Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Castin & Hagstrum 1995
Castin & Hagstrum 1995
Castin & Hagstrum 1995
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to American Antiquity
Specialization encompasses many ways to organize craft production, rangingfrom small, household-bas
workshops. Distinctive types of specialization develop in response to various social, economic, and
including the demand for crafts, the social relations of producers, and the support base for artisa
influence manufacturing technology. Thus, different types of specialization can be characterized by a
which reflects relative labor investment, skill, and standardization. An analysis of Prehispanic ceramic
tral sierra of Peru demonstrates how these technological profiles can be used to identify the ways
organized to provision consumers with utilitarian and luxury pottery. As we demonstrate in our analy
in the Yanamarca Valley, utilitarian Wanka-style cookwares and storage jars were produced by inde
artisans, while imperial Inka-stylejars were produced by locally recruited corvee labor working for
A nalyses of technological attributes such materials are lacking in the assemblage under
study. Standardization, labor investment, and
as standardization, labor investment, and
skill are often suggested as appropriateskill are considered to reflect specific character-
for characterizing the organization of ceramic istics of distinctive forms of specialization.
production (e.g., Barnes 1987; Benco 1986, When analyzed together, these measures provide
1987; Costin 1991; Davis and Lewis 1985; insight into the organization of production,
Feinman et al. 1984, 1991; Hagstrum 1985, reflecting how industries servicing different
1986, 1988, 1989; Rice 1981, 1989, 1991; Riley demands were organized to meet best the needs
1979-80; Sinopoli 1988). These analyses are of the consuming population. Analysis of tech-
especially useful when direct evidence of manu-nological data bearing on standardization, labor
facture such as kilns, wasters, tools, and raw investment, and skill allows us to identify gen-
619
eral trends in the organization of production. distributors) must move some distance to transfer
Such analysis is most useful in comparing differ-goods from producer to user.
ent wares from a single assemblage in terms of The third parameter is the constitution of the
their relative organization of production or production unit. It describes the group size and
change in a single ware over time. In this paper,
social relations of those individuals who regularly
we study three ceramic wares from the Upper cooperate to produce a recognized corpus of goods.
Mantaro Valley to demonstrate how the organi- At one extreme is household production. Crafts are
zation of production can be investigated by tech- manufactured within a domestic setting by a single
nological analyses of manufacture. family member or a small group of related individ-
uals who reside together. At the opposite extreme is
The Organization of Craft Production
the factory, or workshop in a nonindustrial setting.
Specialization is not a unitary form of economic This is a large facility staffed by unrelated individ-
organization, but rather must be viewed as a uals who are recruited voluntarily through wage
broad concept encompassing several distinctive contract or involuntarily through bondage, slavery,
types of organization. Costin (1986, 1991) hasor mandatory labor tax obligations.
identified four parameters that can be used to The fourth and final parameter is the intensity
describe the organization of production. The first of production. It describes the relative amount of
parameter is the context of production, which time individual producers devote to craft produc-
reflects the nature of the demand for a particular tion relative to other economic tasks. At one
good. When referring to context, we distinguish extreme are part-time producers, individuals
between "attached" and "independent" special- whose economic strategies combine production
ization (Costin 1986; Hagstrum 1985, 1986; see of a specific craft with service, agricultural or
also Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Earle 1981; Gero wage labor, or who rotate among several different
1983; Russell 1988). Attached specialists pro- crafts, working at each part-time. At the opposite
duce politically and socially symbolic goods andextreme are individuals who hypothetically
wealth that circulate primarily within the politi-devote all their economic energies to a single
cal economy and serve to maintain political craft, or even a single task, procuring all other
power and to enforce social distinctions. necessities from others in exchange for the goods
Distribution of these goods is controlled since they produce or the wages they earn.
artisans produce upon command for elite spon- These four parameters-context, concentra-
sors and patrons. In contrast, independent spe- tion, constitution, and intensity-reflect the
cialists manufacture utilitarian and domestic underlying causes of the organization of produc-
wares that circulate within the subsistence econ- tion. For example, knowing the context of pro-
omy and serve in household maintenance. duction-attached or independent-allows us to
Because there are no implicit or explicit sanc- focus on either political or economic explanations
tions on the acquisition of these goods, producersfor the rise of specialization in a particular case
and consumers are free to make distribution and (cf. Brumfiel and Earle 1987). The relative con-
procurement arrangements within a framework centration of production-nucleated or dis-
of established social reciprocity or market persed-is in part dependent on resource
exchange (Hagstrum 1996). distribution, and identification of this parameter
The second parameter is the concentration of value allows us to evaluate the appropriateness of
production. It describes the spatial relationship applying resource access/allocation models (such
between producers and consumers. At one as those of Arnold [1975] and Rice [1981]) to a
extreme, producers are uniformly dispersed particular case. The choice between part-time and
throughout the consuming population, minimiz- full-time production is an economic one, although
ing transportation time and costs from place ofthe considerations are different among attached
manufacture to place of use. At the opposite and independent specialists (Costin 1991;
extreme, all producers are nucleated in a single D'Altroy and Earle 1985; Hagstrum 1989; Hicks
production location, and goods and consumers (or 1987; Murra 1980). Although each of these para-
Standardization
idiosyncratic behavior (cf. Rice 1989). These
variables include resource selection and prepara-
tion unrelated to functional requirements; texture
Standardization refers to homogeneity in ceramic
and color variation caused by differences in clay
materials, vessel shape, and/or decoration. As
with labor investment, standardization reflects and pigment preparation and by firing fluctua-
economic and social constraints within the pro- tions; variability in metric aspects of designs such
duction system. In general, specialists produce as line width; minor size variation within size
standardized wares because their tasks are routine classes; and morphological and proportional vari-
and fewer potters introduce less idiosyncratic ation within specific shape classes. Because they
behavior into the ceramic assemblage (Hagstrum are in a sense unconscious, these attributes more
1985:69; Rice 1981, 1989, 1991; van der Leeuw directly reflect the organization of production (see
1976). We recognize two important exceptions to Hill 1979).
this generalization. First, even in communities Ultimately, the distinction we make between
served by large numbers of potters, there may be intentional and mechanical standardization is an
limits to the amount of variability tolerated. For etic construct, an analytic distinction invoked to
instance, potters have been observed to use tools make sense of the archaeological record. The
and measures to reduce the variability in their out- types of variability we record reflect a continuum,
put (Arnold 1991; Hagstrum 1989). Second, elite rather than a dichotomous differentiation,
patrons may sponsor specialists to produce unique between fully conscious and fully unconscious
goods, where uniqueness confers value to the practices on the part of the potter. Some attributes
product (Earle 1982). are chosen explicitly by the manufacturer; for
To study standardization, we must distinguish example, some clays are known to be less suscep-
between attributes reflecting vessel function and tible to heat fracture and some design elements
those reflecting the organization of production. are preferred by consumers. These decisions do
Here, we recognize two types of attributes: inten- not reflect the organization of production,
tional and mechanical (cf. Sackett 1977 on pas- although they clearly do reflect other important
sive and active style and Benco 1989 on economic and social dynamics within the society
technological and functional diversity). The under
arti-study. In contrast, the less deliberate
san consciously controls intentional attributes.aspects of vessel variability, such as minor varia-
These include technological, morphological,tion andin metric attributes, do reflect the organiza-
stylistic properties that broadly reflect tion of production, because they are hallmarks of
vessel
different production strategies.
function, whether economic, social, or political.
Examples of intentional attributes include materi- Measures of standardization aim to gauge the
relative number of hands or work units responsi-
als choices (and their appropriateness for vessel
function), morphology reflecting functionble for producing a particular assemblage, on the
(e.g.,
bowl vs. jar, large vs. small, high-neck vs.assumption
low that the amount of variability in these
mechanical attributes correlates directly with the
neck), and most stylistic elements (e.g., choices
about decorative motifs and colors). Intentional number of independent potters or work groups
attributes are less likely to inform us about the (Costin 1991). The amount of variability or stan-
organization of production because they are dardization vis-a-vis the organization of produc-
intended primarily to meet specific functional tion is a relative measure: more or less
and/or social needs. standardized industries are said to be more or less
Mechanical attributes are those which the pot- specialized only in comparison with some other
ter unintentionally introduces into his or her assemblage. Yet simply comparing two assem-
works. The variability associated with these blages is inadequate unless other considerations
are made. The first consideration is the total
attributes relates to the level and type of mass pro-
duction technology employed, training, skill, amount of pottery consumed: obviously, a higher
experience, the amount of supervision or quality demand will require more hands, all other vari-
control, efficiency, motor habits, work habits, and ables held constant. Second is labor intensity:
+ LABOR INVESTMENT
Attached ' 'Independent
+ MECHANICAL STANDARDIZATION _
Workshop , Individual
? MECHANICAL STA
Nucleated '< Dispersed
+ SKILL
Full-time - , Part-time
vessels that take longer to make require more implies facility and assuredness in accomplishing
hands, total output levels being equal. Third is thethe production tasks. The confidence of skilled
intensity of production: all other variables being artisans, as manifest in their crafts, applies to prac-
equal, fewer full-time potters will be required ticed household potters and to highly trained work-
than part-time potters. Fourth is the length of timeshop potters alike. The vagaries of quantifying skill
the assemblages represent: longer occupations bylead us to suggest that ceramic technological attrib-
definition will have been served by greater num- utes related to skill and control, to standardization,
bers of artisans, and therefore long periods or and to labor investment be considered together,
phases will exhibit greater variability than will since they combine in distinctive ways, discrimi-
shorter periods with similar forms of production. nating different kinds of specialization.
Figure 2. Map of the research area. Sites indicated are (2) Hatunmarca (Wanka II center, Wanka III town); (5) Hatun
Xauxa (Inka provincial capital); (7) Tunanmarca (Wanka II center); (41) Umpamalca (Wanka II town); (54) Marca
(Wanka III town); (59) Wankas de la Cruz (Wanka III village); (74) Chucchus (Wanka III village). After Earle et al.
1987:Figure 1.
tural complex consisting of one or more circular slip and the Wanka decorated wares were manu-
stone structures opening to a walled patio space.factured both before and after the Inka conquest.
Each patio group probably accommodated a sin- However, only materials from Inka period (Wanka
gle household. A combination of random and III) contexts were included in this analysis. Each
judgmental procedures was used to select 14 patio of these wares served distinct functions, and each
groups and areas within them for excavation (see met a particular demand, as characterized by level
Earle et al. 1987:7-16 for a complete discussion). of consumption, the social makeup of the con-
Both elite and commoner households-distin- suming population, and the political and symbolic
guished by size, masonry quality, and location- nature of the vessels.
were included in the sample.
Base Clara and Wanka Red
The three ceramic wares analyzed are the local
Wanka transport, storage and serving wares, These two decorated types shared many character-
called Base Clara and Wanka Red; the ubiquitous istics (Figure 3). Both were produced in slipped
cooking ware, called Micaceous Self-slip; and the and unslipped varieties, and were painted with
prestigious Inka-style state ware. Micaceous Self- rapidly executed black and red designs (Figure 3a,
a]
bl
cm
c E-m-n
Figure 3. Local style sto
and neck fragments (b); and decorated Base Clara body fragments (c). After Costin 1986:Figures 2.25, 2.51, 2.54, 2.55,
2.57 and Hagstrum 1989:Figure 6.4a.
c). Morphological similarities suggest they servednity specialization. Petrographic analyses support
similar functions. Petrographic analysis indicatesthis identification of a single source for the pro-
they were made of similar clays (Costin 1986). duction of these pottery types (Costin 1986,
Although each ware was made in several different 1996).
vessel forms, only high-necked jars were included
Micaceous Self-sli/)
in our analysis (Figure 3b). These jars were likely
multifunctional; the smaller jars used for trans- The globular low-necked jars characteristic of this
porting liquids and the larger ones used for storing undecorated type (Figure 4) were manufactured
wet and dry foods. Jars were recovered in both from a distinctive, highly micaceous clay similar
elite and commoner contexts, suggesting they met to that still used today to produce cooking ollas in
a broad demand. the Mantaro Valley (Hagstrum 1989). Many
Our understanding of the organization of pro-sherds had carbonized deposits on interior or
duction of Base Clara and Wanka Red is based on exterior surfaces, suggesting use in cooking.
Cooking vessels were recovered in all house-
the analysis of direct evidence for their manufac-
ture. The concentration of wasters from their holds, but were more concentrated in elite house-
holds. We suggest this reflects greater periodic
manufacture at a single town in domestic contexts
demand for cooking vessels during intermittent
unassociated with special purpose or elite archi-
tecture argues strongly for independent commu- feasting sponsored by local elites (Costin 1986).
Inka
b n-.
c cm
IA:]
Figure 5. Inka aryballoid jars: miniature jar form showing globular body and conical base (a) (aft
1986:Figure 2.28; Hagstrum 1989:Figure 5.32); jar rim and neck fragments (b) (after Costin 1986:Figure 2
decorated body fragments (c) (after Costin 1986:Figure 2.62).
organization of production of the Base Clara and to develop a set of hypotheses and test implica-
Wanka Red wares as community specialization. tions for the organization of production of each
Less is known about the organization of produc- ware. Specifically, we ask whether the organiza-
tion of Micaceous Self-slip and Inka pottery. tion of production of Micaceous Self-slip was
Given the relationships among the parameters of community specialization or nucleated workshop
the organization of production and labor invest-production; we ask whether the production of
ment, standardization, and skill as set forth in theInka-style pottery was nucleated corvee or
model above, we suggest that by comparing the retainer workshops.
technological characteristics (labor investment,
Micaceous Self-slip: Community
standardization, and skill) of Inka, Micaceous
Specialization or Nucleated Workshop
Self-slip, and the painted Wanka types, we should
Production?
be able to identify the organization of production
of the former two wares more conclusively. Given the general, unrestricted nature of the
Drawing on earlier studies of ceramic production demand for cooking vessels and the petrographic
in the Upper Mantaro (Costin 1986; D'Altroy homogeneity of the wares, we initially suggested
1981; D'Altroy and Bishop 1990; Hagstrum that this ware would have been produced by inde-
1986, 1989; LeVine 1987), we focus our expecta- pendent, nucleated craftspeople, either commu-
tions for Micaceous Self-slip and Inka production nity specialists or nucleated workshops. The two
Micaceous Self-slip
Community specialization low low-high low-moderate moderate
Nucleated workshop low low-high moderate-high moderate
Inka
Nucleated corvee moderate-high high low-moderate moderate
Retainer workshop high high high high
Table 3. Production Task Index Points. spond directly to the time required to execute
these tasks. Based on her experience as a practic-
Task Points
ing potter and her ethnographic fieldwork among
Primary formation (points for each side) 1 traditional Mantaro Valley potters, Hagstrum
Evident-coiled 2
Evident-rotated 3
(1989) modified the Feinman et al. index to quan-
Secondary formation (points for each side) 0 tify the labor invested in the manufacture of local
Not evident 1 Wanka and Inka wares (Table 3). Formation and
Evident-wiped or scraped 1 finishing tasks were ranked by the relative
Obliterated 2
amount of time necessary to complete them, and
Handles-formation
Coiled 1
proportional numbers of points were then
Pulled 2 assigned for each task. We rated Base Clara and
Handles- attachment Wanka Red separately in this analysis to control
Simple 1 for possible differences in labor investment in the
Plug 2
two Wanka decorated types.
Finishing- applica
Figure 6 presents the results of the labor invest-
Slip or wash (each color adds I point) 1
Finishing- modification (points for each side) ment analysis. Because the assignment of points to
Pebble smoothed 1 particular tasks represents a ranking of the relative
Burnished 2 amount of time spent in particular tasks (rather
Polished 3
than a recording of actual time spent), the scores
Finishing-plastic decorationa
are ordinal, not interval, scales. Therefore, scores
Simple incision 1
Complex incision 2 are presented as medians for the different parts of
Simple applique 1 the vessel. A sum of the total vessel is presented as
Complex appique 2 a rough indicator of the relative amount of time
Finishing- paint (each required
color adds
to produce each 1 point)a
of the types.
Simple motif 1
Micaceous Self-slip cooking vessels ranked
Complex motif 2
lowest, with a summed median score of 22 points.
Note: Scoring after Hagstrum 1989:Table 6.5.
a Noteworthy skill adds
It is noteworthy
1 point.
that median scores for Micaceous
Self-slip vessel parts consistently fell at the low
1989:Appendixes Dend of and the rangeE)
of scores.
to Lowassess
labor investmentman
ing techniques. for pottery used to cook over an open fire meets
Analysis of the wares in terms of labor invest- the expectation of low labor investment for low
ment, standardization, and skill enabled us to visibility.
compare the technological profile of each ware Base Clara and Wanka Red received nearly
with a known organization of production. Base identical scores for each vessel part and for their
Clara and Wanka Red provided the baseline infor- summed medians (medians of 37 and 38, respec-
mation. We then assessed the technology of pro- tively). The decorated Wanka wares scored higher
duction for each relative to one another to identify than Micaceous Self-slip, but significantly lower
the probable organization of production. than Inka pottery. The additional labor invested in
the local decorated types is expected given their
Labor Investment
decoration and the use of these vessels in a more
In ethnographic situations we can determinevisible
time public forum, away from the family hearth.
and other costs of production directly. In archaeo-Inka wares scored significantly higher than
logical contexts, we must devise an alternative any of the local Wanka wares. All body parts were
way to assess these costs. Here, we measure labor more labor intensive and the summed median-
investment using a production step index 85 points-quadrupled that of Micaceous Self-
(Feinman et al. 1981). The production step index slip (22 points) and tripled that of Base Clara (37
is an ordinal measure of manufacturing costs, points) and Wanka Red (38 points). Note that
where the number and complexity of production medians for individual Inka body parts generally
tasks involved in manufacturing wares corre- fell in the middle-to-high end of the range of
Standardization
5
ture was measured for three vessel parts, rim, col-
SHOULDER
* 4 5 5 X
5
:*_ -*7*7
'168 E7 I*12
U;
Hildebrand 1990). 1 10 _
CARINATION
inspected first to evaluate modality in the distrib-
utions of these measurements. We were con-
cerned that there might be discrete size classes 5K 6 -" - - W3
BASE
represented within a single vessel form. Many 0
C .V .- stdxlOO
the 10 percent maximum used to characterize a
Table 4 shows that the coefficients of variation unimodal biological population (Thomas 1976).
for all attributes measured for all wares were high,What can we make of these numbers? Although
ranging from 29.46 percent to 49.09 percent. we did not detect unambiguous size (or shape)
Coefficients of variation on the metric variablesclasses beyond the relatively small number of out-
of rim radius, collar radius, and body radius areliers removed from the analysis, it is likely that
close for the three wares. Inka pottery appears the
to assemblage contained several classes or sizes
be somewhat less variable than Micaceous Self-
of vessels that went unrecognized in our analyses.
slip and the painted Wanka wares in terms ofIn rim
the Mantaro Valley today, potters and con-
and body-at-handle radius measurements. sumers recognize three shape categories and four
Our coefficients of variation are greater size
than classes of cooking vessels (small to extra-
large ollas, small to large chatas, and small to ethnographic assemblages. This is likely for sev-
large tostaderas) and three shape categories and eral reasons. First, potters with limited mass-pro-
five size classes of transport/storage jars (individ- duction technology will produce more variable
ual to medium porongos; individual to extra-large assemblages than those using standardized tools
ulpus; and small and medium tinajas). We did not or mass-production technology. More important,
recognize the range of morphological or size vari- archaeological assemblages are created over a
ability in the archaeological assemblage that was much longer period than are those studied by
encountered in modern households. This may be a ethnographers. Logically, more potters should
have created the archaeological assemblages than
result of the difficulty in reconstructing vessel
size and shape from an assemblage of sherds. the ethnographic ones, and therefore the former
Longacre et al. (1988) calculated coefficients should be expected to manifest greater variability
of variation on the same order of magnitude as than the later. In many ways, comparing the sta-
ours for an assemblage from Grasshopper Pueblo. tistics of an archaeological assemblage with those
The Grasshopper data, like ours, rendered coeffi- of an ethnographic assemblage to judge the
cients of variation higher than those calculated on degree of specialization counters some of the
ethnographic samples of known production orga- most important principles of such comparative
nization. Longacre et al. (1988) ultimately con- analysis, most notably that the assemblages com-
cluded that their archaeological data contained pared must have been produced over a similar
several ceramic classes unrecognized by the amount of time and must represent total popula-
archaeologists (see Stark 1991). tions of similar size (Costin 1991).
It is intriguing to note, however, that the coef- Technological Attributes. The second set of
ficients of variation on our archaeological assem- attributes analyzed consisted of paste color, slip
blage are within the same order of magnitude color, as and paint color. Ceramic color is affected
those calculated on other hand-built assemblages by several factors, the most important being the
(Crown 1991; Longacre et al. 1988), although composition of the raw materials and the firing
coefficients of variation calculated for wheel- process. Variability in color, to the extent it relates
made pottery from Late Roman and Early Islamic to the technologies of resource preparation and
sites were much smaller (Benco 1986: Figures firing,
6 should reflect the organization of produc-
and 7). These studies suggest there may in fact tion
be in two ways. First, we assume the variability
in composition (or number of "recipes" used to
greater variability within hand-built archaeologi-
cal ceramic assemblages than in biological popu-formulate the clay bodies, slips, and paints) to be
lations, ancient mass-produced assemblages, orcorrelated with the number of work units to the
Paint Slip
Paste Red Black Red Cream
extent that each work unit will have its own mechanical standardization as measured by color
sources and methods for procuring and preparingvariability and morphological standardization.
raw materials. Second, we assume that relative These data, then, suggest that the producers of all
uniformity in firing characteristics reflects thewares were nucleated to a similar degree, since
number of work groups because we expect each they exhibit equivalent homogeneity (or hetero-
work group to have its own consistent firing regi-geneity). This conclusion is supported by the pet-
men, including pot stacking arrangements, fuels rographic data, which indicate a single "source"
used, and cues for determining the end of firing.for each of the wares. Furthermore, the data sug-
Five color attributes-paste color, cream slip, gest similar numbers of potters or workshops
red slip, red paint, and black paint-were were at work producing each of the three wares.
recorded using standard Munsell notation of
Skill
value, hue, and chroma (Munsell 1975).
Variability in Munsell values for each attribute Skill can be measured in a number of ways.
was assessed using the Shannon-Weaver diversity Standardization itself is sometimes considered a
index (Pielou 1966a, 1966b; Shannon and Weaver hallmark of potters' skill. However, this measure is
1963), calculated as useful only in industries in which the products were
H'=E pi log Pi intended to be homogeneous. For those products
This statistic was developed in information
whose uniqueness is desired (a hallmark of many
theory to measure the amount of noise orelite
ran-
wares), such a measure would be inappropri-
domness in a message. To the extent that ate.
we Although
can none of the industries considered in
assume the Wanka and the Inka had particular
our study represents highly individual and unique
colors in mind when they decorated their pottery
vessels,produced exclusively for elite patrons, we
we can assume that the variability in achieving
do recognize Inka potters to have been more skilled
those colors was in fact unintentional "noise." (or at least more consistent) than those potters pro-
Although some precision in assessing variability
ducing the Wanka pottery analyzed here.
is lost by treating the ordinal (or continuous) Two technical aspects of pottery manufac-
Munsell readings as nominal data, this may have
ture-wall thickness and firing core-were ana-
been the most effective method for measuring lyzed to inform us of the relative skill of the
variability in multidimensional data. artisans. Pots constructed in the Wanka and Inka
The results of the analysis of color diversity are
ceramic traditions were probably manufactured
somewhat ambiguous (Table 5), because none ofby coiling on a muyuchiku or slow wheel
the wares was consistently more or less variable (Hagstrum 1989:161-162). By measuring wall
than the others. Given the lack of consistent pat- thickness on opposite sides of a potsherd oriented
terning in the color data, we conclude similar according to its axis of revolution, we expect to
amounts of color diversity in the Wanka and Inkasee evidence for skill in vessel forming technique
assemblages. (including coiling, scraping, and subsequent sur-
Conclusions drawn from comparative stan- face modification).
dardization. In sum, the three wares showed sur- For each sherd, wall thickness was measured in
prisingly little difference in their degrees of two locations. The data presented in Table 6 show
Rim
the variation around the mean wall thickness, cal- culated on the distributions indicates the differ-
culated ences to be statistically significant at the .001 level.
Var wt = Maximum wall thickness nminimum wall thickness Although the quantitative measures indicate
- (maximum wall thickness + minimum wall thickness)/ 2
only slight skill differences among the Inka and
Summary statistics and coefficients of varia-Wanka wares, there appears to be a qualitative dif-
tion for these measurements are inappropriate,ference. Inka vessels appear to have been more
because the distribution more closely approxi- carefully constructed and decorated than were the
mates a Poisson distribution than a normal distrib- Wanka vessels, indicating greater skill and/or
ution. The general pattern, however, indicates that
effort on the part of the artisans producing them
the control of the Inka potters in forming their pots(compare Figures 3 and 5). The complex mor-
phology of the Inka aryballoid jar form, including
is somewhat greater than the potters producing the
Wanka and Micaceous Self-slip wares. All Inka conical base, sharp-angled carination at the junc-
vessels (100 percent) showed less than five per- ture of the base and body, and the tall smoothly
cent variation in rim and collar wall thickness. In curved necks, required an understanding of the
percentage terms, Micaceous Self-slip potters drying properties of clay and careful timing for
showed less control in two of three locations than building the constituent parts of this vessel shape,
did artisans producing Wanka-style transport/stor- hallmarks of accomplished and skilled artisans
age jars. However, this is in part a function of the(Figure 5a). The qualitative difference recognized
differences in mean wall thickness. Because in the care and control, if not skill, to execute the
Micaceous Self-slip cooking vessels are thin painted decoration of Inka jars by contrast to
walled, even a slight variation will translate into Wanka
a jars is graphically illustrated by compar-
relatively large percentage difference. ing Figures 3a and 5a. The Inka repertoire of geo-
The second variable used to evaluate the skill of metric design elements (Figure 5c) exhibits
the potters was the presence or absence of a firing technical mastery not apparent in the Wanka
core, considered a rough indicator of the level repertoire
of (Figure 3c), which consists of haphaz-
control and consistency in firing. As Table 7 ard squiggles, dots, and randomly intersecting
demonstrates, Inka and Micaceous Self-slip potters lines. Hagstrum (1989:254) more often gave addi-
showed significantly more control/consistency in tional points for "noteworthy skill" to Inka sherds
firing than did the makers of Wanka-style jars. than to local pieces, so this "qualitative" differ-
Specifically, only 11 percent of Micaceous Self-ence was quantified to some extent in the analysis
slip sherds and 17 percent of Inka sherds retained of
a labor investment.
grey organic core, while 37 percent of Wanka Conclusions f/onm analy,sis of skill. In sum, the
sherds had a gray core. A chi-square statistic cal- similarities in skill level suggest that all potters
producing the wares recovered in the Yanamarca Table 7. Presence or Absence of Firing Core.
worked at the same relative intensity, that is, the
% Absent % Present
same degree of part- or full-time work.
Inka (N=404) 83 17
Summary and Conclusions Micaceous Self-slip (N=561) 89 11
Wanka (N=953) 63 37
Labor investment, standardization, and skill
chi-square = 146.995 df = 2 prob < .001
assessed in the manufacture of Micaceous Self-
slip cooking vessels, Base Clara and Wanka Red morphological standardization, related to its pri-
storage/transport jars, and Inka aryballoids are mary function, cooking. Inka manifested only
summarized in Figure 7. Inka was the most labor slightly more mechanical standardization than
intensive of the wares, followed by the Wanka either of the Wanka wares.
decorated wares and then Micaceous Self-slip. As In sum, the primary difference among the three
expected, labor investment in manufacture varies wares is the amount of labor invested in manufac-
according to the social and political functions ture, indicating differences in production organi-
these wares served. Micaceous Self-slip was a zation specifically in the parameter of the context
purely utilitarian cooking ware limited to use of production. Specifically, we corroborate previ-
within domestic contexts. Base Clara and Wanka ous analyses suggesting Inka ceramics were pro-
Red vessels served multiple functions, includingduced by attached specialists, while Micaceous
transportation and storage of wet and dry com- Self-slip, Base Clara, and Wanka Red were pro-
modities; these pots were used and seen outsideduced
a by independent specialists.
family context. Their decoration apparently sig- We argue that the similarities in standardization
naled some form of social affiliation, perhaps and skill among all the types in this study indicate
political allegiance or moiety membership they were produced by similar numbers of potters
(LeBlanc 1981). Inka aryballoids-the most labor or workshops, with similar degrees of concentra-
intensive-served the most overt political func- tion, all working with the same intensity.
tion, and clearly had the most public role of any of Overall, the local storage jars and Micaceous
the wares analyzed. These highly standardized Self-slip ollas have similar technological profiles.
vessels were used throughout the empire to trans-Micaceous Self-slip did not have the relatively
port, store, and prepare symbolically charged higher degree of mechanical standardization we
commodities such as maize and chicha (maize would expect if the ware had been produced
beer), and were often distributed to local popula-
within large, supervised workshops. We conclude
tions as part of imperial largess (Morris 1978). that Micaceous Self-slip, like Base Clara and
In Figure 7, we see that Inka involved the Wanka Red, was produced by community special-
greatest amount of skill in manufacture, followedists, independent household-based producers
by Micaceous Self-slip and Base Clara/Wanka aggregated at a few communities (Table 8).
Red. The Inka jars showed a much higher degree The Inka data are in line with expectations for
of intentional stylistic standardization, a functiona supervised form of attached specialization
of their use as mass emblems of political alle- (Table 9). This is the most labor intensive pottery
giance and favor. The Micaceous Self-slip cook- consumed by the Wanka population. Those vari-
ware showed the greatest amount of intentional ables reflecting skill and control-control over fir-
Figure 7. Three primary wares ranked by technological characteristics used to identify the organization