) | ISBN
9781032196602 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032233345 (paperback) | ISBN
9781003276845 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Africans--India--Social conditions. | Urban black
people--India. | Sociology, Urban--India. | Marginality, Social--India.
| Group identity--India.
Classification: LCC DS432.A25 V47 2023 (print) | LCC DS432.A25 (ebook) |
DDC 305.896/054--dc23/eng/20221117
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ISBN: 978-1-032-19660-2 (hbk)
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ISBN: 978-1-003-27684-5 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845
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Contents

Preface vii
Acknowledgments ix
List of Acronyms xi

PART I
Introduction 1

1 ‘African Clusters,’ Spatial Exclusion, and ‘African’

Identity in India 3

PART II
The Emergence of African Clusters in India 17

2 India-Africa Relations: Delineating Post-colonial

and Neoliberal Ties in Global South 19

3 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration

from Africa to India 38

4 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees: Mapping

the Impacts of Civil War and Internal Political Crisis 53

5 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters: Locating Housing

Segregation, Gated Communities, and
Discriminatory Practices 68
vi Contents
PART III
Race, Representation, and Othering: Lived Experiences
from the African Cluster 81

6 African Migrants and Discrimination: Locating the

Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion 83

7 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives on

Racial Discrimination: Locating Critical Race Theory 98

8 Discursive Representation and Othering of the

African Identity: Race as a Signifier 112

9 The Pan-African Identity in India: The Emergence

of Collective Identity through Solidarity Networks
and African Kitchens 125

PART IV
The Way Forward 139

10 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness: Theorzing Race

and Racism in India 141

Index 159
Preface

This book is based on the contemporary ‘African Clusters’ in India.

Historically, since the sixth and seventh centuries BC, people of African
descent have been migrating to India. The ‘Siddi Community’s’ cultural
integration is well documented. They have integrated into Indian society by
assuming various roles and responsibilities. Nonetheless, in the modern era,
African migrants are experiencing urban segregation, exclusion and gentri-
fication. Therefore, the purpose of this book is to outline and analyse the
discrimination, stereotypes, and social exclusion faced by African migrants
in urban areas. It outlines the lived experiences of the migrants through
narratives and the issues encountered by them in India. It further illustrates
how the ‘African identity’ is associated with drugs, prostitution, and canni-
balism. These stereotypes generate cultural conflicts and contestations
between the African immigrant community and the local host community.
In addition, it gives rise to spatial exclusion and segregation of the African
community through the formation of ‘African clusters.’ This book outlines
the role of culture, language, and representational politics in social and
spatial exclusion.
This book draws from the Chicago School. It is based on urban ethnog-
raphy to analyze spatial exclusion and gentrification in the South Asian
context. Ironically, the global world is less familiar with the narratives and
perspectives of African migrants residing in India. In the west, issues of
racial discrimination have received attention, but in India, this is a topic
that still requires academic discussion and inquiry. There is a dearth of rac-
ism theory from the perspective of the east, the global south, or South Asia.
This monograph, therefore, addresses this knowledge gap.
The book aims to describe the connection between race, racial clusters,
and spatial exclusion in India. It outlines the historical and contemporary
migration patterns from Africa to India with a focus on the politics of the
global south. It further comprehends the mechanisms underlying the forma-
tion of racial clusters in India. It also outlines the contexts of discrimination
that migrants face based on their lived experiences. It maps the processes
through which the social construction of African and pan-African identity
viii Preface
is formulated. It further demonstrates how African clusters function as sites
for negotiating marginalization. This book will also contribute to the dis-
cussion on Sustainable Development Goals and will contribute to de-colo-
nization. With reference to the ‘African Cluster,’ this book advocates for
‘de-colonizing colour consciousness’ in the global south.
Dr. Koyal Verma
Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Centre for the Study of
Social Systems (CSSS), Centre for African Studies, and Jawaharlal Nehru
University for their unwavering guidance and support throughout my aca-
demic journey. My heartfelt gratitude goes to my professors, Prof. Renuka
Singh, Prof. Vivek Kumar, Dr. Bimol Akoijam, Dr. G. Srinivas, Prof. Maitrayee
Chaudhuri, Prof. Susan Viswanathan, Prof Tanveer Fazal, Prof. Nillika
Mehrotra, Prof. Surinder S Jodhka, and Prof. Dipankar Gupta. Prof. Sanjay
Srivastava deserves a special mention for lending me his invaluable insights
and support during and after my Ph.D. I would like to thank my colleagues
at Hindu College, Maitreyi College, and Miranda House of Delhi University
for their encouragement and with whom I have had numerous discussions.
I would especially like to thank Dr. Gopi D. Tripathy, Dr. Anurita Jalan, and
Dr. Mala Kapur Shankardass who were the most encouraging during my
research and fieldwork. Of course, all my colleagues at Delhi University, too
numerous to mention here, have been invaluable in shaping the ideas pre-
sented in the book. I would also like to thank everyone at the School of
Human Ecology Ambedkar University Delhi, especially Dr. Suresh Babu for
the many discussions on issues of urban ecology. I would like to mention
that the numerous engagements I had with my colleagues, peers, and profes-
sors on issues of migration, integration, and identity have allowed me to
build and expand some of my arguments. I want to thank Dr. Indranil
Chakraborty and Jatin Gandhi for their motivation, especially during the
final stages of the book. My special thanks to Prof. Alka Parikh at Bennett
University for her support and my colleagues, especially Dr. Saurabh
Todariya who has been very encouraging. I would like to express my heart-
felt thanks to Aakash Chakrabarty for his invaluable support during the
writing of this book. I also want to thank Melissa Brown Levine for giving
me her comments and making some very insightful observations and
suggestions.
I would like to express my gratitude to the library and staff at Delhi
University (Department of Sociology and the Department of African
Studies), JNU, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and NMML, Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library, for giving me their assistance. I would especially like
to thank the Khoj Foundation in Khirki Extension for allowing me to use
x Acknowledgments
their library and resources for my research. I would like to express my
heartfelt gratitude to my Somali friends, Hafees, Abdul, Yasir, and Yuusuf,
for opening up their hearts and worlds to me. I would like to thank my
friend Dr. Joshua Boit whose insights on Kenya and Africa in general were
invaluable throughout my research and writing process. I would like to
thank Neha Wadhawan, Kaustav Banerjee, Amit Thorat, and Alessandra
Mezzadri for their unconditional support and advice. I would also like to
thank Pranjal Patil, Aditi Kumar, and Sunita for lending me their creative
insights and encouragement during my research and writing in Jawaharlal
Nehru University. The most important push I received during the writing
phase was in the form of love and encouragement from Manpreet Walia
and Sheffali. I want to thank Manmeet Kaur and Pratishtha Dobhal for all
the creative inspiration.
I would also like to express my academic gratitude to the feminist schol-
arship and academic writings of Angela Davis, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia
Hill Collins, and Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyěwùmí. Their insights have contributed to
my understanding of the field. Last but not least, I thank my family and
friends for being a constant source of motivation and inspiration. Without
their unwavering support, this book would not have been possible. A spe-
cial thanks to the Kumar family. Most importantly, I want to thank Dev and
obviously my words fall short. Thank you for seeing me through every
phase of this research and writing. Finally, I present my book African
Clusters in India, and I look forward to an intense academic engagement.
Acronyms

ANC African National Congress

ASSOCHAM Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India
AU African Union
CII Confederation of Indian Industry
DPA Development Partnership Administration
EXIM Bank Export-Import Bank of India
FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry
HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus
IAFS India-Africa Forum Summits
ICAR Indian Council of Agricultural Research
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IMF International Monetary Fund
IOR Indian Ocean Region
IT Information and Technology
LDC Least Developed Countries
LOC Line of Credit
MCI Medical Council of India
MEA Ministry of External Affairs
MoU Memorandum of Understanding
NAM Non-aligned Movement
NEP 1991 New Economic Policy 1991
NEPAD The New Partnership for Africa’s Development
OVL Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited
PPP Public-Private Partnerships
PTA Preferential Trade Zone
SADC Southern African Development Community
SDG Sustainable Development Goals
SDG 1 No Poverty
SDG 10 Reduced Inequalities
SDG 11 Sustainable Cities and Communities
SDG 16 Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions
SDG 17 Partnership for the Goals
SDG 3 Good Health and Well-Being
SDG 4 Quality Education
xii Acronyms
SDG 8 Decent Work and Economic Growth
TCIL Telecommunications Consultants India Limited
UN United Nations
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
WHO World Health Organization
WTO World Trade Organization
Part I

Introduction
1 ‘African Clusters,’ Spatial Exclusion,
and ‘African’ Identity in India

Introduction
Does the formation of ‘African clusters’ in urban environments reflect prej-
udice and spatial inequality? India has signed the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDG) for 2030 and the International Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 1965. Seventeen principles for
inclusive and sustainable development are outlined in the SDG 2030. This
book aims to provide insights and suggestions for achieving sustainable
development. This book intends to contribute to policy debates on inclusive
human settlement and racial discrimination by examining ‘African clusters’
in India’s Khirki Extension. The aim of this study is to comprehend the
larger processes of discrimination and spatial inequality that threaten the
inclusiveness of human settlements. It further examines the discrimination
and othering of African migrants. It investigates social and spatial exclusion
in greater depth using both lived experiences and theoretical constructs. It
is argued that the social construction of African identity and the politics of
representation both contribute to exclusionary processes and impact the
integration of African migrants into India’s urban host society. In this book,
‘African migrants’ refers to those who have migrated to India from various
African countries and ethnic groups, including Somalia, Rwanda, Tanzania,
Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo
(DR), Cameroon, Nigeria, and South Africa. In addition, this volume aims
to contribute to policy debates regarding urban inclusion and resilience,
thereby contributing to the discussion of reducing poverty, facilitating
health and well-being, mechanisms to access good quality education, ways
to secure decent work and economic growth, reducing inequalities, facilitat-
ing justice, and enquiring into how the sustainability of communities can be
secured or is currently being challenged. In other words, SDG 1, SDG 3,
SDG 4, SDG 8, SDG 10, SDG 11, SDG 16, and SDG 17 will receive valua-
ble lessons from this book.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-2
4 Introduction
African Migrants and the African Cluster in Khirki Extension: An
Introduction
It is significant to note that people of African descent have been migrating
to India since the sixth and seventh centuries. The historical migration has
also led to people of African descent, known as the Siddi community, to
establish permanent settlements along the Western coast of India (Basu
2002). The Siddi community has successfully integrated into the host soci-
ety. But, in the contemporary era, there has been a new form of settlement
that challenges cultural integration. At present, there is a high concentration
of African migrants in the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension, Delhi,
India. This is due to the fact that African migrants have difficulty finding
housing in other parts of Delhi. Hence, this has led to the concentration of
African migrants in specific regions. In fact, there are specific alleys, lanes,
and buildings in the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension where hous-
ing is available to the migrants, resulting in the formation of African clus-
ters. Interestingly, this urban neighbourhood has even acquired the name
“Little Africa”1 due to the large number of African migrants settling here.
Further, it was observed that there was a connection between real estate
agents and landlords, who knew where housing was readily available for
rent. In fact, the African community had to reach out to real estate agents
and brokers through networks of friends who had rented from them.
Consequently, the migrants settled in the same residential areas. However, it
could be argued that the spatial concentration in Khirki Extension was not
the result of free choice, but rather an urban process. This resulted in the
emergence of spatial clusters. In addition, because Khirki Extension was
itself an unauthorized housing colony, it provided housing for the African
migrants at cheaper rents. The housing was unauthorized due to the fact
that there was a lack of permission for construction from authorities.
Hence, the buildings were constructed haphazardly for the purpose of rent.
This was one of the reasons why landlords and real estate agents in Khirki
Extension preferred to rent out apartments to African immigrants. Further,
due to prevalent stereotypes, a number of gated communities in Delhi unan-
imously decided not to provide housing to African migrants. Khirki
Extension became one of the few urban areas in Delhi where migrants could
find housing, albeit at a cost. Khirki Extension was undeveloped prior to
this migration influx, but its local economy flourished as a result of African
migrants who rented housing at twice the market rate.
The migrants, on the other hand, resided in narrow alleyways because
only a few landlords, primarily those eager to earn money, offered their
houses for rent. However, the housing was dilapidated, as it was unauthor-
ized construction. The drainage systems and pipes were in poor condition,
sewage water was leaking into the roads, creating a bad stench in the gully.
Moreover, the apartments received little to no sunlight; the water supply was
unreliable, and the houses lacked ventilation because they were constructed
in small lanes that were adjacent and faced each other with no space in
 ‘African Clusters’  5
between, other than the front. In addition, the housing was in poor condi-
tion, as if it had been constructed only for temporary purposes. The land-
lords charged African migrants higher rents because they were able to
capitalize on the migrants’ inability to find housing in other areas of Delhi.
This was one of the primary factors contributing to the formation of an
African cluster in this urban neighbourhood. Consequently, the migrants
spatially concentrated into clusters. Since the settlements of Khirki Extension
were unauthorized, the rents were significantly less. In comparison to other
areas of Delhi, this neighbourhood provided migrants with more affordable
housing. Although unauthorized, this urban area’s central location made it a
prime point. It was connected to the rest of the city by a metro line. This
urban setting was cosmopolitan due to the proximity of a shopping mall and
a well-known hospital in the neighbourhood. It became a viable option for
immigrants to remain in this city neighbourhood due to the aforementioned
factors. In addition, the option of living within an African community made
it viable for safety and for building future networks. These were some of the
factors that led to the settlement of African immigrants in this region.

Intercultural Interaction and Adaptation

There were numerous cultural exchanges between the African immigrants
and the native population. The African community made efforts to assimi-
late and adapt to the way of life and to the culture of the host society. In
fact, some of the migrants had opened ‘African’ shops to serve the immi-
grant community. They sold items such as African spices, groceries, and
even home-cooked meals and indigenous cuisines. Several African kitchens
were established. In this light, Khirki Extension could be seen as a prime
example of multiculturalism. In order to adapt to the host society, the
migrants altered their way of life. The African immigrants readily adhered
to the fixed cultural norms and rules of the host society. In fact, numerous
migrants attempted to learn Hindi. Many African migrants also reported
adjusting their food habits and eating patterns. They missed the cuisine of
their home countries but adapted to the cuisine of India. There were cul-
tural interactions and exchanges on multiple levels. Many respondents
reported having Indian friends and enjoying a life in India. Even more, they
described how these neighbourhoods were ideal for both the native and
immigrant populations to learn about diversity. In certain instances, it was
observed that few members of the local Indian community frequented
African shops and boutiques. This demonstrated that there was potential
for learning and exchanges between the local and African communities.
From the perspective of the African community, which was itself so diverse
on a diasporic level, the presence of these shops could be considered a site
of multiculturalism. These African shops were accessible to all African
migrants, as well as the Indian locals who were curious to see and try vari-
ous African products. A small number of Indians explored and purchased
African spices and groceries. In a similar manner, the African community
6 Introduction
explored and tried Indian food and vegetables, some of which were distinct
from those of the native country and some of which were very similar. A
migrant from Rwanda who stays with her husband says,

I love the Indian chapati (bread), it’s not something that we get in my
country. I love it. I also enjoy purchasing native foods such as arbi,
cassava, and banana chips. As a result, we find it easier to live in Delhi.
Finding similar foods at the market gives me a feeling of “home away
from home”. I also enjoy visiting shopping malls. It is directly across
from our home. I go there with my husband. It compensates for the
difficulties in the city. When we first moved to Khirki, we went there
every day. I ate from KFC almost every day. The zinger burger at KFC
is my favourite, so I eat there a lot.

But apart from the intercultural adaptation, exchanges, and interactions,

the African migrants were experiencing a great deal of hostility from the
local community.

Intercultural Conflict
The African migrants who were settling in Khirki Extension migrated from
different countries of Africa such as Somalia, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania,
Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, and Cameroon. Even though the migrants came from differ-
ent countries, their identities were conflated and confused, and they were all
referred to as Kallu, Kalla, or Habshi. Interestingly, according to the Arabic-
Persian lexicon, Habshi literally refers to people from Abyssinia or Ethiopia.
It originated from a historical setting to refer to the ancient group of
migrants who crossed the Indian Ocean from East Africa to India. It arose
in the context of nationality in lieu of the migrations that took place in the
early centuries. In the contemporary context, ‘Habshi’ is associated with
negative ideas and problematic associations of criminal, dangerous, primi-
tive, and unlawful. This was a common inference that ultimately led to the
othering and racial profiling of the migrant community. The local Indian
community was unable to distinguish between different nations and ethnic-
ities. So, in a way, Kallu, Kalla, and Habshi were not simply words that were
used to refer to the African community in India, but in fact, these became
signifiers. Both Kalla and Kallu translate literally to black in Hindi. The
term ‘Habshi’ is often used to describe African migrants to associate them
with drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal immigration. The local
community used the term ‘Habshi’ as a signifier to identify it with stereo-
types and preconceived notions. In this context, race operated as a floating
signifier (Hall 1997a), and language became a vehicle for representing peo-
ple, objects, and things whose significance was derived from cultural prac-
tices and shared meanings. In this context, multiple ways of representation
could be viewed as “acting as language” (Hall 1997b:4). In the contemporary
 ‘African Clusters’  7
context, Habshi has emerged as a signifier for drugs, prostitution, and can-
nibalism. In the contemporary urban environment, these connections, rep-
resentations, and associations had profound effects on the African
community. They resulted in racial segregation, categorization of the ‘other,’
and geographical exclusion from various gated communities.
This book analyzes race as a sociocultural construction. The social con-
struction of race is manifested in urban space through language, othering,
and spatial exclusion. Spatial exclusion could be analyzed through different
policies employed by gated communities in Delhi to demonstrate the many
forms of segregation and exclusionary practices within the neighbourhoods.
For example, landlords from elite gated communities refused to rent out
their homes based on stereotypes. In this context, an outline is developed to
study the dominating beliefs, perspectives, and preconceptions regarding
migrants through the narratives of local residents living in the same neigh-
bourhood. Furthermore, this book examines the experiences of African
migrants who thought that despite their efforts to integrate into the host
society, were mistreated. Not only did the migrants face discrimination
from the locals but also from the state and state actors, such as Delhi’s law
minister and the police. This book enquires into the complex process of the
emergence of African clusters in the urban environment. It co-relates the
emergence of clusters with the African identity. It examines how cultural,
economic, and political factors contribute to the social construction of the
African identity. It focuses on methods of representation and construction
of stereotypes. It also emphasizes the significance of language and analyzes
the intricacies of social systems, social organizations, and social structures
in the construction of the African identity (Baldwin 1964; Cox 1959; Du
Bois 1967; Fanon 1952; Hall 1997b; James 2012; Silva 1994). The social
construction of African identity is reflected through social systems and
exclusionary practices within the urban space of Indian society.

The African Cluster as Social-Spatial Exclusion: A Conceptualization

There is a significant proportion of migration of people from all over the
world into cities in quest of better opportunities (Hannerz 1996). In this
context, the question is how cities can become more inclusive and sustaina-
ble in the face of ongoing demographic shifts. The India-Africa bilateral ties
have largely contributed to the migration of people from Africa into India.
The African clusters have emerged because of demographic shifts and
migration flows within the global south regions of Africa and India.
However, the emergence of African clusters should be viewed as an out-
come of urban discriminatory practices and a form of segregation in the
Indian context. Migrants find it challenging to acquire accommodation in
Delhi’s metropolitan neighbourhoods due to existing preconceptions. This
has led to the creation of spatial clusters. The African cluster arose as a
manifestation of social and spatial exclusion. This segregation and exclu-
sion were caused by a variety of factors. This book outlines the migrants’
8 Introduction
narratives, which include several incidences of racial profiling, othering,
and violence, which further contributed to the formation of clusters.

African Migrants and Spatial Segregation

In studies on segregation and spatial division, a number of perspectives
exist specifically to understand the processes and factors that give rise to
divisions in urban space (Castells 1977). The lines of division between
groups can be based on “income, nationality, class, wealth, occupation,
race, colour, ethnicity, language, personal cultural preference or lifestyle”
(Marcuse 2005:15). This manifests in the divisions of space which result in
the formation of clusters. Marcuse demonstrates that spatial processes have
resulted in many patterns of clustering such as gated communities, ethnic
enclaves, religious communities, and ghettos, but these lines of division
between clusters have to be analyzed from acceptable forms to unaccept-
able forms of division. Marcuse defines the clustering process as follows:

Clustering is the concentration of a population group in space.

Clustering is the generic term for the formation of any area of spatial
concentration. Segregation is the process by which a population group,
treated as inferior (generally because of race), is forced, that is, involun-
tarily, to cluster in a defined spatial area, that is, in a ghetto. Segregation
is the process of formation and maintenance of a ghetto. Racial segre-
gation is segregation based on race. Most ghettos in the United States
are racial ghettos. Market segregation is the parallel process, operating
through the real estate market, thereby, segregating those of lower
income into class ghettos.
(Marcuse 2005:16)

At the same time, the process of segregation can take place through spatial,
social, economic, cultural, and political factors. Spatial segregation can also
be seen as operations of the market in capitalist societies. Marcuse argues
that clusters can be formed on the basis of class, income, race, nationality,
language, and power. The different forms in which it takes place can result
in exclusion. He states, to quote,

Quartering is the division of urban space into quarters by the operation

of the private market in real estate and housing, based on the income or
wealth of households. Quartering is the process of formation of class
clusters, and may bring about or reinforce segregation. Congregating is
the voluntary coming together of a population group for purposes of
self-protection and advancement of its own interests, other than
through domination or exclusion. Congregating is the process of for-
mation of an enclave. Withdrawal is the voluntary and deliberate sepa-
ration of a socially and economically dominant population group.
Withdrawal reinforces segregation. Withdrawal is the process that
 ‘African Clusters’  9
leads to the formation of an exclusionary enclave. Walling out is the
extreme physical form of withdrawal. Walling out may be involved in
the formation of an exclusionary enclave, and is also involved in the
formation of a citadel. Fortification is the voluntary coming together of
a population group for purposes of protecting, strengthening, and sym-
bolizing dominance. Fortification is the process of forming a citadel.
Confinement is the deliberate, intentional separating out of a socially
and economically subordinate group and its restriction to a specific
location. Confinement is the extreme social, economic, and/or legal
form of segregation, and may be involved in the formation of a ghetto.
Walling in is the extreme physical form of confinement and may be
involved in the formation of a ghetto. Desegregation is the elimination
of barriers to free mobility for residents of a ghetto. Integration is the
intermixing of population groups with ongoing, positive and nonhier-
archical relationships among them.
(Marcuse 2005:16–18)

Hence it can be argued that the different forms of clusters emerge based on
choice, preservation, self-protection, confinement, walling in and out, ghet-
toization, and segregation based on dominance and power. But in the for-
mation of clusters, what is significant is the factor of choice. The element of
voluntary choice has been underlined as a crucial factor in the definition of
different types of clusters. The question of choice, such as whether a popu-
lation chooses to form a separate concentration or whether it is forced to
stay within the confines of a cluster is an important factor in determining
the nature and formation of clusters. With reference to the African migrants,
there were two important aspects that could be studied in the establishment
of clusters. First, the African community was unable to find housing in
other urban areas. Khirki Extension was one of the only few urban neigh-
bourhoods where they could access housing, and that too at a higher rent;
therefore, they lived in a cluster in this region. Second, after experiencing
hostility, discrimination, abuse, and harassment throughout the city, the
African community preferred to live in the same neighbourhood. Apart
from choice, clustering also emerged on the basis of politics, culture, econ-
omy, and hierarchy of power and positions. Lines of division forming pat-
terns of clustering may be based on the division of groups on the basis of
race, class, nationality, income, occupation, wealth, religion, language, eth-
nicity, cultural preferences, lifestyle, age, and gender. There may be many
more categories for division, but these divisions need to be understood
more empirically in space. Hence, careful attention is required to the many
factors that lead to the formation of spatial patterns and divisions, such as
cultural, social, political, and economic. It is necessary to highlight the
major reasons that contribute to spatial forms in urban space, such as clus-
ters, ghettos, and gated communities. With reference to the African migrants,
this book highlights these conditions for spatial patterns – that is, cultural
factors and power relations – in detail (Marcuse 2005). It embarks on a
10 Introduction
discussion about the African clusters in India and how it represents spatial
segregation. The clusters provide an entry point to a discussion on urban
spatial segregation. For this, it may be first useful to analyze the various
factors and variables of spatial segregation and exclusion.

Spatial Segregation as Social Exclusion

Due to cultural differences, many gated communities denied African
migrants housing. Thus, a connection is made between the spatial patterns
of housing and culture. This context highlights three primary variables that
facilitate spatial patterns: culture, economy (land-use patterns), and hierar-
chical divisions. First, in the context of culture, generally, differences in lan-
guage, food, and clothing styles are the first observable signs of culture.
There may also be divisions based on race, country, or nationality; tribe of
origin or parentage or descent; religion or belief; and way of life. While
there may be disparities based on economic conditions and other social
variables within cultural divisions, these factors may not play a role when
cultural homogeneity is the dividing factor (Harrison 1995). Second, divi-
sions based on economic functions have a significant effect on spatial pat-
terns. They are the result of physical, organizational, or economic reasoning,
such as land-use patterns giving rise to the allocation of regions to, for
example, businesses, farms, and residential areas. Based on economic activ-
ity, different space allocations are determined, such as separate facilities for
manufacturing and retailing or wholesaling. This creates the conditions for
industry and occupation-based clustering. It may also necessitate that indi-
viduals move closer to transportation routes, thereby making their jobs
more accessible. When workers are required to reside in close proximity to
their workplaces, residential segregation may occur. Additionally, company-
sponsored housing for industrial workers can contribute to clustering.
Third, variations in hierarchical position can represent power and domi-
nance relationships and manifest as imperial enclaves. Class plays a role in
the determination of differentiated status. Income is also an indicator of
class. These are socioeconomic status indicators used to describe underlying
power and prestige relationships. There are also numerous facets of power,
such as political power, legal power, and social power that create conditions
for clustering. In numerous instances, the aforementioned three categories
may overlap and contradict one another. While urban processes can create
separate living spaces for different ethnic groups, such as black/white,
Jewish/Arab, and imperial/indigenous, they can also generate conflicts when
socioeconomic and cultural differences intersect (Varady 2005).
Segregation can be understood through marginality within the urban
space (Park 1937). Park examines spatial patterns in terms of ‘culture mar-
ginality,’ ‘social role marginality,’ and ‘structural marginality.’ These con-
cepts outline the processes that intersect in the urban space and create
circumstances for segregation and exclusion. ‘Cultural marginality’ results
from a culture’s hierarchical standing. Acceptance/rejection or belonging/
 ‘African Clusters’  11
isolation, in-group/out-group can be used to define the relationship between
two cultures. With overlapping experiences of economic pressures, hetero-
geneity, social change, and migration, there may be feelings of isolation,
disorientation, and alienation among migrants or the general public. Second,
‘social role marginality’ might result from a lack of membership in a refer-
ence group. In the case of women, it might manifest as a difficulty to enter
particular professions or to join specific clubs or groups. It can also occur
as a result of adolescent experiences between childhood and maturity that
do not fit into one certain role. It could also represent gypsies, bohemians,
and anarchists who do not fit into traditional positions. Third, ‘structural
marginality’ refers to societal segments that lack political, economic, or
social authority. These three categories of marginalization also illustrate
diverse modes of segregation and the causes that give rise to urban space
divisions. This book will examine the relevance of these concepts in the
emergence of the African clusters in India.
In this context, this book examines the broader issue of how cities might
be made more inclusive to achieve ‘inclusive human settlements.’ This book
explores how social and structural dynamics translate into urban space,
giving rise to exclusionary behaviours and segregation, and how these phe-
nomena are influenced by power and urban policy (Castells 1977; Harvey
1985; Lefebvre 1991; Sassen 2006; Srivastava 2014).

Overview of the Book

The global south partnerships and bilateral ties between Africa and India
offer a vast array of opportunities for migration from Africa to India in the
modern era to explore business and education prospects in private-public
institutions. However, upon arrival in India, migrants encounter varying
degrees and types of othering. Moreover, this results in not only demographic
shifts but also urban space transformations. This monograph uses ethno-
graphic data to reflect on urban space, migration, globalization, and race.
The New Economic Reforms and liberalization policies of 1991 have paved
the way for private players and industries to form global partnerships. This
book is situated in the context of how globalization, which provides individ-
uals with vast options and channels, also generates contestations and entan-
glements. How, then, are global cities preparing for future inclusivity in this
context? Can cities be sustainable and inclusive in the face of shifting demo-
graphics and growing economic demands? This book depicts how African
migrants come to India in search of better opportunities. In addition to the
diverse opportunities brought about by globalization, recent global migra-
tions have also taken the form of forced migrations due to war, political
instability, and the breakdown of state machinery. Because of global migra-
tions caused by issues such as conflict and crises, the importance of migra-
tion studies has grown in the age of neoliberalism. There is a lack of
comprehensive global policy frameworks that focus on issues such as the
living conditions, vulnerability, and access to basic resources faced by
12 Introduction
migrant communities during their adaptation and resettlement process, as
well as the issues of identity, ethnicity, gender, marginalization, and vulnera-
bility. Many governments are reluctant to accept ethnic groups displaced by
war because of the economic strain they put on the country’s economy. There
is, however, a need for a comprehensive understanding of asylum seekers
and refugees in order to comprehend trauma, memory, and the lived experi-
ence of violence while coping with war and conflict as part of the daily lived
experience of adaptation and resettlement in countries of destination. In this
book, the perspective of Somali refugees and asylum seekers from East Africa
illuminates this context. There is also a growing concern regarding the nature
and extent of media portrayal of ethnic groups. It can be said that numerous
representations have contributed to xenophobia and exacerbated differences
between immigrant and host populations. This facilitates a deeper compre-
hension of culture and representation. As part of its analysis, this book gen-
erates a discourse on global migration through a series of migration-related
discussions and debates. This monograph will add to the discussion of the
SDGs, such as SDG 1, SDG 3, SDG 4, SDG 8, SDG 10, SDG 11, SDG 16,
SDG 17. This book is organized according to the chapters listed as follows.
The first chapter describes and introduces India’s ‘African clusters.’ It
identifies the factors that contribute to clustering. It conceptualizes African
clusters through urban ethnography perspectives such as (Marcuse 2005;
Park 1937; Varady 2005). It locates the African cluster as a form of social
and spatial exclusion and segregation by drawing on the theoretical frame-
works of scholars who have studied segregation in urban space, such as
(Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Lefebvre 1991; Sassen 2006).
The second chapter focuses on India-Africa bilateral relations in order to
provide context for migration from Africa to India. It broadly locates the
post-colonial and neoliberal ties that give rise to economic and political
partnerships between India and Africa. It begins by outlining the post-colonial
ties between Africa and India, which point to the rebuilding of relationships
with African nations following India’s independence. It highlights the India-
Africa relations during the liberalization era, which gives rise to global south
partnerships. It then proceeds to analyze the economics and political aspects
of ‘India-Africa Forum Summits,’ which are modern forms of strategic
cooperation in various fields of science and technology, computer sciences,
agricultural sciences, pharmaceuticals, and Indian Ocean sciences. Fourth, it
emphasizes the political significance of ‘India-Africa Forum Summits.’ Here,
the emergence of political and economic ties between Africa and India in the
context of neoliberalism is examined. It contends that neoliberal partner-
ships provide pathways for contemporary migrations.
The third chapter focuses on the historical and contemporary patterns of
migration from Africa to India. It begins with a history of migrations from
East Africa to India via the Indian Ocean. It investigates whether there is a
link between historical migration patterns and contemporary African dias-
pora networks. It also emphasizes the role of religion and the spread of
Islam across the Indian Ocean to demonstrate how it plays an important
 ‘African Clusters’  13
role in the formation of transnational networks. It then proceeds to outline
the migration that occurs in the contemporary era due to bilateral ties.
Bilateral ties provide avenues and opportunities for business, education,
medical, and health-care migration. Marriage is also examined as a factor in
migration. The contemporary migration patterns are examined through the
lived experiences of African migrants, beginning with their journey from
their home countries to their destination countries. It offers a viewpoint on
African migration in the age of globalization and liberalization. It focuses
on the major pull factors that attract African migrants to come to India.
The fourth chapter analyzes the push factors of migration. It sheds light on
the issue of forced migration of Somali refugees from East Africa by focusing
on the effects of civil war and political crisis, which act as major push fac-
tors. It emphasizes the circumstances that force refugees to flee. As a result,
it first draws attention to Somalia’s civil war and internal political crisis.
Further, it examines how India is not a signatory to the 1951 United Nations
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. This has a significant impact
on the refugees negotiating with the Indian state. It describes the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ role in facilitating the rehabilita-
tion of Somali refugees in India. It stresses that, in the absence of state sup-
port, transnational migration networks are formed in order to obtain
assistance from informal networks. It also emphasizes the role of religion in
refugee groups’ adaptation to host societies. It emphasizes the importance of
family and community in the adaptation process. Despite the refugee’s efforts
to integrate into the host society, the chapter focuses on the discrimination
and exclusion experienced by Somali refugees. Somali migrants migrate from
their home country under ‘forced’ migration conditions as a result of the civil
war and thus live in India under extreme conditions of exclusion based on
their refugee status. In many cases, the state considers these forced migra-
tions to be illegal because the Indian state does not recognize them as refu-
gees because it is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention.
Hence, with reference to Somali refugees, the need for a comprehensive ref-
ugee policy is stated. It aims to contribute to the debates on forced migration
from the perspective of Somali refugees.
The fifth chapter depicts the formation of ‘African clusters’ and the spatial
exclusion experienced by African migrants in India. It was observed that
housing was a major issue for African migrants from various countries. Why
do migrants face this particular housing challenge? It enquires whether this
form of exclusion is related to racism. It goes on to discuss the social con-
struction of African identity in India, as well as its impact on urban settle-
ments and housing access. In this context, it first provides an overview of
housing segregation and settlement patterns in the Western world through
debates on racism and exclusion. It draws its theoretical framework from
Western scholarship because there hasn’t been enough work on racial dis-
crimination and housing segregation in India. Further, it emphasizes the gen-
trification process. It investigates the processes of segregation in India
through the formation of gated communities. It then locates the conditions
14 Introduction
for the emergence of African clusters, as well as the rationale for their forma-
tion in India. It also highlights how the local community perpetuates other-
ing of the African identity in urban spaces and elaborates on the exclusionary
practices of housing associations such as Resident Welfare Association.
The sixth chapter examines the everyday lived experiences of African
migrants in relation to the intersectionality of race, class, and gender.
Intersectionality has been used as a method to understand multiple levels of
discrimination. Hence, lived experiences are analyzed through an examina-
tion of the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and ‘religion’ with refer-
ence to the African community in India. Hence, intersectionality as an
approach is outlined. Further, it locates the intersectionality of race, class,
gender, and religion to highlight and analyze the experiences of African
migrants in order to map the hostile treatment they face in India.
The seventh chapter focuses on African migrants, the state, and competing
narratives about racial discrimination. It situates critical race theory by
investigating the role of the state and local community in the perpetuation of
racism. Violence against the African community has been widespread in
India. Hence, it begins with an outline of the various forms of violence per-
petrated by the local community, the state, and the police. In this context, it
first describes the midnight raid by the state on African migrants. The Delhi
law minister led a midnight raid without a valid search warrant. As a result
of their daily lived experiences of discrimination and hostility, African
migrants in India formed a bond. Hence, This resistance emerged to chal-
lenge racial discrimination and stereotypes. It focuses on how the African
community organized a “March for Justice.” The death of a young Congolese
boy prompted the African community to speak out against unreported racial
attacks. It called for a “March for Justice” to draw attention to the violence
perpetrated against them. In terms of speaking out about their experiences
in India, this was a watershed moment for the migrants. It then proceeds to
examine African migrants’ perspectives on racial discrimination; the state’s
position on racial discrimination and racial attacks is demonstrated. It chal-
lenges the Indian state’s view on discrimination and attacks on the African
community as minor law and order issues rather than racial ones. Critical
race theory is situated in this context to highlight the systemic bias in the
representation of racism and racial discrimination and the failure to recog-
nize racism is a significant issue for India’s African community.
Chapter eight demonstrates how race influences the social construction of
African identity. African migrants in India are referred to as ‘Kalla,’ which
literally translates to black. Habshi is another term commonly used to
describe migrants. Race functions as a signifier and is linked to drugs, pros-
titution, and cannibalism. One of the primary causes of discrimination and
exclusion in the African community is the politics of representation. Language
plays an important role in the formation of stereotypes, prejudices, and
biases. Language is a system of representation. it is a medium for represent-
ing objects, events, or people by means of shared meanings, cultural codes,
and practises. Language provides a representational model that is divided
 ‘African Clusters’  15
into two approaches: semiotics and discursive. Semiotics refers to the poetics
of language, whereas discursive refers to the impact of language on people,
objects, and events, according to Hall (1997b). In this context, the chapter
begins by outlining the role of language and its representation of race in
India. It discusses the political implications of cultural stereotypes. Further, it
discusses language’s discursive role in perpetuating racism and exclusion. It
locates power, hierarchy, and discrimination in order to comprehend rep-
resentational politics. It then moves to discuss the issue of identity conflation
and the role of media in the representation of African identity. It is argued
that language as a mode of representation, particularly the discursive aspects
of language, leads to the conflation of African identity and the construction
of the image of Habshi with problematic associations and stereotypes.
The ninth chapter focuses on the emergence of pan-African identity in
India. The emergence of a ‘pan-African identity’ in India is facilitated by the
formation of solidarities and networks facilitated by everyday lived experi-
ences. Here, local hostility plays an important role in creating a united and
assertive identity. that emerges in the face of stereotypes and racial discrim-
ination. Hence, ‘African kitchens’ in India emerged as safe spaces for African
migrants to meet and gather. It also subsequently led to the formation of a
collective identity. Lastly, identity plays an important role in the formation
of diasporic solidarity networks. Given the hostile urban environment,
cases of violence, othering, stereotyping, and ‘racial profiling’ of the African
community, this chapter contends that the host society played a significant
role in the emergence of a pan-African identity.
The tenth chapter attempts to theorize race and racism in India. It makes
the case for ‘de-colonizing colour consciousness’ and suggests ways to
address it. In this context, it begins by examining how African migrants
strive for adaptation in the host society. It examines the migrants’ cultural
assimilation process in order to highlight their efforts. However, there was
hostility toward the migrant community. The root cause of hostility is fur-
ther investigated. It raises the question of how colonialism and its binary of
black and white have indoctrinated the idea of colour consciousness. This
binary generates ideas and images of what is good and bad. Further, it also
examines racism in India through the lens of colour consciousness. It also
emphasizes the role of biological determinism in perpetuating scientific rac-
ism. Further, it gives perspective on the colonization of Africa and rep-
resentation of the colonial subjects through images. It highlights colonialism
and the internalization of inferiority and superiority to demonstrate univer-
salism. It concludes b emphasizing the concept of ‘de-colonizing colour con-
sciousness’ in South Asia and its importance to address racism.

Note
1 India TV News Desk, April 01, 2014, 7:32 IST. “Khirki Extension Is a Little
Africa in Delhi.” https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/khirki-extension-is-
a-little-africa-in-delhi-in-pics--33083.html
16 Introduction
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Part II

The Emergence of African

Clusters in India
2 India-Africa Relations
Delineating Post-colonial and Neoliberal
Ties in Global South

Introduction
The global south ties between India and Africa have given rise to economic
and political partnerships. The contemporary migration patterns between
Africa and India have emerged out of these alliances. Migration predomi-
nantly takes place based on bilateral ties and neoliberal partnerships
between the two regions of the global south. So, in this context, first, the
post-colonial ties between Africa and India are outlined. Second, the chap-
ter highlights the partnerships in the era of liberalization. It highlights the
role of the state and shows how crucial it is to understand the migration
process through its role. The purpose is to show how migration takes place
on the basis of global south partnerships for economic trade and political
alliances between India and Africa. This specifically facilitates migration for
education, health, business, government collaborations, and student
exchanges. These come under the major pull factors that attract African
migrants to India in the global context. The contemporary neoliberal ties
give rise to opportunities in industries like science and technology, agricul-
tural sciences, computer science, shipping industry, and Indian Ocean stud-
ies. The partnership between India and Africa outlines the specific arenas of
cooperation and strategies in which India and Africa are cooperating. Africa
is a strategic partner for India in the neoliberal era, and the economic ties
that have been forged with the continent are crucial for both India and
Africa. These bilateral ties between Africa and India reflect capacity devel-
opment, financial inclusion, trade, and technology exchange. These compo-
nents are essential to achieve SDG 17.

Africa-India and Its Post-colonial Ties

After Independence, India-Africa ties became more formal and concrete.
Prior to India’s Independence, the relationship between the two regions was
more diverse and wide-ranging. The post-colonial relationship between
India and Africa was forged based on interaction and constant migration of
people, ideas, and growing trade potential. In the past, both India and
Africa had been subjected to colonialism and exploitation. Both had

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-4
20  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
common historical linkages, which tied them together through ideas of
resistance against racial discrimination and colonization. Both suffered
colonial exploitation based on which they borrowed ideas, strategies, and
support in the struggle against colonial exploits and colonial rule. Both
regions witnessed migrations during the colonial period and saw the com-
munities of respective regions occupying positions of prominence in the
host countries. Although it may be argued that there had been numerous
struggles and resistances between the two regions, these issues were resolved
with time. A large part of the migrant population in recent times has inte-
grated into both of these regions, which is telling of the example of the
integration of migrant communities (Dubey 2016).
Further, while India was the first to gain colonial independence, it sup-
ported African regions towards their liberation and anti-racial struggles. To
add to the history of cooperation between the two regions, the Non-aligned
Movement (NAM) brought the countries together in cooperation against
world powers and domination. The history of their cooperation was also
marked during the Cold War period. Post its Independence, India initiated
the South-South cooperation based on its considerable high-level techno-
logical power, which further contributed to its economic cooperation with
Africa based on sharing of technology and knowledge for economic growth.
As mentioned earlier, there were differences that emerged in both regions,
but these differences were resolved, giving rise to future economic coopera-
tion. Africa saw India as a power, and the ‘India Rising Model’ was recog-
nized by Africa. This allowed for the free exchange and sharing of
development-oriented practices and strategies, which India had gained over
the period of its Independence. In this regard, India was seen as a model and
recognized as a friendly power. Further, Indian diplomacy and foreign
affairs worked towards cooperation with Africa ever since its Independence,
and political and economic ties were built slowly with different countries. It
may be noted that initially Africa was seen as a single region, and the policy
towards Africa was uniform. Nonetheless, the Indian policy was always
sensitive towards African interests (Dubey 2016). A large diaspora living in
Africa in the Anglophone regions, Francophone and Arab Africa also gave
impetus to growing economic ties between India and Africa. The Indian
communities living in various parts of Africa are communities that have
emerged as prominent and are seen as a significant force bringing together
economic growth to the regions. Based on these commonalities of past
struggles and experiences, India and Africa forged their ties in the global
era. Their partnership is seen as an example of South-South Partnership.
This partnership has grown to become formal in terms of business enter-
prises and cooperation. An outline is made of the economic ties between
India and Africa which highlight the relations that have grown since 1991
when India adopted a new economic policy that opened up its domestic
market. This phase has been seen as a phase in which Indian and African
ties became concrete and formalized with policy frameworks guiding as
blueprints for economic cooperation in the global era.
 India-Africa Relations  21
India-Africa Ties in the Era of Liberalization: Emergence of Global
South Partnerships
In India, the New Economic Policy (NEP) of 1991 ushered in economic,
political, and technological changes and transitions. The NEP had a signifi-
cant impact on Indian diplomatic and foreign policy (Dubey 1989). The
policy’s implementation provided India with elements of multilateralism
that dated back to the Nehruvian era. In the global era, these were revital-
ized. Although during the Nehruvian period, India perceived Africa as one
singular region, and therefore, it adopted a uniform policy for all the coun-
tries based on the fact that both had suffered colonial exploitation, imperi-
alism, and then the alliance through non-alignment. However, since 1991,
economic and political interests have shifted in nature, resulting in a more
pragmatic approach to Africa as a continent and individual African coun-
tries as separate nations. Africa-India relations have grown significantly in
the twenty-first century, particularly since 1991, when India emerged as an
important participant in the global economy. It is worth noting the recent
global cooperation between India and Africa exists in the form of India-
Africa Forum Summits. This is because, during the summits, a detailed plan
for India’s development assistance, grants, and loans to African countries
was laid out. It should be noted that India’s role in development assistance
to African countries differs significantly from that of Western countries.
Policy frameworks in India and Africa are developed on the basis of mutual
ties and relationships. These ties have materialized as South-South
Partnerships in the form of India-Africa Forum Summits. Trading ties began
very concretely in 2001 when trade projections were made. In the era of
globalization, India and Africa established even more rigorous economic
trade exchanges, and these trading relations were critical to the Indian state.
The growth projection since 2001 outlines the concrete steps taken toward
formalizing economic ties. While India promised assistance to African
development, it also expressed interest in African minerals. As a result, it
was critical for India to develop mutual cooperation with Africa for trading
purposes, particularly for crude oil imports (CII & WTO Report 2013). The
development of mutual interests resulted from India’s interest in African
minerals and fuels. The expanding trade and investment between India and
Africa have recently taken a new turn. It has resulted in the establishment
of a new relationship between the two countries. It has resulted in new ini-
tiatives and activities, many of which have been placed in the private sector.
The private sector has been conducting business in Africa under the aus-
pices of the CII (Confederation of Indian Industry). The CII coordinates
both public and private initiatives for the formation of PPPs (Public-Private
Partnerships). The CII also facilitates joint ventures between Indian and
African companies. It accomplishes this through India-Africa Conclaves,
which facilitate collaboration and project partnerships. The funds for these
joint ventures are coordinated by the CII-EXIM Bank. India and Africa
have already collaborated on nine of these Conclaves, which have occurred
22  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
since 2005. Since these ventures were organized through India-Africa
Conclaves, the number of project partners has grown. The Conclaves offer
opportunities for business collaboration. The EXIM Bank is critical in facil-
itating funds for companies to carry out their projects. The EXIM Bank has
also released funds for development projects and provided LOCs (lines of
credit) to African institutions to help them finance their projects, among
other things. African countries, like India, were forced to accept IMF
(International Monetary Fund) and World Bank (World Bank)-monitored
structural adjustment programmes. African countries were under pressure
to adopt a market economy in order to achieve economic growth and devel-
opment. This has also resulted in negative growth in many African econo-
mies since the 1980s and continuing into the 1990s. This was not the case
in regions where political stability was lacking. Other African economies
expanded. During this period of liberalization, India-Africa ties became
more concrete, with the Indian private sector entering African markets. It
was during this period that economic and political ties between India and
Africa began to strengthen.
In the 1990s, Manmohan Singh’s government implemented SAP (Structural
Adjustment Programme) under the auspices of the IMF and the World Bank.
India made the decision to liberalize its economy and abandon the mixed
economy model that it had previously used as its growth model. As a result,
there was a shift in foreign policy. Scholars demonstrate how India also
changed its foreign policy towards the diaspora communities (Dubey 2016).
The transformation of relations with Indian diaspora communities in Africa
ushered in a slew of new business opportunities and investments, trans-
forming business relations in both regions. India developed programmes
such as “long-term bonds” to raise billions of dollars. Such programmes
facilitated economic changes and investment, resulting in a more privatized
economy. Since 1992, the Indian government has also issued LOCs and
preferential trade zones (PTAs). Another $1 billion was set aside for African
regional cooperation in 1996, and a Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU) with SADC “Southern African Development Community” was
signed in 1997 to further this effort. The “Focus Africa Program” was
established in 2002, and the $500 million “TEAM 9 Initiative” was
announced in 2003 (Dubey 2016).
Furthermore, since 2001, India has supported the vision for NEPAD “New
Partnership for Africa’s Development” in the development of India-Africa
relations through the global south. This was to help Africa achieve its devel-
opmental goals. India has set aside $200 million for the “New Partnership for
Africa’s Development” in order to strengthen economic ties with Africa. This
was started as a growth model for India to expand its market reach in Africa
through cooperation in mining, motor vehicles, agriculture, and ICT
(Information and Communication Technology). NEPAD (New Partnership
for Africa’s Development) lays the groundwork for large-scale projects
between India and Africa. In the 1990s, the CII (Confederation of Indian
Industry), ASSOCHAM (Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of
 India-Africa Relations  23
India), and FICCI (Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry)
recognized the importance of Africa in terms of business opportunities. These
institutions identified business opportunities and launched programmes like
‘Made in India’ across Africa (Beri 2003). Many business agreements and
joint ventures are being formed as a result of these initiatives between Kenya,
Uganda, Nigeria, Mauritius, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Ethiopia.
Because of its policies, India’s trade with Africa increased to $100 billion
in 2015, up from $5 billion and $60 billion in 2012. In fact, India’s trade
contacts with Africa have been extensive over the previous years. India is
Africa’s fourth-largest trading partner (Zuma 2013). Prior to the 1970s,
trade between India and Africa focused on traditional commodities such as
jute and textiles, as well as less traditional commodities such as iron and
steel, as well as non-traditional commodities such as pharmaceutical prod-
ucts, cosmetics, and pharmaceutical ingredients. Since the 1990s, hydrocar-
bon products, metals, and chemicals have been important imports for India,
whereas raw cotton, pearls, and other semi-precious stones, dyeing and
tanning supplies, raw cashew nuts, and rock phosphate were imported. The
volume of trade between India and other countries has increased steadily.
Nigeria, Egypt, Angola, and South Africa have all established commercial
ties with India.
Furthermore, India and Africa have emerged as significant players in
energy cooperation. This is the primary reason for India-Africa economic
and political collaboration (Dubey 2016). After the United States, China,
and Japan, India consumes the sixth most energy in the world. As a result,
in order to sustain itself and achieve its economic goals, India must increase
its energy resources. The Middle East accounts for 70% of India’s oil
imports (Fee 2006). As a result, future investments in energy assets are
required. India is interested in Africa’s energy potential. Currently, Africa,
particularly North Africa, supplies approximately 24% of the country’s
crude oil needs. OVL “Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited,”
one of India’s largest foreign investments, has invested $3 billion in Sudan.
Furthermore, it conducts frequent trade with the Ivory Coast, Senegal,
Egypt, Libya, Gabon, Nigeria, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Given its growing oil interests, India is looking to expand cooperation in
refining, storage, distribution, and transportation across the continent.
Africa could provide electricity to India. As a result, India has pledged to
assist with capacity development, science and technology sharing, and food
security. This is how relationships between Africa and India are being
formed. As a result of this liberalization, economic relations with Africa
have been established. The development of India-Africa relations is being
driven by the business sector. The paradigm of liberalization, privatization,
and globalization has strengthened Indian-African relations. Understanding
economic factors to understand the various tie-ups within different indus-
tries, as well as political factors such as the role of diaspora communities as
driving forces for partnerships, may be critical within this paradigm to
highlight its impact on migration and the creation of opportunities.
24  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
The Economics of India-Africa Forum Summits
The India-Africa Forum Summits provide an understanding of the various
partnerships that exist between India and Africa in critical industries and
economic arenas such as agriculture, pharmaceuticals, science and technol-
ogy, infrastructure development, Indian Ocean economics, and shipping. In
2008, the first India-Africa Forum Summit was held. It represented the first
formal partnership formed between the two regions. It took place in New
Delhi from April 4 to 8, 2008. India and Africa agreed that the IAFS (India-
Africa Forum Summit) would be held every three years. The First IAFS was
attended by 14 African countries, with India as its partner. The second IAFS
was held in Ethiopia’s capital city of Addis Ababa. It took place in the
month of May. Along with India, 15 African countries attended. From
October 26 to 30, 2015, New Delhi hosted the third IAFS. These three
summits marked the beginning of formal cooperation between India and
Africa. The partnership has existed since India’s liberalization, and by 2000,
India had provided technical assistance in Africa’s agricultural sector. This
sector was regarded as one of the most important for collaboration, with
significant potential for business projects. At the 2008 summit, India and
Africa agreed to strengthen cooperation in areas such as water manage-
ment, land development, food security, breeding technologies, agro-based
processing machinery, combating agricultural plant diseases, and conduct-
ing scientific experiments and training projects.
The India-Africa Summits aimed to strengthen cooperation on three lev-
els: AU “Africa United,” REC’s “Regional Economic Communities,” and
“bilateral cooperation” (Biswas 2016). It was agreed in 2011 that India and
Africa would collaborate on agricultural productivity research. This would
be in reference to the previous food security agreement reached in order to
reduce rising food prices in Africa and India. India agreed to share its agri-
cultural science research knowledge. ICAR (Indian Council of Agricultural
Research) agricultural farming experts have visited Africa to investigate
ways to improve their agricultural practises. Furthermore, India agreed to
provide 75 scholarships to African students attending Indian agricultural
universities each year. In 2010, the Department of Agricultural Research,
ICAR, and the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research signed an MoU
to collaborate in agricultural sciences and research. During the second IAFS,
India agreed to provide LOCs worth approximately “US$ 5.4 billion to
support developmental practises in African countries.” It was agreed that
India and Africa would exchange scholars, experts, scientists, and technol-
ogies. India also agreed to strengthen capacity-building and knowl-
edge-sharing programmes. The India and Africa Summits represent formal
structured cooperation between the two regions, with the highest leaders
meeting for economic and political cooperation. The Summits provide a
forum for governments to identify and expand areas of cooperation. During
the 2011 and 2014 Summits, the governments followed a structured “Framework
of Cooperation” and then a “Framework for Enhanced Cooperation.” The
 India-Africa Relations  25
Framework served as a guideline for all development projects. Least
Developed Countries (LDCs) were identified for development through these
forums. Political, economic, and developmental cooperation were the three
main areas of agreement. Governments in the twenty-first century are
attempting to unite on the agenda of development and economic interests.
In 2012, India and Africa’s South-South cooperation was recognized at the
Busan Partnership for “Effective Development Cooperation.” Agriculture,
PPPs through grants and loans extended by EXIM Bank, pharmaceuticals,
and ocean management were identified as areas for cooperation. The dis-
cussion that follows outlines the areas of cooperation in detail by displaying
business partnerships and countries’ positions with regard to area-specific
agreements. It also emphasizes India-Africa ties and its South-South
Partnership in the global world order.

Trading in Agriculture
Agriculture was one of the main sectors in which Indian-African bilateral
policy was formed. Both India and Africa shared equal interests in agricul-
ture, which is a significant part of both their economies. Additionally, in
2014, India imported $1.56 billion worth of agricultural products from
Africa (Biswas 2016). Cashew nuts from East, West, and Southern Africa
were the most common imports into the country. Because of the decline in
the domestic cashew processing industry, the cashew nuts were imported
from Africa and processed in India. With a yearly value of $2.19 million,
wood was the second most popular building material imported in 2014.
Despite the fact that India is one of the world’s leading producers of cash
crops like cotton and tea, it also imports goods like cocoa, coffee, and tea
from Africa. India’s textile industry is expanding, and there is a need for
expansion, based on this import (Biswas 2016).
Further, according to the (CII/WTO 2013) report, the African cashew is a
product of high demand. In 2012, a Singapore-based multinational com-
pany called Olam, opened a 30,000 metric ton processor in Bouake in the
Ivory Coast followed by Korhogo and Bondoukou in the same year. To add
to that, processors were opened up in Ghana and Nigeria as well. The com-
pany expanded its capacity of processing up to 125,000 metric ton per year.
Africa has been a major food producer in the past, but recently, due to the
decline of exports since the 1990s, it is compelled to rely on imports of food
to meet its own domestic demand. This is the case with grains, so in 2011–
2012, it imported 20.8 MT; its domestic production was 103 MT. It relies
acutely on the import of wheat, which is grown only in a few countries in
Sub-Saharan Africa. It also relies heavily on imports of rice from Thailand
and Vietnam for cheaper imports than the United States. This is putting a
lot of pressure on the region and a strain on the budget for imports. “Nigeria
imported 3.9 million metric ton of grain in 2011–2012. It is working to
boost its domestic production of maize, rice, wheat, and sugar to become
self-sufficient” (CII/WTO 2013). However, for food imports, it relies on
26  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
Southeast Asia. A major issue emerging out of land rights in Sub-Saharan
Africa causes a hurdle for many large-scale projects to succeed such as, for
example, establishing food export plantations. Such projects could lead to
growth in the economy, especially in the Chinese and Asian markets. But, as
of now, India is supporting Sub-Saharan Africa for its food security rather
than the other way around. However, potentially, Sub-Saharan Africa has
great potential for expanding its market in exports that are related to non-
grain agriculture, such as high-quality tea from Kenya and Ethiopia, coffee
from Uganda, and various horticulture-based goods from East Africa. In
2014, India’s exports of agricultural products to Africa were twice the
amount of imports from Africa. In textiles, India imports cotton lint and
exports fabrics and yarn, which account for 28% of the total imports.
Almost up to 25% of cotton from India is exported to Egypt and 12% to
Senegal and Mauritius. India trades cotton and other goods with West
Africa, such as Nigeria, Ghana, and Ivory Coast.
Sugar, rice, fish, and meat are among the other products exported to
Africa. However, as noted by the EXIM Bank, the true scale of exports and
imports goes unaccounted for due to informal trade in foodstuffs from
Africa to India and India to Africa. It has been observed that the demand for
rice, the staple of the African diet, has steadily increased. Due to increased
consumption, the food supply is insufficient (Economic Times 2014). Each
year, it imports up to 10 million metric tonnes of rice. In terms of rice
exports, India competes with Thailand. Thailand is the world’s leading rice
exporter. However, a significant amount of rice from India is traded to
Africa (Eco Bank 2013). India trades rice throughout North and East Africa.
In Nairobi’s Eastleigh district, traders run informal networks that facilitate
a significant amount of informal trade (Biswas 2016). They deal in a lot of
rice and sugar, as well as other foodstuffs and goods destined for Central
and East Africa. According to Eco Bank’s 2013 reports, informal networks
such as the Hawala lending network, as well as businessmen and traders
operating primarily in a hard cash economy, give rise to the cash-and-carry
business. Furthermore, this traffic is facilitated by a network of trading
routes that stretches from South Sudan and Kenya to Tanzania, Central and
Southern Africa, and beyond. Despite recent sugar export bans due to poor
harvests, a wide range of food products, including large quantities of sugar
from India, pass through these informal trading network chains.

Trading in Pharmaceuticals
India’s pharmaceutical industry is very competitive and draws markets of
developing countries that are looking for cheap and low-cost drugs. One of
the major exports of India to Africa is pharmaceuticals. It exports as much
as 11.1% of its pharmacy products to Africa. Indian companies are very
large providers of general drugs across the world. The Indian Pharmacy
industry produces drugs at a very low cost. These low-cost drugs are in
great demand in the markets of many developing countries, which need
 India-Africa Relations  27
cost-effective, health-care pharmaceutical goods so that their population
can afford health care. India ranks high in technology among developing
countries. Since the liberalization of the Indian economy from 1991
onwards, the expansion of the private players in the pharmaceutical indus-
try has given India a great boost.
Many African countries rely on Indian pharmaceuticals. A rise in both
communicable and non-communicable diseases in Africa has led to a $30
billion increase in Indian pharmaceutical exports. Abbott, Novartis, Sanofi-
Aventis, Pfizer, and GSK were among the multinationals in Africa that sold
pharmaceuticals on the continent’s domestic market. When Indian pharma-
ceuticals were sold at low prices, demand for Indian pharmaceuticals
increased. African pharmaceutical imports reached 17.7% in 2011, an
increase from 8.5% in 2002, according to the World Health Organization
(WHO). There is a growing demand for low-cost, effective Indian medicines
because of this growth (Pharmbiz 2013). Adcock Ingram, Aspen, and
CiplaMedpro, all South African pharmaceutical companies, have long domi-
nated the African domestic market, but they now have to compete with the
lower prices offered by Indian manufacturers. As a result, they are unable to
meet the standards for good practises that are necessary to ensure high out-
put (Biswas 2016:51). Furthermore, none of them have been granted “pre-
qualification status” by the WHO. These domestic pharmaceuticals have been
purchased by many non-profit organizations, but they are now refusing to
purchase essential drugs like anti-infectives, preferring Indian manufacturers
because they are less expensive. In 2012–2013, Indian pharmaceutical exports
totalled $14.7 billion, an increase of 11% and a 55% lead over Western reg-
ulated markets. More than a fifth (56%) of India’s total bulk exports include
Ayurveda and herbal products (Pharmabiz 2013) – the United States accounts
for 22% of total Indian herbal product exports, followed by Africa at 16%,
and commonwealth states at 8%. In 2016, the United States exported a total
of approximately $25 billion worth of pharmaceuticals. Life-saving medi-
cines for diseases such as HIV have also been developed at low cost in India,
according to MCI, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), and FICCI.
The low cost of the drugs is particularly welcome in emerging markets like
China and India. There are three pharmaceutical companies that are specifi-
cally targeting the African market: Cipla, Ranbaxy, and Dr. Reddy’s. Founded
in 1977, Ranbaxy is the world’s largest pharmaceutical company from India.
This opened the door for other Indian manufacturers, many of whom now
supply in Africa as a result of this decision. Since 2011, Ranbaxy’s sales in
Africa have increased significantly. It has widened its customer base by sup-
plying to Nigerian customers. Five-star pharmaceutical company Ranbaxy
has had a manufacturing facility in Johannesburg, South Africa, since 2010.
To meet the specific needs of the African market, Ranbaxy launched nine
new products there. South Africa’s Medicine Control Council has given it
the go-ahead to build a manufacturing facility. It has expanded and improved
its South African manufacturing facility. It has five offices, subsidiaries, and
a workforce of more than 1,000 employees. In Africa, the network has
28  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
grown to 44 countries. CiplaMedpro, Cipla’s South African subsidiary, has
made a name for itself throughout Africa. By the end of June 2012, it had
grown to serve a $123 million market, a 28% increase in just six months. It
is Africa’s third-largest company. Anti-malaria and anti-retroviral drugs will
be produced in Ugandan joint ventures with Ugandan chemical industry
manufacturers valued at “$32 billion” (Biswas 2016:51).
The Indian brand Dr. Reddy’s has also made significant growth and pro-
gress. It entered the African market in 2004 through a subsidiary. It is the
18th largest company for drugs and pharmaceutical products today accord-
ing to the African Business Magazine (2012). They have grown from com-
petitive prices. It has used five elements, which gave impetus to its growth.
Entry as a subsidiary and then control over market, local talent, brand
image, countries, and target payers. They sell their products primarily
through non-governmental organizations and government tenders. They
have a strong market presence in East Africa. They have WHO prequalifi-
cation and sell affordable HIV medicines. They are expanding their range
according to the demands in a variety of therapy areas. Jean Pierre O. Ezin,
an official in the African Union (AU), says that Africa wants to intensify its
ties with India in areas of human capital and technology so that the conti-
nent that embodies 54 countries can develop its own indigenous technology
instead of being a buyer from other countries. The AU is pushing for a road
map for growth in science and technology to enhance its economic growth.

Cooperation in Science and Technology

In 2008, the IAFS laid the foundation for cooperation between India and
Africa in science and technology. A strong initiative was taken by India to
share technical support with Africa for regional development. The MEA in
partnership with the Department of Science and Technology and FICCI
outlined the collaboration with AU. It was agreed that India would cooper-
ate with institutions in Africa to strengthen their science and technology
institutions by transferring technology and providing fellowships such as
C.V. Raman Fellowship. In the 2011 IAFS, it was agreed that out of $700
million, $185 million would only be dedicated to science and technology.
India agreed to not only transfer technology but also share its technical
knowledge with AU.
The aim of this initiative is to develop and create opportunities for capac-
ity building along with the development of human resources. By building
these strong linkages with institutions in Africa, India would contribute to
strengthening the human resources in different countries of Africa in their
research and development. India committed to extending outreach in edu-
cation to countries such as Ghana, Burundi, Uganda, and Botswana in the
year 2011. It promised to develop four sectors such as information technol-
ogy, communication, administration and planning, and foreign trade (India-
Africa Connect n.d.). A follow-up was done in March 2012, in New Delhi,
when the ministers of science and technology came together for a conference
 India-Africa Relations  29
and Tech Expo. India extended its help in strengthening institutions in
Tunisia, Benin, and Gabon. It committed to training African researchers by
sharing technical knowledge. Consequently, in 2008, the Pan-African e-Network
was launched. The e-Network incorporates three elements: tele-education,
tele-medicine, and voice over IP (VVIP) connectivity. Forty-eight countries
in Africa can access this network. The first phase began with 12 countries
and then the gradual coming together of 48 countries. The external affairs
minister formally inaugurated the e-Network on February 26, 2009. It was
inaugurated in the presence of high commissioners and ambassadors of
Africa. This tie-up was symbolic of a unique cooperation between South-
South Partnerships. As per the plans of this project, India would provide a
satellite hub for connectivity to Africa for the formation of an e-Network.
This network would provide access to expertise from India’s super special-
ity hospitals and universities to Africa. The second phase of this project was
in 2010, a network was built with 12 countries of AU at TCIL1 Bhawan,
New Delhi. The 12 countries included, “Botswana, Burundi, Ivory Coast,
Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Libya, Malawi, Mozambique, Somalia, Uganda
and Zambia” (Pan-African e-Network Project, 2010 Press Release).
Through the network, a brief interaction took place on the e-Network
regarding bilateral matters. This network linked all the ministers of 12
countries in the second phase to the services offered by India such as
tele-medicine and tele-education. The Pan-African e-Network marks the
cooperation and formal bilateral ties between India and Africa. This project
demonstrates the vision of the biggest distance learning and exchange pro-
ject engaged through tele-education and tele-medicine. This e-Network pro-
vides VVIP connectivity through a secure satellite network. Further, this
network connected 48 countries in Africa. It is through this e-Network
project that India would be providing technical assistance, enhancing
capacity building, and sharing technical knowledge with Africa. This pro-
ject would allow the education of about 10,000 students over a period of
five years in various courses besides medicine, information and communica-
tion, science and technology, etc., through expert knowledge from Indian
universities and super-specialty hospitals. This network would connect
medical practitioners in Africa with experts. This project was conceived by
the late Dr. A.P.J. Kalam, former president of India in 2007 at a budget of
US$125 million. This cost would cover the supply, installation, testing,
hardware, software, satellite bandwidth, and support for providing the ser-
vices of tele-medicine and tele-education.
The Pan-African e-Network project is mainly supervised by the MEA,
along with TCIL, which is in charge of implementing the project. Tele-
medicine services and tele-education services have already been guided and
are ongoing through super-specialty hospitals from India to Africa. Sessions
are conducted on a regular basis for strengthening the project from 11
Indian super-specialty hospitals. More than 654 sessions had been con-
ducted as of 2009 (Pan-African e-Network 2009). More than 2,000 stu-
dents are already enrolled in different universities for these tele-education
30  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
courses such as MBA, finance, diploma courses, IT, M.Sc. Regular live ses-
sions are conducted from India to Africa. Interestingly, in many African
countries, Indian media is very famous. Communications, technology, and
media offer many opportunities for African markets. Indian media with its
plethora of newspapers and satellite channels, which offer more than 80
channels of news and entertainment, are extremely popular in Africa. India
alone has about 90,000 newspapers. African media is also growing and is
seeking partnerships in infotainment. These are areas which have growing
potential for bilateral ties (Biswas 2016:54). The media has become a boom,
and India’s partnership offers further knowledge and technology sharing.

Infrastructure Development
It has been noted that the infrastructure in Africa has been laid down by
China in recent times. However, in the process of development of infrastruc-
ture, India is playing a significant role in Africa at the moment, particularly
in the domains of satellite, cable, mobile, and broadband coverage. Further,
Dr. Sood, the author of “Emerging Economy Report,” said that India has an
opportunity to contribute to development-related work in Africa, which is
carried out by China. India can capitalize on the market opportunity and
strengthen ties with Africa based on development-related issues (Biswas
2016:48). According to the South African Regional Poverty Network (2008),
China is laying out the infrastructure for Africa in many countries of East
Africa, and in the West, they have a market reach, but in the service sector,
there are a great number of jobs emerging, which are based on providing
efficient services. This opportunity for India can be converted and capital-
ized. For Africa, having infrastructure support may not be enough that China
is providing successfully. Hence, India has been attempting to work on the
lines of service development. This can be further developed with respect to
other emerging areas and fields. Its contribution to developing science and
technology institutions is considerable. Indian sector companies are looking
at the African market with a serious attempt to capitalize on it. As mentioned
earlier, many private players have already taken over the African markets,
this can be seen as an example for other private Indian players. Recently,
Tata Motors expanded in areas like Senegal and Ivory Coast. It offers a
range of motor vehicles, especially heavy motors like buses. It has a 50%
share in medium and heavy motor vehicle segments. Tata Motors also has a
manufacturing plant in South Africa (CII/WTO 2013). Further, tourism is
another emerging sector. Tata Group has already capitalized on it to a great
deal by contributing to the hospitality sector in Zambia and South Africa.

Indian Ocean and Shipping

In the twenty-first century, the Indian Ocean affairs have gained signifi-
cance. The reason is clearly due to the growth of the Asian economy and the
need for trading for raw materials. The Asian market is dependent on Africa
 India-Africa Relations  31
for the purpose of energy trade (Vines and Oruitemeka 2008). The Indian
Ocean Region (IOR) has become significant and strategic for engagement in
the sea. Through bilateral and trilateral efforts with countries like
Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles, and coastal regions of Kenya, Tanzania,
and Mozambique, India positioned itself strategically in order to gain con-
trol and access to the Indian Ocean. Since the 1990s, India has focused its
foreign policy on Bangladesh, China, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan to strategi-
cally emerge as a regional power. All these efforts are made to strengthen
power and control for economic growth. The Indian Ocean is significant for
India’s economic growth. A majority of Indian trade happens by sea.
Trading oil happens through the sea. Eighty-nine percent of the oil arrives
through the sea to India. “The Indian Navy patrols the zone of Mauritius
since 2003” (Berlin 2006:72). India signed an MoU with Seychelles for
cooperation in defence for patrolling the waters. It is important for the
regions to have no disturbance or threat in communication for economic
growth. The Indian Navy also combats piracy and counterterrorism in the
regions that are closer to Africa of the Indian Ocean. It is also through the
Gulf of Aden that India’s oil and fertilizers are commuted.
According to official government figures, Indian imports via the Gulf of
Aden are worth $50 billion annually, while exports are worth $60 billion.
As a result, since it directly affects India, the safety of maritime trade can be
considered a national concern. Piracy off the coast of Somalia has been a
threat to shipping since the early twenty-first century, roughly at the same
time as the civil war in the country. India has also been threatened by this.
The Indian Navy has been conducting anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of
Aden since October 2008 in an effort to maintain command and control
and safeguard Indian shipping. An anti-piracy campaign is a major focus
for the Indian Navy, which patrols the coast (Gokhale 2011). The Indian
Navy has protected 1104 ships, including 139 Indian vessels and 965 ves-
sels from 50 different countries. The entire Internationally Recommended
Transit Corridor is guarded by merchant ships. The Indian Ocean Naval
Symposium, for example, is one forum where India takes part in the fight
against piracy. This was an effort to bring people together to discuss mari-
time issues. For this purpose, India has set up bilateral and multilateral
initiatives. India’s initiatives and strategic cooperation with East African
countries such as Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius,
Mozambique, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania are led by these
countries. For the sake of trade, India values this partnership enormously.

The Political Dimensions of India-Africa Forum Summits

In the global world order, India and Africa have agreed to support each
other. India and Africa have jointly agreed to support each other in the
re-organization of world institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, WTO,
UN, and the Security Council. Africa and India have agreed to be partners
in supporting each other unanimously. Both agree that world organizations
32  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
and world institutions have not included India and Africa in their policy.
India and Africa have both come to an agreement that they would support
each other’s claims in the Security Council of the UN. They agree that the
UN Security Council must be restructured for the inclusion of countries of
Africa and India for legitimate representation of the countries. India and
Africa agree to mutually support each other. India and South Africa have
become partners for additional financial institutions to be visualized
through the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) bank.
These are the multiple ways in which India and Africa are attempting to
emerge as democratic powers through numerous forums. The countries
control and negotiate through cooperation with each other for the climate
control regimes that scrutinize India and Africa in their trade and manufac-
turing. They work together in cooperation to overcome the challenges of
developing countries in the global era. Both are working towards gaining a
legitimate power and position in the global world order, which to a large
extent is controlled and monopolized by the countries, which emerged as
powers after the Second World War.

The Indian Diaspora in Africa

The Indian government has changed its policy on the diaspora in recent years
(Large 2013). The Indian government has recently re-established its relations
with the Indian community living abroad, recognizing its potential in bring-
ing growth to the country. Since 1991, India has re-engaged with the overseas
Indian community. Recognizing the crucial role that overseas Chinese played
in bringing rapid economic growth to China’s economy, India has decided to
re-establish its relations with the diaspora communities. In 2004, the govern-
ment created the “Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs” and launched an
annual Pravasi Bharatiya Divas aimed to acknowledge and bank on the
financial gains and knowledge of the Indian community living overseas.
A large body of the Indian community lives in South Africa. Durban has
the largest Indian community on the continent, which is about 1.3 million.
This is viewed as the biggest city with an Indian population. A strong his-
torical link exists between “African National Congress” and the “Indian
Congress Party.” South Africa is a leading African economy, and it is repre-
sented at global bodies such as G20 and also BRICS. The Indian diaspora
in South Africa is one of the wealthiest diaspora communities (Machado
2014). Indian corporate investments in South Africa are one of the highest
(Davis 2012). It has corporate investments such as Reliance Communications,
Tata Group, Mahindra, and Cipla and Ranbaxy pharmaceuticals. South
Africa offers an environment with developed legal and financial sectors for
the Indian private sector to grow. In 2012, bilateral trade reached $14 billion,
which makes South Africa one of the biggest markets in exports (CII/WTO
2013). In South Africa, Indian investment has exceeded $6 billion since
2012. A specially designed forum for CEOs is regularly held for meeting
senior business players (Alves 2007). Investors and players such as Ratan
 India-Africa Relations  33
Tata and Business Unity South Africa organize these forums. This includes
participants from the Indian community living in South Africa. A significant
economic player in South Africa is also the Gupta family. The Gupta family
shares close ties with the South African presidency and is now popularly
known as “Guptagate” (Davis 2012).
Further, a large Indian community is also living in East Africa. In Uganda,
a large community of Indians faced persecution in 1972, so very few Indians
are left in Uganda. However, a large Indian community lives in Kenya
(Taylor 2012). It has gained recognition and significance in recent times due
to the presence of a large community of Sikhs from India. While the Indian
diaspora adds to the relations between India and Africa, however, the trad-
ing links have gone beyond just the diaspora community, which does play a
significant role. Relations have built between Ethiopia and Sierra Leone in
recent times. Further, it may be argued that the diaspora community is not
a major reason for Indian business. For instance, the Indians who are doing
trade in Africa are not necessarily doing business with the Indian commu-
nity there or substantially benefiting from their presence. Indians are look-
ing for business opportunities and growth through other networks.
The social and political environment in Africa can vary with each coun-
try, so it is seen that the Indian communities are either completely out of the
mainstream or in many cases also completely integrated, so to partner with
the diasporic communities can be either very beneficial in the cases where
the Indian community has flourished as a business community or can incur
losses at the hands of the community that stays off the mainstream and may
be subjected to bias. The challenges for Indian investors in Africa are many.
Some of these challenges include a poor business environment, lack of
investment agreements in the bilateral trades, limited resources in terms of
capital, and the most important fact that it still remains a small market
(Indian Chamber of Commerce 2012–2013; CII/WTO 2013). Indian inves-
tors face challenges to access the oil sector or the mining sector. A very sig-
nificant role is played by the private sector in accumulating wealth for the
nation, and, therefore, it also relies on the government in many ways. The
Indian government has taken steps for increasing the growth and regulating
the market with its private players. The South-South Partnership mainly
takes place through the EXIM Bank and CII. The role of other private firms
may also be seen as significant.

Africa as a Strategic Partner for India: An Argument

The previous discussion relating to India and Africa’s partnership outlines
the specific areas of cooperation and strategies that India and Africa are
partnering in. It is clear that in the neoliberal era, Africa is a strategic part-
ner for India, and the economic ties that are forged cannot be risked by
India. This is the legal and formal position of the state with regard to
African relations where diplomacy, foreign policy, and economic ties are
seen as the most crucial.
34  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
Analysis of India and Africa’s ties highlights how Africa is a strategic
partner for India (Taylor 2016). PPPs are motivated primarily by economic
motivations, and the concerns about solidarity, development, and cultural
partnerships are mostly sidelined (Price 2011). For the most part, Indian
firms operating in Africa adhere to the bottom line. The collaborations have
resulted in a private sector boom, with the state encouraging the private
sector to develop partnerships. Normative considerations are absent from
the private sector’s operations. Because of this, India’s diplomacy will con-
tinue to be reactive and insular (Taylor 2016). On the other hand, China’s
strong diplomacy boasts an External Affairs Ministry of 6,000 diplomats,
according to the LA Times (2011). Hence, the scale of Chinese investments
in Africa has increased dramatically in the last several years.
To expand partnerships, the MEA decided in 2003 that a separate body
should be established to oversee Indian aid and development projects
abroad. It was decided to re-establish this body in 2007–2008. The
“Development Partnership Administration” was established within the
MEA as a new department (henceforth DPA). The purpose of the DPA was
to bring together all of India’s aid-related activities and to distribute respon-
sibility among the various ministers of the MEA. Infighting and rivalry
among MEA and ‘Ministry of Finance’ ministers over where to locate this
agency delayed the plan for its establishment. DPA was re-established later
to work around the concept of launching, implementing, and evaluating. In
addition, Secretary of the MEA Raghavan was made in charge of the DPA.
Further, building capacity is an area of responsibility for the DPA. Territorial
divisions in charge of the Ministry continue to play a major role in deciding
which projects to pursue, and DPA is a key player in this process. When it
comes to putting these plans into action, DPA has primary responsibility.
The fact that DPA is a part of MEA shows just how important economic
diplomacy is to the many global initiatives that it manages. Among MEA’s
many responsibilities, the most critical is to organize, coordinate, implement,
and monitor economic ties and partnerships. Consequently, it bears a greater
responsibility for coordinating diplomatic relations and protecting the eco-
nomic interests of the country. The DPA is gaining a foothold in government
projects. PPP funds are coordinated by organizations like the CII and EXIM
Bank, which the MEA works closely with. It is the DPA’s job to handle many
of these projects, but it is yet to be seen if DPA has any impact on the MEA’s
bureaucratic operations and functioning (Taylor 2016).
Further, the most important role of MEA lies in handling the South-South
Partnership. With the ‘South-South Partnership model’ the state as an actor
is seen to be working primarily in building economic ties rather than a focus
on wholesome development. In this regard, the South-South Partnership
has been seen in the light of being rhetorical. The state has enabled the
private sector and only strengthened ties which are economic. The mutual
ties are symbolic of only mutual economic ties. Taylor (2016) argues that
Indian diplomacy is conventional, and it has not been able to expand into
other arenas, such as cultural spheres. In this context, the role of MEA is of
 India-Africa Relations  35
utmost importance as while it protects economic interests of the state, it
must also focus on cultural spheres. The role of MEA is crucial in this regard
(Taylor 2016). Further, there is a need for Indian diplomats to adapt and
change to the new cultural environment. They have been trained in a man-
ner which is generally known as “out-dated diplomacy” or “traditional
diplomacy” (Taylor 2016) Moreover, MEA has been infamous for the min-
isters being status-obsessed and for bureaucratic rigidity (Joshi and Kumar
2011). They argue that it is essential that the diplomats be acquainted with
economic diplomacy and Indian foreign policy outside of the purview of
“traditional diplomacy” and also focus on the cultural sphere specifically
with regard to African relations. This is essential to navigate relations with
African countries rather than policy advice derived from Western capitals
and their hegemonic theories. Culture does not grow in a vacuum (Hall
1993). Culture, economy, politics, and the state are all interlinked.

Conclusion
Recent global south partnerships between India and Africa have led to the
formation of economic and political partnerships. Contemporary migration
from Africa is primarily influenced by bilateral ties and alliances between
the two regions. Africa and India partnerships and ties shed light on the
significance of the state’s role in the migration process. Here, migration
occurs due to global south ties in the fields of education, business, health
care, and student exchanges. In a global context, these are the major pull
factors that attract African migrants to India. The neoliberal ties create
opportunities in fields like science and technology, agricultural sciences,
information technology, and the shipping industry, among others. Africa is
a strategic partner for India in the neoliberal era, and the economic ties that
have been forged with the continent are significant in the formation of
future alliances for both geopolitical regions.

Note
1 TCIL refers to Telecommunications Consultants India Limited.

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3 Historical and Contemporary
Patterns of Migration from Africa
to India

Introduction
The historical migration patterns from East Africa to India via the Indian
Ocean have led to the formation of human settlements on the west coast
of India. Here, religion plays a significant role in the emergence of trans-
national networks. In the contemporary era, migration is analyzed
through lived experiences of African migrants, beginning from their jour-
ney from their home countries to the country of destination. In this pro-
cess of migration, this chapter closely looks at the role of religion. It
provides a perspective on African migration in the era of globalization.
Globalization and migration have been studied widely across disciplines
and extensive work has been done on it (Castles and Miller 2009; Harvey
1985; Rao 1970; Sassen 2002). However, the focus on the global south
and its unique context is missing. Thus, the migration patterns between
Africa and India are highlighted. It demonstrates how migration occurs
as a result of global south partnerships established for economic trade
and political ties between India and Africa in the contemporary era.
Education, health care, business, government cooperation, and student
exchanges are all made easier because of these tie-ups. In the global era,
these are the major factors that attract African migrants to India. Further,
African migrants seek opportunities outside their homelands based on
factors such as lack of educational opportunities and lack of employment
and business opportunities in their home countries. Marriage also
becomes a significant factor in migration. In this context, migration plays
an important role to achieve economic growth, employment, decent
work, and social protection, i.e. SDG 8, and to access better education,
i.e. SDG 4. The role of migration in promoting SDG 4 and 8 is described
and outlined here. Here, the contemporary migration processes can also
be linked to historical migration to understand how they create transna-
tional networks for building migration patterns based on historical links.
But the role of “aspiration” and “exposure” in migration cannot be
ignored (Ogujiuba Kanayo 2019).

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-5
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  39
Early Century Migration from Africa
The early century African migrations have been recorded and documented
through the Indian Ocean, especially from East Africa to the western coast
of India (Basu 1998; Hawley 2008; Oka 2002). These migrations signified
historical trade exchanges which resulted in permanent settlements of the
trading communities. The presence of people of African origin and descent
in India predates the Afghani and Turkish invasion of North India via the
ancient trade route across the Indian Ocean (Oka 2002, 2006). The early
century African migration occurred on dhows – that is, wooden boats. The
dhow was employed in commerce and exchange. Since pre-colonial times,
ivory, beads, cat skin, goats, dates, and oil have been traded between East
Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. This historical trade and migration
resulted in the establishment of a permanent settlement of the Siddi in India.
It is known that the Siddi are descendants of the Bantu people of East
Africa. Arabs brought Siddis from the east coast of Africa to India during
the seventh century BC. Later, the Portuguese brought them to the west
coast of Gujarat. In fact, a small number of the Siddi community was still
shipped by the Portuguese following the abolition of the slave trade. They
were brought to the western coast of Gujarat, Malabar, Maharashtra, Goa,
and Karnataka. On arrival to the west coast of India, the local rulers
employed them as servants and bodyguards. The women served as servants
to queens and aristocratic women. In many instances, the Siddi maids were
even given to Rajput brides as part of their dowry, and they moved with
them to their husbands’ homes (Basu 1998). As a result, in modern-day
Hyderabad, there is a sizeable African diaspora known as Chaush, which is
predominantly Muslim and of Hadhrami Arab descent. The Hadharami
travelled through the Indian Ocean from the coast of Swahili and the horn
of Africa to the Malabar Coast of India. They arrived in India and inte-
grated into the Nizam’s military forces in Hyderabad. This historical per-
spective allows us to establish a connection between early migration and
trade in antiquity. In the present context, the African diaspora is rebuilding
numerous networks. On arrival in India, a large number of African migrants
establish networks based on historical ties.

Religion and Migration

Historical migration patterns and the role of religion are deeply intercon-
nected. Islam spread across the Indian Ocean, particularly from Africa to
India during the long voyages by sailors and saints. Many of the voyages
have been documented as part of Islam’s spread. This gave birth to the Siddi
community’s diffusion of saints, Sufis, priests, and fakirs from East Africa
(Basu 1993). Diffusion of religious ideas and traditions gave rise to
cross-cultural interactions. In this context religion not only became the
motivation and factor for migration but also a means for exchange and
settlement. Since the sixth and seventh century BC, Hyderabad has had a
40  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
sizable African diaspora community. The sailors, merchants, Sufis, and
priests sailed across the Indian Ocean from the Swahili coast and the horn
of Africa in the early centuries and settled in Hyderabad. Moreover, they
also spread across South Asia, including Pakistan and Sri Lanka. They
arrived in India and integrated by spreading and disseminating religious
and cultural ideas and traditions. Religious practices, observances, rituals,
traditions, and customs of African migrants and diaspora were widespread
on the west coast of India. In the current context, religion may be argued to
have facilitated a specific pattern of historical migration from Africa to
India. Further, one could argue that it has facilitated the adaptation, assim-
ilation, and integration of the African diaspora that migrated in different
historical periods. Apart from Gujarat, there is a significant African dias-
pora in the Indian city of Hyderabad. Chaush is the community that has
settled in Hyderabad. The Chaush are known to be members of the Muslim
community who acquired the status of religious drum beaters. The Nizams
invited them to beat the drums during rituals and festivals (Basu 1998,
2002). In fact, the Chaush are famous for their Marfa music and dance
traditions. These traditions are performed at festivals and weddings.
Therefore, a focus on the role of Islam is important at multiple levels for
the African diaspora, as it indicates how the spread of Islam became a fac-
tor of migration across the Indian Ocean region since antiquity. Thus, cul-
tural analysis of Islamic traditions, beliefs, ideas, customs, and practices is
relevant to analyze how they travelled across the Indian Ocean from Africa
and transformed to meet new environments. Further, in the process of
exchange, many ideas and traditions also experienced transformation in
terms of their performances and practices. The early century exchanges and
migrations, illustrate that there may have been changes in religious prac-
tices due to cultural adaptation in the host society, yet there is continuity of
certain customs and folk traditions since the early centuries resulting in
hybridization. There are similarities in the cultural and religious practices of
the African diaspora from the country of descent. Basu (1998) demonstrates
that the practices of religious-cultural traditions, rituals, customs, sacred
ideas, concept of devotion, and ideas of mysticism have a common descent.
However, there is a transformation and change that has taken place over
time with regard to different practices, particularly in the case of the Siddi,
Chaush, and Hadhrami communities in India. It can be argued that religion
plays an important role in the everyday lives of the African diaspora, even
while it takes different cultural forms and expressions serving an important
purpose. The forms of religion and cultural practices go through a change
in the host society and in the process innovate. This has been seen in the
light of cultural hybridity (Cancilini 1995). Thus, religion renews itself in
the act of drawing on its tradition. In this regard, it may be significant to
highlight tradition and innovation with regard to how religious communi-
ties adapt and shape their social and cultural contexts.
To understand religion, migration, and cultural adaptation, the perspec-
tive of human ecology is significant to draw interconnections (Park 1915).
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  41
Human ecology facilitates an understanding of the relationship between
natural, human, social, and cultural environments to study the dynamics of
social life. The human ecology perspective derives from the conceptual
framework of habitat. Thus, the idea of adaptation to different environ-
ments emerges as not only a consequence of demographic shifts but also
human settlements occurring through displacement, migration, slave trade,
and more recently conflict, violence, and persecution. Park (1915) and
Wirth (1945) highlight the significance of studying community as a physical
fact. They recognized the relationship between geography and biology so as
to expand the analysis to social life and mental life. Thus, human ecologists
have evolved theories for the exploration of human concentration and dis-
persion of people, cultures, and identities. They argued that, unlike plants
and animals, human beings build and shape their own environment. For
example, industrialization, modernization, globalization, urbanization, and
migration can be understood as illustrations of that human and socio-cul-
tural environment.

Collective Memory and Social Construction of Migration Pattern

Cultural memory, rituals, and symbols play an important role in the forma-
tion of identity. For instance, cultural elements that are commonly held as
symbols, traditions, and ideas, help to recollect aspects of reality which con-
tributes to identity formation (Warburg 1905). Historians, anthropologists,
and sociologists demonstrate the significance of symbols and religious motifs
to retrace images to understand social reality in the present context (Assmans
2006; Halbwachs 1992). They demonstrate the significance of motifs and
their emotive impulses, which have the capacity to communicate the psy-
chology of the era in which they are recalled. Art historians such as Warburg
are attracted by ancient art and mythical figures. The interest in images and
their interpretation outside the canon of arts has received wide academic
attention giving rise to transdisciplinary approaches. Recent scholars inter-
pret the metaphors and motifs in terms of how they travel across time and
space. The intriguing way of blending art with religion and culture has
become a model for academic scholars to interpret images and objects to
understand the identity of a community. The Siddis recollect objects and
elements of African heritage and culture which are exhibited in musical tra-
ditions which show resemblance to the African heritage of songs, rhythms,
drum beats, and dance forms (Kraidy 2005). Interestingly, the emergence of
dhow culture owes its origins to these traditions from early century trade
migrations between Africa and India. The wooden ‘dhow’ as an object has
been studied in various disciplines, such as history, anthropology, and cul-
tural studies. Its importance as a means of transportation has been recog-
nized, but more importantly, its significance as a cultural object cannot be
missed (Sherrif 2010; Basu 2008). Hence it is argued that the ‘dhow’ as an
object must be analyzed to study the culture and identity of the community
(Assmann 2006; Halbwachs 1992). Thus, the significance of the ‘wooden
42  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
dhow’ is not only realized as a historical means of trade and transportation
but also as a means of social interaction and communication. Early trade
exchanges existed between East Africa and India through the wooden
‘dhow.’ The wooden ‘dhow’ was an ‘animate’ object that marked important
relations and social interactions between sailors, traders, and saints, espe-
cially at the ports of western India and East Africa. The wooden dhow had
a major role to play as a means of social interaction and further contributed
to the emergence of ‘dhow cultures’ among migrants who migrated and set-
tled at the ports of Africa and India. This section highlighted the aspect of
religion and memory to understand the animate objects, cultural practices,
and traditions that the African migrants recollect in India which help them
to form a significant part of their cultural identity. The use of motifs, meta-
phors, art, and ideas must be the primary object to analyze the recollection
of images, practices, and religious concepts (Warburg 1905). In fact,
Warburg’s approach signifies a constant self-reinvention of metaphors. His
work gives rise to stylistic analysis which is critical of traditional approaches.
His approach demonstrates how the method of art history can be effectively
utilized in cultural studies. The connection between historical migrations,
identity formation, and contemporary patterns of migration help to under-
stand the African community in India through history and the present.

The Contemporary Patterns of Migration: Bilateral Ties and

Its Impacts
The African cluster in India was a result of substantial growth of the migrant
population over a period of time (Castles et al. 2009; Okpewho and Nzegwu
2009). Intriguingly a direct relationship could be drawn between the push
and pull factors of migration from Africa to India, namely, historical migra-
tions, neoliberal ties, global south partnerships, civil war, PPPs, booming of
firms, and simultaneous opening up of business opportunities, giving rise to
a new era of global south migration. As a result of privatization, many
sectors and industries expanded their market reach, such as the health-care
sector and education sector. Privatization of health-care such as Max
Health,1 for instance, that expanded its outreach to the markets of Africa is
important to note. Many private education firms boomed with the expan-
sion of the market such as NIIT2 and other private communication and
technology-based institutes in India. These institutes boomed after privati-
zation as they expanded globally. The New Economic Policy steered a new
phase of India’s economic growth (Ahluwalia 2007). In fact, it reflected
economic and political changes not only in India but also in other develop-
ing countries experiencing parallel changes that had a history of coloniza-
tion such as African countries. These changes were clearly visible in
migration patterns in the global south. Considering the expansion in oppor-
tunities such as business, education, and health-care sector in the neoliberal
era, the contexts under which migration was taking place could be under-
stood better. In the Indian context, it can be argued that the New Economic
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  43
Policy1990 paved the way for the private sector and the public sector to
enter into trade and investment with foreign companies. The new invest-
ment within the private sector gave rise to new strategies and labour flexi-
bility. The corporates re-oriented themselves for a greater and more
competitive environment. Moreover, firms renovated their existing infra-
structure, and this was seen as a desirable investment by the multinationals
and corporates. The firms have been re-organizing themselves through new
financial sector reforms creating a market appeal to raise a large volume of
capital internationally to finance further expansion and modernization. The
investment has been getting stimulated by joint ventures and partnerships
that are increasing investment in domestic firms through global tie-ups and
partnerships (Ahluwalia 2007). Hence, liberalization and globalization can
be seen as important factors in bringing social transformation. In this con-
text, African migration to India is analyzed to understand the opening up of
opportunities with political and economic partnerships between the two
regions of the global south. These economic transformations have taken the
shape of pull factors of migration. As noted, the major pull factors of migra-
tion are the business opportunities, as well as avenues created through the
privatization of the education and health sectors. Interestingly, the educa-
tion and health-care sector partnerships provided opportunities, ways, and
access to migration from different countries of Africa to India.
As previously highlighted, it was education, medical, and business oppor-
tunities that were the main reasons for migration in the new era of globali-
zation and liberalization. In fact, in this context, it can be argued that based
on these new possibilities, large migrations of people whether forced or
unforced, are taking place around the world, and this is inevitable (Harvey
2007a). Moreover, he further argues that migrations and movements are
unstoppable. Different countries may adopt different policies to control it
or stop it with tight immigration laws and controls, but this movement is
unstoppable in the global era. This also shapes the shifting patterns of
urbanization in the twenty-first century. Harvey argues that in this light,
space is restructured and reformulated by global processes, and it is crucial
to recognize the global process of capitalist urbanization even in the context
of countries that have followed a “non-capitalist path” previously and
non-capitalist urban form (Harvey 2007b; Sassen 2002). These economic
changes and transformations could be seen in the emergence of the African
clusters in India. The African cluster provides an important context for
understanding spatial processes that get reorganized, transformed, and
restructured in the neoliberal era through migration and consequently
urbanization processes. In this regard, globalization, migration, and urban-
ization are interlinked (Rao 1970). In fact, Harvey examines the urbaniza-
tion process spatially to highlight the production of space in the new era
and the emergence of political consciousness (Harvey 1985; Lefebvre 1991).
Taking neighbourhoods, regions, nation-states, and power blocs as focal
points, the urbanization process can be observed as a specific object of anal-
ysis. In this context, Harvey argues that in global urbanization, the study of
44  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
political and legal spheres is no longer sufficient. Rather, the study of urban-
ization in a global context focuses on the shifting flows of labour power,
commodities, money capital; spatial organization of production; transfor-
mation of space relations; and information flow (Harvey 2007a). He ana-
lyzes that the city in this sense has lost its legal and political power and
geopolitical influence, and those distinctive urban economies have now
merged into megalopolitan’ concentrations, and this is a part of the urban
process. Urbanization can vary greatly depending on how capitalist growth
and possibilities are realized, created, opposed, or proposed (Harvey 2007a ).
Because of the way urbanization processes and possibilities are realized,
they are definitely linked with the changing global processes.
In the Indian context, the global south partnership between India and
Africa has been expanding rapidly since the 1980s, giving rise to a new era
(CII/WTO 2013). With India’s adoption of New Economic Policy (NEP),
partnerships between the two global south regions have been growing con-
tinuously. The global south bilateral partnership shows a relationship
between India’s adoption of liberalization, privatization, and globalization
model and Africa’s cooperation. Thus, the flow of migration between the
two regions of the global south has been increasing. Between 2006 and
2010 there was an increase in migration on the basis of business. African
migrants coming to India increased from “137,000 to 197,000” growing
annually at about 10% (CII/WTO 2013). Besides business and tourism
India and Africa host a sizable migrant population. A large population of
Africa is also living informally in India. In the year 2000, the countries that
were on top for migration from Africa were Uganda 11,575, Kenya 6,801,
South Africa 9,041, Zambia 5,007, Nigeria 6,095. However, a sizeable pop-
ulation remains unrecorded due to informal migration. This generates a
significant concern for migrants who are living in hazardous conditions due
to their informal migration status, including high rates of poverty and over-
crowded living conditions in small apartments. A sizeable population also
includes refugees from Somalia and those migrants seeking asylum (CII/
WTO 2013, Report on Urban Profiling of Refugee Situations in Delhi,
2013). The countries that were on top for migration from India were:
Democratic Republic of Congo with 24,192, Mauritius 8,185, Mozambique
6,312, Tanzania 7,151, and South Africa 17,047. Kenya, Uganda, Zambia,
and Madagascar were also destinations that received the Indian population
in high numbers. Hence an enquiry regarding the various factors that facil-
itated migration is outlined in the following discussion. The discussion also
outlines the lived experiences of African migrants living in India and the
reasons for their migration.

Business/Employment
In the present context, migrants from different countries of Africa come to
explore the new boom in business opportunities in the private sector in
India. Particularly, migrants from Uganda, Tanzania, Ghana, Nigeria, and
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  45
Congo DR have been migrating for business opportunities. For instance,
one of the migrants from the Democratic Republic of Congo said that she
was based in Khirki Extension in Delhi. Her business was in exports and
made her travel to different parts of India as well. She was married to a
Gujarati man. The man was based in Gujarat for most of the year, and she
was travelling. Her business was exporting hair wigs from India. They had
a baby girl. Since they were both business partners, they were constantly
travelling from Africa to India for business. Their business was expanding
not only across Africa but also Europe. She could speak Gujarati and Hindi
very fluently.
Further, interestingly many of the African migrants were also establishing
informal business enterprises in India. Their small-scale business ventures
were located particularly in Khirki Extension. Some of the migrants had
small enterprises such as salons, parlours/barber shops which were well
known for haircuts, hair weaving, and hairstyling in the neighbourhood. It
was noticed that men particularly from countries of Africa visited these
barber shops for grooming since they had specific needs. These shops were
very popular. In fact, in one of the interviews, what came up was that the
Indian barbers were not very familiar with the hair difference and were
unable to cut the hair accurately. They were cutting their hair too close to
their skin, which caused cuts from razors. Hence, the migrants preferred to
visit their own specific salons. These salons were usually located in small
one-room rented apartments. Some of the migrants also had small informal
business enterprises in fashion. These shops included clothes and shoes. In
fact, laundry services were also popular as business start-ups. Grocery shops
were common enterprises where food products and goods from Africa were
available for the migrant community living in Delhi. African kitchens also
provided a working opportunity. These were different business opportuni-
ties that the migrants from Africa had created for themselves. A respondent
from Nigeria says,

India is comparatively a better country to live in and I even plan to settle

here. I am here because the people are good. My dream is to open a
school here and start my business in the education sector. People here
cooperate and understand things. I like India. It is a great country to stay.

Supporting each other’s business prospects such as African shops helped the
migrants to build economic ties. It also facilitated the building of close
bonds and simultaneously forge a sense of ‘community.’ Moreover, the
African shops were supplying goods and services to the wider population of
the migrant community living in Delhi. For instance, all the migrants visited
a barbershop which was started by a Nigerian migrant living in Khirki
Extension and was now a popular choice among all the migrants from dif-
ferent countries of Africa. It was interesting to observe that the migrants
went to this particular barbershop, as they believed that only he could cut
their hair accurately. Another African beauty salon stated that that the
46  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
women from Africa had particular trends in hair weaving and fashions
which only African salons could understand. The hair weaving was done by
a Nigerian lady for all the migrants. Apart from that, informal business
enterprises were also encouraged and given a boost by the community.
These were some of the informal business set-ups and start-ups opened by
the African community. However, particularly in the case of Somali refu-
gees, they were not allowed to do business, as they did not have work per-
mits. But at the same time, they were allowed to work through permissions
granted by UNHCR. They were allowed to work within a specific wage
range in a month due to their refugee status, but they were not allowed to
do business. Many of them worked as interpreters at Max Hospital. This
was a job that many of the boys were doing to earn some money. For other
African migrants, another work opportunity was in the IT sector, which
was available for many of the countries based on bilateral partnerships.
There were many professionals who were working in Gurgaon3 in various
IT companies and firms.

Education
Many migrants were attracted to the new scale of opportunities that had
opened up in the education sector. A significant number of private institu-
tions and universities boomed with the expansion of universities under glo-
balization such as NIIT and private institutions offering computer science
courses and IT-related programmes in India. These institutions offered
attractive courses for the students. Moreover, science and pharmacy-related
courses attracted the migrants to a great extent. Courses in agricultural
sciences also attracted many migrants from different countries in Africa.
Further, courses in engineering and management were also popular choices
among the students. The private institutions and universities boomed after
liberalization and globalization as they expanded their reach to different
countries of Africa. The new financial investment within the private sector
had given impetus to investment within the education industry as well. In
fact, many educational loans were made available to students through pri-
vate partnerships and tie-ups with financial agencies making opportunities
accessible to students from different countries. Many private institutions
had extended their partnerships with universities as well so that they could
also provide scholarships. Hence students migrated for degrees such as
bachelor’s degrees in sciences; IT (information and technology) degrees;
master’s degrees in humanities, social sciences, and liberal arts, such as pol-
itics, journalism, philosophy, international relations; and Ph.D. degrees. A
large section of the population of students migrated from Kenya, Nigeria,
Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Congo DR, and Ghana. The students from
Somalia were here on refugee status. Further, central universities like Delhi
University, India, and Jawaharlal Nehru University gave scholarships to stu-
dents. A large population was enrolled in central universities. Moreover,
apart from Delhi, there were other states in India as well that were offering
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  47
courses in both private and government universities. IT degrees were very
popular, as they were accepted in all the home countries. The IT degrees
were regarded as specialized, which raised the chances for better employ-
ment in the respective native countries. Privatization of education facili-
tated migration. A respondent from Kenya says,

IT degrees from India are well recognized all over Africa, and people
come to study and they prefer to go back as they have high paying jobs
there, better than India. The Assistant Professors there get 70,000–
80,000 Rupees but in India they get only 30–40,000. That is why we
prefer to go back. Sometimes, you might have to do an additional
degree like in the case of law but if you study from India you get recog-
nized at jobs such as Foreign Relations and Diplomatic relations. We
can get jobs as Ambassadors at various Embassies.

Many private institutes also offered language courses such as Hindi. These
institutes were located in Delhi or in the (National Capital Region) NCR4
such as Noida and Gurgaon. Education emerged as a major reason for
migration. Educational degrees were also accepted in Africa, and many
migrants narrated that on getting a degree from India such as in the field
of sciences and mass communication and technology, getting jobs in dif-
ferent countries of Africa was easier. For education in particular, in the
case of the Somali migrant population, access was provided by UNHCR,
as they were on refugee status or seeking asylum. Their applications were
being handled by the UNHCR. However, unfortunately it provided access
to only a few government schools that accepted refugee ID cards. The
UNHCR provided the refugee community protection in Delhi. For exam-
ple, in case the children from the refugee community were denied access
to school then the UNHCR intervened. They provided legal advice and
protection to the migrants. Many Somalis who had migrated with their
families were under this protection. In addition, there were also migrants
who narrated that they went to schools in South of India such as
Hyderabad, Mysore, Bangalore, Chennai, and Pune before coming to
Delhi. This reflected an internal migration pattern among the Somali ref-
ugee community.

Health and Medical Reasons

A substantial proportion of the migrant population had come to India to
access the medical and health-care system. The migrants who were getting
medical treatment from Max Hospital Saket, Delhi, were living in Khirki
Extension, as it was in close proximity to the hospital. Since they had to
make frequent visits to the hospital, it was easier for them to stay in the
vicinity. Many of the migrants were accompanied by one or more family
members who came for the treatment. Max Super Specialty Hospital has
been in partnership with different countries in Africa. It has been organizing
48  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
medical camps in different countries of Africa. Through these medical
camps, it has been raising awareness about various diseases. So, migrants
were here for treatment of diseases and surgeries for gastro illness-related
disorders, diabetes, heart diseases, and for bariatric surgeries. In fact, for
any special treatments that were required by the patients through camps in
Africa, they were further advised to come to India for advanced treatment
and care. Since Max Hospital is a private hospital, it has many tie-ups. It
has tie-ups with pharmaceutical companies. The privatization and liberali-
zation policy gave rise to many partnerships in African countries. The regu-
lar medical camps were organized for particular diseases such as heart and
gastro-related ailments. This was a major reason why many of the migrants
were coming to India on medical grounds. Migrants from Nigeria, Kenya,
Uganda, Somalia, and Cameroon were here as in some of these countries
medical camps were regularly being organized, while for others such as
Somalia, since there was a civil war going on in the country, access to
health-related infrastructure was not easily available. What emerged as an
interesting observation was the use of ‘medical tourism’ as a reason for
migration. This had become popular.

Marriage
Many of the African migrants shared how they were interested in settling
down permanently in India. They were open to the idea of marriage with
Indian girls. This was not very common, but slowly gaining mileage. But
what was significant in this context was the attitudes of the Indian parents.
In many of the cases, it was observed that the parents of the Indian girls
were not giving consent to the marriage propositions. For instance, in the
following case, a boy from Kenya was interested in a Gujarati girl from
India. They had met at the university. They had been dating for two years.
To quote,

I proposed to a girl for marriage. I told her that I’ll be your husband.
Even she wanted to marry me, we use to joke. She use to say “I’ll come
to Kenya”, I said who’ll take you to Kenya? She use to say, “You will”!
Then we use to make a joke. For 2 years we were dating. Then she told
me one day her parents are arranging her marriage. I was surprised. But
I went to her marriage. She was telling her husband; he wants to take
me to Kenya. I told her husband that now that you have taken her away
from me, you better take good care of her. And then I gave them my
blessings and told them how they should live in life. So now I can be a
friend to her and she can be happy.

The respondent mentioned that he wanted to marry her but her parents did
not agree and decided to marry her to an Indian boy in an arranged set-up.
Another respondent, who was Nigerian, was married to a Russian woman.
They were both settled in India. They were living in Khirki Extension, at
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  49
the time, which was post-midnight raid5 in January 2014. He was very
upset and angry after the raid. He felt that people in Khirki Extension had
turned antagonistic towards African migrants and so he was planning to
shift to Chattarpur with his family. He is currently living with his wife and
baby girl in Chattarpur. He prefers living in India rather than Nigeria. He
said that in India, when injustice happens, at least we can protest, but in
Nigeria, it is not possible. The government there is very corrupt according
to him. Even though there is democracy, the politicians are making money.
He did not want to go back to Nigeria. He said, his country had many
problems due to which he did not want to go back. According to him, the
people in power made money because of government corruption. They sent
their children abroad to study and transferred all the wealth of the country
into their own personal accounts. He preferred to stay in Delhi. He felt that
there were many problems in Delhi as well, but this was a much better
place to stay according to him. Another major reason for living in Delhi,
Khirki Extension was that he was married to a Russian girl. He said that
living in any other part of the world would be very expensive. Living in
India was a feasible economic option for him as he was pursuing a success-
ful career in acting. He narrated that in Nigeria, Indian movies were very
popular and that is how he got fascinated by Hindi films and acting. Once
a week, cable TV in Nigeria telecasts Hindi movies with subtitles. The peo-
ple in Nigeria fondly and very keenly wait for that day in the week when
they can watch a Bollywood film. He came to India specially to become an
actor. As an actor, he played short roles in many famous Bollywood movies.
He said that he had worked with Amir Khan. The name of the film in which
he acted was Dangal. He played the role of the Nigerian wrestling coach.
His movie was about to release, and he was very excited about that. He
said that he was quite satisfied in Delhi, as there was a general acceptance
of his marriage choice, even though he felt that he experienced racial dis-
crimination, unlike his wife, who was Russian. But they both felt that India
was a great place to stay. However, he said that in India, people were racist.
He was very vocal about his views and gave many interviews on TV against
racism in India.
Another interesting illustration of marriage that emerged was also of a
respondent from Nigeria whose wife is Mizo. They met through chat ses-
sions on Yahoo! Messenger. They both started chatting across two conti-
nents and became closer through the platform of Yahoo! Messenger. They
got married in India in 2009 when he flew down to get married to her. He
is very happy to be married to an Indian girl he said. Today, he runs an
African restaurant and lives in India through an X entry visa, which you get
when you marry an Indian citizen. His visa can be extended on a yearly
basis for five years. They have children, a boy and a baby girl. He said that
he wants to take his wife to Nigeria but till now, they have never been to
Nigeria as a family. Their business is doing well in India, which is an African
restaurant. It has been serving Nigerian food since 2010. The respondent
narrated that for business purposes, a migrant from Africa could not buy
50  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
property in India unless it was a big firm or a multinational company. Small
informal business entrepreneurs could not buy property and could only do
business with an Indian partner who could buy property in their name. This
is also another reason why many of the business enterprises in India are
informal.

Conclusion
The contemporary African migrations indicate that African migrants come
to India for business opportunities, education, health care, and marriage as
the basic factors of migration. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of
the contemporary flows of migration specifically with reference to the era of
globalization, privatization and liberalization. It shows how global south
partnerships for economic trade and political ties between India and Africa
cause migration. In the modern era, these partnerships facilitate govern-
ment cooperation, student exchanges, and industry partnerships. More
importantly, migration patterns were also examined from a historical per-
spective. An analysis was made of the settlements of the Siddi community
established along India’s western coast, including Gujarat, Karnataka, the
Malabar Coast, Maharashtra, and Goa, as a result of early century migra-
tion from East Africa to India via the Indian Ocean. These transnational
networks were further understood by placing a focus on the role of religion,
which is crucial to understand for the development of networks. Moreover,
the role of memory in producing a collective conscience was examined by
analysing cultural objects like the wooden dhow, and musical art forms,
customs, traditions and beliefs. It was argued that these traditions trans-
form when they meet new cultural environments leading to cultural hybrid-
ity, wherein some forms, ideas and practices are retained while new habits,
customs and traditions are acquired. Yet, there is continuity in practices of
art forms that are of African origin. It is impossible to overstate the impor-
tance of “conditions of area, structural and social psychological attributes”
in migration (Ritchey 1976).

Notes
1 Max Hospital as a health-care specialty is an outcome of privatization of medi-
cal care industry. Max Hospital in India is expanding. More recently with glo-
balization, it has opened up its franchise in many different countries of the
world, including Africa.
2 NIIT is an institute of technology that offers skills in management and training
to students, institutions, and enterprises worldwide.
3 Gurgaon is a famous IT hub for companies and professionals working in corpo-
rate firms and international organizations. It comes in the Delhi NCR area.
4 National Capital Region which includes regions of Gurgaon and Noida
5 On January 15, 2014, a midnight raid was made on the African community on
the pretext that they were involved in drug rackets and prostitution. African
migrants were forcefully made to come out of their homes at midnight while a
mob led by the Delhi law minister and police raided their homes.
 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  51
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4 The Forced Migration of Somali
Refugees
Mapping the Impacts of Civil War and
Internal Political Crisis

Introduction
The role of armed conflict, totalitarian regimes, expulsions, and extraditions
in forced migrations cannot be ignored (Stola 1992). The factors that cause
Somali refugees to flee are outlined in this chapter. It henceforth highlights
Somalia’s civil war and internal political crisis. It also states that India is not
a signatory to the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the status of refugees,
which has an impact on refugees negotiating with the Indian government.
Second, it outlines the roles of various agencies, institutions, and humanitar-
ian organizations in facilitating the rehabilitation of Somali migrants. It is
argued that Somali migrants are ‘forced’ to migrate from their home country
due to the civil war and thus, have to live in India under extreme conditions
of exclusion based on their refugee status. It shows how Somalis flee their
country to escape the political crisis that threatens their lives. However, in
many cases, the state views these migrations as illegal because it does not
recognize them as refugees because it is not a signatory to the 1951 UN
Refugee Convention. Although Somali refugees are protected by the UNHCR,
they receive very limited benefits. They seek protection from organizations
such as Human Rights Law Networks, which help them to rehabilitate and
resettle in India so that they can access basic resources such as education and
health care. It should be noted that civil war and internal political crises can
be impediments to achieving SDG. The civil war has had an adverse impact
on the well-being and health, decent work conditions and economic growth,
increased inequalities, facilitated poverty, which have made communities
unsustainable, and challenged peace and justice. In other words, the civil war
has impacted SDGs 1, 3, 4, 8, 10, 11, and 16. The perspective of Somali ref-
ugees will be used to examine the implications of forced migration.

Somali Refugees in India: The Civil War as the Push Factor for
Migration
Migrants are often forced to flee their homes due to the severity of political
unrest and sectarian strife (Shellman 2004). According to the Human Rights
Law Network Report (2007a), 400,000 Somali refugees have fled from

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-6
54  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
their homeland to avoid violence and instability. Somalia is witnessing its
worst humanitarian crisis in 16 years, according to the UN Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Since 1991, when President Siad
Barre was overthrown from power, Somalia has been without a govern-
ment. As a result of this, competing tribes and militarist groups have turned
on each other, plunging the nation into civil war. Since the year 2000, sev-
eral efforts have been made to restore peace, but all have failed. In order to
proclaim a coup against the corrupt Islamic Courts Union of Mogadishu in
January 2007, the United States supported the Ethiopian invasion of
Somalia to create a transitional federal government, but the weak transi-
tional administration struggles to assert its power over the nation. In reality,
it endures regular onslaught from its adversaries. Somalia’s civil conflict is
now killing thousands of people. The civil conflict has displaced millions of
asylum seekers who have fled the nation. Currently, Somalia is rife with
extrajudicial murders, human rights breaches, arbitrary imprisonment,
forced disappearances, and torture. Widespread acts of gender and sexual
violence, exploitation of women, and abuse and violence against minorities
and marginalized groups exist. Since 2007, the number of Somali refugees
has grown owing to these challenges. The civil war and political instability
of the government in Somalia have given rise to a heavy flow of migration.
In this context, migration has to be seen in the light of forced migration.
Due to the violence perpetrated by the government and dissidents, it
becomes even more important to analyze the question, “What motivates a
person to leave his own country, property, freedom, and livelihood, among
other things, in order to move to a new location?” (Shellman 2004). In this
context, a narrative of a migrant who left his country to come to India is
presented to illustrate his lived experience of the conflict and the circum-
stances under which his family was forced to migrate to India. He says,

Before coming to India, I was living in Nairobi, Kenya. They were

shooting people in Somalia. There was fighting going on! So we shifted
to a place where there was no fighting in Somalia. But after the violence
spread, we had to move to Nairobi. My mom and I shifted there. My
uncle’s wife suggested that we move to India. She said, “people in India
are good”. So we decided to move to India. I got my Visa. My uncle
said that he would arrange the travelling! My father lives in Dubai
since 1999 due to the shooting and fighting that started. My aunty
talked to my father in Dubai. So he sent some money to my aunty and
we came here.

Asylum seekers and refugees from Somalia migrate under coercive condi-
tions to escape violence and persecution in their home country, but ironi-
cally, the Indian government does not recognize them as refugees upon their
arrival. One of the respondents explained that they were unable to return to
their country. Migrants had no other option but to seek asylum in their
destination countries. Due to ongoing violence and conflict, returning to
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  55
their home country is not a viable option. In this scenario, it was impossible
to work and live a stable life. He said,

We cannot go back to our country. There is a civil war going on in

Somalia. No one knows about it! In Somalia, you cannot work even for
yourself, because the dissidents will say you have to consult us. You
don’t know where they will get your phone number. If you want to
work, they won’t let you! They will say be careful! They get your no.
and follow you. They say we know all the details of your family. They
threaten us. That’s why I live here. My mother and my two sisters are
in Nigeria right now. They also use to live in India, but they had to go
back to Africa.

The legal status of refugees in India is governed by the Foreigners Act 1946
and the Citizenship Act 1955. These Acts do not recognize the differences
between foreigners and refugees fleeing political persecution and war. These
Acts apply to all non-citizens equally. Under this Act, to be found without
a valid residence permit and travel documents, a person is considered to be
a criminal. The offenders are liable to be punished with detention and
deportation. Moreover, in India, the status of refugees is not governed by
any formal codified model of conduct, but rather by administrative and
political decisions. While some groups are given a few benefits, such as
temporary permits to be legally employed and legal residence, others are
completely denied access to essential resources and, in fact, criminalized.
Somali refugees fall into this category. Since India is not a signatory to the
1951 Refugee Convention, the Indian government does not take any
responsibility for the rehabilitation, resettlement, and socio-economic inte-
gration of the refugees.

Factors Determining Choice of Country: Migration from Somalia

The Indian state does not recognize Somali migrants as refugees. However,
paradoxically, an increase in the pattern of migration of people from
Somalia has been specifically observed despite the fact that the Indian gov-
ernment does not take any responsibility for the Somali asylum seekers.
This brings to focus the question, What are the factors that determine their
choice in selecting India as a country of destination? There has been an
increase in the flow of migration from Somalia to India, even though the
state takes no responsibility for the migrants’ integration. In this light, it
may be relevant to draw a connection with transnational networks and the
African diaspora in India that integrated such as the Siddi, Chaush, and
Hadhrami (Basu 2002). It was observed that many of the Somali migrants
lived in Indian cities like Hyderabad, Mysore, Bangalore, and Chennai
before finally migrating to Delhi. For instance, a respondent who lives in
Delhi said he went to high school in Mysore where he met his friend before
migrating to Delhi. He says,
56  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
I came to India when I was thirteen. I met my friend in Mysore, who is
like my brother now. We studied together. He shifted to Delhi after
finishing school and when I had to move to Delhi I contacted him. He
was living in this settlement, so I also came here.

The narrative shows how networks are built in India which allow the
migrants to access resources and adapt. As highlighted, the previous
respondent found housing in the same settlement as his friend by tapping
into the same resources. This also contributed to the formation of an African
cluster in India which took the form of a community and network. These
networks became support groups. An in-depth understanding is necessary
for analyzing informal networks that are built on the basis of race, religion,
culture, traditions, language, nationality, etc. A connection can be drawn to
the different dynamics of the informal networks that are formed. For
instance, another migrant mentioned how he lived in Hyderabad for six
years. The cities in the coastal regions were preferred by the Somali refugee
families. This brought to light the relationship between ancient historical
migration that took place from East Africa across the Indian Ocean, which
gave rise to the settlement of communities of African descent (Basu 2002).
While his family lived in Delhi, he went to school in Hyderabad. He says,

I first came to Hyderabad to study. I was eleven when I came to India.

Somalia was not safe. We had to shift out of there due to the political
situation. The roads are very unsafe there. My mother, brother and sis-
ter came with me. I completed my education and came to Delhi. I stud-
ied for six years in Hyderabad before I came to this settlement in Khirki
Extension. I consider myself to be very lucky that I stay here with my
family. Everybody is not that lucky. They have broken families; some
relatives live here and there. Nobody lives in the same country. My
mother, brothers and sisters are living here with me.

This brings to focus the connections that the community has and how
migrants move within networks. The narrative provides an idea about the
migration pattern within India. It reflects how migration takes place with
family as well as on the basis of community networks. The narratives help
to reflect and understand the lived experiences of migrants from the home
country to the country of destination. Further, it helps to understand inter-
nal migration patterns. However, the resources under which the Somali
migrants live in India are extremely scarce. Apart from economic challenges,
they also face discrimination based on religion, race, and class. The Somali
community is extremely vulnerable and faces social exclusion and isolation.
Moreover, Somali women face even more extreme forms of marginalization
and isolation due to the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and religion.
They live in a community within the African cluster in India which is
socially and spatially segregated. Given this background, one tends to won-
der why Somalis are seeking asylum in India despite these discriminations.
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  57
However, informal networks help in building support. While there is no
state support, informal networks become useful. Moreover, it becomes sig-
nificant to understand the role of international institutions in handling ref-
ugee migration. The claim that economic hardship is the leading cause of
forced migration is refuted by UNHCR data. A comparative analysis is
conducted among numerous factors, and based on evidence, it is determined
that generalized violence causes more forced migration than human rights
violations. Ethnic rebellion plays a major role in the migration of small
groups, etc. (Schmeidl 1997).

Somali Refugees and the UNHCR

In general, host countries face difficulties in “policy making, directions, exe-
cution, and legitimacy” due to a significant increase in the flow of refugees.
This is where the role of international organizations like UNHCR, United
Nations Children’s Fund, World Food Program, Amnesty International, and
Red Cross Society comes into play (Gordenker 1983). In India, Somali
migrants live as asylum seekers and refugees. They get a few benefits from
UNHCR. The role of UNHCR is essential to analyze in the integration
process. While the Indian government does not recognize the refugee status
of the Somalis, the UNHCR is giving them basic assistance on humanitarian
grounds. The UNHCR makes limited provisions in education, health care,
and employment for those who are identified as refugees. As a result, the
children of the Somali refugees are allowed to attend government schools.
However, this is only limited to those who are identified as persons of con-
cern. Moreover, the majority of refugees do not have awareness about the
different schemes that can support them and hence are not able to access
programmes offered by UNHCR. But to facilitate education, the UNHCR
makes reimbursements for textbooks, uniforms, and transportation. The
reason it provides access to government schools in India is because the
schools are subsidized. Secondly, to provide access to health care, check-ups
are administered, but only from government hospitals, which are also sub-
sidized. For these expenses, UNHCR reimburses cash payments against
bills provided by refugee families. Earlier, UNHCR also reimbursed for pri-
vate clinics, but since 2008, it has changed its policy. It does not reimburse
bills for private hospitals, as they are more expensive. But at the same time,
one needs to remember that the refugees face practical and cultural barriers
in accessing medical care (Nakama 2005). In India recently, UNHCR has
also modified many of its other programmes. For example, it has changed
its model from providing regular subsistence allowance to promoting skill
training and job placement programmes for refugee livelihood. Third, in
providing employment opportunities, it runs programmes that can help to
generate a minimum income to pay rent for housing and other basic needs.
Somalis generally pay a rent of rupees 4,000–5,000 per month for one-
room apartments in Delhi, which they share. As mentioned earlier, a major-
ity of Somali refugees include women and children. For instance, one of the
58  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
families observed was composed of one elderly lady, with her daughter, who
had three children. The daughter worked in the Don Bosco Ashalayam
(DBA) training centre and earned 11,000 rupees a month. This income is
not sufficient; hence, there is a high dependency on the community for basic
costs and expenses. The Somali community in India supports each other in
the provision of basic needs. This is the reason why refugee families prefer
to live in the same settlement and on sharing basis, as one stream of income
is not sufficient for their survival. They live under extreme conditions of
poverty.

Somali Refugees and the Indian Government

The Indian government, unfortunately, does not have a uniform policy for
the rehabilitation of all refugee groups; hence, it adopts differential treat-
ment towards different refugee groups. A few refugee groups are given sub-
sidies based on India’s relationship with the country of origin. For example,
Tibetan refugees are provided with a few subsidies by the Indian govern-
ment. As a result of its ad hoc approaches and politico-administrative deci-
sions for temporary relief of refugees facing crises, India does not have a
uniform policy for all refugee groups. This gives rise to differential treat-
ment. But India also does not interfere with the functioning of UNHCR
providing aid to the refugees. According to UNHCR (2011), there are many
refugee groups that are present in India, such as refugees from Afghanistan,
Myanmar, and Somalia. The Somalis apply for refugee status with the help
of UNHCR. In India, as mentioned earlier, they receive education in govern-
ment schools at the elementary and higher secondary levels. But the govern-
ment of India does not recognize them officially. It does not recognize them
with a status of refugees, as it puts additional economic pressure on the
government. On receiving refugee status, the government would have to
provide subsidies directly, which at the moment are provided by the
UNHCR. This is the reason why the Indian government is not proactive in
helping them to settle. Hence, their status in India becomes illegal. Many
respondents cited that they experienced delays in government procedures.
So, eventually, they have to leave, looking for opportunities in other coun-
tries. But some of them do continue to live in the country, but their status is
considered illegal, which makes their everyday experience even more pre-
carious. They find jobs with great difficulty. Some of them work as labour-
ers in kitchens. They work under exploitative conditions and accept
whatever they are paid. This makes their economic condition precarious
because either they have to accept the exploitative working conditions or
leave the country. Such conditions make their experiences fraught with vio-
lence and exploitation. Moreover, they also face racial discrimination. One
of the respondents cited that he felt on coming to India his problems would
end, but instead he feels that now his problems have increased. The respond-
ents explained that it was impossible to survive alone and without the sup-
port of the Somali community living in an informal settlement, as they share
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  59
rents, electricity bills, etc. This also contributes as a major reason for the
growth of informal work and business activities regarded as illegal by the
government. This is one of the main reasons why there is always suspicion
of migrants living in India. A common stereotype is that they are involved
in drugs. They keep a low profile so that they do not get into trouble with
the police, who keep asking them for documents. The situation for Somali
refugees in India is ambiguous. They face challenges at multiple levels. They
have very limited employment opportunities in India.
The government does not allow them the right to work, even if they have
residence permits. Some get work permits only if they are recognized as
refugees by UNHCR. However, a few non-governmental organizations
working in partnership with UNHCR generate employment based on pro-
jects. The Somali refugees work as translators. They also work in the craft
sector, which has a niche market, but it is not lucrative. Making products
such as candles, notebooks, jute bags is income generating. In Delhi, DBA
is helping Somali refugees. In addition, the Young Men’s Christian
Organization also provides youth training for vocational jobs. The Social
and Legal Information Centre provides help and legal advice. Many of the
Somalis living in Delhi get jobs in the UNHRC on projects related to com-
munity development programmes. Working as interpreters is a part of the
many UNHRC jobs offered to the refugee community. Working as inter-
preters as mentioned was also a common job preference, but not all refu-
gees could get these jobs. Many migrants came here for medical health-care
reasons, and so a few of the migrants worked as translators in Max
Hospital, as they did not have work permits. Medical health-care and edu-
cation acted as major pull factors for the migrants. Interestingly many of
the Somali migrants were going to cities in South of India to pursue their
education, such as Hyderabad, Bangalore, and Mysore. They were able to
build social networks through the common schools they went to. In fact, as
mentioned earlier, one of the migrants was able to find housing in Delhi
based on the fact that he had met his friend in South of India where their
friendship grew. They played football together and built strong unity and
solidarity that allowed him to come to Delhi and settle down more easily.
He also discussed how he preferred to live with his friend, as he felt safer.
They were also able to cook food together as they discussed how they
missed the native food. One of the Somali respondents cited that he prefers
to live in Delhi more than any other city in India. Many of the Somali ref-
ugees living in Delhi speak Hindi. English is also spoken but many of the
refugees have to learn the language to assimilate as they have no other
choice. In fact, it was observed that while talking to shopkeepers at the
local grocery store, the Somalis could bargain and communicate quite
smoothly in Hindi. Children walking with their mothers in the market also
picked up Hindi. So this brought to attention the fact that since the govern-
ment did not help with the rehabilitation process, the role of family and
community became significant as they helped each other to settle and adapt
to the new country and culture.
60  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
This discussion brings to focus two points. First, how an assimilation
effort was made by the Somalis to adapt to the new way of life and culture.
Many Somali refugees made an effort to learn Hindi. They also adapted to
the food by making common linkages and associations with Indian food.
They missed the food from their own country but adapted nonetheless.
Second, simultaneously there was also an effort to build a community and
create a collective consciousness. For instance, some of the Somalis in the
neighbourhood cooked food and bought groceries. Somali kitchens in the
neighbourhood were a good example of creating a sense of community.

Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Religion

Transnational and solidarity networks play a significant role in facilitating
refugee migrations. These networks assist with funds for arrival, familiari-
zation with the destination country, and “circumventing the legal proce-
dures” in the country (Doraï 2003). The role of religion, ethnicity, and
culture is also crucial for refugees. In order to understand complex situa-
tions and the experiences of refugees and asylum seekers in India, the role
of religion, ethnicity, and culture is twofold. First, how the ethnic commu-
nity comes together to support each other through the formation of com-
munity networks, and, second, how the community supports itself in times
of antagonism in the host society, such as local community violence and
reactions. The refugees encounter varied experiences of othering, discrimi-
nation, and exclusion which they withstand together. Moreover, the process
of building networks through religion is also essential to highlight. Religion
plays an important role for refugees. First, it helps refugee groups form
strong bonds and networks. These informal networks come into use during
advice and support related to the migration process. It provides the oppor-
tunity to inquire about future prospects and possible transit routes. In the
case of Somali refugees, many of them considered India as a transit country
to move to first-world countries like Canada, the United Kingdom, and the
United States. For instance, in one of the cases, it was observed that a Somali
migrant wanted to move out of India and shift to the United States because
his uncle was there who had agreed to support him. Moreover, his own
family agreed to help him from Dubai with finances and paperwork. There
were agencies in India that helped with the process. Many of the respond-
ents said that they got their paperwork done in India. They had identified
agencies that helped them. They also provided legal help and aid. Some of
the respondents narrated that in India, they could get the necessary docu-
ments and get visas from agencies that charged them exorbitantly but
assured them that the paperwork could help them reach countries in Europe,
the United States, and Canada. The agencies supplied documents and main-
tained migration routes between countries.
This migration pattern is referred as a two-stage flight (Day and White
2002). The Somali refugees living in the same neighbourhood acquire access
to these networks. In fact, a large group of Afghan refugees also resided in
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  61
this neighbourhood. There was a strong presence of Muslims in this neigh-
bourhood. During festivals such as Ramadan and Eid, one could find inter-
esting cultural interactions. In fact, during festivals, one could find the
streets buzzing with activity in this neighbourhood till midnight. The com-
munity of Somali migrants formed a tight-knit group, and they made an
effort to congregate, especially during festivals. This neighbourhood was
popular for informal gatherings and meetings owing to a range of Somali
kitchens and informal spaces created by the community for eating, leisure,
and interaction. Through observation of the refugee narratives and their
presence, it was observed that there was multicultural and cross-cultural
interaction. Many of the respondents said that they had Indian friends and
liked being in India. Many explained how these informal spaces provided a
great space for the exchange of ideas. Second, informal networks and spaces
play a significant role in contributing to mental health and stability as refu-
gees generally have a past experience of trauma due to experiences of war,
violence, and persecution. In these situations, the role of informal networks
is invaluable especially with regard to sharing personal experiences with
each other that further provide psychological safety.

Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Family and the

Community
It has been argued that the sociology of forced migration must be “transna-
tional and interdisciplinary.” It must seek to analyze forced migration as a
“social process” in which “human agency” and “social networks” play a
significant role. It must emphasize the importance of family, kin, transna-
tional networks, and economic standing in migration (Castells 2004) ). The
building up of strong relationships in the destination country is facilitated
by transnational networks, which also help during asylum and refugee
application processes. The Somali refugees living in India form a united
group by building informal networks. Since most of the migrants do not live
with their families at Khirki Extension, a feeling of community is created
for those who do not have close family members. In fact, there are very few
migrants who live with their families. Families have been torn apart by the
civil war and political turmoil in Somalia. Moreover, fleeing the nation
implies that even within the same family, there is a disparity in the number
of people who are able to migrate. Because of this, there are only a few
Somalis living with their entire families. As a result, they develop informal
networks and links across India to find support in their integration and also
to provide for their emotional stability. Despite their collective grief over
their country’s civil war, these informal networks certainly help them adjust
to their new surroundings. This is how a close-knit community emerges
among the Somali refugees (Shum Terence 2014).
It has been suggested that war takes away everything that provides a
person with a sense of purpose and meaning, such as family, property, and
employment (Day and White 2002). In fact, many respondents narrated
62  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
that their families were very important to them and expressed their longing
for their loved ones who resided in other countries, such as Kenya, the
United States, the United Kingdom, and the Middle East. Since the begin-
ning of the conflict in the early 1990s, Somali refugees have been arriving in
India and seeking the protection of the UNHCR. They are settled in differ-
ent cities of India, such as Hyderabad, Pune, Bangalore, Mysore, and
Chennai. Among the refugees and asylum seekers who are migrating, a
large number include children and women. In fact, kinship, family mem-
bers, and people from the same community contribute to cumulative causa-
tion in the form of transnational networks (Day and White 2002). This also
allows subsequent flows of migration via the creation of familial links.
Networks make it easier to relocate and settle.

Somali Refugees in India: Lived Experiences of Discrimination and

Exclusion
Somali refugees experience discrimination and exclusion at various levels
in their host society. They have to negotiate marginality and precarity at
levels such as social, economic, and political. With regard to the political
factor, their legal status as refugees in India is not recognized by the gov-
ernment, so they have to deal with fears and anxieties about their status.
They constantly face the fear of deportation, threat of forcible repatriation,
anxieties of expulsion, and detention. This makes their experience more
precarious. They stay very isolated so as to avoid any confrontation with
the local community. In case there is any trouble at the local level, they
know they would not have the support of the police. Further, the Indian
government does not support them economically with rehabilitation and
integration, which makes it even more difficult to survive. Moreover, they
are constantly struggling to assimilate into the local culture but face differ-
ences due to religion. Given the fact that India is predominantly a Hindu
majority, their status becomes more differentiated through religious dis-
crimination. They become more vulnerable to community slurs and social
harassment. Further cultural factors multiply their marginality and makes
them more vulnerable to ethnic and racial discrimination. They have to
encounter many stereotypes and linkages with race, such as the linkage
with the word Habshi by the local community, which has further associa-
tions with negative ideas such as, criminal, dangerous, primitive, and
unlawful. The lived experiences of Somali women are even more complex.
The linkage of race, ethnicity, and religion makes their experience in India
more difficult. Multiple factors contribute to their susceptibility to preju-
dice, including racial profiling and discrimination. First, on account of
their race, they are subjected to forms of discrimination. Second, gen-
der-based discriminations make them more vulnerable, and third, they
experience class-based discrimination. Somali refugees in India live in
dilapidated housing. Moreover, their homes are socially and spatially seg-
regated while they live within an African cluster. As Muslim women, they
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  63
are especially more susceptible to prejudice in a culture dominated by
Hindus. In this situation, their colour, socio-economic status, gender, and
religion render them vulnerable to prejudice. While having to deal with all
these cultural complexities in India, living on a refugee status or as asylum
seekers makes it even harder for them to survive politically. Understanding
their identity via multiple-axis framework, such as racial, class-based, gen-
der-based, and religious-based oppression, made it useful to analyze their
experience. Being Muslim in a mostly Hindu nation heightened their vul-
nerability. Due to these complex interactions, which manifested in not just
discrimination but also marginalization and exclusion, the condition of
Somali women deteriorated further.

Advocating for Refugee Policy in India with Reference to Somali

Refugees
Due to India’s non-signatory status with respect to the UN Refugee
Convention, no comprehensive national legislation exists in this arena.
India, on the other hand, takes a friendly stance toward the Buddhist refu-
gees by adhering to certain international standards. Tibetans’ religious
affairs are handled by a cabinet minister who heads the “Department of
Religion and Culture of the Tibetan Administration.” They are further pro-
tected by the constitutional mandate of “freedom of religion” practise and
propagation (Routray 2007). But unfortunately, refugees of other ethnicity
or nationality are treated differently. India hasn’t signed refugee conven-
tions or protocols, but the existing constitutional framework (right to
equality before law, fair trial, practise and propagate own religion, protec-
tion of life and liberty, etc.), administrative practises, and judicial pro-
nouncements benefit refugees; however, India needs to develop robust
refugee policies to avoid ambiguity and inconsistency in government orders
(Bhattacharjee 2008).
In India, Somalis constitute the largest African community. Somalis who
reach Delhi apply for refugee status under the UNHCR mandate. UNHCR
recognizes Afghan, Palestinian, Burmese, and Somali refugees for protec-
tion. However, Somalis experience the greatest challenges in India. They are
unable to find housing, basic employment for survival, medical treatment,
and access to education. This happens for two reasons. First, a majority of
the refugees from Somalia struggle to speak in English or Hindi. Secondly,
they are discriminated against on the basis of their race. The majority of the
Indian population refuses to give their homes on rent to the African com-
munity and especially Somalis from Africa. Other refugee groups such as
Afghans tend to integrate with the population on the basis of physical char-
acteristics, but the Somali population stands out. There are major stereo-
types about skin colour and illegal activities. In this sense, race acts as a
signifier (Hall 1997). Most Indians tend to signify black with stereotypes
such as drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, piracy, and association with illegal
activities. Hence it is difficult for Somalis to seek employment and basic
64  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
housing facilities. In fact, finding employment even within the informal sec-
tor is difficult, as employers are reluctant to give them work on the pretext
that they would attract police attention. For Somali women, finding access
to basic resources such as transport, education, and employment is even
harder as they don’t speak English or Hindi and, hence, are extremely iso-
lated from the community. They do not have residence permits and travel
documents recognized by the Indian state, which adds to their isolation and
exclusion. Due to this situation, the UNHCR provides Somali refugees with
a subsistence allowance. They receive a paltry sum Rs 2,225 as a subsist-
ence allowance (Human Rights Law Network 2007b). This is given to the
principal applicant. The dependents are provided with Rs 750 for the first
six months of application (ibid). After six months, the sum is also reduced
to Rs 1,400 for the principal applicant (ibid). Nonetheless, the subsistence
allowance is not enough to cover the basic needs of Somali refugees. Some
Somali refugees have even described problems with access to UNHCR, as
they are so vulnerable and isolated. These issues highlight Somali refugee
problems in India.
Most of the research on refugees is based on their prevailing condition
(Aronson 1987; Murshid 2012), solutions for alleviating the refugee crisis
(Jones 2017), refugee family planning (Oxford University Press 1994), and
refugee marriages (Zbeidy 2020). But the refugees’ lives are improved by
the presence of their families. As a “safety net,” it plays a variety of differ-
ent roles in their life and keeps the cultural roots unbroken. However, the
members of the family are constantly at risk of being separated or dying.
The refugees’ agony doesn’t end once they arrive at their destination coun-
try, as they are forced to adapt to their new surroundings. This is when the
importance of family is most evident (Wilmsen 2011). Hence the refugee
policy should take this aspect seriously. The Sikh, Christian Afghan, and
Rohingya refugees in Delhi can explain a lot about surviving, finding work,
institutional frameworks, government support, and spatial realities, among
other things. For refugees, it is impossible to ignore the significance of citi-
zenship and a sense of self-identification (Jessica Field 2017). Muslim
migrants are referred to as “infiltrators” instead of “refugees.” Afghanistan
and Sikhs are supported by UNHCR in their quest for nationality, but ref-
ugees are unable to obtain work permits without a passport and visa. The
UNHCR does not have jurisdiction over this (Bose 2004), As a result, the
refugee policy should prioritize providing opportunities for employment,
as the lives of refugees are at risk without it. Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination Act of 1965 is an important legislation that outlined
the methods for addressing various forms of racial discrimination in hous-
ing, employment, public access, etc. It should be noted that social workers
play a crucial role in achieving greater justice in global and local institu-
tions against racial prejudice. (Tang 2003). Hence, more credit must be
given to civil society institutions and organizations that are helping refu-
gees in their integration.
 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  65
Conclusion
The effects of India’s non-signatory status to the 1951 UN Convention on
the status of refugees are stated here. The non-signatory status has a dispro-
portionately negative effect on Somalian and other refugee groups that are
unable to obtain rehabilitation assistance. In addition to their economic
struggles, they also face racial discrimination. It is argued that Somali
migrants are ‘forced’ to migrate, and as a result, they live in India under
harsh exclusionary conditions due to their refugee status. The chapter
shows how Somalis flee their homeland to escape the life-threatening polit-
ical crisis. As India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Convention relating
to the status of refugees, these migrations are frequently considered illegal
by the government. UNHCR safeguards Somali refugees, but they receive
few benefits. Humanitarian organizations such as Human Rights Law
Networks assist them in rehabilitating and resettling in India so that they
can gain access to basic resources such as education and health care. Somali
refugees are struggling in India amidst the realities of war in their home
country and mental health issues resulting from persecution and violence.
Somalia’s civil war has compelled a massive exodus of people. Currently,
Somalis are one of the largest African diaspora groups present in India.

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5 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters
Locating Housing Segregation, Gated
Communities, and Discriminatory
Practices

Introduction
The racial system impacts residential and school segregation, education,
labour market, housing and mortgage markets, credit, consumption mar-
kets, health services, criminal justice system, and incarceration. These sub-
systems are the underlying causes and perpetrators of racial discrimination.
Hence the significance of laws such as the “Fair Housing Act, Community
Reinvestment Act, Equal Opportunity Act, 1964 Civil Rights Act,
Affirmative Action, etc.,” to limit the spread of racial prejudice cannot be
understated (Reskin 2012). But what happens when there are no laws to
govern and control racial discrimination? Hence the settlement patterns of
African migrants in Delhi in the form of African clusters are identified as a
case study. The chapter further examines the relationship between housing
and African identity to analyze spatial exclusion. It was observed that hous-
ing was a major issue encountered by the migrants of Africa. But why do
the migrants face this particular challenge in housing? Here a co-relation-
ship is drawn between housing segregation and racism manifested through
social exclusion. The chapter analyzes the social construction of African
identity in India and its impact on urban settlements or access to housing.
In this context, the following discussion highlights the ethnographic studies
of the Chicago School (DuBois 1967; Marcuse 2005; Park 1950; Warde
and Ward 2003) and scholarly contributions to the concept of gentrification
(Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Sassen 1991; Srivastava 2014) to understand
the implication of housing segregation. It also analyzes the rationale for the
formation of ‘African clusters,’ particularly in a neighbourhood in Delhi. It
further analyzes othering and its various forms. It also enquires, how race
operates as a signifier? It is argued here that the emergence of an African
cluster owes its rationale to culture and representation of the African
Identity within the cultural sphere. Race acts as a major signifier. Further,
the chapter demonstrates how stereotypes and politics of representation
lead to othering and social-spatial exclusion. The local community or host
society actively constructed the stereotype that if they gave their homes to
the migrants, they would be involved in prostitution, cannibalism, and

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-7
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  69
drugs. Hence, the host society was reluctant to rent their homes to the
“Africans” who were also addressed as “Habshis” in India.

African Migrants and the Gated Societies: Locating Exclusionary

Practice of Resident Welfare Associations (RWA)
In India, the African migrants are residing in Khirki Extension located in
south Delhi within a cluster. This cluster is formed of migrants who have
migrated from different countries of Africa such as Somalia, Rwanda,
Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Congo DR, Cameroon,
Nigeria, and South Africa. The migrants live within their own network groups
and with family members. While the migrants live within the same cluster,
differences in terms of language, culture, nationality, political beliefs, religious
beliefs, food eating habits, and lifestyles are observable. The African migrants
from the same country with similar lifestyle patterns and food eating prefer-
ences tend to cluster together generally in the form of occupancy of particular
apartments and buildings in particular lanes. One of the areas in which the
African migrants are living in the form of a cluster is known as Hauz Rani,
located within Khirki Extension. There is a noticeable population of Somali
migrants living here. This area is also characterized by a Muslim population
living in the locality. Although the African nationals were concentrated in
other parts of Khirki Extension, as well in different lanes, but due to many
ongoing cultural clashes between the migrant group and the local population,
African migrants were made to vacate from those buildings. Further, African
migrants lived on a sharing basis within the cluster. Many of the migrants
narrated that it turned out to be cheaper to live on a sharing basis. The
migrants preferred to live in the same neighbourhood, streets, and locality for
their safety. Cases of abuse and violence were rampant against the migrant
community in the city; hence, they felt safe living in the same neighbourhood
with other African migrants. Over time, there was also a proliferation of
African kitchens, restaurants, boutiques, tailor shops, saloons, barbershops,
and grocery shops catering to the needs of the African community. African
migrants were running these informal business enterprises. For example, the
African community preferred to go to African barbershops, as their hairstyl-
ists understood their specific needs. While there was a clear diversity of cul-
tures, nationalities, politics, religion, customs, beliefs, etc., there was a
common identity that emerged among the African migrants. Moreover, few
African kitchens were very exclusive and closed to the local host population
due to previous raids on the community. Here one could even find the emer-
gence of sub-cultures and a common collective identity. These characteristics
helped to understand the complex process of identity formation and later its
representation. The African cluster demonstrated characteristics of a collec-
tive identity and community; however, this also symbolized social marginality
and exclusion based on the fact that the migrants were only able to find
housing in particular neighbourhoods. This certainly gave rise to the forma-
tion of a collective identity, but this emerged out of discriminatory practices
70  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
of the local community and host society. For instance, in similar studies
shown in the context of the United States, where even though formal proce-
dures were in place to combat housing discrimination, the problem persisted.
In the United States for instance, when conducting research on housing dis-
crimination, researchers typically used the paired-testing methodology. Due
to the lack of identifying housing discrimination with reference to “racial and
ethnic discrimination in the ethnic market,” this method was criticized.
Separate black-white neighbourhoods have formed due to the segregation of
black and white households in the rental market (Friedman 2015).
One notable outcome of urbanization is the formation of community
associations to protect the interests of the elite class (Harvey 1985). Harvey
argues that this sounds harmless until the regulatory practices and exclu-
sionary attitudes of the community associations are analyzed carefully.
These practices indicate a “web of servitude regimes that regulate land use
and mediate community affairs in what often amounts to a form of con-
tracted fascism.” Mike Davis (1990) in City of Quartz, shows that the walls
may have come down in Eastern Europe, but they are being erected in all
the cities of the world, giving rise to gated communities. These practices are
evident everywhere, and even in countries that are developing, such as
Mexico, Sao Paulo, Lagos, Cairo, Calcutta, Bombay, Beijing, and Shanghai.
Similarly, the emergence of gated communities on one side and illegal colo-
nies on the other side signifies the urbanization divide (Srivastava 2014).
Srivastava examines the city through the analysis of multiple conflicts
between slums and RWAs, which powerfully protect the urban middle class.
He juxtaposes the concept of citizenship and the nation-state, the middle
class, and the urban poor to point to exclusionary processes working within
the nexus of the state through power. He analyzes the exclusionary pro-
cesses of the urban middle class against slums via the practices and activities
of RWAs such as demolitions. He highlights this through the discourse on
“the Right to the City” as would Harvey (2007) and Lefebvre (1991). He
examines the incompatibilities between the materialism of the middle class
and the plight of the urban poor in slums.

The African Migrants and Their Choices in Housing: The Rationale for
Spatial Concentration
The emergence of the African cluster was also due to the operation of the
housing market nexus. The property dealers and the landlords charged
African migrants extra rent. The property agents were aware of those areas
where housing would be available for them. They had a close understanding
and agreement with the landlords. In most areas of Delhi, housing was not
easily available, but the housing market and the property agents operated
through a nexus in Khirki Extension. The property agents had the latest infor-
mation on exactly where to search for housing. They had the most updated
information about the houses that were up for rent. So, the migrants were
compelled to take their help as they had no other way of finding houses but
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  71
to go to them. In fact, the African migrants said that the property agents
charged them double like the landlords. Hence, a clear nexus was observed
between landowners and property agents. The property agents were also sub-
letting the houses to the African migrants on behalf of the landlords. In many
cases, the landlord did not even meet the tenants, as the property agents
worked as middlemen. The landlords were only concerned about the rental
income they would get, and particularly in Khirki Extension, they did not care
who was staying as long as they were getting a higher rent. The migrants had
contacts of property agents who would help them with housing. For instance,
if a migrant were looking for accommodation, the same network of property
agents would help them. It was clear that there was a close relationship that
had formed between property agents and landlords in Khirki Extension. The
property agents would inform the landlords about the tenants, and between
the landlords and the property agents, there was an understanding of how
much rent to quote and the scope for bargaining. Mostly, it was seen that the
African migrants did not have much bargaining power. In some of the elite
gated communities, RWAs had taken a strong decision to not give housing to
the African migrants. Since the RWAs had taken a strong decision, individual
owners and landlords who were interested in making money and business
were also threatened by the RWA and hence strictly prohibited. The RWA
would give a warning to those who were giving their houses. For instance, the
president of RWA from an elite gated community in Vasant Kunj said,

We issue a strict warning to the agents and landlords who are giving
their houses to Africans. We tell them directly that, “Are you going to
take responsibility for them?” If something happens in this locality then
we will come to you and blame you! If you are ready to take full respon-
sibility for them, then you can keep them.

Strict instructions were issued to all house owners in elite gated communi-
ties. The role of the RWA is clear in demonstrating its exclusionary practices
and segregation forms. The RWAs play a significant role in making deci-
sions on behalf of all the members of a particular colony. This is the reason
why African migrants become dependent on property agents and dealers.
They have to go to these property dealers for housing options. This high-
lights how clustering was taking place in the urban space of Khirki Extension
due to the exclusionary practices of RWAs and local community in Delhi.
This perspective brings back the focus on Harvey (2007), who argues that
the exclusionary practices of associations imply exclusion and exclusionary
urban policies adopted by the dominant society. Racial systems impact var-
ious other systems like housing, health, employment, and access to public
spaces (Mathew 2017; Reskin 2012; Small and Pager 2020). They argue
how these systems are the causes and the perpetrators of racial discrimina-
tion, othering, and social-spatial exclusion. Harvey argues that in cities of
the third world, there is something different that is going on, which is a
qualitative shift as well as a quantitative shift at one go (Harvey 1985).
72  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
Accordingly, these cities have gone through even a bigger shift in one gener-
ation than cities like Chicago or London in a matter of ten years. Global
processes have powerfully shaped the urban space of developing countries
through liberalization and privatization. Though an important element
within the urban space of these shifting landscapes is the human experience.
In order to understand urban space, the aspect of human experience in the
urban space needs to come to focus (Harvey 1985). Harvey further argues
that exclusionary practices by communities are becoming stronger with
labour migrations. ‘Urban apartheid’ as an example throws light on the
oddities that continue in the new age in different forms. Urban formations
are shaping up through exclusionary practices of the new elites. New forms
of exclusionary practices are taking place through formations of associa-
tions or communities to protect the interests of a ‘particular class and com-
munity.’ In this regard he argues,

[O]ver 32 million people in the United States currently live in a residen-

tial community associations and more than half of the housing cur-
rently on the market in the fifty largest metropolitan areas in the United
States and nearly all new residential development in California, Florida,
New York, Texas, and suburban Washington, D.C. is governed by a
common-interest community, a form of residential community associa-
tion in which membership is mandatory.
(Harvey 1996)

Chicago School and the Study on Race: Locating Race and

Re-reading Housing Segregation
As mentioned earlier, there has been an emergence of African clusters in
Delhi. This emergence of African clusters can be attributed to a large num-
ber of factors. But there are only a few studies that link ‘race’ with ‘housing
patterns.’ Since there has not been any work on contemporary settlement
patterns of African migrants in India, the chapter draws from the studies on
ghettos and racial clusters of ethnic minorities in the United States.
The study of Black Philadelphia pioneered by W.E.B. DuBois formed the
crucial component for Chicago School scholars to take up critical studies on
racial minorities and the process of exclusion. DuBois’s The Philadelphia
Negro made an important impact on earlier theories that were laden with
stereotypes and negative images of black life. His work laid the foundation
for empirical work and arguments for democratization during the early
twentieth century. In his work on ‘the veil,’ he literally unveiled racial dual-
ism (DuBois 1967). His work is known for pragmatism and empirical knowl-
edge also giving rise to pragmatist Philosophy. Influenced by this pragmatism,
Chicago School scholars also produced a large body of work demonstrating
pragmatism and made Chicago a sociological laboratory. The Chicago
School sociologists worked on crime, slums, and poverty, and the work was
directly addressing the problem of race. Starting from the work of Burgess to
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  73
the comprehensiveness and creativity of Thomas and Znaniecki’s study, the
Chicago School scholars became known for their approach. Their engage-
ment with the problem of race led to the culmination of work by Park on the
different dimensions of race using macro- and micro-approaches (Park
1950). The micro-side tradition of Chicago School was pioneered by Mead,
and it contributed to Blumer’s work on the many symbolic dimensions of
race (Blumer 1958). Chicago School sociologists broke the myth of the bio-
logical dimension of race that had plagued the earlier works on race and
asserted the position of how race was a social construction and not a “natu-
ral” phenomenon. This view influenced the following work An American
Dilemma (Myrdal 1996). Myrdal’s work became recognized and exercised
political influence due to the groundwork laid by Chicago School scholars.
It was due to Chicago School sociologists that studies on race took the
streets and made the streets the very field for studying problems of race,
poverty, crime, and slums. Prior to the work of Chicago scholars, in the
twentieth century, race was still defined through the biological dimension in
the United States. In fact, the defence of racial hierarchy and slavery was
given strength using racial angles. The shift in the perspectives on race took
place due to the growing demands of democracy, owing to the changes in
labour demands; the biological perspective became obsolete. Since the
socio-political environment was changing, there was a wave of anticolonial
movements, spreading democratic demands even to former colonies of slaves
that were considered “backward.” The increasing mobility of both economic
and geographic demands and the First World War brought a shift in perspec-
tive on race. Further, the Chicago School sociologists brought a change in
the way race was addressed in America and, moreover, brought the question
of race to the very focus of urban theory. In fact, this shift impacted race
theories as well as urban studies. The Chicago School scholars took to the
streets and started analyzing the co-relationship between race and the city,
which gave rise to different approaches to urban ethnography. This also
brought a paradigm shift and started addressing racial issues. Further, stud-
ies conducted by Chicago School illuminated the idea of race and its treat-
ment in the urban space. Power, privilege, and economic and cultural factors
defined the politics of segregation. The Chicago School addressed the idea of
race in the urban space and regarded the field as text and the city as labora-
tory, which made its work more empirical. It contributed greatly to under-
standing the city and how it was segregated and divided on racial lines.
Taking the influence from the Chicago School this section analyzes the
co-relation between race and housing segregation in the Indian context.

Othering, Spatial Segregation, and Spatial Concentration of the African

Migrants
In India, the process of othering of the African identity in the urban space
gave rise to their spatial exclusion. The African identity was perceived as
dangerous, negative, and objectionable by the local residents based on
74  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
differences which could be interpreted through cultural factors. This led to
spatial distancing and social exclusion of the community. In fact, this not
only led to the process of othering but also gave rise to racial prejudices
which were further associated with stereotypes such as cannibalism, drugs,
prostitution, and illegal migration. There were many narratives that were
pointing at these stereotypes leading to xenophobia and violence in the
neighbourhood. Some of the narratives are illustrated as follows.
A Muslim local resident who lived in this neighbourhood says,

Yeh insaan ka gosht khate hein! (They eat human flesh!) You know it is
believed that human flesh is very tasty, if you eat it once, you will never
touch any other meat as it is said to be so tasty, that is why these hab-
shis eat human meat. They eat human babies. Once a group of habshis
requested an auto driver to come up and help them carry their luggage
till the third floor of their apartment, and then they just slit his throat
and ate him up! The police came and caught them and put them in jail.
These habshis are like that, they eat human flesh.

As elaborated in the quote, stereotypes became a dominant discourse that led

to the process of exclusion and othering of the migrant community. As a
result, the local residents forced the migrants to vacate their rented homes and
apartments. Cannibalism was one of the several stereotypes that drove the
landlords to forcefully vacate the buildings occupied by the African migrants.
In fact, there were instances of xenophobia that even resulted in mob lynch-
ing and public beating. Another local resident from Khirki Extension said,

I beat one habshi who teased a chinki girl on the road. She shouted for
help and I chased that habshi. He ran very fast. These habshis run very
fast you know. Then I caught him and started beating him, but you
know they have very thick skin, no matter how much you beat them
they don’t get hurt. I had to hit him on his head to injure him so that he
would stop retaliating. Otherwise, no matter how much you hit them
they don’t get hurt. They have very thick skin. I have beaten at least
10–12 habshis.

He further stated,

The blood flowing in their veins is very different. These guys just get
drunk and enjoy themselves, what all they eat, they don’t have any
other work except to eat, drink and enjoy. They don’t work even in
their own countries, they are not use to doing any work, they do fraud,
wrong business, sell drugs and enjoy. Their business is sinful.

It was surprising that the local community was so xenophobic towards the
migrant community. In fact, this process not only created cultural differ-
ences leading to violence but also created the very conditions for the
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  75
formation of an African cluster. There were stereotypes about drugs, alco-
hol, and prostitution. The local residents wanted to keep a distance from
the migrants as they believed they were involved in drug peddling. A local
shopkeeper said,

At night, after 11:00 p.m. if you come out any time till 2:00–3:00 p.m.,
you find them drunk on the roads. This neighbourhood gets very loud
and the streets become very bad at night. You cannot come out because
they are fighting, shouting and screaming. They fight and make a lot of
noise. Our women and children are very scared of them. Who wants to
have such elements in their neighbourhoods, you tell me? We are very
unhappy. They listen to loud music. They don’t sleep. They are awake
all night. They sleep in the day and make noise at night. They are drink-
ing and smoking. They even sell drugs to other people in our locality. I
have a daughter and a son. They are seeing all this in the neighbour-
hood. This is what they are going to learn and pick up! What they see!

These images and representations were indicated by the local community.

Unfortunately, this also took the form of a midnight raid1 on the African
community in Khirki Extension in the year 2014, by the Delhi law minister.
He is still standing trial for this unwarranted raid. These processes led to the
social and spatial exclusion of the migrant community from urban neigh-
bourhoods. Moreover, there were also speculations about their illegal
migration status.
A local property agent said,

The Africans overstay their visas and some of them engage in illegal
activities. Half of the Africans in Khirki are staying illegally. They lose
their passports and don’t have valid documents. That is why they pay
extra money because everyone knows that they are staying here ille-
gally. As property dealers we don’t ask them for papers. That’s how the
deals are made. They know and we know—that they are staying here
illegally, so that’s how it goes! Nobody likes them!

Conflation of the African Identity, Racial Discrimination, and Housing

The local community said that they used police force and threats to keep
the African migrants in check. But still, they were very unhappy that the
police acted very slowly towards their complaints about their illegal activi-
ties. While on the other hand, the migrants experienced various forms of
discrimination due to stereotypes and racial prejudices like “all Africans do
illegal business.” They felt that their identity was conflated at many levels.
Many of the migrants said that they tried their best to cooperate with the
local community, but still, local people did not like them. For instance, one
of the Somali migrants said that he came to India seeking a “peaceful and
stable” country and for a better life. He escaped the conflict in his home
76  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
country thinking it would bring an end to his troubles, but upon coming
here, he encountered a new set of problems. One Somalia migrant stated
that, in January 2014, he opened a small shop in Khirki Extension. However,
he mentioned that dealing with the police was extremely difficult for him.
The police had the reputation of coming for regular ‘raids’ of their enter-
prises, shops, and salons, claiming that they were illegal enterprises. He
further stated that the midnight raid had drastically hit his business, as the
number of regular customers dropped sharply. The African migrants felt
that the local community did not shy away from taking advantage of their
status and disposition in society. They felt that they were overcharged, dis-
criminated, and exploited in multiple ways. They had to pay extra rents and
higher prices for commodities and services. Another Somali migrant out-
lined the rip-offs that they had to experience in the city, he says,

All the auto drivers take advantage. They take you here and there. Then
they charge you more money. They take us on longer routes and pre-
tend that they don’t know the way, or pretend that they cannot under-
stand us. I speak in Hindi now and can explain directions, but still he
doesn’t understand. Then in the middle of the road, he starts shouting.
But now I can bargain. I can tell when he is trying to dupe me. I don’t
pay him because I know that the price is 50% less than what he asks.

It is important to note that the local community lacked awareness regarding

the status of refugees and asylum seekers in India. Very few local residents
were aware of the political situation in Somalia and why Somalis were
migrating to India. It was based on a lack of understanding about the legal
status of refugees and asylum seekers in India that the auto-rickshaw driv-
ers, property dealers, and landlords were calling them illegal migrants. And
this gave them a reason for demanding higher prices because they believed
that all the African migrants were staying illegally in India. It can be argued
that because the local community was perceiving the African identity to be
dangerous, illegal, and sinful, racial prejudice was increasing. More impor-
tantly, race became a signifier for illegal activities like drugs, prostitution,
cannibalism, and illegal migration. Racial prejudice had started to impact
the African community and their chances of getting housing in most of the
gated societies.

The Politics and Economics in Exclusionary Practices: Why the Migrants

Found Housing in These Irregular and Unauthorized Localities?
Exclusionary practices in the host societies have resulted in the formation of
gated communities and ethnic-racial clusters. This could be understood in
the context of the formation of African clusters, particularly in Khirki
Extension of South Delhi, India. However, it may be noted that the forma-
tion of African clusters gave rise to major changes in the local political
economy, particularly of Khirki Extension. In the 1990s, rapid changes
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  77
could be observed due to the New Economic Reforms and changes in urban
policy and governance. Privatization, liberalization, and globalization gave
rise to changes in real estate and growth in the housing sector. A rise in
demand for housing made by private real estate owners began to take place
rapidly in Khirki Extension. This particular urban region witnessed changes
in transportation with the emergence of commercial activity in not only the
surrounding area but also within the neighbourhood itself, making this
urban area a perfect hub for housing. Moreover, ever since 2007, the emer-
gence of a grand shopping complex in the vicinity, multiplex cinemas, a
private hospital, and a metro line for transportation made this area per-
fectly suitable for housing. However, Khirki Extension is part of Lal Dora
land, and therefore, housing is unauthorized in this area. ‘Lal Dora’ is the
land designated to the people by the Delhi government for ancillary pur-
poses such as grazing or keeping livestock. Prior to the changes brought
through liberal policies, this area was a part of a village area, and today is
considered a peri-urban area. The government does not permit any con-
struction in this area, as it comes under the green belt. Any construction in
this designated land is considered illegal and unauthorized. Hence, the rents
here are cheaper than in other urban neighbourhoods, as the housing con-
struction here is illegal. Therefore, the drainage systems, water pipes, and
housing structures are shabbily built to house migrant populations. In fact,
with the emergence of the shopping malls and the super-specialty private
hospital popularly known as Max Hospital in the vicinity, the migrant pop-
ulation particularly from Africa gradually started to migrate to Khirki
Extension. The transport and connectivity into the city were also very con-
venient from here.
The process of segregation can be better understood with reference to the
ethnographic studies conducted by Chicago School. In the United States, a
dual feature characterized American urbanization. The acceleration of met-
ropolitan concentration and the spatial diffusion of activities and popula-
tion, with a suburbanization, caused a reduplication of the large city into
new zones. This process captured the dynamics of urbanization. These
transformations had profound consequences for the spatial distribution of
social characteristics. The shift towards the better suburbs, towards new
houses and distant quarters, requiring a very advanced individual set of
amenities and capacities for individual mobility, was possible above all and
exclusively for the new middle strata. They benefited from economic expan-
sion and the creation of a whole range of tertiary jobs, opening up career
possibilities for the whites, and, therefore, making possible the option of
individual credit for buying a one-family house. Moreover, the advantage of
high-speed motor vehicles made it possible for the middle class to live in the
suburbs. The dwellings, thus, abandoned by whites were reoccupied by a
new population made up of rural immigrants, particularly from the South,
and lower strata, at the bottom of the income scale and/or victims of ethnic
discrimination, in particular, the blacks. An examination of non-white
housing showed that within the black minority, the segregating city centre/
78  The Emergence of African Clusters in India
suburb model could apply and that it also had to be elaborated by a specific
analysis of spatial segregation within the ghetto. In the North of the United
States, the further away one’s home was from the city centre, the more one’s
economic level was rising. But the reverse phenomenon occurred in the
ghettos in the South, South-West, and West of the country (Taueber and
Tauebar 1936). Furthermore, Tauber and Tauber (1936) and Stonequist
(1937) highlight that in the United States, suburbanization led to the white
dominant class moving out of the city centre and leaving the urban centre
dilapidated and broken. Racial minorities occupied these dilapidated city
areas. This process led to the case of American ghettoization. This was also
the process by which racial minorities experienced exclusion, segregation,
inequality, and estrangement. While in the Indian context, it can be said that
the Indian elite and middle strata preferred to reside in the gated communi-
ties with exclusionary policies, while the irregular and unauthorized areas
were left to be rented and occupied by migrants.

Conclusion
In this chapter the settlement patterns of African migrants in Delhi were
explored. It was argued that the housing segregation in the urban space is
also accompanied by the non-availability of other basic amenities, which
further gives rise to inequalities and thus challenges sustainable societies or
communities, i.e. SDG 6, SDG 10, and SDG 11. Further, the connection
between housing and African identity was examined in order to analyze
spatial exclusion. It was observed that housing was an important issue for
African immigrants. The relationship between housing segregation and rac-
ism was explored. The chapter examined the social construction of African
identity in India through narratives of the local community building stereo-
types, and its impact on urban settlements and access to housing. The eth-
nographic studies of the Chicago School were referred to in order to
understand the concept of gentrification and to comprehend the implica-
tions of housing segregation. The chapter examined the rationale underly-
ing the formation of ‘African clusters’ in Delhi. In addition, it examined the
various types of othering processes. The emergence of an African cluster
was a product of spatial segregation. This segregation and exclusion could
be analyzed through the exclusionary practises of landlords and RWAs,
which led to gentrification and the formation of gated communities that did
not permit African migrants on the basis of stereotypes. This was one of the
factors that led to the formation of African Clusters.

Note
1 The Midnight Raid: The Indian Express, New Delhi, January 17, 2014, 5:13 am
“‘They Held Us in Taxi for 3 Hrs.,’ Took Urine Samples, Said Black People
Break Laws.”
 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  79
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Part III

Race, Representation, and

Othering
Lived Experiences from the African
Cluster
6 African Migrants and Discrimination
Locating the Intersectionality of Race,
Class, Gender, and Religion

Introduction
The marginalization of African migrants is analyzed through the lens of
structural intersectionality. Intersectionality has been studied using two dif-
ferent approaches: structural intersectionality and political intersectional-
ity. According to structural intersectionality, society has multiple layers of
inequalities, and political intersectionality chooses a set of these inequalities
to be the focus of policies and governance (Verloo 2015). In this context,
the everyday lived experiences of migrants are examined in order to com-
prehend the various forms of structural and political intersectionality.
Intersectionality of race, class, and gender has been used as a method to
understand discrimination in the West (Choo and Ferree 2010; Collins
1990; Crenshaw 1989; Egwuom 2014). Intersectionality is examined
through the lens of lived experience. This chapter first describes the inter-
sectionality methodology in order to illustrate its application. Second, the
intersectionality of race and class is highlighted to understand marginality.
It demonstrates how discrimination based on race and class overlap. Third,
it presents the narratives of African women. African women’s lived experi-
ences have been examined in order to better understand their experiences of
discrimination based on the intersectionality of race, class, and gender. For
example, the local community/host society assumed that all African women
were involved in drugs and prostitution. Because of these stereotypes, they
faced police harassment as well as sexual harassment and abuse from men
in both communities (the local as well as the African). African women
migrants from Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Somalia, Burundi,
Ghana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon,
Nigeria, and Sudan were interviewed. Furthermore, it was discovered that,
regardless of different countries, nationalities, ethnicities, politics, language,
or religious beliefs, all migrants shared common experiences of discrimina-
tion. Fourth, the experiences of Somali refugee women are examined
through the lens of race, class, gender, and religion. The issues of discrimi-
nation and racism in India have received very little attention from contem-
porary mainstream academia. The Indian government, on the other hand, is
hesitant to acknowledge any form of racism in India. As a result, this

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-9
84  Race, Representation, and Othering
accentuated gender disparity created inequality between groups and
impacted the community’s sustainability. In other words, discrimination
based on gender or race can imperil SDGs 5, SDG 10, and SDG 11.

Intersectionality as an Approach
Intersectionality has been called a theoretical “buzzword” (Davis 2014).
However, it is most crucial to understand how intersectionality can be used
as a methodological approach and theoretical analysis to examine inequal-
ity and oppression (Choo and Ferree 2010). While on the one hand, there is
a consensus on using this approach across disciplines as a research approach,
the application of this approach has been ambiguous. Hence, it may be
useful to first clarify the differences in how scholars have used this approach
in their own research and second in seeing how intersectionality could be
used to understand power, institutions, relationships, culture, and interper-
sonal interactions. It may be relevant to understand the use of this approach
in sociological research by identifying three types of analysis of intersec-
tionality with distinct approaches: They are first “group-centered, second
process-centered, and third, system-centered practices which provide a use-
ful framework for examining the global usage of intersectionality, and a
way of thinking intersectionally about variations in political approaches to
gender” (Choo and Ferree 2010:130). Intersectionality as an approach has
emerged as a response to how feminist researchers either focused on one
form of technique or were unable to recognize methodological gaps. It set
out to examine anti-categorical complexity, inter-categorical complexity,
and intra-categorical complexity as ways of addressing social relations.
Anti-categorical complexity emerged in reaction to critics who claimed that
women were underrepresented in women’s studies. Inter-categorical com-
plexity was created to investigate the pre-existing disparities across social
groupings in order to comprehend their connection. Intra-categorical com-
plexity was created to examine cases in detail in order to comprehend “nar-
rative and theoretical interventions.” Recent studies on intersectionality
approaches have been examining the differences between the older and
contemporary domains of intersectionality. Intersectionality has been an
important anti-racist and feminist approach to understanding marginality.
In the light of anti-racist and feminist studies, feminist scholars argue that
any theory that fails to include the specific way in which women are subju-
gated would necessarily fall short in its analysis because the intersectional
experience is bigger than the sum of racism and sexism (Crenshaw 1989).
Thus, intersectionality frameworks must be utilized as the very foundation
for translating women’s experiences and also the black experience into tan-
gible demands that must be rethought and recast in order to include the
experiences and concerns of black women in feminist theory and anti-racist
policy. Crenshaw argues that “because the intersectional experience is
greater than the sum total of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not
take intersectionality into account cannot address the particular manner in
 African Migrants and Discrimination  85
which black women are subordinated” (Crenshaw 1989). Thus, for feminist
theory and anti-racist policy discourse to embrace the experiences and con-
cerns of black women, the entire framework has to be used as a basis for
translating “women’s experience” or “the black experience” into concrete
demands. She further highlights how single-axis frameworks in anti-racist
policies and feminist theory further marginalize black women. She argues
that black women have been excluded from feminist theory and anti-racist
policy discourse because of their overlapping experiences that were not ade-
quately reflected, and the experience of that intersection amounts to double
or treble the experience of discrimination. Thus, she claims that this frame-
work should be used to address a wide variety of issues since the restricted
scope of analyzing prejudice tends to marginalize individuals who do not
fall into neatly circumscribed categories. Using anti-racist politics and fem-
inist philosophy, she argues that racism and sexism can be addressed more
comprehensively. She argues that unfortunately anti-racist politics and fem-
inist philosophy have been structured around racism as it is experienced by
black men or/black middle-class men, and sexism as it is experienced by
white women. In this regard, the single-axis approach further marginalizes
black women in movements and campaigns that claim to be part of a single
community by making it more difficult to eradicate racism and sexism.
Feminist scholars argue that from its epistemological origin, intersection-
ality thus, has a twofold connection and suggests a dynamic relationship
between theory and empirical data: firstly, it developed as a challenge to
hegemonic imaginations and social theories through deeply grounded per-
sonal social experiences of black feminists. Seen from this view, it motivates
researchers to use their embodied feelings and experiences for academic
knowledge production. Secondly, as a critical theoretical concept, it also
helps to reflect upon hegemonic imaginations in the field (and in our own
thinking; Egwuom 2014). It is because of this dynamic and twofold connec-
tion to reflexivity that intersectionality is a particularly useful concept in
research on identity, difference, and inequality. Recently, scholars have
pointed out that intersectionality has emerged as an important paradigm
that examines multiple levels of discrimination at the institutional level and
at the level of representation (Chow 2011; Helma 2015; Verloo 2015).

Intersectionality of Race and Class: Mapping the Hostile

Treatments towards African Migrants
Discrimination based on race and class was highlighted by African migrants
living in the African cluster in Khirki Extension. Firstly, the respondents
said that they had to face more instances of discrimination, as they were
often stereotyped for being drug peddlers in urban neighbourhoods such as
Khirki Extension and, more generally, in India. This became a major reason
for facing racial profiling and discrimination at airports and housing local-
ities in India. They faced racism from the local community, state authori-
ties, and the police. Secondly, the African community was facing
86  Race, Representation, and Othering
discrimination based on their identity, as it was associated with stigma, and
this gave rise to additional problems and cultural differences, which trans-
lated to negative attitudes, ideas, and images, produced and circulated via
media. Race had become a signifier. Using this analysis and framework,
incidents of racism on streets and public spaces in India have been ana-
lyzed. In this regard, one of the respondents referred to an incident of three
African boys travelling in a metro. He outlined the biasness of the people
towards them. He says,

They were in the metro when some people started accusing them of
teasing a girl. They had not teased the girl and no evidence was found
on CC TV footage. But the Indians accused them and started beating
them violently. The people in the metro coach ganged up on them.
When the three boys tried to escape from the metro coach, people from
outside caught them and joined them in the public lynching. The boys
somehow managed to get on top of a Police booth to save themselves
but no police official came to help them! They were standing on top of
the booth and people were screaming and shouting from below. A
police official came to the scene, instead of stopping the crowd and
controlling the mob, he just smirked and left. The mob continued to
beat the boys. The African boys screamed for help and begged the peo-
ple to stop. No police intervention! Is this the way to treat us? This is
the way the public in India gets together in beating and lynching. We
feel so scared! The three boys had serious injuries and no complaint
was filed against the public who beat them. Such incidences make us
even more aware of the discrimination. How can we forget this?

The respondent was from Kenya. He had come to India to pursue his edu-
cation. He talked about the incident of the three African boys getting beaten
up at the Rajiv Chownk Metro Station,1 as it had really disturbed him. He
suggested that this incident clearly reflected racism. Another student from
Nigeria also outlines the experience of harassment in public spaces,
He says,

In India there is a lot of racism. In university campus spaces the racism

is not there as much as there is on the streets outside in Delhi. The
streets are filled up with people calling us all sorts of names like habshi
and abusing us in Hindi. Over time I have started understanding the
abusive words used for us. We don’t say anything to people while walk-
ing on streets, but as we walk there are people commenting and staring
at us all the time. We have started ignoring it now as there is no point
in fighting. It’s better to ignore the comments as you never know the
street mentality and the mob mentality. They can group together and
beat you at any time and the police won’t do anything. They only stand
on the side and laugh. When you run to them for help, they don’t regis-
ter your complaints. In fact, they harass us even more by asking us all
 African Migrants and Discrimination  87
sorts of questions. They think we are wrong so we have even stopped
going to the police. However, in the campus the atmosphere is much
more friendly. People stare at us but no one says anything.

On contrary, not all migrants from Africa face discrimination. A respondent

from Kenya stated the privileges that are associated with being a student at
a central university. He says,

Many African students get ICSSR scholarship of 25,000 rupees who

are studying in Central Universities like JNU and Delhi University. They
don’t need to raise any problems because they are comfortable and
pampered. The ministers take them out for lunch so they never raise
grievances. They hardly report any problems, as they are safe in their
university campuses. On the University campus, they live with the intel-
lectuals and privileged class. They have access to good food, money and
comfort. They never have any problems.

Simultaneously, the class hierarchy among African migrants is also estab-

lished. A migrant woman said,

I came to Max hospital, but I do not expect to receive treatment. It is

too expensive. Ours is a large family. Children require funds for their
education, and we require funds to survive in India. The treatment at
Max hospital would cost between 15 and 20 lakhs, and I cannot afford
it. We have a Somali community in Khirki that can help, but the state
does not provide us with any assistance and protection. UNHCR pro-
vides us with a refugee card, so we try to survive in limited resources.

As a result, it is critical to conduct an intersectional analysis in order to

investigate the factors that contribute to discrimination. The migrants
implied the differential ways through which people of different classes and
races face hostility and discrimination. They stated that incidents were part
of the everyday lived experiences of the African community in India. They
faced racial violence on the streets. But interestingly a respondent suggested
that the upper-class black men such as the African diplomats working in the
embassy did not face this everyday street violence. They lived in private
mansions and were much safer compared to those living in the African
cluster. They had private cars at their disposal. He suggested that there was
a difference in their experiences. He narrates and contrasts the experiences
faced by the senior diplomats which are quite different as compared to the
general migrants living in a cluster. He says,

The ambassadors, however, are not subject to the same violence as we

are because they have their own VIP cars that are accompanied by tight
security. When they visit malls, they simply indicate what they want
and receive it. When they visit restaurants, they receive preferential
88  Race, Representation, and Othering
treatment, whereas we, poor students, face a great deal of abuse and
violence on the roads, in shopping malls, and in restaurants. I discussed
these issues and nearly everything else occurring in India with our own
Kenyan Ambassador. If you leave the high commission or diplomatic
protection, you will encounter the same problems on the street. The
treatment of Africans by Indians is very poor. I cannot fathom why
people are so racist. Why do people not recognise that we are also
human beings? We also share their blood! At airports, we are screened
as if we were criminals! When I was leaving the airport to travel to
India, the officer in charge asked me to step out of line for a security
check. They repeatedly inspected my luggage as if they were searching
me for something. In fact, they warned others around me to be cautious
around me. My first encounter with discrimination occurred immedi-
ately upon entering India at the airport. On the way to my friend’s
residence, the taxi driver fleeced me. From the airport to the Saket
Select City Malls, he charged me three thousand rupees. When the fare
should not exceed 1,000 Indian Rupees. He charged me triple the price.

This brings to focus political intersectionality that identifies the multiple

levels of inequality and provides the contexts for social justice and also
structural intersectionality that asserts that there are several layers of dis-
parities which need to be carefully analyzed. The experience shared by both
respondents in the previous narrative shows how they faced racism. They
felt that they had to face it more than the ministers. Their everyday experi-
ences were different from the African ministers and ambassadors. There
were differences that existed along the lines of class. There existed a class of
diplomats and bureaucrats working in the embassies of different countries
of Africa coming on positions of ambassadors and high commissioners.
They did not face as many problems as the African migrants living in
low-income areas. According to the respondents, the African ministers lived
in VIP bungalows in government-allocated areas of Delhi. They belonged to
high-income groups with high security, official cars, and servants at their
disposal. They did not face the street violence like the other migrants.
The respondent revealed that there exists a privileged class within the
African community that lived in secure housing. Whether it was the univer-
sity campus which was more secure or the VIP housing such as government
accommodations, the privileged class had fewer instances of discrimination.
He highlighted issues related to class and politics of space to demonstrate
how housing becomes a key indicator of class and its relation to lived expe-
riences. The respondent said that the African diplomats who lived in private
houses in official embassy areas had privileges of the upper class such as
security, and, therefore, they do not experience violence and abuse on the
streets like other migrants of the African community. Therefore, in order to
make these distinctions of experiences, it is important to analyze discrimi-
nation and exclusion through class analysis. In fact, the restricted scope of
analyzing prejudice tends to marginalize individuals who do not fit into
 African Migrants and Discrimination  89
neatly confined categories, Crenshaw (1989). She shows how racism can be
tackled in a more comprehensive manner using anti-racist politics. However,
unfortunately, anti-racist politics has been organized around racism as
experienced by black middle-class men, especially in policy interventions,
which excludes and marginalizes other groups in the scale of life chances,
access, and opportunities. In this context, intersectionality emphasizes the
complex set of relationships between multiple dimensions and subject for-
mations (McCall 2005). intersectionality has been used not only in gender
studies but also in multidisciplinary discussions about inequality and differ-
ence (Winker and Degele 2011). Intersectionality should be used to investi-
gate the extent of marginalization and exclusion. However, actual
investigation and data analysis are required to supplement the complicated
theoretical ideas of intersectionality. So, there is a need for intersectionality
frameworks to be founded on the idea that social boundaries exist and that
categories of race and class are connected on several levels of experience
and representation.

The Intersectionality between Race, Class, and Gender: Locating

the ‘Intra-categorical Complexity’ in Reference to African Women
It is crucial to identify the perspectives of marginalized individuals and
place them at the centre of the analysis (Choo and Ferree 2010). This is
significant because it gives a voice to previously marginalized groups (Collins
2005). Nonetheless, it is essential to go beyond merely “content specializa-
tion” when assisting disadvantaged groups and subgroups. Additionally, it
is essential to analyze powerful groups. There could be numerous global
intersections. It has been argued, for instance, how intersectionality can
throw light on the marginality of different groups to demonstrate intersec-
tional discrimination, for instance, in the case of ‘San’ (Bush) women in
Namibia, demonstrating how their own self-construction makes it difficult
for them to relate to foreign international groups working on indigenous
women (Sylvain 2011). The second approach is “process-centred,” which
emphasizes interactions and social relationships. This may involve a com-
parative analysis of inequalities that examines selected interaction effects
among intersecting dimensions. This can assist in focusing on ‘unmarked
categories.’ This can be used in quantitative and qualitative studies involv-
ing immigrants in global contexts. Further, additional literature employing
this methodology has demonstrated the operation of sexist behaviour
against racialized groups that were regarded as backward. In fact, in this
case, the use of census data for research into the intersections of ethnicity,
race, gender, and class in occupational segregation and disparities between
groups can also be helpful (Bose 2012). Third, the “system-centred
approach” outlines the practise of intersectionality to dissociate inequalities
within institutions, such as economic institutions and social class equations
or gender and family, in order to illustrate how systems produce intersec-
tional effects. This intersectional effect is demonstrated in Globalization
90  Race, Representation, and Othering
and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modernities (Walby 2009).
Several groups working internationally on gender justice or social justice
issues in the global south have employed this strategy.
The ‘intra-categorical complexity’ has been employed to understand the
status of African migrant women in India. Here, intersectionality is defined
as “the relationships between multiple dimensions, modalities, and subject
formations.” In contrast to the dominant feminist discourse, three
approaches to addressing complexities are identified, including “anti-cate-
gorical complexity,” “inter-categorical complexity,” and “intra-categorical
complexity.” Anti-categorical complexity is formed in response to critics
who believed that women were underrepresented in women’s studies.
Inter-categorical complexity was created to investigate the pre-existing dis-
parities between social groups to comprehend their relationship. Intra-
categorical complexity was created to examine cases in depth to comprehend
“narrative and theoretical interventions” (McCall 2005).The African
women respondents from the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension
described some disturbing instances of discrimination that had occurred to
them when relating their personal experiences. In addition, they mentioned
that it was distressing to hear about instances of violence against other
women in different cities of India, let alone to experience it personally in
their own neighbourhoods. They described their personal experiences in
the context of the daily occurrence of humiliation, racial insult, and vio-
lence in India. Respondents indicated that they were affected. To quote one
of the respondents,

When I walk the streets, people refer to me as a prostitute. I make no

new friends here. People are very cruel to me! They refer to me as black
and spit at me!

A Ugandan woman who is 26 years old and works as a hairstylist recounts

the horrifying experience that her friend had in Khirki Extension in Delhi.
In her statement,

During the recent midnight raid, my friend was forced to give her urine
sample in front of everyone on the street. The residents of Khirki
Extension demanded this, asserting that we are all prostitutes.2 This
was extremely humiliating. An attack of this nature makes us feel terri-
ble. I am a hairstylist, I have a job, I earn my living, and when I am
humiliated in this manner, I feel enraged and insulted! People in India
are dangerous and can do anything to us, I feel helpless. They bully us,
tease us, call us prostitutes! Why are all African women assumed to be
prostitutes?

This narrative is illustrative of the anger and frustration that is felt by

African women who are subjected to street violence in the form of accusa-
tions. They had the impression that no matter who you are or where you
 African Migrants and Discrimination  91
were from, residents of Khirki Extension would abuse, insult, and use
derogatory names regardless of the profession or the country they came
from. Every single one of the women had to contend with the same mental-
ity. A respondent from Nigeria said,

Once, as I was walking down the street in Khirki Extension, I heard a

voice in the distance yell, “Go back to your country!” I do not compre-
hend why we are the target of so much hatred. We are referred to by a
variety of names, including Habshi, which I first heard when I arrived
in India. Locals taunt, scream, and yell curse words at us, which makes
us angry, but we ignore them! We are terrified that if we say anything,
they will strip us like they did to the Tanzanian girl in Bangalore. No
one will assist us, including the police, if we are injured. Due to the fact
that we reside in a different country, we are unable to protest or fight
back. In my native country, I never accept insults. I retaliate.

There are numerous factors that contribute to stress for African women,
including adult victimization, employment, and finances, among other
things. This nexus caused women to suffer anxiety attacks and other mental
setbacks (Perry et al. 2013). The local community’s attitudes toward African
women were antagonistic. The African women believed that not even the
police came to assist them in their fight for justice. If there was any instance
of abuse or violence on the streets, African women were the first to be
blamed. In fact, numerous African women reported that police harassment
was a significant problem in India. To escape police harassment, they were
required to pay increased fines and, at times, even bribes. Not only were
African women treated with disdain, but they were also constantly judged.
This brings to light concerns raised by Collins (2015), who stresses that
intersectionality frameworks must serve as the basis for translating wom-
en’s experiences and the black experience into reformulated concrete prob-
lems in order to include the experiences and concerns of African women in
feminist theory and anti-racist policy. Moreover, a respondent who migrated
from Rwanda and relocated to the urban area of Delhi recently states,

The situation for women like me is not favourable. I believe we are

unpopular in this country. People frequently stare at me as I walk down
the street. The taxi drivers refuse to accept the correct fare. They call
you names like Kaalu. They do horrible things, and you cannot inter-
vene. But I cannot afford to leave my one-bedroom apartment as I share
it with my friend because the monthly rent is only 7,000 rupees.
Between the two of us, the rent is significantly lower than in other parts
of the city.

The aforementioned respondent travelled to India in 2011 to pursue a

bachelor of business administration at Lovely Professional University in
Punjab. A couple of months ago, she moved to Khirki Extension in Delhi.
92  Race, Representation, and Othering
She reported that she had endured enough sexual harassment in India and
could no longer tolerate it. She added that she does not believe in contacting
the police. She reiterated that in India, African women were subjected to
constant sexual harassment on the streets and double discrimination based
on their race. In addition, as stated previously, they received no assistance
from the police. A respondent from Nigeria said,

People ask me “How much?” when I’m out in public. African women
are assumed to be prostitutes by everyone. This is how people treat us,
despite the fact that we are studying in India. Even the women of India
refer to us as prostitutes. Each of the neighbours is involved in making
us feel this way. They are silent towards us. They believe we do not
bathe and are unclean. However, this skin is black and not soiled!

In the same context, another African woman stated,

I did not pay attention to vulgar/obscene comments on the roads because

sexual harassment is common in India. I am hearing obscene sounds that
I cannot understand, but I am aware that they are sexist and racist.

African women faced racial and gender discrimination in the form of nega-
tive attitudes and prejudices held by local women and men who believed
they were involved in drugs and prostitution. It was observed that African
women faced double the amount of street harassment based on race and
gender. The local community viewed African women as “prostitutes” and
held a strong prejudice against them. Racism and sexism were both targets
of discrimination. Consequently, the level of harassment doubled. In India,
African women were unfortunately publicly shamed. To illustrate, the fact
that the Ugandan woman was forced to provide a urine sample in public to
prove that she was innocent of prostitution revealed multiple levels of vio-
lation and humiliation. Here it can be rightly said that race, class, gender,
sexuality, ethnicity, nation, and age are not mutually exclusive, but rather
mutually constructing phenomena. Intersectionality is a “knowledge pro-
ject that focuses on power and social inequality.” First, as a study of power
relationships. Second, as a way to analyze social issues. Third, to facilitate
social justice (Collins 2015).

Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion: Mapping the

Hostile Treatments towards the Somali Refugee Women in India
Religion possesses a distinct axis in the dominance matrix, one that func-
tions independently of racial structure (Purkayastha 2012). In this regard,
Collins argues, “Rather than beginning with gender and then adding other
variables such as age, sexual orientation, social class, and religion, black
feminist thought should view distinct systems of oppression as components
of one overarching structure of dominance” (Collins 1990:222). This
 African Migrants and Discrimination  93
strategy has continued in the intersectional strategy. In feminist scholarship,
oppression that occurs within the category of religion is referred to as “gen-
dering within a religion.” However, Purkayastha (2012) demonstrates how
transnational feminists have recently argued against this stance, arguing
that the oppression of religion and race must be viewed through intersec-
tionality frameworks. She argues that the assumption of religious oppres-
sion must be reconsidered. Religion is used to create racial profiles across
and even within nations. The belief that certain religions promote terrorism
and violence has contributed significantly to racial profiling. Therefore, she
argues that religious oppression must be viewed through the lens of inter-
sectionality in order to recognize the complexities critically and transcend
Euro-American thought. The complexities of transnationalism must be
understood across nation-states and also within and between nation-states
in order to move beyond the Euro-American paradigm of “women of col-
our.” In the social sciences, theoretical concepts of gender have typically
been developed in relation to gender arrangements and gender regimes in
white, middle-class European, and American social contexts. This is the
case with Western feminism’s reliance on nuclear families and the male
breadwinner model. In indigenous and tribal contexts with diverse family
structures and relational dynamics, these models may not hold true.
Therefore, the formation of ‘African women’ as a category and ‘gender
oppression’ as a significant type of oppression must be reformulated in a
theoretical premise, and she asks to what extent a gender analysis reveals or
conceals other types of oppression (Oyewumi 2002:2).
Given the methods used to develop intersectionality, this re-formulation
can be viewed as an intersectional move in and of itself, i.e. black feminist
scholars encouraging interpretive researchers to use their own subjectivity,
bodies, tacit and implicit knowledge, positioning, and specific perspectives
(Collins 2005). While subjectivity promotes the development of empirically
grounded, “messy” concepts that can be used to nuance and advance social
theory. It requires an open-ended reflexivity and provides perspective for an
engagement with theory based on personal experiences and empirical data.
This effort towards open-endedness of concepts that critically theorize
structural systems of dominance has become relevant. Such attempts can
point out “blind spots” of difference and dominance and are therefore cru-
cial for reflexive research practise (Schurr and Segebart 2012). Using this
reformulated framework of intersectionality, analysis of the social and
political context of Somali women residing in Khirki Extension within the
African cluster is made clearer. A considerable number of Somali refugees
reside in the African cluster. In fact, Somali women comprise a significant
portion of the refugee population. However, they are typically not as visible
in public as their male counterparts. In public spaces, they wear burqas.
They adhere to rigorous religious cultural norms as well. During Eid, a
similar discovery was made. During this time, many of them observed
Ramadan and fasted. During the holy month of Ramadan, they shopped for
clothing and food, fruits and vegetables for their families and communities.
94  Race, Representation, and Othering
It appeared that religious festivals were occasions to purchase new clothing.
Purchasing fruits and vegetables for ethnic dishes and preparations brought
families and communities together, without question. It was observed that
many Somali women could communicate in Hindi with local shopkeepers.
In the grocery stores, they could negotiate in Hindi. The area, particularly
where they stayed (Hauz Rani) in Khirki Extension, is populated by
Muslims, as a sizeable portion of the Indian Muslim population can be
observed to reside here. In India, Muslims constitute a minority. Many of
the Somali women who reside in this cluster occupy the same lanes with
other Somali families living in the vicinity. Many of them lived with their
children and distant cousins, uncles, and brothers. It was evident that the
family members did not all reside in the same nation. A Somali woman who
was interviewed during fieldwork was living with her two children on a
refugee identification card, while her husband resided in Dubai. He had
married again and settled there. He even had children in Dubai. As described
in the preceding chapter on Somali refugees, they did not want to return
home because of the political climate and civil war. Due to the presence of
a large Muslim population, particularly in the lanes that were closest to the
mosque, the women had adapted to this particular neighbourhood.
The intersectionality framework was utilized to comprehend the lived
experiences of Somali refugee women in India. Their susceptibility to racial
profiling and discrimination was multidimensional. First, on the basis of
their race, they encountered discrimination. Second, they faced discrimina-
tion based on gender and, third, discrimination based on class, considering
the condition of their housing in a socially and spatially excluded African
cluster. Fourth, and most importantly, they faced increased discrimination
because they were Muslim, a minority religion in India. In their case, there-
fore, race, class, gender, and religion rendered them extremely vulnerable to
discrimination. In addition, they were refugee status holders. The experi-
ence of Somali women could be analyzed by comprehending their identity
through multiple-axis framework analysis, including race, class, gender, and
religion-based oppression and marginalization. Being Muslim in a predom-
inantly Hindu country made them more vulnerable. Religion and ethnicity
intensified their precarity. As a result of these complex relationships, which
manifested not only in prejudice but also in marginalization and exclusion,
the situation of Somali women deteriorated further. One of the Somali
respondents disclosed that she was battling cancer.
Intersectionality helps to shed light on social relations of dominance
and power in the social, political, and cultural context in order to analyze
lived experiences. It could be argued that this level of analysis is underex-
plored in the study of the daily lived experiences of marginalized groups,
particularly refugee women. This method illuminates the ‘blind spots’ of
power and dominance. In addition, the epistemological foundations of
intersectionality strongly support the notion that lived experience can
challenge and expand preconceived notions of power, inequality, and dif-
ference. Recently, Verne (2012:192–193) called attention to a challenge
 African Migrants and Discrimination  95
that anthropological epistemology entails: “to try to seriously, holistically,
and intensely understand social and cultural life in the field on its own
terms, as opposed to subsuming it under an existing social theory or con-
cept.” Verne (2012) calls for a creative interplay of theoretical concepts,
close engagement with the lived experience of individuals, and a truly her-
meneutic approach to interpretive research. An anthropological approach
to research entails taking seriously both the lived experience and self-de-
scriptions of the research participants (to the extent that the researchers
can understand them) as well as the subjectivity and bodily experience of
the researcher’s own self, whose cognitive, emotional, bodily, and spiritual
reactions and positionings are central to the research instrument
(Breidenstein et al. 2013). This type of relational analysis sheds light on
the complex and ambiguous set of relationships between individuals that
develop through face-to-face social interaction and are embedded in large
social processes. In this context, the development of intersectionality as a
concept is a significant step.

Conclusion
The method of intersectionality was used to investigate the everyday expe-
riences of African migrants. This chapter defined intersectionality as a
method and approach for investigating the various levels of discrimination.
The intersectionality of race and class was highlighted using this framework
to illustrate marginality in terms of lived experience. It demonstrated how
racial and class discrimination exacerbated marginalization. It emphasized
African women’s accounts and lived experiences in order to understand
discrimination based on the intersectionality of race, class, and gender. The
local community/host society, for example, assumed that all African women
used drugs and prostituted themselves. They faced police harassment as
well as sexual harassment as a result of these stereotypes. Furthermore,
regardless of their respective countries, nationalities, ethnicities, politics,
languages, or religious beliefs, all migrants shared common experiences of
discrimination. Discrimination and exclusion were experienced by Somali
refugee women. The intersectionality of race, class, gender, and religion was
used to examine their experiences of discrimination and vulnerability. It
emphasized the importance of identifying religion as a distinct axis on the
domination matrix in transnational contexts, as religion increasingly serves
as the basis for racial profiling. This is exemplified by the case of Somali
refugee women in Delhi.

Notes
1 NDTV News Updated: 02 October, 2014 “Delhi: Mob Attack on African
Students at Metro, No Arrests Yet” http://www.ndtv.com/delhi-news/delhi-mob-
attack-on-african-students-at-metro-no-arrests-yet-674009.
2 The Indian Express, New Delhi, January 17, 2014, 5:13 am. “‘They Held Us in
Taxi for 3 Hrs.’, Took Urine Samples, Said Black People Break laws.”
96  Race, Representation, and Othering
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7 African Migrants, the State, and
Contesting Narratives on Racial
Discrimination
Locating Critical Race Theory

Introduction
Historical forms of racial discrimination may persist in the form of institu-
tionalized discrimination, including organizational and legal forms, in the
present day. Minor forms of discrimination can have serious consequences,
whether or not the victims are aware of them (Small and Pager 2020). The
lived experience of the African migrants will be analyzed to understand
their experiences of racial discrimination. Violence against the African com-
munity has been widespread in India. On January 16, 2014, the Delhi law
minister conducted a midnight raid on the African community. African
women were accused of prostitution and drug use during this raid. A mob
also attacked three African students at a Delhi metro station on October 2,
2014. Olivier, a Congolese man, was murdered in Delhi on the eve of his
birthday in 2016. A Tanzanian girl living in Bengaluru, India, was publicly
stripped in February of that year after her ‘African brother’ fled following a
fight with locals. In this case, the Tanzanian girl was told she would have to
pay for her African brother’s fight (ironically the man was from Sudan and
not even her brother). She was stripped and paraded through the streets. In
2017, four African boys were charged with cannibalism in Noida. In 2020,
a media post by Darren Sammy, former captain of a West Indies cricket
team, came to the fore when he called out the members of the Indian cricket
team referring to him as “Kallu.” The social media exposure of Indian
cricket team members referring to him as “Kallu” was a watershed moment
during the “Black Lives Matter” movement, exposing racism experienced
not only by African Americans but also by African people around the world.
Because of the severity and magnitude, only a few of these cases received
widespread media coverage and public attention. Regardless, many cases
have gone unreported. Furthermore, the migrant community has asserted
that these are racial attacks. However, in each of the preceding cases, the
Indian government flatly refused to acknowledge their racial identity.
Hence, critical race theory (CRT) is situated in this context. CRT has proven
to be an effective tool for investigating inequality within Western social
structures and social systems (Bell 1987; Delgado and Stefancic 2000). In
India, CRT is used to examine the narratives and counter-narratives of both

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-10
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  99
the state and the African community. The chapter begins with a description
and analysis of the midnight raid. It analyzes the local community’s views
as well as their perceptions of the African community. It then emphasizes
the overview of African migrant narratives as a counter-discourse. It also
identifies bilateral trade agreements between India and Africa in order to
understand the political and economic factors that shed light on the Indian
state and its intent to deny racism in India. It is argued that there has been
a structural and systemic bias in how violent acts against members of India’s
African community have been represented. Addressing racial bias is critical
to achieving SDG 10’s goal of “reduced inequalities.”

The Midnight Raid on the African Cluster: Community Conflicts

and the State
Critical scholars have shown how racism is a part of social institutions, and
therefore, it is necessary to understand race. According to Bonilla-Silva
(1994), racism reflects the racial social structure of society. The racialized
social structure calls for a comparative examination throughout time. To
pay attention to the dynamics of race and racism within social systems, it is
necessary to examine social formation. This is how a structural analysis can
be conducted. Bonilla-Silva shows that race as a category must be under-
stood in terms of how it became autonomous as a category after civiliza-
tions experienced racialized and racist social systems; it must be analyzed as
a category in the context of the social construction of racial systems. In
addition, since race, class, and gender are fundamental elements of the com-
plex matrix of social systems, they help to put the interests of the dominant
class, dominant race, and dominant gender in context. Hall (1980) illus-
trates that expressing race, gender, and social class results in a “complex
oneness.” Bonilla-Silva (1994) contends that the prominence of the category
of race and its study does not diminish the importance of other categories
in the matrix of social systems. Bonilla-Silva (1994), Cox (1945), and Hall
(1980) have shown that race has a significant role in the development of
racialized systems. When analyzing social systems, other systemic compo-
nents and concepts, such as patriarchy and capitalism, and therefore (gen-
der and class), are as relevant. Bonilla-Silva illustrates that in order to
analyze racism, it is necessary to evaluate the dynamics of social systems,
which disclose the nature and goals of the system. This social system
approach to racism will help us to understand CRT in India.
On the night of January 16, 2014, a midnight raid took place in the
African cluster located in Khirki Extension of Delhi. The raid was led by the
law minister of Delhi, who claimed that African women living in Khirki
Extension were involved in prostitution. This midnight search was carried
out without a valid search warrant. The targets were the Ugandan women
residing in a particular building. They were compelled to come out in shame.
They were molested in public. In fact, the police later reported that during
the midnight raid, nine Ugandan women fell victim to the mob. The
100  Race, Representation, and Othering
midnight raid was a manifestation of the local community’s anger and
resentment towards African women. As one of the local residents men-
tioned, the midnight raid was an outcome of the pressure exerted by the
local community on the law minister of Delhi to address the deteriorating
neighbourhood caused by illegal activities. The midnight raid exemplified
this growing resentment, but the locals felt that even stronger measures
should have been taken by the authorities to control the African commu-
nity. A local resident said,

Forget drugs! In these narrow alleys, from late at night until early in the
morning, they get drunk, talk loudly, and after barbecuing on the bon-
fire, litter the entire neighbourhood. They make the entire place dirty.

The statement was made by a 46-year-old woman who lives with her hus-
band in Khirki Extension. The local community felt that the African
migrants listened to loud music, engaged in parties, and consumed drugs
regularly. According to the local community perception, all migrants were
of the same nature, so prejudice existed. In fact, the local Indian community
was incapable of distinguishing between the various nationalities of African
migrants, perceiving them as identical. They were incapable of distinguish-
ing nationalities in Africa. For example, if a dispute arose between migrants
from two different African nations, it was viewed as a dispute between
‘their own’ community and people! The local community believed that
migrants engaged in frequent fights with one another, especially at night,
during which they made a great deal of noise. In fact, following a fight
between two African nationals, a group of locals, including a woman aged
57 and a woman aged 55 from Haryana, decided to contact the police.
Despite their numerous complaints to the local police, they believed that
their concerns were ignored. The efforts of the law minister, Mr. Somanath
Bharti, to crack down on the drug and prostitution trade were applauded
by this group of locals. Somnath Bharti was a true hero in their eyes.
Another neighbourhood resident says,

The police are quick to pounce on the illegal activities of the Indian
community but they take no notice of the drug racket being run by the
Africans in Khirki.

Local residents were extremely dissatisfied with the police. Even after
numerous complaints were lodged against the African migrants, it was
stated that no strict measures were being taken against them. One such
respondent was a 32-year-old stationery store owner located near the
cluster where the midnight raid occurred. He stated that he was thrilled
that the law minister had finally taken action against them. He praised
Somnath Bharti’s efforts in the raiding of the location. However, the mid-
night raid had a significant impact on the African community. Many ques-
tions arose, including why this unwarranted midnight raid occurred in
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  101
the first place and what this raid signified. What effect did this raid have
on the day-to-day lives of the migrants? The African community felt tar-
geted and disliked as a consequence of the midnight raid. They believed
they were not being treated well in India and had expected India to be a
more welcoming nation. In fact, they claimed that they were living in
extremely difficult conditions in Khirki Extension because the local com-
munity did not like them and frequently targeted them. After the mid-
night raid, many African migrants wanted to leave Khirki Extension for
this reason in particular. However, interviews revealed that finding hous-
ing in other areas of Delhi was even more difficult. Their experiences in
India were harrowing, and they described living under a great deal of
pressure in this area. They felt unwelcome in the local community. On the
other hand, the local community had concluded that the entire African
community was involved in drug trafficking and illegal activities. The
local community believed that African immigrants were unable to com-
prehend Indian culture. They should adhere to the cultural norms and
recognize that the Indian culture is conservative, and hence, act accord-
ingly. One of the locals commented,

These Africans! They just don’t know how to dress. They dress inde-
cently, and have you seen their women? Have you seen how they dress?
They should at the very least be aware of the local dress codes; they
should dress decently! The women dress provocatively and then com-
plain about our men.

Further, in addition to cultural differences, the Somali refugee community

particularly faced additional challenges due to their refugee status. They
were targeted as undocumented illegal immigrants, and the local commu-
nity harassed them further. They were under pressure to pay a higher rent.
The landlords discovered a valid reason to double their rent. But following
the midnight raid, two events emerged in Khirki Extension: first, the clashes
and growing conflicts in this urban space intensified. After the raid, the
locals felt a legitimate authority over the African migrants. They could now
blame them legitimately for drugs and prostitution. Although the media
and student groups from universities where African students were enrolled
criticized the law minister of Delhi for conducting the raid, these cultural
clashes continued, and the raid was applauded locally. The African commu-
nity ‘othering’ began to manifest on a larger scale. Secondly, the African
migrant community felt unwelcome by the local community, and the mid-
night raid further discriminated against them. Interestingly, the community
united in opposition to racial discrimination after the raid. They felt com-
pelled to act in response to this racial discrimination. The African commu-
nity in Khirki Extension formed numerous groups, such as African
associations, to combat the escalating racial violence and discrimination.
African associations were established to combat racial discrimination and
humiliation even at the diasporic level.
102  Race, Representation, and Othering
The ‘March of Justice’: Emergence of Resistance and Solidarity
among the African Migrants
This section describes the perspective and position of African migrants
toward the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the light of ongoing racial attacks
and violence. As previously described, the cultural differences between the
local community and the African community in Delhi grew and serious
cases of racial violence arose, resulting in public lynching and mob violence.
In a few of these extreme cases, African nationals were beaten to death. In
2016, a considerable number of conflicts occurred in Khirki Extension
under these conditions. Racial profiling, othering, and discrimination were
evident in the neighbourhood due to cultural differences. The local commu-
nity was outspoken in their opinions, claiming that African nationals
engaged in illegal activities. They continued to express concerns regarding
drug use and prostitution in Khirki Extension. This is also why the African
nationals were subjected to a midnight raid. Although the Ministry of
External Affairs (MEA) held the law minister responsible for this act
because he conducted the raid without search warrants and prior notice, the
Indian government did not apologize to the African community. As previ-
ously stated, African respondents felt singled out and shared their experi-
ences about cultural stereotyping. In fact, the African migrants stated that
they were making efforts to integrate into the local community. In contrast,
racial tensions, racial violence, racial attacks, abuse, public beating, mob
violence, and lynching were on the rise as a result of the escalation of racial
differences. The immigrants protested that they were falsely accused. As a
result of the midnight raid, the growing cultural divide between the Khirki
Extension local community and the African community widened.

The Death of Olivier: The Turning Point When Unreported Racial Attacks
Resurfaced
Although the MEA assured African nationals that it would raise awareness in
the areas where they resided, but no action was taken. This was followed by
the death of a young Congolese1 man named Olivier who was beaten on the
streets of Delhi. He was beaten to death around midnight at 11:30 pm while
waiting for an auto. At midnight, Olivier’s birthday commenced, and at 11:45
pm, 15 minutes before his birthday, he passed away. This occurrence stunned
the African community. It began releasing a series of stories about unreported
and unrevealed racial assaults in Delhi via informal groups, channels, and
African organizations. Using mass media, the migrants expressed their opin-
ions in public. A media campaign was conducted. There were revelations of
severe violations committed by the local community and police. The MEA2
was once again requested to comment on these racial assaults after stories of
violence and injustice against the African community became public knowl-
edge. There were slogans, which were being circulated in the mass media,
such as, “We are not safe, it could be anyone’s turn tomorrow.”3
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  103
The Call for Protest: Mapping the Negotiations between MEA, Embassy,
and Association of African Students in India
On May 31, 2016, a ‘March for Justice’ was called for to commemorate the
resistance to these racial attacks and discrimination. The African commu-
nity in Delhi issued a call for a Peaceful March for Justice, which was
organized by the African Student Association and other independent actors
who spearheaded an anti-racism movement. The names and phone num-
bers of coordinators from Khirki Extension, universities such as Delhi
University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and Chattarpur were circulated.
There was free transportation from various pick-up points which was
arranged for the March for Justice. The news of this March for Justice
spread not only throughout Delhi but also throughout other regions of
India where the African community lived and faced racial discrimination.
Many students from outside of Delhi also came to this March. The call to
assemble at Jantar Mantar was scheduled to occur between 10:00 am and
12:00 pm. This March, however, was cancelled. This was because on the
evening of May 31, 2016, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Nigerian
Embassy, and other African embassies called the ‘March for Justice’ coordi-
nators to cancel the protest. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs dispatched the
police to the location to ensure that no protest occurred. However, it was
difficult to ignore the African migrants’ eagerness to participate in the pro-
test. A student from Kenya stated,

I will fight for the cause of justice! Even if the march is cancelled, I will
go to the police station to request permission to hold the peaceful
March at Jantar Mantar. I have encountered racism numerous times.

A respondent from the Association of African Students in India said,

Our expectations are that when we are coming to study in India, the
people and the police should know about the diversity of Africa. We are
coming from different countries. We expect a safe environment for all
of us. That’s all! Is that too much to ask for!

Cancellation of the ‘March for Justice’

As a result of Olivier’s violent assault and death, the African community
united to form an identity that emerged as a collective and assertive identity.
The ‘March for Justice’ was being organized by the migrants despite indi-
vidual, regional, political, and cultural distinctions. The African migrants
were of the opinion that the March for Justice was cancelled due to pressure
from the MEA. The MEA assured the African Ambassadors that action
would be taken, so they forced the organizers, including the African Students
Association, to cancel the protest. They guaranteed that measures would be
taken to ensure the safety of students in India. One of the respondents, who
104  Race, Representation, and Othering
represented the African Students Association, met with the Kenyan ambas-
sador. He went with an appeal to represent all African students’ interests.
According to him, he had been assured that concrete action will be taken.
They will take responsibility for the safety of all migrants, he said. They will
convey all concerns and issues to the Indian government. The ambassador
stated that if the people had protested, there would have been extensive
media coverage and the news would have spread, so the demonstration had
to be cancelled. The ministers assured the students that swift action would
be taken. They stated that in every city where there was violence, the police
commissioner would personally investigate the incident. Typically, in the
Indian context, a First Information Report (FIR) is filed at the police sta-
tion, and then police action is followed. But the ambassador assured the
student representatives that the police commissioner himself would assist
African students to file FIRs in future cases as promised by the MEA. But
nevertheless, many Congolese students were dissatisfied with this stance
because they demanded justice for Olivier, who was murdered on the eve of
his birthday. After Olivier’s death, the Nigerian Embassy organized a num-
ber of meetings with students, Ambassadors, and High Commissioners
from other African nations. This murder case became emblematic of the
fears the African community in India had for their safety. The ambassadors
informed the African students that the Indian government was also exerting
significant pressure on them to cancel the March. Important to note, how-
ever, is that on the day that news of Olivier’s murder spread, there was a
spontaneous flash protest March. This served as a symbol of African senti-
ment and alerted the Indian government to the anger of African students.

African Migrants and Their Narratives on Discrimination and

Hostility
The African community believed that violence against them was racially
motivated, but the Indian government refused to recognize this. To compre-
hend the state’s position, it is necessary to analyze the bilateral relations4
between Africa and India. It can outline the factors that may affect the
Indian government’s stance on racial discrimination. Though it was a piv-
otal moment when the Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed its concern for
racial violence when incidents were rapidly increasing, the state was com-
pelled to take a stance on the issue because it believed that such incidents
would jeopardize bilateral negotiations and treaties. As it was creating a
negative public perception of India, reports of racial violence were simulta-
neously suppressed in the public sphere and the media. In order to demon-
strate its concern for the African migrants, the state promised that
community sensitization programmes would be developed and implemented
in the urban neighbourhoods where they were residing in order to educate
the local community and the police. These promises were also made in
Khirki Extension, particularly after the midnight raid and numerous attacks.
This was done to safeguard its relationships with Africa. However, the
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  105
state’s stance consistently was that these were simple crimes arising from
cultural differences. These could be managed through local community
awareness campaigns. Even a Tanzanian migrant expressed his displeasure
regarding the efforts of the government. He stated,

Locals take the law into their own hands and begin to assault us. They
believe we have made a mistake. Frequently, the local community
believes that it is their right and duty to punish us all. Some assaults are
motivated solely by suspicion. We may not have committed a crime,
but we are punished for belonging to a community that engages in
illegal activity. For instance, a woman from my community was pub-
licly disrobed on the streets of Bangalore. This is public disgrace. She
had not committed a crime, but was sexually humiliated publicly
because she was African. You may be aware that Tanzanians are very
gentle and soft individuals. They have difficulty speaking for them-
selves! The locals must be punished for their violation of our rights.
But the Indian government makes no effort to control this violence and
help us!

A student from Kenya also voiced his concerns against growing hostility
and violence against African migrants. To state,

When I arrived in India three years ago, I encountered racism at the

airport. The security checks conducted on me were extremely intrusive.
I was instructed to exit the line and step aside. People in my vicinity
were warned to avoid me because I could be dangerous. The second
time was when some Indian boys kicked and punched me in the chest.
The police refused to register my complaint when I went to the station
to file one. Instead of being frightened, they threatened me and said I
could file a complaint against them if I so chose, and then they began to
laugh at me. I requested protection until I reached the main road, where
I had been beaten, but they declined. This was disheartening. I have
learned that if you want to stay safe and survive in India, you must
learn Hindi. The landlord of my apartment in Khirki Extension was
initially very kind to me, but when he overheard people speaking nega-
tively about me, he began keeping close tabs on me. Since then, he
wants to monitor everything, including my food, clothing, and friends.
I have numerous friends, some of whom are also Indian, but he has a
problem with all of them. I have many friends. I am registered on a
traveler’s website called Couch surfing, so I have many friends who stay
at my home, but he keeps an eye on me and tells me, “You have too
many friends.” My scooter is generally parked at the back entrance of
my house. If an Indian is seated behind me, then people warn my Indian
friend to be careful.
Due to my friendly nature, many Indians approach me, but my
neighbours have a problem with me and warn the Indians to stay away.
106  Race, Representation, and Othering
State and Its Position over the Hostility on African Migrants:
Mapping the Contesting Narratives
Migrants felt that the local community could make racial attacks and get
away with them in the current social climate. In situations involving mob
violence, for example, the local community is not held accountable, and no
arrests are made. The local community is not punished for taking law into
their own hands. The African community felt that India should have strict
anti-discrimination laws to protect them. According to them, racial violence
could be controlled by strict laws or policies. The African community
believed that if locals could be legally punished for violating migrants based
on their racial identity, racial violence could be reduced. This reasoning
pointed to two dimensions: first, the state’s role in matters of racial discrim-
ination and violence, and second, the state’s nature. Why is the Indian gov-
ernment not labelling these incidents as acts of racial violence? Another
Kenyan student also shared his experience of racial discrimination and his
agony with the embassy and the government. He stated,

I had written a letter to the Prime Minister in February 2016, when the
incident occurred in Bangalore and a Tanzanian girl was publicly beaten
and stripped. She was not to blame. A man from Sudan fought with the
locals, resulting in his beating. He fled, and when this girl arrived on her
own vehicle from the back, they tackled her, began beating her, and
stripped her naked in public. She was told that her brother had fled and
that she would be held responsible. Following the occurrence, I had sent
a letter to the Prime Minister. If something had been done at the time, I
believe Olivier would still be alive today. We African students are now
terrified by the escalating violence. I want to speak with my Kenyan
Ambassador. I’m familiar with her. I would like to speak with her because
she is unaware of these issues. They are afraid that if we meet our ambas-
sador, we will tell them about our problems. They do not want us to reach
out to them because they are soft towards us. So they do not permit us to
speak with our ambassador. When I make an appointment to meet the
Kenyan Ambassador, I am informed that she left five minutes ago. I receive
numerous calls from the (MEA) office, but I am aware that nothing will
be done. The moment they hand me a glass of water, my anger and frus-
tration vanish. They do it intentionally. Now I tell them no, I will not take
water; I will first explain my problem and then drink water. With water,
they calm you down, which is unacceptable. This is a common practice.

How Bilateral Ties and Economic Policy Sidelines Racial Discrimination?

It is possible to connect the position of the government with the political
and economic ties with Africa. India and Africa have emerged as two major
players in trade of pharmaceuticals and energy cooperation. Hence, the new
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  107
economic policies motivate the state in its position towards hostility against
African migrants in India. India utilizes the sixth-most energy in the world,
after only the United States, China, and Japan. As a result, India needs to
enhance its energy resources in order to maintain itself and advance towards
its economic ambitions. According to Dubey (2016), this was a primary
motivator for forming partnerships with Africa. Indian oil imports from the
Middle East are 70%, according to Fee (2006). Investing in energy assets is
necessary for the future. Hence, India is clearly interested in Africa’s energy
potential in this respect. Currently, Africa, especially North Africa, supplies
roughly 24% of the country’s crude oil needs. OVL “Oil and Natural Gas
Corporation Videsh Limited,” one of India’s biggest foreign investments, has
invested $3 billion in Sudan. Further, it also does business regularly with the
Ivory Coast, Senegal, Egypt, Libya, Gabon, Nigeria, and the Republic of the
Congo. Given how India has oil interests, it is eager to expand collaboration
in refining, storage, and distribution, as well as exploration and transporta-
tion to the continent. African energy is a potential source of energy for India.
This is why India is prepared to offer loans, grants, etc., to Africa since India
needs to reciprocate, and this has to be distinct from conventional export
and import as in the past. This is how Africa and India are forming partner-
ships. The establishment of commercial links with Africa is the outcome of
liberalization. The expansion of the India-Africa partnership is propelled by
the business community. Moreover, economic liberalization, privatization,
and globalization have strengthened ties between India and Africa. In fact,
economic relations with Africa have been established as a result of its grow-
ing interest in business. The business sector is the driving force behind the
development of India-Africa relations. They have been bolstered by liberal-
ization, privatization, and globalization. In this new phase, India cannot
afford to jeopardize its relations with Africa. Hence, the incidences of racial
violence could possibly hinder foreign relations, especially between the
countries of Africa. It is for this reason that the MEA is diplomatic about its
stand on racial discrimination in media. It is also pacifying the African com-
munity in India by reassuring them of sensitization programmes to be run
by the government. This is one of the major reasons why the MEA is refrain-
ing from acknowledging these cases as racial in public forums. It has also
been covering many cases of racial discrimination by stating its position that
all attacks cannot be termed racial.5 It is in this light that the nature of the
state gets revealed as neoliberal failing to acknowledge racial discrimina-
tion. It can be argued that political and economic interests are crucial fac-
tors governing India’s position against racial discrimination. Within this
context, understanding the economic factors and political factors as driving
forces for partnerships makes clear India’s position.

An Enquiry into CRT in India

The Indian government has been persuading in public platforms that India
does not have cases of racial discrimination, and those cases of violence are
108  Race, Representation, and Othering
only issues of local crime. A case such as a crowd assaulting three African
students at a Delhi metro station is not regarded as a racial attack by the
state. The death of Olivier, a Congolese youth, who was murdered on the
streets of Delhi on the eve of his birthday in 2016 is not considered a racial
attack by the state. In February 2016, when a Tanzanian girl in Bengaluru,
India, was publicly stripped and paraded on the streets, this was not
regarded as racial. Four African boys who were attacked in a mall and
charged with cannibalism in Noida in 2017 were not to be seen in the light
of racial discrimination by the state. Thus, it is not surprising to understand
the state’s political-legal position in this context. The African migrants felt
that the Indian state did not recognize racial violence and also did not offer
any legal support or protection. In this context, how do we again revisit the
role and the nature of the Indian state with regard to the African migrants
looking for justice?

CRT vs. the Liberal Law in India

CRT arose from the study of law. It provides a critical examination of racial
discrimination and racism. As a framework for inter-disciplinary research,
CRT has emerged as relevant. Intersectionality, which can also be seen as
closely linked to CRT, demonstrates the multidimensionality of oppression
and argues that race cannot be studied in isolation from other oppressive
systems. In this regard, both CRT and intersectionality emphasize critical
analysis and the recognition of the numerous forms of oppression faced by
people of colour. It is argued that a one-dimensional approach to analyzing
race is insufficient. The beginning of CRT was Derick Bell’s intervention in
the legal discourse. A black lawyer and professor, Bell, intervened by radi-
cally altering the perception of racial discrimination. He argued that liberal
law tends to view racism as irrational and intentional, and discourages race
consciousness. In contrast, CRT takes a radical stance by mobilizing race
consciousness as a strategy for empowering people of colour. CRT emerged
within the context of the American system, where it was recognized how
deeply racism was ingrained in the American system, but it has also been
applied to contexts involving larger social systems. For this research, CRT
served as a lens for analyzing how institutional racism was embedded in the
dominant culture. CRT adherents challenge further law discourse, which
claims to be neutral, by revealing the “legal truth” by examining meritoc-
racy and liberalism as engines of self-interest, privilege, and power. CRT
emphasizes the existence of institutional racism and how meritocracy both
protects privilege and gives rise to systemic inequalities, as demonstrated by
Rabaka (2010). CRT has deconstructed and reconstructed methods of anal-
ysis. In order to comprehend the application of CRT, Delgado (1994) has
outlined several methods for studying structures and systems within its
scope. Counter-narratives have been identified as crucial in this regard. In
addition, the CRT perspective demonstrates how dominant social and cul-
tural ideologies perpetuate racial violence and justify it by empowering
 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  109
individuals to punish so-called potential criminals. In the context of India,
every African immigrant is viewed as a potential drug dealer, prostitute,
cannibal, or illegal immigrant, and the local community members punish
the criminals by publicly beating them. The cultural understanding that per-
petuates racial discrimination and infiltrates legal systems must be under-
stood; otherwise, a midnight raid on African migrants led by the law
minister of Delhi cannot be justified. The relationship between culture and
law is evident. In the context of inequality, structural violence, and social
exclusion, CRT establishes a relationship between urban space, politics, and
governance. Regarding racism in India, the role of the state, economic insti-
tutions, and social systems must be analyzed. While the Indian government
refuses to acknowledge that the attacks on the African community repre-
sent racial violence and discrimination, the MEA exerts additional pressure
on the migrants to cancel the demonstration. Moreover, the incidents were
portrayed as criminal cases, not as acts of racial violence. This invites reflec-
tion on the nature of the state. When the midnight raid on Khirki Extension
occurred, even though it was a case of racial targeting and racial humilia-
tion, the government did not recognize it as such; instead, numerous cases
were filed against Somnath Bharti for conducting the raid without a search
warrant. The police and Bharti came under scrutiny for forcibly conducting
the raid without proper documentation. Instead of apologizing for the
racial targeting of a population, the government prosecuted Bharti for not
following the proper legal procedure when conducting a raid.
It must be noted that because of “government sanction, private regula-
tion, and judicial interventions,” racial segregation in American society was
addressed. Things got out of hand again after these regulatory forces with-
drew their support, leading to a faster rate of ghetto growth in the context
of the United States. Nonetheless support for “affirmative action,” fair
housing provisions, and effective implementation are needed to combat seg-
regation even within the Indian context (Miller 1965).

Conclusion
In this chapter the government’s role in cases of racial attacks and violence
was analyzed. The chapter investigated the nature of the neoliberal state in
order to determine how it protected its economic interests without jeopard-
izing its bilateral ties with African nations. In order to protect its public
image and its own interests, the government portrayed instances of racial
violence as simple criminal acts. The relationship between India’s economic
policy towards Africa and its official position on racial discrimination was
evident. It was evident from the state’s official stance that it was protecting
its political and economic ties with Africa by firmly stating the idea that
there is no racial violence or abuse in India. The official position of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs was that attacks on African migrants were not
racially motivated. Clearly, the Indian government could not jeopardize its
economic ties with Africa and develop a racist reputation. In light of this,
110  Race, Representation, and Othering
the perspectives of migrants were emphasized. They believed there were no
effective anti-discrimination laws in India to protect them. The Indian gov-
ernment’s diplomatic stance on racial violence was maintained. In fact, a
movement against racial discrimination and racial violence arose following
the beating death of an African immigrant in Delhi. In order to highlight the
systems and institutions that perpetuate violence and discrimination, the
role of the state was analyzed through the lens of CRT.

Notes
1 The Indian Express, Kedar Nagarajan, May 22, 2016, Published: 2:03AM
“Congo Man Beaten to Death: He Came to Delhi Looking for a Better Life.”
2 The Wire, May 26, 2016, “African Envoys Threaten to Stop Sending Students;
Indians in Congo Face Backlash.”
3 https://www.facebook.com/peopletree/posts/10154340863981004.
4 India-Africa Summit 2008, 2011, 2015.
5 Indian Express, 05 April 2017, 09:05 pm, “All Attacks on Africans Can’t Be
Termed Racial: Sushma Swaraj in Lok Sabha.”

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8 Discursive Representation and
Othering of the African Identity
Race as a Signifier

Introduction
Race plays a significant role in the social construction of African identity. In
India, the African migrants are referred to as ‘Kalla,’ which literally trans-
lates to black. Another word commonly used to refer to the migrants is
‘Habshi.’ Race acts as a signifier and gets associated with drugs, prostitu-
tion, and cannibalism. The politics of representation is one of the major
reasons for the discrimination and exclusion of the African community.
Even language plays a role in the construction of stereotypes, prejudices,
and biases. Language is a system of representation (Hall 1997b). Language
is a medium for the representation of objects, events, or people through
shared meanings, cultural codes, and practices. Language provides a model
of representation, which constitutes two approaches: semiotics and discur-
sive. While semiotics refers to poetics of language, discursive refers to the
impact of language on people, objects, and events (Hall 1997b). In this
context, the role of language and representation of race and the politics of
stereotype needs to be analyzed. Moreover, the discursive role of language
in perpetuating racism and exclusion is stated. It locates power, hierarchy,
and discrimination as closely linked to language. The conflation of identity
and the role of media in the representation of African identity cannot be
ignored. It is argued that language as a mode of representation, and more
specifically, the discursive aspects of language give rise to the conflation of
African identity and construction of the image of Habshi. Racial inequality
is one of the major themes of this chapter, and a discussion around this can
contribute to the discussion of SDG 10, i.e. reducing inequality between
groups.

Language Its Representation and Constructions: Race as a Signifier

The local community referred to the migrants from different countries of
Africa as ‘Kallu, Kalla, Habshi.’ The word ‘Habshi’ was commonly used for
the African community. ‘African’ as an identity in the Indian context got
associated with the image of Habshi, which further got associated with
connotations like dangerous, primitive, and unlawful. This was the context

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-11
 Discursive Representation and Othering  113
within which race emerged as a floating signifier (Hall 1997a). The local
community used ‘Habshi’ as a signifier to associate it with stereotypes such
as drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal migration. It is in this con-
text that language becomes a representational system. It becomes a medium
for representing people who are given meaning by cultural practices and
shared meanings (Hall, 1997b).
The practice of representation occurs within a “shared cultural space in
which production of meaning takes place through language, that is, rep-
resentation” (Hall 1997b:6). It takes place within shared cultural practices.
It takes place in a manner which does not guarantee that the meanings
would remain stable or the same forever. This is because power also inter-
venes in the form of discourse that leads to changes in meanings (Oncu and
Weyland 1997). In Khirki Extension for instance, even though the migrants
came from different countries of Africa, they were clubbed as Habshi. This
also gave rise to racial profiling. Based on this identity, the entire African
community in India faced racial attacks and discrimination. The African
migrants explained that racial profiling and stereotyping in India were very
common for them. They narrated that the police, local authorities, and local
residents, all assumed that the migrants were involved in illegal activities.
There was a generalization that was made about the African community. It
was assumed that all the migrants were engaging in drugs, drinking, and
prostitution and earning money through illegal business activities. The
question of how race emerged as a signifier became more evident through
stereotypes. Many African women migrants narrated instances where they
were asked, “How much?” The men in the urban neighbourhoods thought
that they were all prostitutes and treated them with verbal abuse and humil-
iation. In fact, this stereotype was the main reason for the midnight raid
that was conducted in Khirki Extension. The extent of this racial profiling
was evident even at the level of the state, where it was the Delhi law minis-
ter who conducted the midnight raid, and without a valid search warrant.
Women were treated even more severely by the local community. This form
of racial profiling also translated into urban segregation and spatial exclu-
sion. In fact, given the similarity of experiences of racial profiling, there was
a unity that was observed among the African community living in Khirki
Extension. Each of them faced similar treatment. Each one was verbally
abused and called Kalla.
In this context, language emerged as a means of conveying a meaning
(Hall 1997b). It became a medium for the representation of people, whose
meaning was further derived from cultural codes, cultural practises, and
shared concepts. The various modes of communication can be viewed as
“working like language.” If one were to comprehend the question, “What is
language, and how does it function?,” language could then be understood
as a system of representation (Hall 1997b:4). Language is fundamentally a
“practise of signification.” For instance, photography can be viewed as a
representational system. It is possible to analyze museum exhibitions and
displays as if they were language. In other words, the display is “A
114  Race, Representation, and Othering
representational system whose functions are comparable to those of lan-
guage” (Hall 1997b:4). Music is analogous to a language. It uses emotions
and concepts to generate meanings. The image of people attending a foot-
ball game with their bodies and faces painted can be interpreted as “func-
tioning as a language” that identifies group membership in a particular
national culture or local community. The relationship between representa-
tion and knowledge and identity is closely linked. How does one become
conscious of what is French, English, or German within this knowledge and
belonging domain? These are known as signifying practises. It would be
impossible to comprehend the “lifeworld” or assume identities without it.
The production and dissemination of meaning are facilitated by language
and culture. Since the cultural turn, however, the traditional definition of
culture, which was ‘things’ that exist in the material world and how they
have clear meaning in the natural world in which they exist, has shifted.
This method of analysis is known as social construction because the mean-
ing of language is examined as being produced and constructed as opposed
to existing (Haney Lopez 1994).
Urban neighbourhoods operated from dominant ideologies and stereo-
types about African migrants. The ‘African’ identity was associated with
drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. This was also the reason why the
African migrants faced racial prejudice. There were stereotypes about how
they are practicing cannibalism. The local residents often put pressure on
the landlords, urging them not to give their homes on rent to the African
community. There were also scares and stereotypes about drugs and prosti-
tution. These were the stereotypes by which dominant ideas and stereotypes
were circulated. In fact, in many cases, all African migrants were assumed
to be Nigerians. In the local community, Nigerians were targeted the most,
as they had the image of drug dealing. All the migrants were either addressed
as Nigerian or Habshi. Habshi had become an identity in itself, and the
Nigerian identity had come to be linked with drugs. This is how stereotyp-
ing took place in the urban space. Due to stereotypes and racial profiling in
urban neighbourhoods, African migrants were not rented houses easily. In
Khirki Extension, housing was available, but the migrants had to pay dou-
ble, while in other housing neighbourhoods, landlords completely refused
to give their houses. Although after the midnight raid, many of the migrants
were asked to vacate by the local community due to growing prejudices in
the neighbourhood. These prejudices grew with construction of language
that identified the migrants as Kalla or Habshi. The migrants also had to
face people’s anger and resentment that came with language construction.
Because of prevailing stereotypes about African migrants, the local resi-
dents were very vocal about their opinions. They believed that the crime
rate had increased, and illegal activities were on the rise in the neighbour-
hood. They were voicing opinions like how their children were growing up
in bad company and influence; therefore, parents were keeping their chil-
dren away from the African community. They applauded the efforts of the
law minister who conducted a midnight raid,1 which the local community
 Discursive Representation and Othering  115
believed was a great move. In fact, it was the local pressure that had resulted
in the midnight raid. It was a group of local residents who directed the law
minister to specific houses, lanes, and buildings in which they wanted the
raid to take place. The growing perception of the African migrants had
become so negative that even the domestic workers in the neighbourhood
refused to work in their houses. There were many stereotypes that were
being constructed about them. A dominant stereotype was that they ate
human flesh, which scared domestic workers and auto-rickshaw drivers.
Such stories generated negative images of the migrant community and
became the very reason for discrimination. There was also a strong associ-
ation of Habshi with immoral and criminal. These discriminating ideas also
became the reason for their spatial exclusion.
There were numerous cultural differences which led to clashes between
the native population and the African migrants. As a result of these cultural
differences, there was a social construction of stereotypes and local percep-
tions regarding for instance, the dressing styles of African immigrants.
‘Africans,’ according to the local community, did not know how to dress
with respect to local cultural codes, especially the women dressed indecently
according to the host society. Through assertion of power it was made clear
to the African women that they should conform to local cultural values and
orthodox sentiments. It was asserted that they should at least be aware of
local dressing standards and adhere to them. According to local residents,
women were wearing revealing clothes. They believed that such attire made
the local boys look at them with lust. In fact, a local resident stated that
African women get molested because they did not dress up decently in the
first place, and, hence, they should not complain about harassment. She said,

The women are not dressed properly. It’s a conservative neighbourhood.

There are children in the area. Why don’t they cover up with decency?
They dress provocatively. That is why men and young boys gather in the
streets to stare at them. I have two young boys and see them witnessing
all this! But what can I do? How can I stop them when the women are
exposing their bodies on the streets? The street culture has deteriorated
to the point where we feel as if we are living in a brothel. I’m not sure
why the landlords are renting out their properties to the Africans!

It is necessary to link language and culture in ways to understand how they

correlate to shared ideas, dominant beliefs and power structures. Locals
believed that the women’s attire violated the cultural norms of Indian soci-
ety, while a Nigerian respondent stated that this was her style and the
‘Nigerian way.’ According to her, this was the normal attire in Nigeria,
where she grew up. She stated,

In Nigeria women dress like this. They wear what they like! This is how
we dress. Nobody teases us like this in Nigeria. Besides, if anybody
dared to tease me in my country, I would never tolerate it.
116  Race, Representation, and Othering
What the local community deemed inappropriate; a Nigerian woman
migrant deemed absolutely appropriate. Evidently, a power struggle could
be understood in terms of control of values, belief systems, and practices of
the migrant community by placing the values of the host society as supreme.
The expectation of the local community was that the migrant community
should adhere to the rules of the host society. Due to these entanglements,
migrants were subjected to harassment on the streets, which made them
extremely helpless. But over-generalization and conflation of identity were
taking place for the African community. It could be argued that cultural
perceptions contributed to the othering of the African community. But it is
in this hostile environment that an assertive African identity began to
emerge against racial discrimination, prejudices, and stereotypes.

The Discursive Discourse on the African Identity: Locating Power,

Hierarchy and Discrimination
There are distinctions between semiotics and discursive modes of language. It
can be argued that semiotic is concerned with the production of meaning in
language, as well as the ‘poetics.’ While the repercussions and effects of lan-
guage and its representation is discursive. Discursive can be understood as the
politics of language. Discursive may be explained as the politics of representa-
tion, while semiotics is the poetics of language, which seeks to comprehend
how meanings are generated. Discursive is concerned not just with how lan-
guage generates meaning, but also with power-related discourses that may
govern behaviour, build identities, and determine how objects should be rep-
resented or conceived. It emphasizes the historical particularity or “regime”
or the source of its force. This is also known as the “discursive” trend in cul-
tural studies (Hall 1997b:6). It is this discursive dimension of language and
practice of signification that led to social constructions of the African identity.
This social construction and representation have had a deep impact on the
African community. The impact of this discursive representation is that the
African community finds it difficult to live in neighbourhoods in Delhi due to
the operations of language, its representations, and constructions. The
impacts of words such as Habshi and their interlinkages made their living in
the city difficult. As highlighted previously, they were not able to find housing
easily in the city due to these stereotypes about them. A migrant from Congo
DR looking for housing in an elite gated community says,

It is very tough to find a house in Delhi. The people are very racist. I
don’t get it why Indians are so racist? I thought it was a friendly coun-
try. But people don’t give us their houses. After the midnight raid in
Khirki Extension many of us are looking for apartments outside now,
people here are very bad! They shout at us, spit at us and abuse us. We
are treated very badly in Khirki after the raid. The African community
is slowly shifting out. There are a few property agents who help us to
find houses, and they charge us double. Usually, they show us houses in
the same neighbourhood.
 Discursive Representation and Othering  117
In the Indian context, representation played an important role in the social
construction of ‘African’ identity. The terms such as Habshi, Kallu, and
Kalla were commonly used to refer to the African community. As part of
everyday lived experiences in the city, such names were common, along
with verbal abuse in the streets. Even in the neighbourhoods where the
migrants lived such as in Khirki Extension, it was common for migrants to
hear Habshi, Kallu, Kalla as names. One of the Respondents from Nigeria
narrated that initially he did not understand Hindi but on hearing the word
Kallu repeatedly, he understood that this word was used for him. In fact, he
explained how Kallu was one of the first Hindi words he ever learnt. The
phenomenon of language and representation can be understood here in the
context of its signification. The operations of language, as in the discursive
aspects of language, help to understand the process of construction, espe-
cially of the African identity. In this case, it is not simply the language and
how it produces certain meanings for actors in society, which are the poetics
or semiotics of language, but the use of words like Habshi or Kalla, which
emphasize the discursive aspects of language. A link could be drawn with
the construction of identity through language as in the Western context to
discriminate against black people, such as, for example, words like Negro
or nigger to refer to people of African origin. It has been demonstrated how
such significations have been used to construct identity within power
regimes that produce particular meanings that reflect hegemony and power
(Bakhtin 1993). Semiotics is not the sole process through which language
acts (Brandist 1996). It is discursive. Discursive is a strategy for referencing
or producing knowledge or practice, as a set of images and ideas that give
the means of referring to or speaking about a particular object or social
activity. They are known as discursive structures. In the two perspectives,
that is, semiotics and discursive aspects of language, language functions as
a representational model wherein semiotics becomes the study of signals
and the means through which culture imparts significance. Hall contends
that discursive forms affect our behaviour in relation to a socially signifi-
cant subject or activity in a certain situation (Hall 1997b). It is fundamental
to its discursive representation, meaning, and culture. These are the very
basic differences between semiotics and discursive approaches. Semiotics is
concerned with the formation of meaning via language and poetics.
Nonetheless, discursive refers to the ramifications and consequences of rep-
resentation, or, more particularly, its politics. Semiotics is the poetics of
language, which aims to grasp how meanings are formed. Discursive is not
just concerned with how language produces meaning but also with pow-
er-related discourses that may influence behaviour, construct identities, and
dictate how things should be represented or perceived. It highlights the his-
torical specificity or regime or the power that produced it (Brandist 1996).
In India, Kallu or Kalla was used to refer to the African migrants within the
context of power. It could be seen how racism operated through the use of
language. Moreover, this process of construction also represented hierarchy
in the stratification system (Bonilla-Silva 1994). The rank ordering of peo-
ple in the light of purity and pollution gave the local community power
118  Race, Representation, and Othering
within the cultural system over the African community due to the social
construction of black identity (Haney Lopez 1994). Further, the binary of
black and white, in which black is represented as dark and dangerous, while
white is represented as pure and divine, could also be seen in the light of
colonialism (Fanon 1952). The representation of black through colonial
images, photographs, and media has given rise to othering processes.

Reiterating Stereotypes and Conflation of Identity: The ‘Othering’

of the African Identity in the Indian Media
“Why is Otherness such an alluring subject of representation?” What kinds
of activities associated with representation signify racial difference and
‘Otherness’ (Hall 1993)? How do we analyze the discursive structures and
grasp the regimes of representation that the media use to convey difference?
How is race portrayed in relation to gender, sexuality, and social class?
How do issues of representation relate to power? (Guyer 2000; Hall 1993).
This framework analyses how culture, language, media, and representation
are interlinked (Hall et al. 2005). Culture is a fundamental or constitutive
process that is as important as material or economic ‘base’ in creating his-
torical events and is not only a reflection of the natural world (Baldwin
1964). The interlinkage helps to explore questions related to African iden-
tity, which was represented through media and local images. Language
played a significant role in the construction of hierarchy and difference. The
construction of ‘Other’ happened through language and the use of words
such as Kalla and Habshi, which further got represented in the media
through images. The African identity was explored through the local com-
munity perspective in which the ‘Other’ was created through the construc-
tion of stereotypes and differences in culture. ‘Otherness’ was created
through representation, culture, and language. The role of media could be
noticed as significant in the construction of images and in the representa-
tion of African identity through cultural arenas. Hence in understanding its
role, a focus was made on culture and its linkages with representation. Does
a particular culture produce images and meanings within a particular cir-
cuit of culture? Does power play an important role in the representation of
a particular object, people, or event? This section attempts to analyze the
representation of photographs and media representation of the migrants as
‘Habshi.’ In the local context, the word ‘Habshi’ had become a signifier.
The local community had constructed the ‘African’ identity as the ‘Other,’
as was observed in the Indian context. A ‘culture circuit’ was used to con-
vey the message in the media and in the local community. An important
part of this framework is to understand the process of creating the ‘Other’
and then how it is represented. The theoretical models to analyze the ‘pol-
itics of othering’ can be analyzed in this context to examine representation.
Black/white is a symbol of the difference between ‘black’ and ‘white,’
according to Saussure’s relational theory of meaning in language. It’s
important to note that in this context, meaning is contextual. Symbolism is
 Discursive Representation and Othering  119
conveyed by the difference between black and white. We understand what
it means to be British not only in terms of nationality but also in terms of
how it distinguishes us from the Other (Hall 1997b:238). Not German, not
American, not Jamaican is what it means to be British. Aside from the fact
that they can be accused of being reductionist and oversimplified in their
rigid two-part structure, the power aspect also reflects something – that is,
there are very few neutral binary oppositions. There are two poles of power.
Power is relational. However, when we refer to “white/black or masculine/
feminine, man/woman, upper class/lower class, British/alien,” the balance
of power is skewed in a relational sense, which is why we use these terms
(Hall 1997b).
In the Indian media, representation of the African community had been
oversimplified and generalized. What was interesting to observe was the
representation of the African identity in the popular media such as local
Indian newspapers, reports, news channels, journal articles, and photo-
graphs used along with reportage. Analysis of media reportage particu-
larly in relation to the reportage of the case of the midnight raid in Khirki
Extension brought out interesting revelations. The several media reports
that were closely analyzed during the raid in Khirki Extension, Delhi,
represented the migrants in a negative way. There were interviews of the
local residents that were reported in newspapers to express their dismay
against the African community. The newspapers represented a very nega-
tive image of the African community, carrying the voices of the local res-
idents who displayed their concern over the growing crime rate in the
neighbourhood and the deterioration of cultural values due to the increase
in drug peddling and prostitution. There was a sensationalization of
media reporting as opposed to sensitive reporting, especially with regard
to women. While some newspapers marginally included the voices of the
migrant community, most of the papers overstated the stereotypes. There
was a continuous flow of representation in the media of the African
migrants involved in drugs and, therefore, reports about how they were
arrested, beaten, and lynched as they were involved in illegal activities. In
2014, when the midnight raid occurred, the African community was dis-
traught over the images created about them. An African migrant from
Tanzania stated,

A controversy like Khirki Extension is shocking, and especially how

people have been accused of running drugs and prostitution rackets.
After the raid, a majority of the landlords wanted us to vacate immedi-
ately. They were suspicious, judgmental and believed that we are dan-
gerous. There were all sorts of rumours and this was very disturbing.

It was evident that the migrants were against general stereotyping, and they
were constantly struggling against the images and stereotypes of the
‘African’ identity. The newspapers were reiterating negative images and rep-
resenting stereotypes. There was representation of Africans in the context of
120  Race, Representation, and Othering
illegal activities. In 2014, after the midnight raid, the newspaper reports
represented the migrants as dangerous2 and how innocent people were
scared of them. Further, in 2017, four Nigerian boys were beaten in Noida3
on account of cannibalism. The media reportage again highlighted the ste-
reotype, and there was a repeated association with cannibalism. The death
of an Indian boy in a neighbourhood of Noida4 due to drug overdose was
also linked with Nigerians living next door portrayed as drug dealers. The
Nigerian students studying at a university in Noida were made the target of
wrath. This again found a certain kind of reportage and media representa-
tion of ‘Africans’ being represented with images of drug dealing. The images
that were being circulated and produced in media were a generalization of
the ‘African’ identity and that was, in turn, fixing the ‘African’ identity into
a stereotype. A Congolese national says,

All Africans are blamed for being drug dealers and prostitutes. This
way of calling us names and shaming us is not good.

There are many different sites where meanings are created and then circu-
lated through what is known as the ‘cultural circuit.’ Understanding our
place in the world and the people around us, as well as who we are as
individuals, is only possible through a strong sense of meaning (Hall,
1997b). Every social interaction generates and exchanges a unique set of
meanings. Cultural meaning is created in a variety of ways through media,
particularly in global communication channels that use complex technolo-
gies and spread meanings across cultures at an unprecedented scale. Adding
value to the cultural objects we encounter in our daily lives is only possible
when we give them appropriate expression and consumption. As a result of
our use of meaning, we establish the standards by which we conduct our
daily activities. It establishes rules and regulations for our social interac-
tions. Controlling and attempting to control the thoughts and actions of
others turns those in power into a production site for meaning. Consequently,
‘cultural circuits’ are created. With reference to the African migrants,
images that generally circulated in the newspapers demonstrated local ste-
reotypes. It was observed, however, that regardless of different countries,
nationalities, ethnicities, politics, languages, and religious beliefs, the media
presented a confusing picture. The migrants came from countries such as
Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Somalia, Burundi, Ghana, Ethiopia,
Eritrea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, Nigeria, and
Sudan; however, the Indian media failed to portray the diversity and con-
fused the identities. The local community too clubbed the different cultures
and diversity of Africa into one category. The local community was not
able to distinguish between different nationalities. A local community res-
ident said,

[T]hey fight amongst their own kind, they do not know how to get
along amongst their own people! How can you trust them?
 Discursive Representation and Othering  121
Ideas and meanings were produced through ‘cultural circuits’; however, it
could be argued that the Indian media played a significant role in contrib-
uting to the images that represented a conflation of identity. This identity
was represented as black and along with it an association of drugs, prosti-
tution, violence, cannibalism. The media conflated all nationalities and
mostly there was an over-generalization of ‘African’ identity prompted by
the local perception. One repeatedly came across accusations made against
the ‘Africans’ in general. Just like there was an over-generalization of the
African identity, there was an over-generalization of the activities. Students,
business entrepreneurs, professionals working in companies all faced the
same attitude from the local people. This perception that all the migrants
are living here illegally and not conforming to the Indian way of life was
emphasized by the local media. Here one can relate to the idea of cultural
circuits. It is the cultural actors who give meaning to individuals, objects,
and events. Things do not have inherent significance or a single, unchanging
meaning. It is the actors who impart significance. Meaning is derived from
how we use objects or things, how we say what we say, how we think and
feel about objects or things or people, how we use language, and how we
represent. Through the framework of interpretation, we give meaning to
people, objects, and events. Cultural practices are not genetically encoded,
cultural practices are those that are meaningfully interpreted by social
groups (Hall 1997b).
Structuralists have argued that categories produce meanings (Douglas
1968, Strauss 1979) They argue that when things appear in the wrong cat-
egories, or when they do not fit into a category, they can produce an appar-
ent disorder. For example, Mercury, which is both metal and liquid gives
rise to a mixed category; a mixed-race individual, who is neither black nor
white, provides a category that is hybrid, ambiguous, unstable. The sym-
bolic boundary keeps categories ‘pure’ and gives culture its meaning and
identity, but this gets unsettled when things do not stay in their right place.
It is like breaking unwritten codes because what matters is the right place,
such as, for example, how dirt is fine in the garden but not in a bedroom.
When things do not appear in their appropriate place, it is like breaking the
codes, a sign of taboo, pollution, or transgression of symbolic boundaries.
Making a clear difference leads to the symbolic closing of the ranks and
stigmatizing or expelling anything that is not in its place or out of place by
calling it impure or abnormal. With reference to the African identity, there
were categories through which the identity was being fixed. A common
perception projected by the media was that all Africans are living without
documents such as valid visas and passports. This further provoked the
local community to raise questions regarding the validity of their migration
status. It was in this context that the construction of what constitutes legal
or illegal emerged. It was assumed that they are all illegal migrants, and
they are over-staying their visas. In fact, the status of their passports and
visas was demanded every now and then to threaten them, especially by the
police, since it was assumed that they were over-staying their visas, that
122  Race, Representation, and Othering
they were living illegally, that they were always scrutinized and treated with
suspicion by the local community. On many occasions, the migrants
reported how the police came and broke their small businesses, such as
beauty parlours, saloons, African kitchens, and grocery shops, on the pre-
text that they are doing illegal business. Such local perceptions also affect
the migrant’s everyday life experiences. The ‘African’ identity was con-
structed within such contexts, and this construction of African identity was
reflected by the media. This is how an analysis of the ‘circuit of culture’
could be made where meanings were produced through categories and
through perceptions. In the Indian context, the attempt was to understand
how the process of construction of the African identity was taking place
within a culture and how it was represented. In what context does it form
and what were the different dimensions and associations that were linked
to the process of the formation of African identity in the Indian context?
What were the fixed cultural perceptions and categories that defined the
African identity in India? The attempt has been to outline that representa-
tion using local perspectives emerging from newspapers.

Conclusion
Several stereotypes were associated with African identity. They were known
as Kallu, Kalla, and Habshi by the locals. The image of Habshi became
associated with the African identity, which was further associated with the
dark, primitive, dangerous, and illegal. This was the context in which ‘race
became a signifier’ in India (Hall 1997a ). The term ‘Habshi’ came to be
associated with negative stereotypes. Language evolved into a system of
representation through which African identity in India was created. It
evolved into a medium for depicting African identity through events and
objects with meanings derived from dominant ideas and shared meanings.
The Indian media echoed these representations as well. The discursive rep-
resentation of African identity influenced the African community in urban
areas, where they were abused and humiliated by being referred to as
Habshi, Kalla, and Kallu. In fact, it was against these stereotypes and inter-
connections that several protests in the city grew, and an identity-based
anti-racial discrimination movement emerged. These solidarities arose as a
result of a shared identity in order to combat these negative images and
stereotypes. Hall (1980) and Franz Fanon (1952) use psychoanalytic theory
to explain racism. This analysis was used to comprehend the concepts of
‘difference’ and ‘Other’ in racial representation. They take into account the
linguistic, cultural, social, and psychic dimensions of understanding other-
ness. On the issue of ‘difference’ and ‘Otherness,’ first and foremost, it was
this analysis of ‘difference’ and ‘otherness’ that was crucial in understand-
ing how difference was constructed negatively. This explained the rep-
resentation’s hostility, aggression, and negative feelings toward the ‘Other’
(Hall 1980). Bakhtin, like the Saussureans, studied and analyzed language
as a system in the 1940s. ‘Othering’ was conceptualized in this context
 Discursive Representation and Othering  123
through perspectives such as the division of binary opposites by which
meanings are assumed and differences become fundamental (Strauss 1979),
“the object of her desire” (Lacan and Sheridan 1977), looking at oneself
from the perspective of the Other (Fanon 1952).

Notes
1 Gulati, S. 2015. Bharti a Folk Hero in Khirki Extension. Retrieved July 11,
2016, from http://indianexpress.com: http://indianexpress.com/proEle/author/
sumegha-gulati/.
Somnath Bharti, the Delhi law minister was crowned hero after he conducted
the midnight raid on the African community. The local community applauded
his efforts in cracking down on the community.
2 Hindustan Times, January 20, 2014 9:28 IST “‘Scared’ of Africans, Khirki
Extension Locals Back Somnath Bharti.”
3 The Wire, March 31, 2017, “Africans Are Cannibals, and Other Toxic Indian
Tales.”
4 Mail Online, March 28, 2017, 17:00 BST, “Hundreds of Indians Rampage
through Shopping Mall and Attack African Migrants in Revenge for Teenagers
Overdose Blamed on Foreign Drug Dealers.”

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9 The Pan-African Identity in India
The Emergence of Collective Identity
through Solidarity Networks and
African Kitchens

Introduction
The emergence of ‘African’ kitchens, bars, boutiques, and exclusive African
shops selling spices, dry fish, and African products was an intriguing feature
of the ‘African clusters.’ What do these spaces symbolize? Hence, the role
and significance of ‘African’ kitchens, bars, boutiques, and parlours are ana-
lyzed. Second, the chapter discusses the role of Othering and stereotypes in
the emergence of collective solidarity among African migrants. The solidar-
ity of the African community is explained through the lived experiences of
racial violence and discrimination. This experience gave birth to an asser-
tive identity in the face of stereotypes. Third, the chapter defines Pan-African
identity and how it emerged to deal with marginalization. Here, it is asserted
that the hostile urban environment, i.e. the host society, played a significant
role in the emergence of a Pan-African identity. Hence, at the diasporic
level, the ‘Pan-African identity’ emerged. Most importantly, it is contended
that the African kitchen represents a safe space for the community to meet
and interact. Here the role of this ‘collective identity,’ which is Pan-African
in India, can be used to help achieve the SDG 10 and SDG 11 goals by
challenging racial inequalities.

African Kitchens and the Emergence of the Collective Identity

The African community is not homogeneous but rather diverse in India.
African migrants come from different countries and live within urban
neighbourhoods where cultural-social exchanges take place in terms of
ideas, beliefs, lifestyles, and sharing of concerns for political problems in
countries of origin. Such conversation and discourse take place within the
‘African kitchens,’ which are ‘exclusive.’ Most importantly these spaces
emerge as safe spaces for interaction among African migrants. These ‘spaces’
are analyzed as sites of multicultural interactions among the African com-
munity. Moreover, there are very limited opportunities and avenues for
African migrants for recreation, leisure, and interaction. Hence, the emer-
gence of African kitchens, bars, boutiques, parlours as ‘exclusive’ spaces
appear as the only ‘safe spaces’ for social interaction. The migrants coming

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-12
126  Race, Representation, and Othering
from different countries in Africa said they had to make arrangements for
food. In fact, many of them who were students living in shared accommo-
dation with their friends and living independently of their own families had
to cook their own food. A respondent from Somalia says,

I prefer living with my friends as I can cook and eat the food that I
relish. We don’t get the food we normally eat in our country in India,
but the dosa (rice pancake) is very similar. I like dosa as it is a bit like
the food we eat back home. But in Africa women are the real cooks.
The men will cook food that somehow only they can manage to eat,
that’s how the joke goes! The women are the main chefs. They say that
men cook only because they are hungry. In India, we cook when we
miss our food. We make the bread with suji (food grain) white one, to
eat with dry meat and vegetables, lentils and pepper. We eat with soup.
It’s very nice. The way we boil meat is very nice! Ethiopian food is also
very similar. But the food they eat is very spicy. If you want to taste you
can get Ethiopian food in the Ethiopian embassy. It’s one of the best
East African food joints.

But the African migrants’ food preferences and eating habits were enor-
mously criticized by the local community. Food preferences emerged as a
major cultural issue for the local community. For instance, regarding food,
there were many stereotypes that existed. The local community complained
that the smell and odour that came out of the African kitchens while they
were cooking and preparing their meals were pungent and strong. The local
residents said that they did not like the smells coming out of their kitchens.
This contributed to the build-up of various stereotypes about food eating
habits and consumption patterns of the African community. The problems
that the local community shared was majorly aimed at food habits and
consumption patterns. There were many complaints about the smells com-
ing out of the African kitchens. One of the local community respondents
said that her kitchen was facing an African lady’s kitchen. When she cooked
food, there was a strong smell and a whiff that came out of her kitchen. She
said that it came straight into her house. It smelt like burning flesh, and
there was a lot of smoke that came out. She said that the meat had a stink.
One of the domestic workers who works in the area also said that she did
not want to work in the homes of African migrants, as she did not like
cleaning the utensils. She narrated that she was not sure what the meat was.
There were common stereotypes and differences about food preferences.
Another respondent from Somalia says,

Delhi is not the place to eat. I miss my own home food! You have to
miss it, right? I cook at my place, sometimes I cook spaghetti. I cook
spaghetti with chicken. Delhi is not the place for good food. Because I
grew up in Hyderabad, I like the food there and it’s not expensive like
Delhi. I took my Indian friends to the African kitchen. We were chilling!
 The Pan-African Identity in India  127
They were hungry so they said let’s go somewhere else and eat, I said
no, we eat here in the African Kitchen. I want you try African food.
They said yea, ok! The soup was spicy, and she said, “Oh’ no! We can’t
eat spicy!” I laughed, you are Indians, and you cannot eat spicy food.
We Somalians eat a lot of fish. In India we eat dry fish. We are from the
Coast. I am from the South. You know Somalia has the biggest ocean.
It has the Indian Ocean. So, we eat a lot of fish, sea fish.

A respondent from Kenya says,

I eat at odd hours; I’m not able to eat properly in India. Not eating at
regular intervals. I know what I’m supposed to do, but my weakness is
that I cannot do regular cooking and eating. I don’t spend more than
5 minutes in the kitchen. I buy vegetables but they get spoilt. And in
2 weeks I make maybe 2 vegetables. I’ll buy milk, get bread, eat milk-
bread-milk-bread. There’s jam, I’ll buy Kissan. Even my mom knows
about my eating habits, she says your wife will come and set you! I
don’t have an eating disorder, but I do not eat properly. I cook food in
my house sometimes, I don’t eat spices, my mum takes spices, but she
puts in her plate, not mine. She knows I won’t eat. I’m not a foodie so
my roommate does the cooking sometimes, but when he cooks,
everything will get messed up. He cooks and spoils the kitchen. When
he enters – almost everything is finished. When the food is ready, I go
into the kitchen and start cleaning. When I come back from the univer-
sity, I eat but the food is cold. I will clean everything. I shout at him
and tell him you have to be responsible, but he says no, I cook, I say
you make everything dirty. So, I spend 1 hour 20 minutes every day in
cleaning! That is why I prefer eating out.

There were numerous kitchens and restaurants that catered to the diverse
African community, such as the ‘African kitchens’ where a large part of the
migrant community went for eating and socializing. The African kitchens
were informal spaces created for community socializing, leisure, eating, and
drinking. These were informal enterprises run by the members of the African
community to create avenues for them to socialize in the evenings. The
African kitchens were located in apartments and individual homes but
operated as restaurants. The rooms of the apartments operated as private
spaces with televisions that were always on while migrants were eating,
drinking, and spending leisure time. Not many people knew about them
except the members of the African community. Another reason why they
did not stand out as commercial was because they operated in apartments
and were kept low-key. In many cases, these apartments were on the top
floors of the building. However, the migrants also tried to keep these spaces
low in profile and away from public awareness as there had been many
raids and incidences. The forceful closing of these kitchens had been ram-
pant due to local community pressure, so the African community kept them
128  Race, Representation, and Othering
low-key. Also, these spaces were not entirely commercial due to various
technical reasons. They operated as spaces for meetings and spaces for
‘chilling.’ Interestingly all the migrants visited these spaces. They were gen-
erally open to all the members of the African community. However, there
were also specific kitchens catering to certain nationalities only. But there
was a sense of common culture and a common unity that was generated
from these spaces. If there were any differences or conflicts among the
migrants, they were resolved in these spaces. What emerged from these
spaces was that since the migrants were facing an antagonistic environment
in India, these kitchens emerged as safe spaces for the migrants with an
absence of abuse, harassment, and racial discrimination. The migrants fre-
quently faced racial discrimination in restaurants, bars, and pubs where
they were often stopped for tight scrutiny and checks due to the prevailing
stereotype of drugs. So, these African kitchens provided safe leisure spaces
where they were not harassed. An important point to be made here is that
the African kitchens unlike grocery stores or barbershops were restricted in
their access as compared to other spaces. Many of them did not allow the
local community inside the closed doors. For instance, a person from the
local community could only visit if there was an African migrant accompa-
nying them. These spaces had become hubs and operated as subcultures.
They stood out from the dominant culture and dominant ideology of the
host society. These spaces operated as interesting spaces for understanding
identity questions.
James (2012) argues that Pan-African is the analysis of the lives of the
people from Africa through a multiple perspective. It concerns not only the
African continent but also those living in other parts of the world. It includes
the study of Africa, the Caribbean, Africans living in America (African-
American), and Africans living throughout the world. It is not confined to
any geographical area. Pan-Africanism focuses on the people of Africa
wherever they are in Asia, the Pacific Islands, or South America. The pri-
mary way of its organization is racial and cultural. Pan-Africanism includes
a diverse field of study starting from slavery, colonization, oppression,
imperialism, self-determinism, emancipation, and liberation. In the Indian
context, to understand this Pan-African identity, an understanding of the
African diaspora is also essential in order to study the migration and move-
ment of not just people but also the movement of different cultures. People
from different countries of Africa come to India and explore, discover, and
understand each other within a particular space and context. In fact, many
African migrants said that they learnt about different countries of Africa
and the varied African cultures on coming to India. Meeting people of dif-
ferent nationalities and learning about their particular cultures brings a
sense of unity and solidarity among the migrants through common kitchens
and informal spaces. Hence to understand this identity, a connection
between migration, culture, and politics was made, within which a forma-
tion of a Pan-African identity emerges. The Pan-African identity also gave
rise to the formation of African clusters where African migrants from
 The Pan-African Identity in India  129
different countries of Africa came to live within the same neighbourhood.
There was a preference given to locations where an African community
resided. There were many reasons for that, such as, informal spaces for
interaction for the African community like common convenient stores,
African shops, and African kitchens. The presence of African kitchens, res-
taurants, bars, boutiques, tailor shops, saloons, parlours, and superstores,
which used the name ‘African,’ boldly highlighted the sign boards in Khirki
Extension, gave a sense of solidarity to the African migrants. More impor-
tantly, migrants from Africa also ran these enterprises. It is in this context
that the Pan-African identity also developed.
Interestingly, as mentioned earlier, there were many informal spaces
such as the ‘African kitchens’ and some African shops which were com-
pletely closed to the local Indian community. In this context, could these
spaces be seen as assertive spaces demonstrating identity politics? It is
possible to analyze the formation of an African subculture itself as asser-
tive, imbued with a power for a strong identity movement. The March for
Justice, discussed in Chapter 7, could be seen as a movement surfacing
from this political identity. Further, as mentioned in the earlier chapters,
there was a process of assimilation and integration that was taking place
in the urban space of Khirki Extension wherein the migrants who came
from different countries of Africa made an effort to assimilate with the
local cultures, yet there was a continued sense of resentment for the
‘other.’ This led to the spatial clustering of the community, which also
contributed to the formation of a new African identity leading to Pan-
African identity. It is in this context, that the concept of Pan-Africanism
is conceived.

Pan-African Identity: The Formation of the Political Identity at the

Diasporic Level
The African migrant community’s diversity could not be overlooked.
Differences in ethnicity and religion can help explain the African commu-
nity’s diversity. The African community included both practising Muslims
and Christians. The presence of the local Indian Muslim population pro-
vided a sense of belonging to the ethnic and religious characteristics of the
Muslim migrant community. Many Muslim migrants from Africa, includ-
ing Somalia, Sudan, and parts of Nigeria, were participating in religious
festivals that the local Indian population also observed. There was a large
Muslim population from India in Khirki Extension, particularly in Hauz
Rani. During festivals like Ramadan and Eid, there was an interesting
cultural mix of the Muslim population. Khirki Extension was also home
to a sizeable Afghan refugee population. As a result, during Muslim festi-
vals, the streets were alive with activity until midnight. A Pentagon Church
in the Khirki Extension neighbourhood provided a space for Sunday
prayers and congregations for the African Christian population. One of
the respondents expressed gratitude for the ability to attend church in
130  Race, Representation, and Othering
nearby areas such as Dr. Ambedkar Colony, Andheria Mode, and
Chhatarpur. He stated that there were a few churches in Delhi where
Congolese nationals could pray in French and Nigerians could pray in
English. Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries, a Nigerian choir, also
held prayers in Hindi at Khirki Extension. This was a special gesture to
allow the local Indian community to participate. One respondent stated
that he wanted his Indian friends to visit his church and that the church
should conduct their prayers in Hindi on occasion so that people would
see that not all Africans were bad and accept them as good people. Because
of the wide range of nationalities among the African immigrants that con-
gregated in the same neighbourhood, it was possible to observe the mixing
of people from various countries in Africa. Many respondents stated that
African diplomats and ministers working in the embassy lived in wealthy
areas, in large mansions with security guards, personal drivers, and chauf-
feured cars. They belonged to the upper class and had high incomes, but
they did not live in Khirki Extension. In comparison to other elite gated
societies in Delhi, this is a more affordable neighbourhood. Many people
could afford to live in gated communities, but they couldn’t get housing
because of negative stereotypes about African migrants. This resulted in
clustering as well. It is worth noting here that the Pan-African identity
emerged within this diversity of religion, gender, and class. Here one tends
to wonder, what is the nature of the Pan-African identity that is gaining
traction? With the current multiplicity of cultures, ethnicities, politics,
religions, and beliefs among the African migrants in India, how is the Pan-
African identity formed? What processes aid in the formation of this iden-
tity? What do the migrants in Delhi make of their newfound identity? Are
informal, multicultural African spaces the reason for the emergence of
Pan-African identity?
Pan-African identity emerged in Delhi, particularly in the urban neigh-
bourhood where African clusters formed as a result of cultural, social, spa-
tial, economic, and political factors. Cultural processes played a significant
role in the formation of political identity in the Indian context. This identity
emerged as a strong assertive identity as well. The processes of Othering
and, hence, the formation of a collective identity for the ‘African’ migrants
created a sense of community. While migrants from various African coun-
tries attempted to integrate into the local culture, they were still subjected
to racial profiling, which led to the formation of a collective identity that
could be studied on a diasporic level. For the first time, C.L.R James used
the term Pan-African or Pan-Africanism in 1945. He coined the term Pan-
Africanism to describe the global struggles of black people. He mentioned
it at a Congress held in Manchester in 1945 to demonstrate African politi-
cal unity. But the most important aspect of this definition of Pan-Africanism
is the concept of community, which is realized in the form of a ‘community
of interest.’ So, the significant point is the shift from a community in itself
to a community for itself. He defines it as follows,
 The Pan-African Identity in India  131
Since the famous Fifth Pan-African Congress held at Manchester in
1945, the term Pan-Africanism has been applied to the question of
political unity on the African continent. The original meaning included
the idea of “community” of interest among African people all over the
world.
(Martin 1972:191)

African identity emerged from two processes – that is, first from the local
construction entrenched in suspicion and stereotypes and, second, the pro-
cess in which the African identity emerged as an identity that struggled
against stereotypes. This is conceptualized here as the Pan-African identity.

Local Hostility and the Emergence of Pan-African Identity

As mentioned, within the African community, there were differences in
nationalities, religions, ethnicity, politics, culture, and so on. The African
identity that emerged in the Indian context was to fight the racist attitudes.
It became an identity that was fighting against discrimination in India that
was deeply rooted in racism. A sense of solidarity was seen in which unity
formed based on the similarity of experiences and everyday interactions.
The African migrants narrated that as soon as they arrived in India, racism
became an everyday reality. Starting from the experiences of discrimination
at the airport, to police stations and the local community, their experiences
were distraught with abuse and attacks. The migrants narrated how names
were called out to them from behind, such as saand (bull), Habshi,1 while
they were walking down the streets. It was surprising to hear how the
migrants recalled Hindi abuses that were hurled at them, and those were
the very first words they learnt. They narrated that they were abused in
public; especially the African women narrated how they were asked, “How
much?” by locals, which meant that every African woman was seen as
engaged in prostitution. This was a common experience that emerged for
most of the African women. One of the African women said that she didn’t
make any Indian friends, as they were offensive. In another incident relat-
ing to cannibalism and drug abuse, which was reported in the newspapers,
it was shown how four men from Nigeria2 were brutally beaten, and they
were attacked by the local community only on the grounds of suspicion.
The attacks were made on the excuse that they had supplied drugs to an
Indian boy who died of an overdose. Prior to this incident in the same case,
there was suspicion that the migrants themselves had eaten up the boy
when he had gone missing. In this case, the locals barged3 into their home
and scrutinized the refrigerator to see if they had eaten up the boy and kept
the leftovers in their fridge. It was under such circumstances that a strong
and assertive identity emerged to fight the injustices based on unity and
solidarity. This identity emerged as a Pan-African identity. One of the
African migrants said,
132  Race, Representation, and Othering
We are all like brothers. We are from different countries. We study
about different countries in Africa just like you study about different
countries in Asia and the world, even we study! There are economic ties
between the countries of Africa. We feel united in India when we come.
We have different culture, ethnicity, language but we are all like broth-
ers in India.

After the death of Olivier, there was a movement of solidarity that emerged
within the African community. The African community became united at
multiple levels. Firstly, there was a unity that formed between migrants
from different countries of Africa based on the fact that their experiences as
a community were very similar in the city based on common experiences of
racism. Words such as Kalla and Habshi were used for all the migrants who
had come from different countries in Africa. Hence, ‘African’ as an assertive
and political identity emerged to demand rights. Secondly, during this phase,
various African Associations emerged which were ready to address the
problems of all the African migrants in Delhi and form solidarities. Thirdly,
based on colour, the local community started to refer to the migrants as
‘Kalu, Kala, and African.’ Therefore, the ‘African’ as an identity also emerged
as a point of reference and a signifier for both the local community and
migrant community, but the meanings for both communities were different.
In fact, many of the migrants from the African community also said that
they started learning about the cultures of different countries in Africa after
they came to India. They also started forming a solidarity network because
physical characteristics were taking on a social character. The formation of
this African identity was an important event. So, a strong politics of identity
emerged around the ‘African’ identity. For the migrants, it was like brothers
from different countries. For the local community, it was drug peddlers,
illegal migrants, and prostitutes. In the local sphere, ‘African’ was associ-
ated with everything that was illegal, bad, and criminal. It was to stand
against such discrimination and prejudice that several protests in the city
grew, and an identity-based movement began to surface.
Othering of the African community by the local community as a response
to difference in culture and lifestyle patterns was taking place. On the other
hand, African migrants were experiencing a different culture of the host
society and also at the same time exploring their own cultural identities in
a foreign country. There was a self-exploration of identity and culture that
was of African origin but more Pan-African due to the consequences of
living in a foreign land. The dominant culture of the society largely overrid-
ing the ‘African culture’ also created certain outcomes and therefore pro-
duced differences in practice of culture and lifestyle.
These circumstances provided the context for the formation of collective
identity, which became more prominent in African kitchens, bars, shops,
salons, parlours, and boutiques. Most of these spaces were specific and
exclusive in their appeal to African migrants only, such as, for instance, the
hair weaving shops. The hair weaving was done according to the fashions
 The Pan-African Identity in India  133
and styles of specific countries. Moreover, in Khirki Extension, it was
observed that the African community had specific barbershops that could
cut their hair, as the migrants felt that Indian barbers could not understand
their hair, and many of them would cut off their skin, as they didn’t know
how to cut it due to lack of experience, so the migrants preferred their own
barbershops. Further, there were African shops that sold specific products
that were popular among the African community such as spices, dry fish,
oil, and food items, and, hence, they were generally and most frequently
only visited by the African community. So, a collective identity in the dias-
pora started to emerge.
Moreover, the image of Habshi was interlinked with cannibalism. It was,
in fact, against such interlinkages that several protests in the city grew and
an identity-based movement against such stereotypes and racial discrimina-
tion surfaced. These solidarities emerged on the basis of a collective identity
for fighting against these forms of racial discrimination. Interestingly, this
solidarity also emerged amidst the differences in nationality, religion, and
political contexts of the African community (like some countries had polit-
ical unrest while others were more stable). In this context, a strong African
identity emerged at the diasporic level. This ‘African’ identity also emerged
as an assertive identity against racial discrimination. This helped to analyze
the socio-cultural contexts of migrant communities living in countries out-
side of their own native countries or homelands, and their consequential
identity formations (James 1945). In short, it could be argued that the
Indian context was giving rise to a multicultural Pan-African identity. Here,
it could be argued that the African cluster was formed on the basis of an
African identity at a diasporic level.

The Functionality of the Pan-African Identity: Solidarity and

Informal Networks
Clusters as Sites of Informal Networks
Pan-Africanism contributed to the formation of solidarity and informal net-
works. It is possible to state that the Pan-African identity itself also contrib-
uted to the establishment of African clusters, in which African migrants
from several countries settled in the same neighbourhood. Preference was
given to places where an African population existed. There were several
causes for this, including the prevalence of African kitchens as informal
spaces for meetings. Apart from that, African stores and business enter-
prises also provided a good reason for clustering. Moreover, African
migrants also operated these businesses which the migrant community
wanted to support. This was an important economic factor that gave rise to
the opportunity for the community to create work prospects. This economic
factor emerged as a major reason for the African clusters. Further, what
emerged as a major reason for clusters becoming spaces of empowerment
was first that living in the same locality helped the migrants to build
134  Race, Representation, and Othering
solidarity networks and groups at the level of the African diaspora. These
groups also took the shape of informal associations and organizations that
helped the African community to remain connected as one community.
Intriguingly, this African solidarity evolved despite variations in nationality,
religion, and political settings. From here, a strong African identity formed
at the level of the African diaspora. Additionally, the ‘African’ identity arose
as a forceful identity. In fact, in India, racial clustering also emerged as a
form of subversion of power and a source of unity to establish community
and identity at the level of the African diaspora. The emergence of racial
clusters while on the one hand could be seen as a manifestation of exclu-
sionary practices and ‘Othering,’ on the other, could also be seen as the
reason for growing African unity among community members and the
emergence of subcultures and African identity as a source of power.
Here the relationship between the emergence of a collective African iden-
tity with racial clusters is stated. It can be argued that ‘racial clusters’ which
marked exclusion (both social and spatial) are certainly a result of Othering
processes. But the racial clusters also serve as sites for the formation of
networks or Pan-Africanism to fight the hostile urban environment and
stereotypes. The migrants from the African community were not able to get
housing in gated communities in other urban housing areas. This is also
how clustering took place. This was also why clustering is Empowering in
this context.

Negotiating Discrimination and Othering

Negotiating discrimination and Othering was a process and there were a
number of ways by which it was taking place. One of the major reasons that
emerged was the issue of security. Living in the same network area provided
a sense of safety for the people. It gave people a sense of protection and
solidarity from the hostile environment in which comments were made at
them such as Habshi, Kalla, Kallu. The migrants explained that such inci-
dents of abuse, use of bad language, and calling of names were commonly
experienced by everyone at marketplaces or restaurants or transportation
hubs like auto stands, taxi stands, and metro stations. Negative comments
were made to the migrants irrespective of the country they came from.
Racial Profiling was taking place where every migrant from Africa was seen
in a negative light. They were all seen as drug dealers, and women were seen
as involved in prostitution. Such stereotypes about the entire community
were formed very strongly, and the African community felt that living
together and fighting discrimination helped them to survive on a daily basis.
Be it paying extra for taxi rides, having trouble with the police or security
officials at the airport, or local residents who wanted to keep their children
away from the influence of ‘African people,’ all of these incidences gave
them a sense of estrangement. Indeed, the African community could name a
lot of incidents that made them feel disliked and socially excluded. Such
discrimination was often felt to be racial as perceived by many of the
 The Pan-African Identity in India  135
migrants but not acknowledged by the state. The African community urged
that these cases were racial, but the state, the police, and the Ministry of
External Affairs claimed that these incidences were simply criminal attacks
and the result of cultural conflicts between the locals and the African
migrants, and said that it would be incorrect to call them racial.
The African community reiterated that racial and sexual abuse, public
beating, lynching, and harassment were very common in India. So, it was
against this injustice that mass media campaigns in line with Black Lives
Matter emerged. For instance, in a media post by Darren Sammy, the for-
mer captain of the West Indies cricket team, named the members of the
Indian cricket team who referred to him as “Kallu.” He asserted that he did
not know what it meant when he was being referred to by that name. In
fact, he thought that it meant ‘strong stallion.’ Sammy revealed his experi-
ence of racism during the Indian Premier League, a 20-cricket match series.
He played for the Sunrisers Hyderabad for a short stint between 2013 and
2015. The revelation of the Indian cricket team members who tagged him
as “Kallu” on social media became significant. Sammy had emerged as a
strong voice in the social movement of Black Lives Matter, which exposed
structural and institutional racism experienced by not only African
Americans but also black people around the world. This experience echoed
the voices of the African community in India. To deal with Othering and
exclusion, identity-based movements also erupted at different points against
racial discrimination. This solidarity arose on the basis of a shared identity
to combat various types of racial prejudice.

Conclusion
There were different types of cultural interactions within the African clus-
ter. On the one hand, there was Othering of the African population by the
local community because of differences in lifestyle. African migrants, on the
other hand, were experiencing a distinct culture in India while simultane-
ously discovering their own cultural identities. A Pan-African exploration
of African identity and culture occurred as a result of the effects of living in
a foreign country. The ‘African culture’ being largely ousted by the domi-
nant culture also produced particular outcomes and, consequently, dispari-
ties in cultural practises and ways of life. These conditions fostered the
emergence of subcultures, which gained prominence in African restaurants,
bars, shops, salons, parlours, and boutiques. Almost all of these establish-
ments catered specifically and exclusively to African migrants. In addition,
there was simultaneous assimilation and acculturation, with African
migrants adapting to the Indian way of life, but the emergence of a ‘Pan-
African identity’ was based on the antagonistic urban environment postu-
lated by the host society. The migrants from various nations exhibited a
variety of characteristics. However, despite differences in nationality, cul-
ture, religion, and ethnicity, African migrants shared a common goal of
overcoming negative stereotypes. In spite of their efforts to assimilate, the
136  Race, Representation, and Othering
African immigrant community in India recounted encountering difficulties.
Despite the presence of multiculturalism and cultural interaction in the
urban space of Khirki Extension, it was observed that the African culture
was viewed as different resulting to othering of the community. The African
community was treated differently based on their eating habits, clothing,
and way of life, etc. Despite the African community’s efforts to assimilate
with local cultures, they were stigmatized. In this light, the development of
Pan-African identity was outlined. Moreover, despite their differences,
migrants formed a political identity and a community. Racial profiling and
Othering created a sense of political belonging, unity, and solidarity among
the migrants. Migrant solidarity emerged in opposition to the stereotypes of
African identity that were commonly held. Racism and other forms of injus-
tice bound the migrants in India together. Racism, violence, humiliation,
discrimination, and social exclusion were common experiences for migrants.
As a result, migrants from various African countries came together, regard-
less of their differences.

Notes
1 Firstpost, May 18, 2015, updated 12:56 pm. “Its Like I Have a Disease’ Citizens
of African Nations Talk of the Racism They Face in India.”
2 The Indian Express, Express News Service, April 4, 2017, 10:55 am. “Attack on
Africans in Greater Noida: African Envoys Hit Out, Govt. Says Aberration.”
3 HuffPost, March 27, 2017, 9:01 am IST. “Nigerian Students in Greater Noida
Accused of Cannibalism, Neighbours—Barge in to Search Refrigerator.”

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York: Columbia University Press.
Martin, Tony. 1972. C. L. R. James and the Race/Class Question. Sage, 14(2):
183–193.
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African Political Economy, 29(92): 205–210.
Okpeh Ochayi Okpeh, J. 2011. Beyond Racial Myths, Prejudices and Stereotypes:
Reconstructing African/Black Diaspora Studies in a Changing World. Journal of
the Historical Society of Nigeria, 20: 104–123.
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Palmer, Colin A. (2000). Defining and Studying the Modern African Diaspora. The
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Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Part IV

The Way Forward

10 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness
Theorzing Race and Racism in India

Introduction
What are the root causes of racism and segregation in India? There are
limitations to the earlier theories on racism. Hence, it is pertinent to develop
a structural theory of racism based on radicalized social systems. Such a
social system involves analysis of racist actors placed in economic, political,
social, and ideological categories. This framework of analysis emphasizes
the subtle and indirect forms of racial discrimination rather than overt
forms. The structural theory is also concerned with the “reproduction of
racial phenomena in contemporary societies” and how racialization leads to
the development of stereotypes. (Bonilla-Silva 1997). It is in this context
that this book seeks to contribute to social policy by including the perspec-
tives of migrants confronting racism in India. It was observed that race had
become a predominant metaphor for illegal immigration, prostitution, can-
nibalism, and drugs in the urban environment, particularly in the urban
neighbourhoods of Delhi. Thus, the focus is made on the processes and
structures that contribute to the formation of race as a signifier. The social
construction of race identifies the contexts in which race is produced by
thoroughly examining cultural and historical events. The chapter examines
several social constructs of identity, such as colonial history, its influence on
social structures, institutional procedures, psychological distress, and the
daily lives of persons who encounter racial prejudice. It can be argued that
colour consciousness plays a crucial role in racial discrimination in India.
This colour consciousness may be traced back to Indian colonialism when
the imperial force conditioned its captive citizens with colour consciousness.
Incomplete and poorly comprehended de-colonization has had negative
effects on postcolonial cultures (Gohain 2011). De-colonization can further
contribute to reducing inequalities and create partnerships and collabora-
tions between societies which have a collective history of colonization
thereby contributing to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 10 and 17.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-14
142  The Way Forward
African Migrants and Their Adaptation to Their Host Culture:
Mapping Cultural Assimilation and Multiculturalism
How does the host society respond to migrant culture, and how do African
migrants understand and interpret local cultures? What are the processes
that occur in the urban space that allow for cultural exchanges and interac-
tions? The interaction of cultures or the meeting of two cultures in the
Indian context is examined to understand the consequent processes. An
analysis is carried out in order to comprehend processes such as assimila-
tion and acculturation. However, with reference to the African community
in India, despite the efforts made by the community, the members of the
host society still showed their resentment. The larger question is why? The
literature on ‘cultural assimilation’ focuses on the factors that promote or
hinder cultural assimilation. The term ‘cultural assimilation’ refers to
“becoming alike” and “accepting the laws, rights, and duties” of the land
migrated and settled on. It does not imply that the people abandon their
own identity completely, but that they resemble the natives’ behaviour and
practices so closely that it is difficult to tell them apart. The role of natives,
immigrants, governmental organizations, and administrative authorities in
the assimilation process is critical. These factors interact with one another
and frequently work in opposite directions, making assimilation a difficult
journey (Bunle 1950). The friction caused by non-assimilation between
natives and immigrants necessitates an assimilation policy. Differential pol-
icies do not achieve the best social outcomes for migrants. The social policy
model is advantageous to both migrants and natives (Kónya 2007). There is
a distinction between assimilation and assimilationism (in which a domi-
nant social group seeks assimilation of outsiders by appealing to its supe-
rior culture, (Callan 2005). One of the studies locates immigrant resistance
to cultural assimilation using a case study on Western Germany and its
immigrants. It suggests policies that could be implemented to improve the
welfare of migrants (Isaac 1950). Friendship and the depth of social net-
works with natives have an effect on cultural assimilation. Immigrants’
social fabric and networks with natives, such as “birth of a child, period of
stay in host country, employment, residential mobility, acquiring educa-
tion,” have an effect. Immigrants who have native friends are more cultur-
ally assimilated than those who do not (Giovanni Facchini 2015). The
concepts of ‘Acculturation’ and ‘assimilation’ are not the same. Acculturation
occurs when immigrants assimilate into a dominant group in their host
country. In addition, there is the role of dominance in acculturation.
Dominance is considered ‘contingent,’ and it can occur in three situations,
for example, first, when one culture can recruit people from another culture
with lower job profiles. Second, when members of one culture deny people
of another culture access to higher-level positions and opportunities, and,
third, when members of one culture are able to obtain positions of admis-
sion and power in order to manage members of another culture (Raymond
et al. 1974). The subjective well-being of immigrants after assimilation into
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  143
the host country, such as life satisfaction, is determined by factors such as
income, health, marital status, working hours, and so on. Assimilation is
critical to ensuring the well-being of immigrants. The benefits of cultural
assimilation are shared not only by first-generation immigrants but also by
subsequent generations. A policy framework in which immigrants’ assimi-
lation is made easier and less stressful by involving “language courses, cul-
tural activities between natives and immigrants, and spreading awareness
through educational programmes” (Angelin et al. 2015). Assimilation has
been labelled as homogenizing and creating ‘bland civilizations’ over the
years. However, multiculturalism does not simply refer to the presence of
various cultures in one location but also to the recognition of members of
minority cultures by members of majority cultures. The importance of bilin-
gualism and language assimilation cannot be overstated; immigrants, in
general, ‘adapt’ to English and eventually stop speaking their native lan-
guage. However, this isn’t always the case also; sometimes the general
increase in the population of a particular country’s immigrants results in
their native language becoming an important part of the host country’s
culture (Alba 1999).
Second, the literature suggests various types of cultural assimilation; such
assimilation can be classified into four types: “attitudinal assimilation,
behavioral-receptional assimilation, identification assimilation, and civic
assimilation.” The traditional model of assimilation, in which an immigrant
from a different culture is likely to blend into the culture of the new loca-
tionhas been questioned , particularly in terms of habits, such as, food hab-
its (Reilly 1983). Migration and mobility were thought to be the same
concept with similar consequences; however, this myth has been debunked..
Further, because of migration, new cultures are introduced into society.
With the emergence of new cultures as a result of the blending of various
cultures, migrants share a connection with the natives and forge a new soci-
oeconomic-cultural-political understanding with them (Park 1928). The
distinction between social and cultural assimilation is illustrated by the case
of Puerto Rican migrants. When immigrants blend in their “basic groups
and fields of social relations” with the social structures of the host country,
this is referred to as social assimilation. This allows them to participate in
the social affairs of society and assume positions of responsibility. Cultural
assimilation occurs when migrants choose to forego some aspects of their
culture in order to adjust to the new society and adopt the cultures and
practises of the new society. Some aspects of their old cultural identity, how-
ever, are still retained but may not be strictly adhered to (O’Flannery 1961).
Cultural factors played an important role in essentializing African iden-
tity in India. But more importantly, what also emerged was that the African
community was making an effort to assimilate and adapt to the local ways.
They narrated that as a community, they were conscious and aware that
they must observe the local cultural patterns. They also narrated how they
made efforts towards assimilation. Assimilation has been analyzed as a pro-
cess of interaction between two different cultures within which constant
144  The Way Forward
negotiations take place. It has been defined, as “a process of boundary
reduction that can occur when members of two or more societies, ethnic
groups or smaller social groups meet” (Yinger 1994:43). Yinger argues that
four principles can help us develop a useful analytical tool, applicable across
time and groups. These are, first, to understand and analyze assimilation as
a descriptive concept and not as evaluative. For instance, “the study of
assimilation is simultaneously the study of dissimilation” (Yinger 1994:43).
Second, “assimilation refers to a variable and not an attribute.” Third,
“assimilation is a multi-dimensional process.” Fourth, “[e]ach process is
reversible. Although there are powerful forces toward assimilation in many
societies, groups become more dissimilar under some conditions. Cultural
lines of distinction that seemed to be fading are sometimes renewed” (Yinger
1994:43). Further, Yinger identifies the significant variables that affect
assimilation and dissimilation. The variables may affect the speed and
intensity of these processes. He argues that the role of the state in this regard
is also important to note. Yinger also argues that the emergence of the state
signifies a dominant social structure within the context of which multicul-
tural relationships occur. To understand the process of assimilation as a
descriptive analysis and not simply as an evaluative concept, a respondent
from Africa demonstrated his Indian way of life through his preparations
for an evening party with his friends. He had invited some of his Indian
friends from the university. He was from the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. He was preparing his home for an evening gathering. He was mak-
ing every effort to prepare his house for the celebration. In his two-room
apartment in Khirki Extension, which he had leased, there wasn’t too much
colour, the walls were cream, and the hallway seemed drab. But the crimson
couch served to lift the spirits. Having made the effort of cleaning up and
decorating, he happily gave himself a pat and said, Ye achha hai! (This is
good)! His remark in Hindi was symbolic of the fact that African migrants
were making an effort to socially assimilate within the culture of their host
society.
There was an effort that could be seen by the migrants to create a home
away from home. For instance, in the previous case, the Congolese migrant
was organizing dinner for his friends, which was soup with bread made
with traditional herbs and spices bought from an African shop in the neigh-
bourhood. He is a B-Tech student at the Apeejay Institute of Technology in
Delhi. He is Congolese by nationality and has many Indian friends. To learn
Hindi, he took a course on reading, writing, and speaking. He took a course
for two months at the In-lingua Institute in South Extension, Delhi. In fact,
in the same year, he also taught French at the same institute. He said he
learnt Hindi as it helped him to interact better with his Indian friends and
the local community. It helped him to understand the local culture. He is one
of the many migrants from Africa who is staying in Khirki Extension. When
asked about his response to the midnight raid, he said that the incident had
left the African community living in Khirki completely terrified and
extremely scared, but he said that it was no surprise. It was normal to face
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  145
incidents of abuse and violence. He said that he has gotten used to it and
learnt to ignore it. Next, on the issue of making an effort to mix with the
local cultures and make an effort to understand the culture of the host soci-
ety, ‘the Indian way of life,’ it was interesting to specifically take into account
the responses of the African student community, as they had come to seek
education. It was interesting to get their response on the midnight raid, as
the entire African community living in Khirki was allegedly accused of being
involved in illegal activities. It was during this time that an observation
emerged with regard to the efforts that were being made by the African
community to adjust to a new country and the processes by which they had
adapted and brought changes into their lifestyles to assimilate into a new
culture of the host society. A student of the African Student Association said,

We teach Hindi and encourage all the Africans to learn Hindi. We actu-
ally encourage Africans who are living in India, to learn Hindi so that
they can assimilate with the people of India. We try our best to learn
from the culture and follow all the rules and norms of the culture in
India. We have Indian friends. We like the food here and eat the local
food; we try our best to assimilate with the people. We hold regular
meetings to discuss how we can become a part of the local community
and modify our own habits if needed to respect the local community
sentiments.

A respondent from Kenya said,

Not all the people from Africa are drug dealers and party in the night.
These are bad images of us that the people are producing. There might
be few who are doing that but that doesn’t mean all of us are taking
drugs and listening to loud music. We are sensitive and understand that
our neighbours get disturbed. We play music but it is never loud and
also, after 10:00 p.m. we shut the music. We tell all our friends to do the
same. In fact, the African Students Association in Delhi is very active.
The Association only supports those who are abiding by the rules in
India. We have told the students that if they get into trouble, we will
only come to help you if you will live and understand the norms of
Indian society.

Another respondent says,

In Nigeria, the culture is very different. On the streets playing loud

music is common and part of the culture, but in India people don’t like
it, and we know that we live in an Orthodox Society, so we abide by the
local norms. We do not play loud music and if anyone from the com-
munity does that then we tell them not to do it. We do not support them
if they hurt the local community sentiment. We try our best. We stop
supporting people who are disruptive.
146  The Way Forward
The narratives show how the African migrants particularly the students are
making an effort to assimilate with the local cultures. An effort is made to
understand the local norms. Many of the migrants who are studying in
different universities in Delhi, many of them which are private universities,
say that they come to India to learn and study. They are sensitive towards
the local cultures and respect the local rules, laws, and customs. A student
respondent from DR Congo says,

I think India is a great country. I have seen police personnel suggesting

to our girls not to be out late in the night, to avoid any kind of prob-
lems. It is very clear that India will always be a great country, but some
people need to change their perception towards the people from Africa,
the majority of Africans come here to study, they feel that education is
what brings them to the city. The city offers opportunity for all people!
It should be more progressive in outlook and the people should be more
open. The city should belong to everybody! We pay for our education,
we pay rent, pay all our bills and buy things just like everybody else!
Then why should there be a difference?

The students who are coming from different countries of Africa to pursue
education believed that since they were here to learn, they are happy to
cooperate with the people. They are ready to sacrifice comforts of home and
learn in a foreign country. Many felt that in India there were great opportu-
nities. A student says,

Be it education or accessing health services, for us it is very cheap here

compared to the US or European countries. Once you are away from
home, a few things happen but that doesn’t mean we will leave and go.

A student from Cameroon said,

I am a student in NIIT. I am studying computer science. I like India!

Racism is everywhere in the world. It’s about how you make adjust-
ments yourself. I cooperate with the locals in fact I have many local
friends here. They even give me their children for babysitting. We have
great friendship. My experiences are good. But when I hear about my
brothers and sisters getting hurt, I feel bad. But what can we do, there
is a lot of cultural difference? People lack exposure. Just like we cannot
generalize that all Africans are bad people, similarly we cannot general-
ize that all Indians are bad people. People are good and bad everywhere
in the world, it’s not only particularly India, it is in the world. Racism
is everywhere.

Further, many students who were coming to India seeking education said
that it was cheaper to access education in India. In many countries in Africa,
such as Kenya, the fee structure is more expensive than in India. One would
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  147
have to pay more for courses in Kenya. Apart from that, being in a foreign
country also gave the students exposure to world politics, especially for
those who were seeking diplomatic jobs in foreign affairs. Therefore, they
felt that adjusting to a different country is part of the learning process.
However, many felt that they were making the best efforts from their side
to adapt to the difference in culture, but the local community was still see-
ing them through stereotypes and spreading negative images of Africans.
The narratives highlighted a range of views starting from acceptance of
racism in which the students/migrants had come to terms with it and tried
to make sense of it by saying that racism was everywhere. There was a
certain acceptance of the harsh attitudes of the local people. The student’s
representatives narrated how they explain to all fellow migrants that they
had to live by the local norms of Indian culture, and if they did not abide by
the local ways of the society, then they would have to pay a fine, or a warn-
ing was given to them that no African will come to help if they did not fol-
low the norms of the local community. An effort was made to adapt to the
local traditions, customs, and norms. Many said that they were making
efforts to learn Hindi and even told fellow migrants to learn Hindi. The
earlier narratives highlight a paradox in the context of cultural studies
according to Yinger (1994). He demonstrates that when coercive policies or
practices exist against distinctive cultural groups, at the same time paradox-
ically peaceful processes that reduce the differences between members of
interacting ethnic groups also come to the fore. He argues how assimilation
can exist as both a peaceful process and a coercive force. Such a trend
would illustrate the presence of a paradox: “[W]hen the powerful assimila-
tive forces are matched by renewed attention to sociocultural differences,
acculturation is not necessarily matched by integration” Yinger (1994:43).
While it emerges that an effort is being made by the African migrants to
assimilate with the local culture, a negative image production simultane-
ously takes place. This also produces a contestation. To understand culture
and cultural processes, assimilation in the urban space brought to attention
multiple interactions, negotiations, peaceful processes and contestations.
Irrespective of the efforts made by the African migrants, still there existed
hostility among the local population against these migrant populations.
Here one tends to think why? It is worth noting here that most studies and
literature on cultural assimilation fail to outline the role of colonization,
colonial mindset, and its impact on the cultural integration of migrants in
the third world.

Colonialism and the Social Construction of the Binary of Primitive

vs. the Civilized: Locating Racism
Critical scholars have argued that racism has a historical context with polit-
ical struggles that are both independent of class and also in close relation to
class intersections (Solomos 1986). Racism is primarily a product of ideol-
ogies that have come from a specific set of historical roots such as colonialism
148  The Way Forward
that divided the world into a binary of civilized and primitive. Racism is an
outcome of ideological and political practices (Hall 1997). Although the
notion of race may be traced back to its origins, which demonstrate that it
was originally used to refer to a “breeding population,” it may be more
relevant to emphasize how it is socially produced. The process of social
construction emphasizes the historical dimension of experience and iden-
tity. In addition, the social constructionist viewpoint examines race in rela-
tion to class, gender, economic structures, social bonds, and ideology within
capitalist social structures and relationships. The concept of social con-
struction offers a structural study of race and racism. In fact, a reference to
the autonomy model in the study of racism is essential. It emphasizes that
race cannot simply be reduced to class and economic structures (Solomos
1986; Fanon 1952). It must be seen as independent of class and other social
relations to be able to understand the origin of colour consciousness. It is
necessary to go beyond class to understand racism, however its interlink-
ages to economic structures and social systems within capitalist social
orders must be closely examined (Solomos 1986; Hall 1997).

Colonialism and Racism

The sociocultural perspective on race describes how race is formed in a,
social, cultural, and institutional setting. It was expanded further by offer-
ing an anti-structural-functional interpretation of race and how it has been
constructed to explain the social processes of racism (Hall 1980). Hall illus-
trates the need for analyzing the historical origins of racism, such as coloni-
alism and imperialism, as well as the processes through which racism
became accepted. Racist laws and regulations produced advantages and
practises and barred racial minorities from positions of power via the use of
scientific reasoning. In addition, the manufactured images and depictions
made black people look incapable of holding key positions. These were also
shown through a thorough examination of racism. In addition, colonialism
was crucial to understanding how race, class, gender, ethnicity, and sexual
orientation were connected with oppression. Moreover, Hall illustrates why
it was necessary to “de-essentialize the black subject” and deconstruct the
images and representations of dominant cultures. Fanon explains race
within the framework of the colonial experience and the internalization of
colonialism by the colonized in Black Skin, White Masks (Fanon 1952).
This history is analyzed using the concept of “psychoanalytic deconstruc-
tion,” in which he analyzes race based on his own personal experience with
racism and colonial subjectivity. He demonstrates that “your past,” “your
culture,” and “your very self” are shown as “ugly” and “wicked” and that
“you do not have a favourable opinion of yourself.” This Western image of
the “self” is not the “self,” but rather its “otherness.” A shift in the identifi-
cation process causes you to loathe your own image and become your
“other.” In the representation of ‘other,’ which got identified with nature, a
construction of symbolism took place in the form of binary opposition of
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  149
the ‘primitive’ and ‘civilized.’ In fact, Enlightenment classified societies on
the scale of evolution, which was from barbarism to civilization (Hall
1997:239; Long 1774 quoted in McClintock 1995:22).

Scientific Racism: An Introduction

The scientific and biological determinist perspective traced the origins of
the word “race” through biology and determined that “it reflected the
notion of a transmissible biological type.” It also imparted the notion of
descent or shared ancestry, which refers to the transmission of shared
genetic material or shared characteristics from one generation to the next.
This perspective echoes the dominant scientific vocabulary of the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, which promoted racial concepts and legitimized
natural differentiation. For example, George Buffon (1701–1788) intro-
duced the term “race” to natural science and the English language to refer
to humans. Using skin colour, body form, and height, he categorized six
distinct human groupings. In addition, he evaluated the disparities between
“white people” using the criteria of sorts and stocks. Using scientific data
standards, he divided individuals into several groups or types. The Darwin-
Wallace theory emerged in the nineteenth century with the publication of
Origin of Species (1859), which rebuilt typological thought in terms of ideal
types or archetypal patterns in nature. This collection featured comparisons
of the population to ideal types. Analysis of the mixing of parent “genes”
and “blood” during reproduction also contributed to the advancement of
scientific understanding. The demographic discrepancies were caused by
genetic interbreeding. In the twentieth century, scientific explanations of
race were eliminated from cultural forms between racial groups, which had
previously been controlled by these notions of race and scientific racism.
Franz Boas (1931) and his pupils, to their credit, argued that there was no
scientific reason or causal connection between culture, language, and race.
In the field of linguistics, racial interpretations of a causal link between
syntax, grammar, and cultural development have been challenged further.
The biological or naturalist notion of the progression of races on a scale of
civilization spawned scientific racism.

Colonization of Africa and Its Representation: Locating the Sociocultural

Perspective on Race
Exotic literature dubbed the Negro race as the ‘primitive tribe’ (Hall 1997).
This produced a problematic yet popular representation through colonial
literature on Africa in the nineteenth century. Advertising used visual images
and representation through popular forms and created an imagination of
the colonized, racializing the subjects through commodity racism. These
popular imaginations were projected with the white man as an adventurer
and explorer, while the black man was depicted as exotic represented in
maps, drawings, photography, diaries, newspapers, etchings, and adventure
150  The Way Forward
novels. A representation was made of how the black man was uncivilized
and associated with devil worship, cannibalism, and savagery. This was
advanced through the biological logic based on anatomical and physiolog-
ical real and imagined characteristics, with emphasis on cranial, facial
angles and characteristics which were associated with mental deficiencies
and inferiorities. Moreover, the pro-slavery writings produced anxieties
such as the fear that inter-racial marriages would lead to the degradation of
the white race if slavery were to be abolished (Fanon 1952). Proponents of
slavery exploited this argument as propaganda against anti-slavery aboli-
tionists. Such racialized discourses are based on binaries. There was a pow-
erful opposition between ‘white’ that represented civilization and black that
represented savagery that served as an indicator of absolute difference
between human species or human ‘types.’ In the eighteenth century, anthro-
pology became interested in establishing causal connections between the
debates on race and culture. As the notion that ‘blacks’ are barbarians
became fixed, the sociocultural distinctions became dependent on heredity.
Since genetic differences were not directly observable, they were inferred
from physical characteristics. Sociocultural distinctions were subsumed by
the human body’s identity. Hall contends that “the body became the totemic
object, and its visibility established the causal link between nature and cul-
ture” (Hall 1997:249). The development of visual discourses, popular rep-
resentation, and the portrayal of “different” came to be known as the
‘Other.’ The body and its difference were shown for everyone to see.
Through racist knowledge, this is how distinctions were naturalized and
how differences in the body became discursive. This is how the term
‘Otherness’ was created and disseminated. Primitivism was linked to a lack
of culture, which was attributed to hereditary incapacity and biology. The
black body was associated with stereotypes such as primitivism, cannibal-
ism, devil worship, and barbarism. Hall claims, “Black individuals were
reduced to descriptors of their physical features – wide lips, fuzzy hair, large
face, and nose” (Hall 1997:249).
The sociocultural perspective on race identifies how race is constructed
within the economic, social, cultural, political, and institutional context. It
is imperative to analyze the historical roots which are responsible for rac-
ism, such as colonialism and the mechanisms by which racism became legit-
imate (Hall 1980). Racist laws and policies gave rise to privileges and
practices through scientific rationality and created the exclusion of black
minorities from spaces of power. Further, the representation and images
that were constructed made black people look incompetent of holding
important positions. These were also to be seen through careful attention to
the study of the social construction of race. It is also necessary to under-
stand how oppression intersects through race, class, gender, ethnicity, and
sexuality. Hall 1997, 1980) further shows how it is important to “deesen-
tialise the black subject” and deconstruct the images and representations
portrayed by dominant cultures. It is in this context that the social construc-
tion of black identity can be understood. This analysis provides the
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  151
background for understanding colonial representations that penetrated
images. It is from here that a genealogy of representation can be traced and
colour consciousness be understood. This colour consciousness has given
rise to racism, Othering, and spatial exclusion in the Indian urban space.

Colonialism and Internalization of Inferiority-Superiority: Locating

Universalism
Fanon (1952) highlights the history of colonialism and explains how colo-
nialism inculcates inferiority complexes in black people via racism, driving
them to resemble their oppressors. The “colonized subject” views colonial-
ism as superior and attempts to imitate it. Fanon emphasizes his resistance
to racism from the perspective of a “colonized subject.” His study is influ-
enced by Marxism, psychoanalysis, literary criticism, and medical dissec-
tion. He provides a psychoanalytic explanation for the black dilemma using
Freud, Jung, and Adler as references to build his theory. All of this takes
place within the framework of psychoanalysis. Fanon’s views of “internali-
zation of inferiority” and “self-awareness” are crucial contributions. Fanon
criticizes the Western concept of civilizational history. He contends that the
West portrays history as a vast river, with the rest of the globe as its insig-
nificant tributaries. According to Fanon, non-Western history is distorted in
textbooks and other media sources. It depicts black as a threatening colour
with cultural origins in witchcraft, devil worship, and primitivism. To illus-
trate the barbarian, a portrayal of an ‘uncivilized’ and barbaric people is
created. On the other hand, Western civilization is considered to be civilized
and moral, utilizing scientific facts to justify Western universalism. Fanon
finds this type of universalism problematic. “Can non-Western civilizations
establish their own self-definition using the same methods and tools that
fooled Western civilization?” Fanon is concerned about “anti-Western uni-
versalism.” This sort of universalism, which glorifies Western superiority,
depicts it as scientific, and professes its universality, is contrary to his beliefs.
Western civilization is depicted as superior, and so black people must adopt
Western methods of speaking and acting. The black man’s concept of self is
based on the reference points and grammatical structure of the European
language he speaks, and it only gets Whiter in direct proportion to his com-
mand over the Western language.

Colonialism and Consciousness of the ‘Black Self’: Tracing Mental

Inferiority
When blackness is nonexistent in speech and language, it is difficult for a
black man to develop a “black self.” Fanon states, “This whiteness is what
makes me burn. As I sat by the fire, I am conscious of my uniform. I had not
seen it. Indeed, it is nasty. Who can explain to me what beauty is?” Fanon
highlights this “epidermalization” or, as he calls it, “internalization.” A
“sensitization” process occurs when a white guy colonizes a black man. A
152  The Way Forward
breakdown and ego collapse befall him. In order for the white community
to recognize him as a man of dignity, he seeks to mimic the white man’s
demeanour. This is what causes his uneasiness. He demonstrates that the
mental inferiority of black males extends beyond their physical appearance.
White becomes a symbol of “Purity, Justice, and the Truth” in his hands;
“Whiteness” characterizes civilization, modernity, and humanity. Blackness
is the opposite of whiteness in every way. For him, the African-American
becomes a symbol of immorality, and he “finds himself disliking the African-
American.” According to him, “darkness” is a metaphor for “collective
unconsciousness.” It symbolizes sin, corruption, and gloom. Using Roget’s
Thesaurus, he shows that there are 134 positive synonyms for whiteness
and 120 negative synonyms for blackness, such as forbidden, dirty, and
dangerous. Using the archaic idioms “white lie” and “black lie,” he illus-
trates that “black” and “white” have separate meanings and that “white”
lies are permissible, but “black” lies are heinous, , and unforgivable. He
demonstrates how language itself constructs the universe into black and
white. As evidence, he cites the fact that God, who forgives sins, is himself
white with pink cheeks. In contrast to the positive associations with white,
the binary negative is connected with immorality and the African race. To
attain morality, one must stop being black.

Race as a Signifier: Mapping the after Effects of Colonization

It was observed that particularly within the urban space of Delhi and gen-
erally within Indian urban neighbourhoods, race emerged as a signifier for
drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal migration. The processes by
which race got constructed as a signifier and the factors that constituted its
building could be in fact, identified through colonial representation. This
representation gave rise to a social construction in India. Hence, the per-
spective on the social construction of race must identify the different con-
texts within which it is constructed and a close examination of the cultural
and historical processes. It must take into account the various aspects of the
social construction of identity, such as the history of colonization, its
impacts on social systems, institutional processes, psychological issues , and
everyday experiences of the people who are racially discriminated against.
The process of social construction points to the historical dimension of
experience and identity. Further social construction perspective ought to
focus on race with respect to class, gender, economic structures, social rela-
tions, and ideology within capitalist social structures and relations.

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness for Multiculturalism: An

Argument
Chicago School ethnographies on race can throw light on racism and col-
our consciousness. Prior to the urban ethnographies of Chicago scholars,
race was still universally defined by the biological dimension in the
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  153
twentieth century. Biological determinism strengthened the defence of racial
hierarchy and slavery. The shift in perspectives on race occurred as a result
of the increasing demands by democratic movements and the changes in
labour demands, rendering the biological perspective questionable . The
wave of anticolonial movements gave impetus to democratic demands in
the former colonies of “slaves” that were deemed “backward,”. Increased
economic and geographical mobility, as well as the First World War,
prompted a shift in perspective on race. The Chicago School brought race
to the forefront of the city which had an influential effect on race theories.
In fact, it brought to light segregation in housing based on race. The politics
of segregation were defined by economics, power, privilege, , and cultural
factors in the context of race. The Chicago School addressed the concept of
race in the urban environment and contributed significantly to the under-
standing of the city’s racial segregation.
However, the major factor of African-American segregation, exclusion,
and housing still continue to be motivated by racism. The Chicago School
ethnographies highlight how the post-emancipation era of the black popu-
lation around the world can still be linked to contemporary housing dis-
crimination. Black people began migrating after the First World War in
search of better living conditions for themselves and their families, yet the
situation didn’t change, and they were still forced to live a life of poverty.
The majority of them lived in rural areas without basic amenities. Along
with other races, they lived in ghettos, isolated from the white population.
Separate residential facilities became a reality as a result. The post-Second
World War era also saw a stringent policy of a differential system wherein
a dearth of urban homes caused the majority of the housing to go into the
hands of the whites only. Although the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was
launched, but it had its lacunas and ineffectiveness (Taeuber 1988). Thus,
with reference to urban housing, Chicago School ethnographies are useful,
but the question that arises in the Indian context is, How can urban spaces/
neighbourhoods be made more inclusive? Can urban neighbourhoods rec-
ognize the diversity of the migrant community? Can action-oriented pro-
grammes aid in increasing awareness of Africa’s diversity and preventing
identity confusion in the current era? How can the cultural disparities that
lead to cultural disputes and conflicts between migrants and host communi-
ties be addressed? How can public areas be utilized to promote intercultural
dialogue? What cultural programmes can promote discussion in metropol-
itan communities inhabited by African immigrants? How could the state
facilitate policy mechanisms so that African migrants do not face housing
discrimination?
It was observed that housing colonies and societies were propagating
racial profiling by implementing selected practices and regulations. The for-
mation of cultural differences and preconceived notions gave rise to the
phenomenon of ‘Othering’. Regardless of the inherent cultural variations,
the host community classified all African migrants into one category. African
immigrants migrate from several African nations, such as Somalia, Rwanda,
154  The Way Forward
Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Cameroon, Nigeria,
and South Africa, each with its own religion, language, culture, beliefs, cus-
toms, and so forth. But the migrants were conflated into one category. In
fact, one could see the establishment of African clusters as a product of
exclusionary practises, identity conflation and “Othering.” With reference
to Khirki Extension, Delhi, there were African migrants from various coun-
tries mixing together and learning about each other’s cultures, but there was
also existence of dominant culture of the host society with its own set of
norms and rules that African migrants had to learn and follow. But the
community of African migrants was so diverse, cultural interaction was
occurring on several multicultural levels. The African migrant community
was composed of students, refugees, informal business owners, and those
seeking medical care at Max Hospital in Delhi. It was observed that Khirki
Extension comprised of two types of multicultural interaction processes.
One, there were Indian residents who were either indifferent to African
businesses or occasionally interested enough to visit the shops once in a
while. This intermingling revealed the potential for local and African groups
to interact with one another and engage in cultural exchange. Second, from
the perspective of the already diversified African population, the existence
of these establishments could be considered a site of multiculturalism as the
migrant populations learnt and exchanged ideas from each other. For
instance, African businesses, particularly grocery stores and African kitch-
ens, marketed African spices, dishes and consumer products to all the
migrants which gave the diverse groups an opportunity to interact with
each other. The African stores were accessible to all African migrants, as
well as members of the local Indian population who were sporadically curi-
ous about the numerous African goods. What type of diverse multicultural
interaction might this be?
Even though there was occasional interaction with the local population,
but still the migrants experienced discrimination, negative attitudes, stereo-
types and racial prejudice from the host community. It is in this context a
collective identity emerged, that is – Pan-African. This identity emerged to
facilitate a solidarity amongst the African migrants from all the different
countries. According to several migrants, there were no rules or regulations
in place to safeguard them against racial violence and prejudice. Hence,
de-colonization of colour consciousness is regarded as an important
approach to achieving multiculturalism, especially in India. In the West, con-
cepts regarding the legal and political acceptance of ethnic diversity, gener-
ally known as “multiculturalism,” evolved as a means of replacing ancient
patterns of ethnic and racial hierarchy with new relationships of democratic
citizenship (Kymlicka 2012). The notion of multiculturalism deserves spe-
cial consideration in India due to the presence of a diversified African com-
munity from several African nations. Moreover, in the context of diversity,
Indian society itself is diverse. Hence the focus needs to be on the ‘de-colo-
nization of the mind’ to achieve greater cultural integration of various iden-
tities. A quick review on the literature of de-colonization suggests that there
 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  155
has been a lopsided focus on the t structural level. Literature suggests, the
first phase of de-colonization began when the British Raj left South Asia and
the three successor states of India, Pakistan, and Ceylon, now known as Sri
Lanka joined as full members of the Commonwealth, (Srinivasan 2007).
De-colonization requires the removal of colonial policies from institutional
and discursive structures (Prakash 1999). Following independence, the
aspects of de-colonization studied were related to the education system that
shaped the young generation (Elder 1971), as well as the impending break-
down of British administrative power (Singh 1984), The de-colonization
discourse also analyzes and focusses on Europe and America’s literary
hegemony, while Indian literature continues to lag behind, as is the case with
Latin America and Africa (Singh 1992). French India’s de-colonization was
a significant example of Indian nation-building as well as a new chapter in
the decline of French imperialism (Yechury 2015). With regard to de-
colonization, a survey and assessment of political development in India,
Pakistan, and Ceylon are also undertaken (Bose 2004). Perspectives on
de-colonization has been reflected in development studies (Nayak 2016, Sen
2017). The intellectual challenge posed by the concept of modernity was one
of the main difficulties faced by postcolonial India on its path to de-coloni-
zation (Raina 2012). De-colonization as an approach is even used to exam-
ine the transboundary water conflict between India and Bangladesh (De
2014). Furthermore, the process of de-colonization is fraught with difficul-
ties. The restructuring of connections between indigenous political parties in
India and the British colonial state, for example, is an essential aspect of the
de-colonization process, but this aspect is often overlooked in historiogra-
phy (Gondhalekar and Bhattacharya 1999). To comprehend the representa-
tion of East Africa, an examination of the textual narratives of the Indian
Ministry of Indian Overseas Affairs reveals a paradoxical use of colonial
ways of thinking to rewrite its history (Dickinson 2012). Scholars have also
argued for an examination of India, Pakistan, and Ceylon as Dominions
within the Commonwealth following de-colonization rather than republics
upon independence (Kumarasingham 2013). It is evident from this section
that the literature on de-colonization focuses mostly on the structural level.
What about de-colonizing some perspectives and biases embraced by the
colony? Colonialism and its inherent prejudices may pose a threat to the
cultural integration of the immigrant population not only in India but also
around the globe. To comprehend the cultural assimilation of migrants, a
study of race and racism in relation to de-colonialization is crucial. The
impact of colonization on racism can be understood with reference to the
relative autonomy model of race. The relative autonomy model shows how
race functions in the capitalistic social structure and at the same time repro-
duces social relations. Racism is not a universal phenomenon. Racism arises
at certain historical specific junctures. Further, racism cannot be understood
in abstraction, but it must be understood within social relations (Solomos
1986). Hence de-colonization is an important component to address racism
globally.
156  The Way Forward
Conclusion
How did racism and discrimination emerge in India? When it comes to
housing, racial minorities do not have the freedom to choose where they
want to live. Racial disparities widen as a result of such segregation.
Policymakers must devise effective methods for firmly embedding and rig-
orously implementing more equitable housing practises (Seitles 1998). This
book investigates the underlying causes of racial discrimination. By includ-
ing the perspectives of African migrants who have faced racism, this book
promotes social policy. Race is a metaphor for illegal immigration, prostitu-
tion, cannibalism, and drug use in Delhi’s urban neighbourhoods. This book
investigated how race came to be used as a signifier. The social construction
of race was identified and its contexts understood by analyzing cultural and
historical events. It investigates colonial history and its impact on social
structures, institutional procedures, psychological distress, and racial preju-
dice in everyday life. Colour consciousness has aided racial discrimination
in India. This colour-conscious mindset can be traced back to the time of
Indian colonialism when imperial forces indoctrinated their captive popula-
tion with a colour-conscious mindset. Thus, postcolonial cultures are
afflicted by a lack of de-colonization understanding (Gohain 2011).

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Index
Adler 151
Africa-India: Forum Summits see
economics of India-Africa Forum
Summits; global south ties 19;
political dimensions 31–33;
post-colonial relationship 19–20;
strategic partners 33–35; ties in the
era of liberalization 21–23
African clusters 7–14, 87, 99; and the
gated societies 69–72; midnight raid
on the 99–101; race and housing
pattern see housing segregation and
race; social construction in India 68
African community 98–99, 104, 106,
112, 116, 119; in India 6, 14, 42,
87–88, 104, 107, 113, 135, 142
African identity: discursive discourse on
the 116–118; with drugs,
prostitution, and cannibalism 114;
in the Indian media 118–122; racial
discrimination 116; termed as
Habshi, Kallu, and Kalla 111
African kitchens 15, 125–129
African migrants 4, 14; call for protest
103; death of Olivier 102;
discrimination and hostility
104–105; hostility on 106–107;
March for Justice 103; racial
profiling 102; and spatial
segregation 8–10
African women 83, 89, 90, 91–93, 95,
98–99, 113, 115, 131
agriculture trading 25–26
anti-racist 84–85, 89, 91; policy 85;
politics 85, 89
attitudinal assimilation 143
Bakhtin, M.M. 122
Barre, Siad 54
Basu, Helene 40
becoming alike 142
behavioral-receptional assimilation 143
Bell, Derick 108
Bharti, Somanath 100
bilateral cooperation 24
black experience 84–85, 91
Black Lives Matter 98, 135
black self 151–152
Blumer, Herbert 73
Boas, Franz 149
Bonilla-Silva, Edward 99
breeding population 148
Buffon, George 149
cannibalism 6–7, 14, 63, 68, 74, 76, 98,
108, 112–114, 120, 121, 131, 133,
136, 141, 150, 152, 156
Chaush 39–40, 55
Chicago school 68, 72–73, 77–78,
152–153
civic assimilation 143
Collins, Patricia Hill 91
colonialism and the social construction:
after effects of colonization 152;
breeding population 148; class
intersections 147; colonization of
africa and its representation
149–151; consciousness of the
‘black self’ 151–152; internalization
of inferiority-superiority 151; racism
148–149; scientific racism 149
complexities of transnationalism 93
contemporary patterns of migration:
business/employment 44–46;
education 46–47; global south
bilateral partnership 44; health and
medical reasons 47–48; liberalization
43; mrriage 48–50; privatization 42;
urbanization 43–44
Couch surfing 105
160 Index
Cox, Olivier 99
Crenshaw, Kimberla 84, 89
critical race theory (CRT) 14, 98–110;
in India 99, 107–108; vs. the liberal
law in India 108–109
cultural assimilation 15, 142–144, 147,
155
cultural marginality 10
culture circuit 118, 120–121, 122
Darwin-Wallace theory 149
Davis, Mike 70
death of Olivier 102, 108, 132
de-colonizing colour consciousness for
multiculturalism 152–155
de-essentialize the black subject 148
Delgado, Richard 108
Dr. Sood 30
Dubey, Ajay 107
DuBois, W.E.B. 72
early century migration from Africa:
collective memory and social
construction 41–42; historical trade
exchanges 39; religion and
migration 39–41
economics of India-Africa Forum
Summits: cooperation in science and
technology 28–30; formal
cooperation 24; Indian ocean and
shipping 30–31; infrastructure
development 30; pharmaceuticals
26–28; trading in agriculture 25–26
epidermalization 151
Euro-American paradigm 93
Ezin, Jean Pierre O. 28
Fanon, Franz 122
Fee, Florence 107
feminist studies 84
First Information Report (FIR) 104
Freud 151
gated societies and African migrants:
choices in housing 70–72; Hauz
Rani 69; urban apartheid 72
Globalization and Inequalities:
Complexity and Contested
Modernities 90
Habshi 14
Habshi 6, 14, 62, 74, 86, 91, 112–118,
122, 131–134
Hadharami 39–40
Hall, Stuart 15, 99, 122, 148–149
Harvey, David 43, 70
Hauz Rani 69
history of migrations 12
housing segregation and race: Chicago
School 72–73; conflation of the
African identity 75–76; politics and
economics in exclusionary practices
76–78; race and its treatment 73;
spatial exclusion 73–75
identification assimilation 143
India-Africa bilateral relation 7, 12
India-Africa Forum Summits (IAFS) 12,
24
India-Africa relations 12, 19–35, 107
Indian diaspora in Africa 32–33
Indian ocean and shipping 30–31
informal networks, sites of 133–134
infrastructure development 24, 30
intercultural conflict 6–7
intercultural interaction and adaptation
5–6
intersectionality 84–85; of race and
class 85–89; between race, class, and
genders 89–92; of race, class, gender,
and religion 92–95
intra-categorical complexity 84, 89, 90
James, C.L.R. 128, 130
Jung 151
Kalam, A.P.J. 29
Kalla 14, 112–113, 117–118
Kallu 117
Khan, Amir 49
Khirki Extension 4–5, 9, 90–94, 99,
101, 104, 113, 117, 119
Lefebvre, Henri 70
Little Africa 4
local hostility 15, 131–133
locating universalism 151
long-term bonds 22
Lovely Professional University 91
March for Justice 14, 103, 129
Marcuse, Peter. 8
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) 27,
102, 107, 135
Ministry of Foreign Affairs 102–104, 109
minority religion in India 94
multiculturalism 5, 136, 142–143,
152–156
Myrdal, Gunnar 73
negotiating discrimination 134–135
Nehruvian era 21
New Economic Policy (NEP) 20–21,
42, 44

The New Economic Reforms 11, 77
New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD) 22
1951 UN Refugee Convention 13
non-aligned movement (NAM) 20
non-capitalist path 43
Oil and Natural Gas Corporation
Videsh Limited 23, 107
othering 3, 6–8, 60, 65, 68, 71, 73, 74,
78, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 100–102,
104, 106, 108, 112–123, 134–135,
153–154
Otherness 118
Pan-African identity 15, 154; African
kitchens 125–129; emergence of
131–133; functionality 133–135;
political identity at the diasporic
level 129–131; solidarity 125
Park, Robert Ezra 41, 73
patterns of migration: contemporary
patterns see contemporary patterns
of migration; early century
migration from Africa 39–42;
historical 38
period of liberalization 22
pharmaceuticals trading 26–28
political identity at the diasporic level
129–131
political intersectionality 88
primitive tribe 149
Purkayastha, Bandana 93
Rabaka, Reiland 108
racial and gender discrimination 92
racial clusters 72, 76, 134
racial discrimination 98, 101, 106–107,
109, 113, 116
racism 13–15, 49, 68, 83, 85–86, 89,
92, 98, 103, 105, 108–109, 112,
117, 122, 131–132, 135–136,
141–156; acculturation 142; binary
of primitive vs. the civilized see
colonialism and the social
construction; colour consciousness
152–155; cultural assimilation
142–144; culture of the host society
144–147; de-colonization 141;
dissimilation 144; in India 109; and
sexism 92; social constructs of
identity 141
Raghavan 34
Rajiv Chownk Metro Station 86
refugee policy in India 13, 63–64
Resident Welfare Association 14, 69
Index  161
safe spaces 15, 125, 128
Sammy, Darren 134
science and technology, cooperation in
28–30
sensitization 104, 107, 151
shared identity 122, 134
Siddi community 4, 39, 50
Siddis 39–41, 50, 55
Singh, Manmohan 22
socioeconomic status 10
Somali migrants in India: factors
determining choice of country
55–57; humanitarian crisis 54; legal
status of refugees 55
Somali refugee: civil war and internal
political crisis 53; in India 13; see
also Somali migrants in India; refugee
policy in India 63–64; transnational
migration networks 60–63; and
UNHCR 57–60; women in India 94
South-South Partnership 20
spatial segregation as social exclusion
10–11
strategic partners, India-Africa 33–35
structural intersectionality 83, 88
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG)
3, 141
system-centred approach 89
Taeuber, Karl 78
Tanzanian migrant 105
Tata, Ratan 32
Tauuber, Alma 78
Thomas 73
traditional diplomacy 35
transnational migration networks:
experiences of discrimination and
exclusion 62–63; religion 60–61;
role of family and community
61–62
UNHCR and Somali refugees:
humanitarian grounds 57; the
Indian government 58–60
Verne, J. 94, 95
Warburg, Aby 42
Wirth, Louis 41
women’s experience 84–85, 91
wooden dhow 42, 50
xenophobia 12, 74
Yinger, J. M. 144, 147
Znaniecki 73