Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
The Populist Trap: Cambodia’s Longest Authoritarian Regime in a
Pseudo-democratic Framework
Nancy U. Daproza, Nuraipa M. Guialudin, Rozella Octavio 1
1
Student, Department of Political Science, Mindanao State University
Abstract— This paper examines the populist
authoritarianism of Hun Sen and his ruling party,
the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), in
Cambodia. It uses commitment theory to analyze
how and why Hun Sen and CPP have maintained
their dominance and legitimacy in Cambodian
politics by exploiting both the demand and supply
sides of populism. On the demand side, they have
appealed to citizens’ joint commitment to uphold
their political institutions by invoking historical
context, social identity, and political efficacy. On
the supply side, they have elicited and sustained
citizens’ joint commitment by adopting a
charismatic leadership style and designing a
hybrid institutional system. They have also used
political repression, patronage networks, electoral
manipulation, and foreign support to secure their
power. The paper discusses the implications of
populist authoritarianism for democracy, human
rights, and development in Cambodia.
Keywords – Commitment Theory, populism,
authoritarianism, Cambodia, Hun Sen, CPP.
I. INTRODUCTION
Populist authoritarianism is a form of political
regime that combines elements of populism and
authoritarianism, such as charismatic leadership, anti-
elitism, nationalism, mobilization of popular support,
repression of dissent, and manipulation of
institutions. Populism is a political tactic that tries to
appeal to the wants and complaints of ordinary
people by frequently promising things that might not
be possible or sustainable in the long run. It also
stresses the contrast between the people and the elite,
and claims that the politics represent the unified will
of the people. While, Authoritarianism is a political
system that concentrates power in the hands of a
single leader or party, and limits or denies the rights
and freedoms of the opposition and the civil society.
Hun Sen, the prime minister of Cambodia since
1985, and his ruling party, the Cambodian People’s
Party (CPP), have been widely regarded as examples
of populist authoritarianism in Southeast Asia. They
1
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
have risen to power in a pseudo-democratic
framework that forbears the “will of the people” to
practice their rights such as political, economic and
social rights. They have also faced various challenges
such as historical genocide and mass killing,
corruption, and social and economic inequality.
In this paper, the researchers used the commitment
theory to analyze how and why Hun Sen and CPP
have maintained their dominance and legitimacy in
Cambodian politics. Commitment theory is a
normative theory of political obligation that argues
that one has special obligations to support the
political institutions of one’s own country precisely
because one is a member of a political society, and
that membership is a matter of participation in a joint
commitment with other members (Gilbert, 2006). A
joint commitment is a special type of social bond that
creates a plural subject, a collective agent that acts
and reasons as one (Gilbert, 2006). According to
Morelli, Nicolò, and Roberti (2021), populism fosters
a sense of group identification among its followers by
using rhetoric of “us versus them”, emotional
appeals, social media, and charismatic leaders. These
factors generate a feeling of continuity and dedication
among the adherents of populism which is seen in the
context of Cambodia.
The researchers focus on two aspects of
commitment theory: the demand side and the supply
side. According to According to Morelli, Nicolò, and
Roberti (2021), the demand side refers to the
conditions under which citizens are willing to enter
or maintain a joint commitment to uphold their
political institutions whereas the supply side refers to
the conditions under which political leaders are able
to elicit or sustain such a joint commitment from
citizens. The researchers argues that Hun Sen and
CPP have exploited both the demand and supply
sides of commitment theory to secure their populist
authoritarian rule. On the demand side, they have
appealed to citizens’ joint commitment by invoking
historical context, social identity, and political
efficacy. On the supply side, they have elicited and
sustained citizens’ joint commitment by adopting a
charismatic leadership style and designing a hybrid
 Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)

institutional system. They have also used political According to Dobbins et al. (2013) the two
repression, patronage networks, electoral decades of war eviscerated the Cambodian economy,
manipulation, and foreign support to maintain and which was not well developed to begin with. Before
continue to hold their power indefinitely. The the conflicts, Sihanouk (King of Cambodia)
researchers discuss the implications of populist discouraged foreign ventures and avoided grand
authoritarianism for democracy, human rights, and industrial projects in an effort to ensure Cambodian
development in Cambodia. neutrality and hinder urbanization. 'These policies
discouraged civic organization.' Cambodia had been
II. FINDINGS largely self-sufficient in food until Lon Nol (former
prime minister of Cambodia) brought the country into
After conducting extensive research and reviewing
the Vietnam War. Cambodia became highly
the rise of authoritarian populism in Cambodia, this
dependent on imports of food and U.S. foreign aid
article primarily focusing to the Regime of Hun Sen
after that. In the sector of agriculture, rice cultivation
and his party, Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). In
dropped from 6 million to 1 million acres, creating
describing their particulars, the researcher delves into
food shortages.
the journey towards authoritarianism of Cambodia,
The remnants of the Cambodian economy that
including its current political organization. We
remained after the Vietnam War were wiped out
recognize the importance of understanding the path-
under the Khmer Rouge. Infrastructures were left to
dependent processes that intersected the
crumble, the Khmer Rouge largely cut ties to the
administrations of ruler, leading to the provocation of
outside world. What limited production occurred was
the current regime. Specifically, the researcher
dedicated to local consumption. Even with the entire
focuses on the political mobilization which includes
population working in the rice paddies, food
strategies and mechanisms of Hun Sen, highlighting
production fell. Instead of importing foodstuff to feed
the regime he has cultivated throughout his tenure,
the population, the Khmer Rouge let mass starvation
which has captivated the failure of populism. By
take its toll (Dobbins et al., 2013).
exploring these topics, the researcher aims to provide
a comprehensive understanding of the durability of
Political Situation of Cambodia
populist authoritarianism of Hun Sen utilizing the
Politics in Cambodia have historically been based
demand and supply side in the context of
on patron-client relationships in which loyalty is
Commitment Theory.
exchanged for money, positions, or protection. During
the decades of conflict, patrons changed, but political
Cultural and Social Attitude before Hun Sen’s
practices remained largely the same and were
Regime
reinforced by a heritage of deference to authority.
In Cambodian culture, elders are revered, as is the
Until recently, Cambodians maintained low
monarch, who is treated as the leader of a large
expectations of their government because it rarely
family." Experts claim that Cambodians' 'ingrained
featured in their lives. Consequently, they did not
habit of deference’ comes from the respect for
develop the organizations or tools with which to
authority taught in Theravada Buddhism, the religion
influence their government. Cambodia's lack of
of ninety percent of Cambodia's population.
"intermediary structures'' between the population and
Regardless of its origins, submitting to political
ruling elites has "left the way open for the unfettered
authority has been a survival technique born of
exercise of dictatorial power."
necessity for Cambodians, who, for most of their
history, have had few opportunities to control their
Khmer Rouge Era
destiny (Dobbins et al., 2013).
Cambodia, a developing nation of approximately
Although a tradition of deference may in part
16 million people, is still dealing with its past,
explain why political activity in Cambodia rarely went
including the civil war that followed and lasted into
beyond selecting a protector to line up behind, it
the early 1990s as well as the tragedy beyond
seems to confound explanations for how the same
comprehension that was official Khmer Rouge rule—
society produced one of the most-brutal political
Pol Pot's brutal Cambodian regime came to an end
movements of the 20th century. And yet, Cambodian
forty years ago, but its legacy lives on. From 1975 to
deference and the Khmer Rouge's extreme violence
1979, the hardline communist command known as the
may have similar origins (Dobbins et al., 2013).
Khmer Rouge terrorized the Southeast Asian country,
resulting in the deaths of anywhere from 1.7 million
Economic Condition of Cambodia before the
to 3 million people. Many people were sent to labor
emergence of Populism
camps, prisons, and killing fields across the country as
part of the regime's effort to create a classless agrarian

2

society. There, they died of starvation, disease, and
torture. A Vietnam-backed invasion on January 7,
1979, forced the Khmer Rouge to retreat into the
jungle. A landmark decision was made in November
by a United Nations tribunal, convicting two of the
regime's last remaining leaders of genocide. That
significant verdict showed how the genocidal regime
still affects Cambodian society today (Quackenbush,
2019).
In April 1975, the Khmer Rouge overwhelmed
Cambodia's capital, Phnom Penh, bringing down a
U.S.- supported, traditional government. The
insurgents' army was led by a man named Pol Pot,
who had previously lived in France and joined the
communist party there. Their ideology was Marxist.
After getting back to his country, he immediately
ascended the positions of the country’s clandestine
communist movement. In the belief that this would
lead to the establishment of an agrarian utopia,
millions of people were immediately sent to work in
labor camps in the countryside after the Khmer Rouge
took power in 1975, which was referred to as "Year
Zero" in the country. The middle class and
intellectuals, including doctors, lawyers, journalists,
artists, and students, as well as ethnic Vietnamese and
Cham Muslims, were the primary targets of the mass
killings. The country became known as Democratic
Kampuchea after the prohibitions on private property,
money, religion, and traditional culture were lifted.
The official Khmer Rouge rule ended on January 7,
1979, when Vietnam invaded the capital. However,
even at that time, the Khmer Rouge maintained the
support and military assistance of the United States
and other Western nations and were viewed by many
in the West as a significant threat to Vietnamese
influence in Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge remained
Cambodia's sole legitimate representative in the
United Nations General Assembly from 1979 to 1990.
When Pol Pot passed away in 1998, he was just about
to stand trial in front of the entire world.
Today, numerous previous Khmer Rouge
personnel stay in power, including prime minister
Hun Sen. In power starting around 1985, the head of
the socialist Cambodian Individuals' Party is presently
the longest-serving prime minister in the world.
According to Meixler (2017), Cambodia's democracy
has never been completely open. Hun Sen as of late
won re-appointment in a vote that has been
scrutinized for a significant crackdown on resistance
and assaults on the press.
Cambodia's victimhood and historical grievances,
particularly with regard to Vietnam and the West.
Depending on the historical and geopolitical context,
Hun Sen's regime takes a complicated and pragmatic
stance toward Vietnam and Western nations. Hun Sen
has maintained a close relationship with Vietnam,
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Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
which supported his rise to power and helped him
overthrow the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979.
Additionally, he has collaborated with Vietnam on a
variety of issues, including defense, trade, and border
security. He has frequently referred to Vietnam as
Cambodia's "big brother" and "strategic partner."
(Path & Nhem, 2021).
Then again, Hun Sen has likewise attempted to
offset his binds with Vietnam with his relations with
different nations, particularly China. On sensitive
issues like the South China Sea dispute and the Khmer
Krom minority in southern Vietnam, he has sought to
assert Cambodia's sovereignty and independence from
Vietnam. Additionally, he has voiced his displeasure
regarding Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia in the
1980s and its interference in the internal affairs of
Cambodia. He has said that Vietnam is encroaching
on Cambodia's land and water resources and violating
its territorial integrity (Strangio, 2020).
With respect to Western nations, Hun Sen has had
a more opposing and rebellious stand, particularly as
of late. He has alleged that Western nations are
interfering with Cambodia's internal politics and
imposing their values and interests on the country. He
has blamed the West for supporting the opposition
and civil society organizations that challenge his rule,
rejecting Western criticism of his human rights record
and democratic deterioration. He has likewise
reproved Western endorses and exchange limitations
as uncalled for and low, and promised to oppose any
strain or dangers from them (Rainsy, 2023).
Using patronage, subsidies, and infrastructure
projects to get votes from rural and poor voters
while excluding urban and educated voters, who
typically vote for the opposition.
The big-ticket item, according to Hunt's article
from 2023, is a $16 billion real estate development at
Ream City on the south coast that will be built by
Canopy Sands Development, a member of the Prince
Holding Group led by Chinese developer Chen Zhi.
The task is supposed to be finished by 2028.
Additionally, a $4 billion high-speed rail project to
upgrade a 382-kilometer stretch of the Phnom Penh-
Poipet border crossing will be implemented. From
Phnom Penh to Bavet on the Vietnamese border and
Phnom Penh to Sihanoukville on the country's coast,
high-speed rail connections are also planned. China
Road and Bridge Construction (CBRC) will also
construct a $1.4 billion expressway from the capital to
Bavet, following the completion of the $2 billion,
190-kilometer expressway that connected Phnom
Penh and Sihanoukville late last year. Phnom Penh's
new airport, which will cost $1.5 billion and be
entirely funded by Cambodia, is expected to open in
2025. Siem Reap's $880 million airport is scheduled

to open in October, and Koh Rong's $300 million
international airport will be built. An "action plan" is
also being developed to address the more than 1,100
abandoned buildings in Sihanoukville over the past
three years. One pro-government media outlet referred
to this as "a stark reminder of botched investments,
mostly by Chinese nationals." These ventures are
mega and numerous and should be sketchy.
Cambodia's Gross domestic product is about $27
billion, expressed obligation levels add up to nearly
$10 billion, with China representing around 43%,
giving it a sensibly strong obligation to-Gross
domestic product proportion of 37% for the time
being. What's more, the eagerly awaited return of
Chinese nationals, liberated from Coronavirus testing
prerequisites, likewise started off toward the
beginning of January with 2 million travelers from
Individuals' Republic expected to in practically no
time show up. Many more may be permitted to
emigrate and work in Cambodia.
The Cambodian Prime Minister emphasized that
the private sector can also enhance collaboration
between the public and private sectors, particularly
through the Public-Private Partnership mechanism,
which aims to mobilize financial resources for the
development and implementation of various initiatives
and to meet the financial requirements for sustainable
socioeconomic recovery.
According to a different patronage report from
Narin (2018), Hun Sen has a strong following and a
mythical reputation in his home village of Peam Krav,
where he has given money to the people there. He has
distributed land to his supporters and constructed
roads, bridges, and schools. In the strongman's native
village of Peam Krav, a picturesque settlement of
wooden houses on stilts on the red-soil banks of the
Mekong River, his Cambodian People's Party (CPP)
will not have a hard time getting votes because he has
also developed a personal narrative of being a
survivor destined by fate to rule Cambodia. There,
somewhere down in the heartland of northeastern
Cambodia and in Kampong Cham Territory —
recently represented by his sibling Hun Neng — the
state leader appreciates solid fame and a legendary
standing as a survivor foreordained by destiny to run
the show. Strong support has resulted from the
premier's interactions with his native Peam Kaoh Sna
commune. Although the now-banned opposition
Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) increased
its votes in the 2017 commune elections, taking three
out of nine seats, the CPP has won all elections for
years. Met Hat, 34, is one villager who feels
personally grateful for Hun Sen's apparent kindness.
He has been here ever since I was born. She stated, "I
went to his school, I went to work on his road, and my
mother got land from him." On the off chance that I
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Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
vote in favor of another (pioneer), I'm apprehensive
the nation won't be tranquil." Another ally is Doung
Yun, 37, who lives close to a Mekong Waterway span
development project that Hun Sen has advanced. "
Doung Yun said, "I'm glad Samdech (Hun Sen) is
building the bridge here." Because he is the leader
who... developed the country, I will vote for Samdech.
Doung Yun added, "Maybe wary of the land grabs
that frequently affect farmers who live near
development projects in Hun Sen's Cambodia." I trust
the public authority will repay me on the off chance
that they take land for the extension, so I can purchase
land somewhere else and construct another house for
my loved ones." He has distributed land to his
supporters and constructed schools, roads, and bridges
through the power he has appointed, Hun Sen. This is
consistent with his political style of personally
intervening as a generous benefactor to selected
calamity-hit communities, which is a powerful sign of
patronage that is in line with Cambodia's political
culture. His actions are also consistent with this style.
Attacking and suppressing activists from civil
society, the media, and human rights groups.
The government uses lawsuits, criminal
prosecutions, massive tax bills, and occasionally
violent attacks to harass and intimidate the media.
Private media outlets exist, but the majority are
controlled and operated by the CPP. Beginning
around 2017, the public authority has participated in a
serious crackdown on autonomous media. After
receiving a burdensome tax bill that year, the
independent English-language newspaper Cambodia
Daily closed its doors. Since then, it has been brought
back online as a news aggregator. Many of the
independent Phnom Penh Post's editors and reporters
left or were fired after it was sold to a Malaysian
investor with ties to Hun Sen in 2018. Cambodian
media output is also influenced by Chinese
investments. Since accepting outside investment in
2018, the pro-government news site Fresh News has
distributed content from Chinese state media. Foreign
media organizations operate with more stringent
restrictions and are sometimes forced out of the
country altogether, whereas pro-government media
organizations operate without restriction. The state
announced the establishment of a new 15-member
Monitoring Committee for Journalism Ethics in 2021.
The majority of the members of the committee are
government employees. The committee will report to
the Information Ministry and will be responsible for
monitoring and evaluating journalists' and media
outlets' "ethical conduct." (Freedom House, 2023).
Media rights NGOs and journalists have expressed
concern that the committee will permit the

government to further harass journalists and restrict
independent media coverage.
Civil society organizations dedicated to justice and
human rights, as well as activists involved in land
disputes, run the risk of violence, state harassment,
and arrest. Human rights activists and non-
governmental organizations (NGOs) frequently face
excessive "interference, intimidation, or harassment"
from Cambodian authorities, according to a 2020
report from the UN Human Rights Office in
Cambodia. A few unmistakable activists were
captured in 2021, including a few individuals from
ecological backing bunch Earth's life-giving force
(Freedom House, 2023). Many of the people who
were arrested faced long periods of detention or
charges that were not clear; The allegations have been
labeled "absurd" by numerous international human
rights organizations, and they have urged the
Cambodian government to allow peaceful activism. In
a further case, according to Human Rights Watch,
over 100 members of the political opposition and
dozens of human rights advocates were subjected to a
series of mass trials in Cambodia's politicized courts
for exercising their rights to peaceful assembly and
freedom of speech in an effort to silence dissent. At
time of writing this article, Cambodia had in excess of
60 political detainees in jail.
Seen from this perspective, Hun Sen doesn't just
want to crush independent voices in civil society at
the moment; he needs to take them over. In point of
fact, the CPP is moving from being a political party
that controls the entire public sphere to one that
controls the entire state apparatuses, including the
police, army, judiciary, and civil service.
III. DISCUSSION
Commitment theory is a normative theory of
political obligation that argues that one has special
obligations to support the political institutions of
one’s own country precisely because one is a member
of a political society, and that membership is a matter
of participation in a joint commitment with other
members (Gilbert, 2006). A joint commitment is a
special type of social bond that creates a plural
subject, a collective agent that acts and reasons as
one (Gilbert, 2006).
The researchers focused on two aspects of
commitment theory: the demand side and the supply
side. The demand side refers to the conditions under
which citizens are willing to enter or maintain a joint
commitment to uphold their political institutions. The
supply side refers to the conditions under which
political leaders are able to elicit or sustain such a
joint commitment from citizens. The researchers
5
Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
argued that Hun Sen and CPP have exploited both the
demand and supply sides of commitment theory to
secure their populist authoritarian rule.
The demand side: how Hun Sen and CPP appeal
to citizens’ joint commitment
On the demand side, the researchers examine three
factors that influence citizens’ readiness to join or
remain in a joint commitment to their political
institutions: historical context, social identity, and
political efficacy.
Historical context
One factor that shapes citizens’ demand for
political obligation is the historical context of their
country. In particular, citizens may be more inclined
to support a political regime that provides stability,
security, and development after a period of violence,
chaos, and poverty. This is the case for Cambodia,
which suffered from decades of civil war, genocide,
foreign intervention, and isolation since the 1970s
(Hyde et al., 2023).
Hun Sen and CPP have capitalized on this
historical legacy by portraying themselves as the
saviors and protectors of the nation, who liberated
Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979,
restored peace and sovereignty in 1991, and
promoted economic growth and social welfare since
then (Hyde et al., 2023). They have also invoked the
threat of renewed violence and instability if they are
removed from power, especially by foreign-backed
opposition forces (Hyde et al., 2023). By doing so,
they have appealed to citizens’ sense of gratitude,
loyalty, and fear, which may motivate them to enter
or maintain a joint commitment to uphold Hun Sen’s
and CPP’s rule.
One of the key features of Hun Sen’s populism is
his emphasis on stability and security. Hun Sen came
to power after the Khmer Rouge regime, which was
responsible for the deaths of millions of Cambodians.
The fall of the Khmer Rouge is key to the presence of
the decision government, as the CPP positions itself
as the party that "without any help allowed Cambodia
its second birth from the abhorrences of the Khmer
Rouge period," says Strangio (2014). The Prime
Minister's power is deeply ingrained, and his party's
influence has permeated the populace's moral fabric
far beyond the halls of power. His role in
overthrowing the brutal dictatorship that killed
millions of Cambodians and restoring peace and
stability to the nation is appreciated by some. In

addition, they back his efforts to grow the economy
and raise the standard of living for many Cambodians
(Quackenbush, 2019). Furthermore, a survey that was
carried out in 2019 by the Asia Foundation found that
while 30% of Cambodians were dissatisfied, 68% of
Cambodians were satisfied with the way democracy
functions in their country. Additionally, the survey
revealed that 79% of Cambodians viewed Hun Sen
favorably, while 18% viewed him negatively.
Notwithstanding, the overview additionally noticed
that numerous Cambodians communicated feeling of
dread toward talking transparently about legislative
issues and social issues, and that confidence in open
organizations was low. In the aftermath of his
genocides, Hun Sen’s administration prioritized
stability and security above all else. This has included
cracking down on political opposition and dissent,
censoring the media, and limiting civil liberties.
While these policies have been criticized by human
rights groups, they have also helped to maintain Hun
Sen’s popular support, as many Cambodians see him
as a strong leader who can protect them from
instability.
Social identity
Another factor that affects citizens’ demand for
political obligation is their social identity, or their
sense of belonging to a group or category. Social
identity can influence citizens’ attitudes and
behaviors toward their political institutions by
creating ingroup-outgroup distinctions, enhancing
group cohesion, and generating group norms (Chang
& Stansbie, 2018).
Hun Sen and CPP have exploited social identity by
constructing a populist discourse that defines the
nation as a homogeneous and harmonious community
that shares common interests, values, and culture
(Hyde et al., 2023). They have also identified
themselves as the authentic representatives and
defenders of the nation against various enemies or
rivals, such as elites, minorities, foreigners, NGOs, or
opposition parties (Hyde et al., 2023) By doing so,
they have fostered a sense of national identity among
citizens that aligns with their own interests and
ideology. They have also encouraged citizens to
conform to their expectations and demands as part of
their group membership.
Hun Sen has also sought to mobilize support by
appealing to nationalism and anti-western sentiments.
He has positioned himself as a defender of
Cambodia’s sovereignty and independence, and has
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Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
been critical of Western interference in the country’s
affairs. This has included expelling the US-funded
National Democratic Institute and curtailing the
activities of other western NGO’s. Hun Sen has also
sought close ties with China, which has provided
significant aid and investment to Cambodia in recent
years.
Another important element of Hun Sen's regime is
the use of ideological indoctrination to create a sense
of commitment among his followers. This has been
achieved through the promotion of a particular
nationalist narrative that emphasizes Cambodia's
historical greatness and the need for a strong leader to
protect the nation from external threats. Hun Sen has
used state-controlled media and education to
propagate this narrative, which has been designed to
create a sense of national pride and loyalty to the
regime.
For that reason, Hun Sen’s populism has been
characterized by his charismatic personality and
direct engagement with ordinary Cambodians. He has
frequently toured the country, meeting with farmers
factory workers, and other groups, and has made a
point of appearing accessible and approachable. His
has helped to reinforce his image as a leader who is
in touch with the concerns and aspirations of the
people.
On the other hand, the Commitment theory of
Leadership proposes that effective leaders are those
who can generate strong commitments from their
followers towards achieving shared goals. In the case
of Hun Sen, the Prime Minister of Cambodia since
1985, we can examine his leadership through the lens
of the Commitment Theory.
Moreover, Commitment theory argues that leaders
can maintain their power by creating a sense of
loyalty and commitment among their followers. This
can be achieved through a combination of material
incentives, ideological indoctrination, and symbolic
gestures that demonstrate the leader's power and
authority. In the case of Hun Sen's regime, we can
see how these different elements work together to
keep him in power.
Political efficacy
A third factor that influences citizens’ demand for
political obligation is their political efficacy, or their
belief that they can influence or control their political
outcomes. Political efficacy can affect citizens’
willingness to support or challenge their political

institutions by shaping their perceptions of
opportunities and risks (Chang & Stansbie, 2018).
Hun Sen and CPP have manipulated political
efficacy by creating an uneven playing field that
favors their own supporters and marginalizes or
suppresses their opponents. They have used various
means to achieve this goal, such as co-opting or
coercing state institutions, media outlets, civil society
groups, business elites, local authorities, and religious
leaders; distributing patronage, benefits, and services
to loyal followers; intimidating, harassing, or
arresting critics, activists, journalists, and dissidents;
and rigging or restricting electoral processes and
outcomes (Peou, 2019). By doing so, they have
increased the political efficacy of their supporters,
who may feel rewarded and empowered by their
affiliation with Hun Sen and CPP. They have also
decreased the political efficacy of their opponents,
who may feel frustrated and hopeless by their lack of
voice and influence.
The supply side: how Hun Sen and CPP elicit and
sustain citizens’ joint commitment
On the supply side, the researchers considered two
factors that enable political leaders to elicit or sustain
a joint commitment from citizens: leadership style
and institutional design.
Leadership style
One factor that enables political leaders to elicit or
sustain a joint commitment from citizens is their
leadership style, or the way they communicate and
interact with their followers. Leadership style can
affect citizens’ trust, respect, and admiration for their
political leaders, which may in turn affect their
willingness to support or obey them (Chang &
Stansbie, 2018).
Hun Sen and CPP have adopted a charismatic
leadership style that relies on personal appeal,
emotional connection, and symbolic action (Peou,
2019). Hun Sen has cultivated a populist image of
himself as a strong, decisive, benevolent, and
paternalistic leader who cares for the people and
knows what is best for them (Hyde et al., 2023). He
has also used various media platforms, such as radio,
television, social media, and public events, to
communicate directly with citizens, address their
concerns, solicit their feedback, and mobilize their
support. He has also performed symbolic acts of
generosity, compassion, and patriotism, such as
donating money or goods to the poor, visiting victims
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Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
of natural disasters or accidents, or wearing military
uniforms or medals (Peou, 2019). By doing so, he has
enhanced his charisma and legitimacy among citizens
who may feel attached to him and committed to his
vision.
One of the key features of Hun Sen's regime is the
use of material incentives to create loyalty among his
supporters. This has taken many forms over the
years, including the distribution of patronage benefits
such as government jobs, contracts, and other forms
of economic assistance. By controlling access to
these resources, Hun Sen is able to create a network
of supporters who are dependent on him for their
livelihoods. This creates a powerful incentive for
these individuals to remain loyal to Hun Sen, as their
economic well-being is tied to his continued rule.
Institutional design
Another factor that enables political leaders to
elicit or sustain a joint commitment from citizens is
their institutional design, or the way they structure
and operate their political institutions. Institutional
design can affect citizens’ participation,
representation, and accountability in their political
system, which may in turn affect their satisfaction
and compliance with it (Chang & Stansbie, 2018).
Hun Sen and CPP have designed a hybrid
institutional system that combines formal democratic
elements with informal authoritarian practices (Peou,
2019). On the one hand, they have maintained a
constitutional framework that guarantees basic rights
and freedoms, a multiparty system that allows for
electoral competition, a bicameral legislature that
provides for legislative oversight, a judicial system
that upholds the rule of law, and a decentralization
policy that devolves power to local governments
(Hyde et al., 2023). On the other hand, they have
undermined these institutions by violating human
rights norms, restricting civil liberties, dominating
the political landscape, interfering with the judiciary,
controlling the bureaucracy, and co-opting or
coercing local officials (Peou, 2019). By doing so,
they have created a facade of democracy that
conceals their authoritarian reality. They have also
created opportunities for selective participation,
representation, and accountability that favor their
own supporters and exclude or punish their
opponents.
Symbolic gestures have also played a role in
maintaining the regime of Hun Sen. For example, the
government has erected numerous statues of Hun Sen

around the country, which serve to reinforce his
image as a powerful and authoritative leader. The
regime has also used public celebrations and
ceremonies to promote the idea of Hun Sen as a
national hero, further reinforcing his position as the
embodiment of Cambodia's greatness.
Despite these efforts to create commitment among
his followers, Hun Sen's regime has faced numerous
challenges over the years. One of the most significant
of these has been opposition from civil society
groups, who have been critical of the government's
human rights record and its lack of democratic
institutions. Hun Sen has responded to these
challenges through a combination of coercion and co-
optation. This has included the use of violence
against protesters, the harassment of opposition
politicians, and the suppression of independent
media.
Another challenge to Hun Sen's regime has been
the changing geopolitical landscape in the region.
Cambodia has traditionally been aligned with China,
which has provided significant economic and
political support to the regime. However, in recent
years, there has been growing concern in the region
about China's growing influence, and many countries
have sought to counterbalance China's power. This
has created opportunities for other countries, such as
the United States and Japan, to increase their
engagement with Cambodia and promote democratic
values.
Therefore, Hun Sen’s administration can be
characterized as populist, in that he has sought to
maintain popular support by appealing to the needs
and interests of ordinary Cambodians. His policies
have emphasized stability and security, economic
development, nationalism, and personal engagement
with the people. While his administration has been
criticized for its restrictions on civil liberties and
human rights abuses, Hun Sen’s populist approach
has enabled him to maintain a firm grip on power and
to position himself a champion of the people. Hence,
the regime of Hun Sen in Cambodia provides a useful
case study for the application of commitment theory.
Through the use of material incentives, ideological
indoctrination, and symbolic gestures, Hun Sen has
been able to create a sense of loyalty and
commitment among his followers. However, the
regime has faced numerous challenges over the years,
particularly from civil society groups and changing
geopolitical dynamics in the region. While the future
of Hun Sen's regime remains uncertain, it is clear that
8
Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)
the use of commitment theory can provide valuable
insights into the dynamics of authoritarian politics
and the strategies that leaders use to maintain power.
IV. CONCLUSION
The researchers used commitment theory to
explain Hun Sen’s and CPP’s populist authoritarian
rule in Cambodia. Commitment theory says one has
obligations to support one’s political institutions
because one is a member of a political society, and
membership is a joint commitment with others. A
joint commitment creates a plural subject, a
collective agent. Populism fosters group
identification by using “us versus them” rhetoric,
emotional appeals, social media, and charismatic
leaders. These factors create continuity and
dedication among populists.
The researchers argued that Hun Sen and CPP
used both the demand and supply sides of
commitment theory to secure their dominance and
legitimacy. On the demand side, they appealed to
citizens’ joint commitment by invoking history,
identity, and efficacy. They presented themselves as
the nation’s saviors and protectors, who freed
Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge, restored peace
and sovereignty, and promoted growth and welfare.
They also identified themselves as the nation’s
authentic representatives and defenders against
various enemies or rivals. They also manipulated
efficacy by favoring their supporters and
marginalizing or suppressing their opponents.
On the supply side, they elicited and sustained
citizens’ joint commitment by adopting a charismatic
leadership style and designing a hybrid institutional
system. Hun Sen built a populist image of himself as
a strong, decisive, benevolent, and paternalistic
leader who cares for the people and knows what is
best for them. He also used various media platforms
to communicate with citizens, address their concerns,
solicit their feedback, and mobilize their support. He
also performed symbolic acts of generosity,
compassion, and patriotism. They also maintained a
constitutional framework that guarantees rights and
freedoms, a multiparty system that allows for
electoral competition, a bicameral legislature that
provides for legislative oversight, a judicial system
that upholds the rule of law, and a decentralization
policy that devolves power to local governments.
However, they also undermined these institutions by
violating human rights norms, restricting civil
liberties, dominating the political landscape,
interfering with the judiciary, controlling the
 Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Humanities
Mindanao State University - General Santos City
Special Topics in Comparative Politics (POS 127)

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