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 Week 3: Invention and Innovation
“Ultra-Summary” - full version has more
detailed summaries
In 1982, the author, along with some Malawi natives, engaged in archaeological digs
in Kasungu National Park with local support. As the Falklands war sparked curiosity
about Western technologies, the author revisited a question from Jared Diamond's
1997 book: why were these technologies not invented by Africans? This question,
however, didn't surprise the author, who recognized the common mistake of
equating technological differences with intelligence disparities.
While Europeans perceived themselves as technologically superior from the 18th
century onwards, a view fostered by the Industrial Revolution, this was used to
morally justify slavery and build a racial intelligence hierarchy, with Africans ranked
lowest. European intellectuals like Hume and Hegel further supported this notion,
despite their personal opposition to slavery. This perspective persisted even after
European nations began abolishing slavery, painting Africans as needing protection
and education, thereby justifying colonialism and Christian missionary activity.
Despite limited access to advanced education in colonial Africa, a handful of
exceptional students from French colonies were funded to study in France, paving
the way for influential movements like Negritude. Notably, Cheikh Anta Diop, a
Senegalese scholar, refuted the acceptance of inherent European superiority in
science and math, proposing instead that ancient Egypt was a "Negro civilization," a
contentious theory that influenced other thinkers.
The history of technology in Africa, particularly iron metallurgy, is often overlooked
or underappreciated. Various theories about iron's origins exist, but none are
conclusive due to the lack of robust evidence. The oldest iron forge might be in the
Central African Republic around 2000 BC, and the topic of iron metallurgy in sub-
Saharan Africa remains contentious.
Research in African history is challenging due to scant written records, though
ethnoarchaeology provides some insights. Iron smelting, a major technology in
Africa, has been documented, but progress in studying African iron smelting is slow
due to lack of funding and experts. Variations of the bloomery process for iron
production have been observed across sub-Saharan Africa, demonstrating
adaptability and creativity.
The focus on technological progress and inventions sometimes overshadows the
concept of innovation, leading to misunderstanding of technological capacity. Fewer
technological advances in sub-Saharan Africa could be due to lower population
density, urbanization, and literacy compared to other regions. Population growth was
also stunted by slave trades, adversely impacting long-term economic progress.
In the 1700s, due to low population density, infrastructures like roads and bridges
were impractical in sub-Saharan Africa. The population distribution led to localized
production and consumption of goods, with long-distance transport reserved for
high-value items. Nevertheless, technologies like natural draught furnaces for iron
production spread across certain regions, perhaps due to ease of use despite high
charcoal consumption.
Swidden or "slash-and-burn" farming was common in poor-soil regions, requiring
rotation of plots every few years. This, contrasted with iron smelting workloads, may
have aided the spread of natural draught furnaces. From the second millennium AD,
such furnaces became prevalent in West Africa, and by 1650, demand for iron grew
due to slave trade-related needs, leading to more specialized iron production centers.

Multiple-choice Questions to Test Retention

(premium version has 80)
Introduction
1. What was the technology that Malawians were interested in during the
Falklands war?
A) Guns
B) Germs
C) Subs
D) Exocet missiles

2. Whose question about the technology gap between Europeans and

Papuans is mentioned in the text?
A) Jared Diamond
B) Yali
C) Aime' Ce'saire
D) Négritude poet

3. How did white settlers in Africa interpret the technology gap between
Europeans and Africans?
A) Africans were not as smart as Europeans
B) Africans lacked resources for technological development
C) Europeans stole African inventions
D) Africans were indifferent to technological advancements
 4. According to the text, what is the difference between invention and
innovation?
A) Invention involves creating something entirely new, while innovation involves
improving existing ideas.
B) Invention refers to technological advancements, while innovation refers to
cultural developments.
C) Invention is a European concept, while innovation is an African concept.
D) Invention and innovation are used interchangeably and have the same meaning.

5. What is the main question that the author believes needs to be

explained regarding African inventions?
A) Why so few African inventions caught on in Africa
B) Why Europeans didn't recognize African inventions
C) Why Africans were not interested in technological advancements
D) Why European inventions were superior to African inventions

Answers:
1. C) Subs
2. B) Yali
3. A) Africans were not as smart as Europeans
4. A) Invention involves creating something entirely new, while innovation involves
improving existing ideas.
5. A) Why so few African inventions caught on in Africa
Placing Africans on The Lowest rung of the Ladder of
Technological Progress
6. What did Michael Adas's book "Machines as the Measure of Men"
reveal about the encounter between the Portuguese and people from sub-
Saharan Africa in the 1600s?
A) The Portuguese demonstrated clear signs of racial superiority.
B) The Portuguese had superior technological advancements compared to the
Africans.
C) The Portuguese did not display racial or technological superiority.
D) The Portuguese were primarily interested in trade rather than technological
advancements.

7. What factor contributed more to the Portuguese taking over the

western part of the Indian Ocean?
A) Technological superiority over the Chinese fleet
B) Superior navigational skills
C) Islamic ships being unarmed and ports not fortified
D) Dumb luck rather than better technology

8. During the 1600s, which region experienced a significant change in

Europe's perception of Africans?
A) Sub-Saharan Africa
B) The Americas and the Caribbean
C) The Islamic World
D) Europe
 9. What developments contributed to European technology surpassing
that of the Islamic World and China by the middle of the 1700s?
A) Advancements in agriculture, transportation, and metallurgy
B) Innovations in chemistry, optics, and navigation
C) Improvements in banking, insurance, and capital markets
D) All of the above

10. Which region played a crucial role in the invention of gunpowder, the
magnetic compass, and blast furnaces?
A) Europe
B) Sub-Saharan Africa
C) The Islamic World
D) China

11. What ideology emerged in Europe as a result of its scientific and

technological advancements?
A) Scientific racism
B) Cultural relativism
C) Social Darwinism
D) Technological determinism

12. What is the main idea behind scientific racism?

A) The world's people should be ranked based on their technological advancements.
B) Africans are intellectually superior to Europeans.
C) Europeans are naturally better at science and technology.
D) Religion should be used to determine intelligence.

13. What impact did the belief in African inferiority have on the trans-
Atlantic slave trade?
A) It made the slave trade more profitable for European countries.
B) It justified the continuation of the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
C) It led to the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
D) It had no influence on the trans-Atlantic slave trade.

14. Which influential philosopher supported scientific racism and

expressed negative views about Africans?
A) Georg Hegel
B) David Hume
C) Immanuel Kant
D) John Locke

15. How did Europeans change their perception of Africans in the 1800s?
A) Africans were seen as equals in terms of intellectual abilities.
B) Africans were viewed as unfortunate children in need of protection and guidance.
C) Europeans saw Africans as potential threats to their technological advancements.
D) Africans were considered superior to Europeans in terms of cultural
achievements.
 Answers:
6. C) The Portuguese did not display racial or technological superiority.
7. D) Dumb luck rather than better technology.
8. D) Europe.
9. D) All of the above.
10. C) The Islamic World.
11. A) Scientific racism.
12. C) Europeans are naturally better at science and technology.
13. B) It justified the continuation of the trans-Atlantic slave trade.
14. B) David Hume.
15. B) Africans were viewed as unfortunate children in need of protection and
guidance.
 Critical Questions
Full version has a “memo”, as well as two more shorter
paragraph type questions
“Mega-question”
Considering the multidimensional narrative on the history of technology
in Africa, and the perceptions and misunderstandings that have resulted
from various historical events and socio-political dynamics, please
respond to the following:

In a comprehensive essay, explore the various intersections of history,

politics, science, culture, and race as presented in the article (honestly not
100% sure whether its an article or not, but imma just use that for the rest
of the document).
Discuss the systemic factors that influenced technological development in
Africa, the perceptions of technological prowess and racial biases, and the
impact of the trans-Atlantic slave trade on Africa's technological
trajectory. Include an analysis of Africa's historical technological
accomplishments and how they are perceived in the broader global
context.
Finally, critically evaluate the concept of invention versus innovation,
particularly in the African context. Based on the content of the article, do
you agree or disagree with the prevailing notion that technological
advancement is intrinsically tied to population density, urbanisation, and
literacy? Provide thoughtful arguments for your position using examples
from the article. Additionally, explore the implications of this narrative on
contemporary views of African technological potential and provide
suggestions on how to rectify any misconceptions.
Your essay should integrate perspectives from the multiple thinkers and
sources cited in the article, including Jared Diamond, Michael Adas,
Cheikh Anta Diop, and Raymond Mauny, among others. Furthermore, use
the framework of World History to situate Africa's technological history
and potential within a global context, addressing whether the Eurocentric
definition of historical significance has affected our understanding of
African technological history. Remember to apply critical thinking, utilize
relevant examples from the text, and synthesize the information for a
compelling discussion.
 Week 4: Sugar and the Making of the Atlantic
World:
Multiple-choice Questions to Test Retention (full version has
100)
Abstract:
Question 1:
According to the article, what determines the level of agency African
actors are able to exert in their encounters with external partners?
A) Economic stability of African states
B) Natural resources possessed by African states
C) Type of governmental regime in place
D) Size of the civil society movement

Question 2:
The article suggests that African agency in international relations:
A) Primarily stems from governmental elites
B) Solely relies on exceptional African individuals
C) Is limited to civil society movements
D) Involves a diverse range of actors

Question 3:
In the context of African agency, what does the term "multifaceted"
imply?
A) African agency is characterized by various complexities
B) African agency has limited scope and influence
C) African agency is focused solely on political matters
D) African agency is determined by external partners' preferences

Question 1:
Answer: C
Question 2:
 Answer: D
Question 3:
Answer: A

Introduction
Question 4:
According to the introduction, Africa's history is marked by all of the
following EXCEPT:
A) Trans-Atlantic slave trade
B) European colonization
C) Post-colonial armed conflicts
D) Technological advancements

Question 5:
What does the term "marginality" refer to in the context of Africa's
international relations?
A) Africa's geographical isolation from other continents
B) Africa's historical exploitation and exclusion
C) Africa's lack of natural resources
D) Africa's weak political leadership

Question 6:
Which statement accurately reflects the state of the literature on Africa's
international relations?
A) There is a vast amount of theoretical interest in Africa's IR.
B) Africa's role in North-South relations has received significant attention.
C) Africa's intellectual contributions have shaped the IR mainstream debates.
D) The literature on African IR has had explicit theoretical content.

Question 7:
According to Hans Morgenthau, what is Africa's historical significance in
international politics?
A) Africa played a pivotal role in shaping global politics before the First World War.
B) Africa's political landscape was non-existent before the First World War.
C) Africa's history is intertwined with the history of Malaysia and Costa Rica.
D) Africa's influence on international politics is inconsequential.

Question 8:
Which economic approaches tend to view Africa as a victim of global
economic relations?
A) Structuralism and neoliberalism
B) Dependency, Marxist, and World Systems theories
C) Capitalism and free-market economics
D) Protectionism and mercantilism

Question 9:
How has Africa been portrayed in Western media coverage, according to
the introduction?
A) As a region of economic and political potential
B) As a victim of external interference in domestic politics
C) As a contributor to meaningful world politics
D) As a place of natural catastrophes and social conflicts

Question 10:
What role did International Financial Institutions (IFIs) play in Africa's
development finance?
A) They provided critical financial support for African states.
B) They promoted sovereign decision-making in African domestic policies.
C) They increased Africa's room for maneuver against IFIs.
D) They constrained Africa's room for maneuver against IFIs.

Question 11:
Besides the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank,
which other entities interfered in African domestic politics?
A) Non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
B) African Union (AU)
C) Bilateral donor governments
D) African Development Bank (AfDB)
Question 12:
Which term is used to describe the portrayal of Africa as a region
incapable of generating economic and political development?
A) Hopeless continent
B) Lost decade
C) Dark continent
D) Scar on the world's conscience

Question 13:
In the 1990s, what was the perception of Africa's strategic relevance?
A) Africa became a hotspot of global economic development.
B) African states played a significant role in Cold War politics.
C) African states were considered irrelevant in international affairs.
D) Africa experienced a surge in technological advancements.

Question 14:
According to the introduction, what was the dominant narrative
regarding Africa in the 1990s?
A) Africa as a region of economic and political promise
B) Africa as a contributor to global peace and security
C) Africa as a breeding ground for global catastrophes
D) Africa as a leader in technological innovation

Question 15:
What effect did poverty, war, and disease have on Africa's global
perception in the 1990s?
A) It elevated Africa's status as a global economic power.
B) It strengthened Africa's influence in international institutions.
C) It reinforced the notion of Africa as a "scar on the world's conscience."
D) It improved Africa's reputation in global media coverage.

Question 16:
Which term best describes the influence of Africa on international
politics, according to Phillip Gourevitch?
A) Dominant
B) Meaningful
C) Pivotal
D) Inconsequential

Question 17:
According to Kenneth Waltz, what is the basis for constructing a theory
on international politics?
A) Developing world countries
B) Great powers and influential states
C) Non-aligned nations
D) Small and economically disadvantaged states

Question 18:
Which factors contributed to Africa's marginalization in international
politics?
A) Technological advancements and economic growth
B) Political stability and regional cooperation
C) Western media coverage and interference by donor governments
D) Natural resources and strategic geographical location

Question 19:
What does the term "re-colonization" refer to in the context of African
states after the Cold War?
A) African states gaining independence from former colonial powers
B) African states voluntarily seeking closer ties with Western nations
C) African states losing sovereignty due to external interference
D) African states revitalizing their economies through foreign investment

Question 20:
Which perspective dominated the study of International Relations (IR)
up until the 1970s?
A) Dependency theory
B) Neoliberalism
C) Classical realism
D) Postcolonial theory

Answers
Question 4: D) Technological advancements
Question 5: B) Africa's historical exploitation and exclusion
Question 6: D) The literature on African IR has had explicit theoretical content
Question 7: B) Africa's political landscape was non-existent before the First World
War
Question 8: B) Dependency, Marxist, and World Systems theories
Question 9: D) As a place of natural catastrophes and social conflicts
Question 10: D) They constrained Africa's room for maneuver against IFIs
Question 11: C) Bilateral donor governments
Question 12: A) Hopeless continent
Question 13: C) African states were considered irrelevant in international affairs
Question 14: C) Africa as a breeding ground for global catastrophes
Question 15: C) It reinforced the notion of Africa as a "scar on the world's
conscience"
Question 16: D) Inconsequential
Question 17: B) Great powers and influential states
Question 18: C) Western media coverage and interference by donor governments
Question 19: C) African states losing sovereignty due to external interference
Question 20: C) Classical realism
 Week 5 - African Agency:
The “Ultra-Summary” (this is a summary of the summary) – full version
includes a more detailed summary
The article discusses the long-standing marginalization of Africa in international
relations (IR) studies, largely due to historical exploitation, colonization, and a
history of stereotyping. This marginalization has perpetuated the misconception that
Africa lacks political agency, as the continent is frequently seen as a passive victim in
global interactions.
However, the article argues that Africa's role in IR is significant and active, both
historically and presently. Through various examples, it is illustrated that African
political actors, the African Union, civil society, and even individual Africans have
skillfully negotiated and manipulated international relations to protect their
interests. African leaders have exploited ideological divides, resisted unfavorable
economic demands, secured international aid, and have demonstrated that they can
shape their own destinies.
Since the 21st century, African countries have increasingly employed "soft
balancing," a strategy that emphasizes economic statecraft and international
institutions over military power. Collective agency, where group preferences
outweigh individual interests, is a notable aspect of African diplomacy, as seen in the
African Union's actions. African countries have become more assertive in global
negotiations, using justice and fairness arguments to exert influence, and have
effectively negotiated international deals.
The article concludes by proposing a concept of "multi-faceted agency" which
acknowledges the range of actors in Africa operating at various levels - regional,
national, and individual. The article contends that narratives portraying Africans as
powerless victims are inaccurate, and argues that African agency should be
recognized and incorporated into IR studies. The continent's growing importance, as
seen in its increasing cooperation with global powers, and the varied, effective agency
displayed by its actors, make a compelling case for a reassessment of Africa's place in
international relations.
 Week 7:
Informal Food Traders and Food Security: Experiences
from the COVID-19 Experience in South Africa (full
version summaries are more detailed)
This article highlights the crucial role of South Africa's "informal" food sector, which
makes up about 40-50% of food sales and employs more people than the formal
sector. Despite this, it is often overlooked and undervalued. The informal sector,
consisting of owner-operated small businesses like street vendors and local shops,
provides food accessibility to 70% of homes in poorer neighborhoods. It supports
local economies, provides economic opportunities, and contributes significantly to
societal integration.
However, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the South African lockdown heavily
impacted this sector. Essential service workers were allowed to continue, but many
street vendors and small shops were closed due to confusion and unclear regulations.
The absence of these vendors caused food prices to increase, leading to heightened
food insecurity and malnutrition, particularly as the pandemic led to job losses.
Despite common perceptions promoted by advertising and lobbying, supermarkets
aren't necessarily safer or cleaner, particularly during the pandemic, as they became
significant COVID-19 spread sites. The article suggests that, with government
support, street vendors and local shops could potentially create safer environments.
The lack of proper infrastructure in market areas, like water, toilets, and shelter,
hampers the creation of clean environments, and investment in these areas is
essential. Planning and regulations need revisions to ensure the inclusion of small-
scale vendors.
The COVID-19 crisis illuminated the vulnerability of these traders and the necessity
for effective social safety nets. The pandemic underscored the value of small-scale,
locally-run, owner-operated parts of the food system, and the need for a well-
structured, government-backed plan to support them. The article advocates for more
research, changes in the conversation around these businesses, and dropping the
term "informal," which belittles the sector's significance.
 Some free questions (full version has 30)
test for The Nature and Scale of the Informal Food Sector
1. What percentage of sales in the food and grocery sector does the "informal food sector"
account for in South Africa?

A) 10-20%

B) 20-30%

C) 40-50%

D) 50-60%

2. Which of the following is NOT a type of enterprise included in the "informal food
sector"?

A) Street traders

B) Hawk traders

C) Spaza shops

D) Large formal retailers

3. Approximately what percentage of households in poorer neighborhoods in South Africa

source food from the informal sector?

A) 30%

B) 50%

C) 70%

D) 90%

4. Which of the following is NOT a reason why the informal food sector makes food
accessible to people?

A) Selling close to where people live and work

B) Long operating hours

C) Flexible quantities based on affordability

D) Higher prices than large formal retailers

5. What is one way in which informal traders contribute to local communities?

A) Creating safer public spaces

B) Maximizing profits for corporate food retailers

C) Investing in large formal businesses

D) Decreasing social integration

6. What percentage of the Johannesburg Fresh Produce Market sales goes to the informal
sector?

A) 25%

B) 50%

C) 75%

D) 100%

7. Who are the majority owners of South Africa's biggest supermarket group, Shoprite
Holdings Limited?

A) Small-scale farmers

B) Local businesses

C) Banks, brokers, and retirement funds

D) Informal food traders

8. What is the estimated worth of the informal fresh produce sector in the Johannesburg
area per year?

A) R2 billion

B) R4 billion

C) R6 billion

D) R8 billion

9. Which sector of the agri-food system is most affected by harm to the informal food
sector?

A) Corporate food retailers

B) Large formal businesses

C) Small-scale farmers

D) Input suppliers to farmers

10. What does an enabling environment for small-scale farmers consist of?

A) Similar cultural repertoires among traders

B) Higher returns from supplying formal retail chains

C) Exclusion from the informal sector

D) Decreased profitability
 Answers:

1. C) 40-50%

2. D) Large formal retailers

3. C) 70%

4. D) Higher prices than large formal retailers

5. A) Creating safer public spaces

6. B) 50%

7. C) Banks, brokers, and retirement funds

8. B) R4 billion

9. C) Small-scale farmers

10. A) Similar cultural repertoires among traders

Critical questions (full version has 12)

1. How did the author conduct ongoing research for the article, and why
is this research significant?
2. What percentage of food and grocery sales in South Africa are made up
by the informal food sector, and why is this sector significant to the
country's economy?
3. Why does a large portion of South African homes in poorer
neighbourhoods rely on the informal food sector for their food supplies,
and what advantages does this sector offer compared to traditional
stores?
1. The author conducted ongoing research by regularly communicating with key
informants and individuals who had already participated in previous research. This
was done through phone calls and online platforms. This method of research is
significant as it provides a real-time understanding of the conditions and challenges
facing the informal food sector during a crisis.
2. The informal food sector accounts for approximately 40-50% of food and grocery
sales in South Africa. This sector is significant to the country's economy because it's
estimated to be worth around R360 billion (US$20 billion) each year. Small
businesses like street vendors, hawkers, spaza shops, and bakkie traders constitute
this sector, providing employment for a significant portion of the population.
3. A significant 70% of South African households in poorer neighborhoods get their
food from the informal sector. The informal food sector offers several advantages
over traditional stores, such as proximity to residences and workplaces, extended
operating hours, affordability, flexible portions, lower prices, and the provision of
interest-free credit to regular customers.
 Symbiotic Food System
Introduction (full version includes summaries of everything else)

Symbiosis is a word that comes from the Greek word meaning companionship. It
describes how two or more organisms live together in a way that benefits each other,
although the benefits may not be equal and there may be some competition. This
relationship is not about one organism preying on or destroying another.

The symbiotic food system is a way of organizing how people get their food without
direct involvement from big companies, governments, or development organizations.
Instead, individuals and small-scale actors work together to meet the needs of their
families. They maintain their independence while also cooperating through shared
practices, culture, and personal relationships. The key challenge is finding a balance
between taking care of oneself and working together for the benefit of everyone
involved.

This concept addresses a gap in discussions about food systems, which often focus on
large corporate systems or intentionally created local alternatives. The symbiotic
food system is neither purposely created nor corporate. It exists in many countries
and plays a crucial role in supplying food to many people while also providing a
market for food producers.

The chapter will showcase an example of the symbiotic food system in Dar es Salaam,
a coastal city in Tanzania. The lessons learned from this example will help us
understand how to improve and promote regenerative practices in similar food
systems.
 Feeding Dar es Salam
Mchapakazi and Fanana are farmers in Tanzania. Mchapakazi grows maize and
experiments with different varieties, while Fanana grows maize, sesame, and beans
on both owned and rented land. They are friends and share information on farming.
They use the maize they grow for their own consumption, save seeds for replanting,
and sell the excess to traders who take it to Dar es Salaam.
The maize is usually sold to traders who work with local agents called dalalis. The
dalalis collect maize from different farmers until they have enough to meet the
traders' orders. The traders then transport the maize to regional markets or directly
to Dar es Salaam. Sometimes, farmers like Mchapakazi and Fanana collaborate to
hire a truck and sell their produce themselves.
In Dar es Salaam, there are many sembe traders who mill and distribute maize meal.
Some traders, like Chapa Asili, have their own mill and truck, while others rent mill
services and hire trucks for distribution. The millers also sell bran, which is used in
animal feed. Chapa Asili can afford to buy large quantities of maize and fill trucks
efficiently. Other traders collaborate and share truckloads to reduce transportation
costs.
Chapa Asili buys maize from suppliers in the central regions of the country, where
good-quality maize is grown without chemicals. One of their suppliers is Maureen,
who travels to inland growing regions and buys maize from farmers and local
traders. She interacts with other maize traders, sharing information and sometimes
assisting each other. Maureen's sister helps with client follow-up in Dar es Salaam,
and she has an assistant in Kibaigwa who is learning the trade.
These narratives demonstrate how food production and distribution are
interconnected with social relationships. Farmers like Mchapakazi and Fanana play a
crucial role in feeding Dar es Salaam, while traders like Maureen facilitate the
movement of maize from rural areas to urban markets.
In Dar es Salaam, there is a wholesaler called Martha and Mary Wholesaler (M&M)
that buys sembe (maize meal) from Chapa Asili, one of the larger sembe brands with
its own mill and truck. M&M pays on time and is well-known for selling quality
sembe. Sembe is primarily sold in local dukas (shops) located within walking
distance of people's homes across the city. The dukas sell maize by weight, measured
in 50 kg sacks. These owner-operated dukas create a space for people to meet and
also provide credit and assistance to their loyal customers.
 The ordering and distribution of other main foods in Tanzania follow similar
patterns. Rice, for example, is husked near the growing areas and then sold to traders
and dalalis. Small-scale farmers produce vegetables, which are transported from
distant areas or grown in urban and peri-urban plots. Farmers consume and share
their vegetables, selling them directly from their fields or through wholesale and
retail markets. People's markets and roadside stalls serve as lively public spaces
where traders cooperate, share transport, help each other, and contribute to social
events.
These local markets and dukas offer Tanzanian-produced foods at cheaper prices
compared to supermarkets. The proximity, longer opening hours, and flexibility to
sell in desired quantities make them more accessible to people. Studies have shown
that products sold through the symbiotic food system, such as eggs and raw milk,
provide better prices to farmers and consumers compared to value chain initiatives
supported by outside investors. The symbiotic food system operates with low
management costs, utilizes shared equipment efficiently, relies on word of mouth
rather than advertising, and keeps labor costs down through family and apprentice
workers.
Overall, the symbiotic food system in Tanzania demonstrates economic
competitiveness, social benefits, and environmental sustainability by integrating
production, distribution, and consumption in a network of interconnected
relationships.
 (full version has 120 questions)
test for Introduction
1. What is the origin of the word "symbiosis"?

A) Latin word meaning "mutual benefit"

B) Greek word meaning "companionship"

C) English word meaning "cooperation"

D) French word meaning "collaboration"

2. How is the symbiotic food system organized?

A) Through direct corporate interventions

B) Through state-controlled initiatives

C) Without any external interventions

D) Through development organization interventions

3. What motivates the actors involved in the symbiotic food system?

A) Increasing returns on capital

B) Meeting the needs of family reproduction

C) Maximizing corporate profits

D) Promoting alternative food networks

4. What distinguishes the symbiotic food system from other food systems?

A) Purposeful creation and local focus

B) Global dominance and corporate control

C) State interventions and development organizations

D) Common cultural repertoires and personal relationships

5. Which city is used as an example to illustrate the symbiotic food system?

 A) Nairobi, Kenya

B) Johannesburg, South Africa

C) Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

D) Maputo, Mozambique

Answers:

1. B) Greek word meaning "companionship"

2. C) Without any external interventions

3. B) Meeting the needs of family reproduction

4. A) Purposeful creation and local focus

5. C) Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

 test for Feeding Dar es Salam (3 Parts)
6. What are Mchapakazi and Fanana doing when the narrator encounters them?

A) Playing cards in a bar

B) Selling meat at the market

C) Farming their land

D) Watching television at a friend's house

7. What crops do Fanana and Mchapakazi grow on their farms?

A) Maize, sesame, and beans

B) Rice, wheat, and barley

C) Cassava, yams, and potatoes

D) Apples, oranges, and bananas

8. What do Fanana and Mchapakazi do with the maize they grow?

A) Sell it to traders from Dar es Salaam

B) Consume it for their own households

C) Exchange it with other farmers for different crops

D) Collaborate with other farmers to transport it to regional markets

9. Who are the dalalis mentioned in the text?

A) Local farmers and traders

B) Wholesale sembe traders

C) Maize processing agents

D) Truck transporters
 10. What is the role of the sembe traders in Dar es Salaam?

A) Growing maize for sembe production

B) Distributing sembe to wholesalers and retailers

C) Milling and packaging sembe for sale

D) Buying maize from farmers in the area

11. How does Chapa Asili, one of the sembe brands, differ from other sembe
traders?

A) They own their own mill and truck

B) They focus on peri-urban farming

C) They have a larger workforce

D) They produce bran for animal foods

12. What do sembe millers do with the pumba (bran) left from the milling
process?

A) Use it for animal feed

B) Sell it to wholesalers

C) Distribute it to urban farmers

D) Mix it with sembe for added nutrition

13. How do sembe traders like Enjo and Mama Bibi afford transportation costs?

A) They own their own trucks

B) They collaborate and share truckloads

C) They rely on government subsidies

D) They pass on the costs to retailers

14. What is a common characteristic of both the maize farmers and the sembe
traders?

A) They are all family businesses

B) They rely on government support

C) They exclusively consume their own products

D) They focus on global export markets

15. What is the main message conveyed in the text regarding the production
and distribution of food?

A) Food systems are independent of social relations

B) Farmers and traders collaborate for mutual benefit

C) Urban eaters have little influence on food production

D) Maize farming is the sole focus of food production

Answers:

6. C) Farming their land

7. A) Maize, sesame, and beans

8. B) Consume it for their own households

9. D) Truck transporters

10. B) Distributing sembe to wholesalers and retailers

11. A) They own their own mill and truck

12. A) Use it for animal feed

13. B) They collaborate and share truckloads

14. A) They are all family businesses

15. B) Farmers and traders collaborate for mutual benefit

 16. Where does Maureen travel to in order to source maize for Chapa Asili?

A) Dodoma Region

B) Kinondoni, Dar es Salaam

C) Central regions of the country

D) Kibaigwa market

17. How do Maureen and other maize traders assist each other in filling orders?

A) By sharing transport costs

B) By purchasing from the same farmers

C) By supplying maize to each other

D) By negotiating collectively with suppliers

18. What role does Maureen's sister play in their maize trading business?

A) Assisting with maize selection

B) Handling client communication

C) Managing the mill operations

D) Purchasing maize from farmers

19. Who are the customers of Martha and Mary Wholesaler (M&M)?

A) Maize traders from the central regions

B) Owners of local dukas in Dar es Salaam

C) Mosiya and other sembe producers

D) Eaters looking to buy sembe in bulk

 20. What is a characteristic of the dukas in Dar es Salaam?

A) They primarily sell maize by weight

B) They are owned and operated by farmers

C) They advertise extensively to attract customers

D) They provide credit to regular customers

21. What is one way the duka owners support their shop assistants?

A) Giving them free meals

B) Helping them start their own dukas

C) Offering them interest-free loans

D) Providing housing accommodations

22. How does the processing of rice differ from maize?

A) Rice is milled in the city, while maize is husked near the growing areas.

B) Rice is sold to traders, while maize is sold directly to consumers.

C) Rice production involves the use of chemicals, unlike maize.

D) Rice travels better and lasts longer than maize.

23. What is a key reason for husking rice near the growing areas?

A) To reduce transportation costs

B) To increase the shelf life of rice

C) To prevent damage to the rice grains

D) To create a market for rice chaff

 24. What role do traders and local dalalis play in the rice market?

A) Buying rice from small-scale farmers

B) Owning and operating rice mills

C) Distributing rice to retail shops

D) Collaborating with maize traders

25. Where can rice be found for sale in Dar es Salaam?

A) Exclusively at the mills and wholesale shops

B) Mainly in the central regions of the city

C) Primarily at local dukas near people's homes

D) At specialized rice markets across the city

Answers:

16. A) Dodoma Region

17. C) By supplying maize to each other

18. B) Handling client communication

19. D) Eaters looking to buy sembe in bulk

20. A) They primarily sell maize by weight

21. B) Helping them start their own dukas

22. A) Rice is milled in the city, while maize is husked near the growing areas.

23. B) To increase the shelf life of rice

24. A) Buying rice from small-scale farmers

25. C) Primarily at local dukas near people's homes

 Critical Questions (full version has 25)

1. Can you explain the concept of a symbiotic food system and how it
differs from other food system models?

2. How does the symbiotic food system function in the context of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania?

3. Could you provide some insight into the roles of individual actors,
such as Mchapakazi, Fanana, and Chapa Asili, within the symbiotic food
system?

4. What is the role of social relationships in the functioning of the

symbiotic food system in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania?

5. How does the symbiotic food system contribute to economic

competitiveness, social benefits, and environmental sustainability in
Tanzania?

1. The symbiotic food system concept revolves around the idea of an interconnected
network of individuals, small-scale farmers, traders, and local shops working
cooperatively to provide food for their communities. This model differs from the
mainstream food system, which is often dominated by large corporate entities,
governmental bodies, and development organizations. In the symbiotic system,
people maintain their autonomy while also cooperating with each other based on
shared practices, cultural norms, and personal relationships. This system is
inherently flexible and resilient, capable of adapting to the unique needs and
circumstances of a community, unlike large-scale corporate food systems.

2. The symbiotic food system in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, is an intricate network of

small-scale farmers, traders, dalalis, and local dukas that play a crucial role in
ensuring food security for the local population. Small-scale farmers like Mchapakazi
and Fanana cultivate a variety of crops, which they consume, save for future planting,
and sell to local traders. These traders, with the assistance of dalalis, aggregate and
transport the produce to regional markets or directly to Dar es Salaam. This system is
neither consciously constructed nor dominated by large corporations, and yet it plays
a significant role in providing food to the population and providing a livelihood for
many.
3. In the Tanzanian symbiotic food system, each actor plays a critical role.
Mchapakazi and Fanana, for instance, are small-scale farmers who grow maize,
sesame, and beans. They consume a portion of their harvest, save some seeds for
future planting, and sell the excess to traders, who then transport the produce to
urban markets. Chapa Asili is a trader who mills and distributes maize meal, which is
a staple food in Tanzania. These individuals contribute significantly to food
production and distribution, acting in ways that benefit both themselves and their
communities.

4. Social relationships are central to the functioning of the symbiotic food system.
For example, farmers like Mchapakazi and Fanana share information about farming
techniques and sometimes collaborate to sell their produce. Traders such as Chapa
Asili buy maize from suppliers in different regions, and these transactions are often
facilitated through social networks and relationships. Moreover, owner-operated
dukas not only sell food to their communities but also serve as social hubs, offering
credit and assistance to regular customers. The cooperation, mutual support, and
shared information characteristic of these social relationships greatly contribute to
the efficiency and resilience of the symbiotic food system.

5. The symbiotic food system in Tanzania demonstrates economic competitiveness by

providing affordable, locally-produced food to consumers and fair prices to
producers. It fosters social cohesion through shared practices, cultural norms, and
interpersonal relationships, and it supports environmental sustainability by reducing
the need for long-distance transportation and large-scale, industrialized farming
practices. It leverages shared resources, maintains low operating costs, and relies on
local knowledge and skills. While it may not offer the scale or standardized processes
of corporate food systems, it provides an efficient, sustainable, and socially beneficial
alternative that can effectively respond to local needs and contexts.
Week 8 (everything provided for free, check
group description)
 Week 9 (full version available for Premium
students)
Abstract

This article talks about the history of three medicines in South Africa and how they
were regulated and used. The medicines are opium, thalidomide, and contraception.
The article focuses on how the government and institutions were involved in
controlling and providing these medicines. It also discusses how people used these
medicines for different purposes, sometimes legally and sometimes illegally.

By looking at the history of these medicines, the article explores how the regulation
of pharmaceuticals has changed over time in South Africa. It also shows how the
concept of "pharmacopolitics" can be applied to medical histories beyond just one
country. The goal of the article is to provide a historical perspective on modern
pharmaceutical practices in South Africa, from the colonial era to the present after
apartheid.note that their findings are preliminary and require further research.
Introduction: pharmaceuticals and modern statecraft in South Africa

This section explores the field of medical humanities, which encourages scholars to
use different approaches and explore various aspects of human health and illness.
The article focuses on the history of three different medicines in South Africa and
their role in shaping the modern state.

It uses primary sources like documents, photographs, and interviews, as well as

secondary sources to understand the uses and regulations of these medicines. The
article also draws on a wide range of literature to understand the connection between
medicines and the state.

It discusses how the processes of modernity, including bureaucratic growth and

integration, shaped pharmaceutical governance in South Africa. The article
highlights the uneven and discriminatory integration of African colonial spaces into
global institutions. It also examines the impact of colonial regimes on the health of
local populations.

The article mentions the importance of historical context and specificity in analyzing
the local manifestations of modernity. It discusses the expansion of bureaucratic and
regulatory powers in pharmaceutical governance and the influence of global and
local forces.

The findings are based on three research projects that focus on different
pharmaceutical products and their influence on pharmacological modernity in South
Africa. The article explores the politics of opium in the early 20th century, the
regulation of thalidomide and its impact on the medicines regulatory regime, and the
politics of race and gender in the history of contraception.

It discusses how contraception was used as a means of population control during

apartheid but also provided reproductive freedom for some patients. The article
examines the continuity and changes in the provision and use of reproductive
technologies over the past decades and emphasizes the role of patient agency in
medical politics.
 (full version has 60 problems)
test for Introduction, pharmaceuticals and modern statecraft in
South Africa
1. What is the focus of the field of medical humanities?

A) Exploring human health and illness

B) Interdisciplinary research methods

C) Political analysis of medicaments

D) All of the above

2. What sources were used in this study?

A) Primary archival material

B) Secondary sources

C) Oral interviews

D) All of the above

3. According to Deborah Posel, what were the key features of modern South African
statecraft?

A) Historical interconnectedness

B) Commitment to white economic prosperity

C) Confidence in the powers of the central state

D) All of the above

4. Which pharmaceutical product is discussed in the first case study?

A) Opium

B) Thalidomide

C) Contraception

D) None of the above

5. How did the thalidomide tragedy impact the South African medicines regulatory
regime?

A) It caused direct harm to individuals in Africa.

B) It led to the reconfiguration of the regulatory regime.

C) It resulted in increased political climate.

D) None of the above

6. What was the purpose of the Apartheid state's contraception program?

A) To promote reproductive freedom

B) To curb demographic growth among the black population

C) To impose white state authority on black patients

D) None of the above

7. What aspect of modern South African medical politics does the study explore?

A) State regulation and control

B) Patient agency

C) Continuities and changes in reproductive technologies

D) All of the above

8. What is the chronological scope of the study?

A) Late 19th century to the present

B) Apartheid and post-Apartheid decades

C) Last five decades

D) All of the above

9. How did early 20th century politics of opium intersect with colonial subjecthood?

A) It offered provision to 'civic' and 'labouring' bodies.

B) It demonstrated shifting meanings of the drug.

C) It produced relations of regulatory power.

D) All of the above

10. What distinguished the three pharmaceutical products discussed in the study?

A) Similar chemical composition

B) Therapeutic properties

C) Risks associated with their use

D) Mobile medical commodities

Answers:

1. D) All of the above

2. D) All of the above

3. D) All of the above

4. A) Opium

5. B) It led to the reconfiguration of the regulatory regime.

6. B) To curb demographic growth among the black population

7. D) All of the above

8. A) Late 19th century to the present

9. D) All of the above

10. D) Mobile medical commodities

 Critical Questions (full version has 10)
1. Considering the different time periods and social contexts, how did the
use and regulation of opium, thalidomide, and contraception reflect the
evolving political landscape in South Africa?
2. How did the policies surrounding the three specific medicines impact
different racial, ethnic, and cultural groups within South Africa, and
what were the implications on the health disparities among these
groups?
1.The use and regulation of opium, thalidomide, and contraception in South Africa
reflected the political landscape's evolution by mirroring the shifts in power and
attitudes toward different racial, ethnic, and social groups. During the colonial era,
the regulation of opium, particularly among Chinese mine workers, represented an
exercise of control over a marginalized group. Later, the regulation of thalidomide
and contraception corresponded with a focus on public health and broader socio-
political movements, such as women's reproductive rights, respectively.
2. Policies surrounding the three specific medicines impacted different racial, ethnic,
and cultural groups within South Africa in multiple ways, often exacerbating existing
health disparities. For instance, the regulation of opium, largely targeting Chinese
laborers, reflected and deepened the racial bias inherent in the colonial society.
Similarly, contraception regulation was shaped by a confluence of gender and race
politics, often used as a tool for population control among certain demographics
during the apartheid, while offering a degree of reproductive freedom to others.
 Week 10 (Pharmatrash):
Informal Food Traders and Food Security: Experiences
from the COVID-19 Experience in South Africa (full
version summaries are more detailed)
Abstract

This article talks about the history of three medicines in South Africa and how they
were regulated and used. The medicines are opium, thalidomide, and contraception.
The article focuses on how the government and institutions were involved in
controlling and providing these medicines. It also discusses how people used these
medicines for different purposes, sometimes legally and sometimes illegally.

By looking at the history of these medicines, the article explores how the regulation
of pharmaceuticals has changed over time in South Africa. It also shows how the
concept of "pharmacopolitics" can be applied to medical histories beyond just one
country. The goal of the article is to provide a historical perspective on modern
pharmaceutical practices in South Africa, from the colonial era to the present after
apartheid.note that their findings are preliminary and require further research.
Introduction: pharmaceuticals and modern statecraft in South Africa

This section explores the field of medical humanities, which encourages scholars to
use different approaches and explore various aspects of human health and illness.
The article focuses on the history of three different medicines in South Africa and
their role in shaping the modern state.

It uses primary sources like documents, photographs, and interviews, as well as

secondary sources to understand the uses and regulations of these medicines. The
article also draws on a wide range of literature to understand the connection between
medicines and the state.

It discusses how the processes of modernity, including bureaucratic growth and

integration, shaped pharmaceutical governance in South Africa. The article
highlights the uneven and discriminatory integration of African colonial spaces into
global institutions. It also examines the impact of colonial regimes on the health of
local populations.

The article mentions the importance of historical context and specificity in analyzing
the local manifestations of modernity. It discusses the expansion of bureaucratic and
regulatory powers in pharmaceutical governance and the influence of global and
local forces.

The findings are based on three research projects that focus on different
pharmaceutical products and their influence on pharmacological modernity in South
Africa. The article explores the politics of opium in the early 20th century, the
regulation of thalidomide and its impact on the medicines regulatory regime, and the
politics of race and gender in the history of contraception.

It discusses how contraception was used as a means of population control during

apartheid but also provided reproductive freedom for some patients. The article
examines the continuity and changes in the provision and use of reproductive
technologies over the past decades and emphasizes the role of patient agency in
medical politics.
 (full version has 60)
test until ‘Democracy and Pharmatrash’
1. In which South African province did the issue of medical waste in the coastal area gain
public attention?

A) KwaZulu-Natal

B) Eastern Cape

C) Western Cape

D) Gauteng

2. The term "pharmatrash" refers to:

A) Medical waste found on beaches

B) Discarded pharmaceutical products

C) Waste management failures

D) Apartheid-era health practices

3. The management of waste, especially medical waste, in post-apartheid South Africa is

described as:

A) Successful and efficient

B) Inconsistent and unnoticed

C) Well-regulated and compliant

D) Lacking research and funding

4. Which program aimed to ensure efficient refuse removal for all urban households in
South Africa?

A) Medical Waste Management Program

B) Healthcare Transformation Initiative

C) Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP)

D) Waste Removal Efficiency Plan

5. Compliance with medical waste classification and management laws in South Africa is
described as:

A) Inconsistent

B) Effective

C) Stringent

D) Universal
6. The study of discarded pharmaceutical products can provide insights into:

A) Government policies on healthcare

B) Historical changes in public health

C) The real-world use and misuse of these products

D) Waste management practices in healthcare facilities

7. The term "detritus of democracy" is used to describe:

A) Inefficient refuse removal

B) The clash between healthcare success and waste mismanagement

C) The impact of apartheid on waste management

D) Consumer culture since 1994

8. What aspects of South African practices does the author aim to understand by studying
medical waste?

A) Health, illness, leisure, and pleasure practices

B) Apartheid-era healthcare policies

C) Waste disposal methods in urban households

D) Consumer behaviour towards pharmaceutical products

9. According to the author, their findings regarding medical waste are:

A) Final and conclusive

B) Preliminary and require further research

C) Representative of the entire country

D) Exclusive to the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality

10. Research into the generation and disposal of medical waste in South Africa is described
as:

A) Extensive and well-funded

B) Lacking, especially outside healthcare facilities

C) Limited to urban households

D) Focused solely on compliance with laws and regulations

 Answers:

1. A

2. B

3. B

4. C

5. A

6. C

7. B

8. A

9. B

10. B

11-15
test for ‘Garbage Histories’
11. What is the significance of studying garbage in the context of macroeconomic
forces?
A) It reveals global market dynamics
B) It uncovers archaeological artifacts
C) It provides insights into post-colonialism
D) It explores societal survival and production

12. What contemporary term(s) is used to describe the study of rubbish and its
socio-ecological significance?
A) Discard studies and Garbology
B) Archaeology
C) Post-colonialism
D) Neo-materialism

13. What does the contemporary historiography of garbage owe to besides

archaeology?
A) Public health
B) Anthropology
C) Colonialism
D) Sociology
 14. According to Mary Douglas, what does pollution or 'dirt' represent?
A) Matter out of place
B) Technological advancements
C) Consumer norms
D) Microbial vectors

15. When does waste management and the governance of garbage attract public
attention?
A) When rubbish is rendered invisible
B) When waste is properly disposed of
C) When systems fail and waste becomes visible and potentially dangerous
D) When waste becomes a site for archaeological exploration

Answers:
11. A
12. A
13. A
14. A
15. C

16-20
test for The popularity of pharmaceutical commodities, and the ubiquity of
pharmatrash within the domestic waste-stream

16. What is the main source of comprehensive data on volumes and values of drugs in the
public and private sectors in South Africa?
A) Medicines Control Council (MCC)
B) South African Health Products Regulatory Authority (SAHPRA)
C) IQVIA
D) Fortune's 'Most Admired Companies'
17. Which country is IQVIA, the multinational corporation, based in?
A) South Africa
B) United States
C) Pretoria
D) Fortune's 'Most Admired Companies'

18. What is one consequence of the backlog of drug registration applications in

South Africa?
A) Pharmaceutical retailers ignore the need for state approval
B) Improved access to essential care in rural areas
C) Strict regulations on advertising claims
D) Construction of new healthcare facilities

19. What are the rights related to healthcare and the environment enshrined in the
South African Constitution?
A) Access to comprehensive healthcare and a non-harmful environment
B) Access to essential care and sanitation
C) Access to public healthcare facilities and diagnostics
D) Access to clinical research and diagnostic protocols

20. What has been the overall result of the state's efforts to transform the public
health sector in post-apartheid South Africa?
A) Massive expansion of public healthcare and improved access to drugs and diagnostics
B) Redressing of past inequalities and expansion of rural healthcare facilities
C) Haphazard implementation of essential drug lists and treatment protocols
D) Development of a comprehensive diagnostic and treatment program

Answers:
16. C
17. B
18. A
19. A
20. A
 Critical Questions
1. How does the author link the issue of "pharmatrash" to changes in
public health and consumer culture since the post-apartheid era?
2. Given the existing laws to classify and manage medical waste, why
does the author argue that the problem of waste mismanagement
persists, especially in households?
3. What are the potential implications of the term "detritus of
democracy," as used by the author, for understanding the dual challenge
of healthcare provision and waste management in the Buffalo City
Metropolitan Municipality?
4. How might the lack of research into the generation and disposal of
medical waste outside of healthcare facilities compound the problem of
waste management in South Africa?
1. The author links the issue of "pharmatrash" to changes in public health and
consumer culture by illustrating how improvements in healthcare access after
apartheid have inadvertently led to an increase in medical waste. Simultaneously,
consumer culture has shifted in a way that normalizes the disposal of medical waste
alongside household rubbish. These two factors intertwine to create a significant
waste management problem that remains largely unnoticed despite the public
attention on occasional incidents like the medical waste found on the KwaZulu-Natal
coast.

2. The problem of waste mismanagement persists, according to the author, because

compliance with medical waste management laws is inconsistent. While there are
clear guidelines for how medical waste should be disposed of, in many households,
this waste is simply thrown away with the rest of the household rubbish. This implies
that the laws themselves may not be adequately enforced or that there's a lack of
public education around the importance of proper medical waste disposal.

3. The term "detritus of democracy," as used by the author, represents the duality of
South Africa's progress post-apartheid. It symbolizes the state's success in improving
healthcare access and its simultaneous failure in managing the resultant medical
waste. The term encapsulates the consequences of rapid democratization and
healthcare expansion without commensurate improvements in infrastructure like
waste management, a shortcoming that poses significant public health risks.
4. The lack of research into the generation and disposal of medical waste outside
healthcare facilities hinders the development of effective waste management
strategies. Without a clear understanding of how much waste is being produced,
where it's coming from, and how it's being disposed of, it's difficult to design
interventions that effectively address the problem. Furthermore, this research gap
could prevent the identification of potential health risks associated with improper
disposal of medical waste.
 Week 11:
Full version has summaries for the rest
Introduction

South Africa's democratic transition marked a significant period for sexual

orientation rights in the country. The interim constitution of 1993 prohibited
discrimination based on sexual orientation and protected the right to privacy. These
provisions were retained in the final Constitution, making South Africa one of the
first countries to legally protect the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and same-sex
practicing individuals. Additional rights were granted through the Employment
Equity Act in 1998, the repeal of laws criminalizing homosexual conduct in private by
the Constitutional Court, and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair
Discrimination Act (PEPUDA) in 2000. Legislation in 2006 allowed for same-sex
civil marriages and civil unions for unmarried opposite-sex and same-sex couples.

Despite these legal advancements, high levels of homophobia and attacks on

individuals who were homosexual or had non-normative gender presentations
persisted. Limited data is available on attacks against transgender or intersex people,
but anecdotal evidence suggests high levels of stigmatization, discrimination, and
violence against them. This chapter primarily focuses on homophobic attitudes,
speech, and acts, with a particular emphasis on "corrective" rape. It also addresses
discrimination based on sex and gender.

It is essential to understand that sexual orientation intersects with gender identity,

gender expression, and sex in complex ways. Non-normative gender presentations
may lead to assumptions about a person's sexual orientation, and individuals who
are intersex or transgender may face assumptions about their sexual orientation as
well.

This section suggests that patriarchy regulates heterosexuality in general, as well as

the experiences of gay men, lesbian women, bisexual people, and those with non-
normative gender presentations. Discussions about discriminatory attitudes, speech,
and acts must be situated within a broader analysis of patriarchal entitlement,
heteronormativity, heterosexism, and gender normativity enforcement in South
Africa.
 Concepts and Definitions
The term LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex) is used to
describe individuals who experience discrimination based on sexual orientation,
gender, and sex. It is important to establish agreed-upon terms and definitions to
promote understanding and address issues of equality and non-discrimination. The
definitions used in this context are as follows:
Lesbian: Refers to female-identified women who seek caring, supportive, and
sexual relationships with other female-identified women, transgender women, or
intersex women.
Gay: Refers to male-identified men who seek caring, supportive, and sexual
relationships with other male-identified men, transgender men, or intersex men.
Bisexual: Refers to individuals, both female-identified and male-identified, who
seek caring, supportive, and sexual relationships with both men and women,
including those who are biologically male or female, transgender, or intersex.
Transgender: Refers to individuals who live as a gender different from the one
assigned to them at birth, regardless of whether they have undergone surgery or
hormonal treatment.
Intersex: Refers to individuals who are born with anatomy or physiology that
deviates from the contemporary ideals of male or female.
It is important to acknowledge that identity labels can be complex and politically
charged. Some individuals may engage in same-sex relationships without identifying
as gay or lesbian. Alternative terms like "men who have sex with men" (MSM) and
"women who have sex with women" (WSW) are sometimes used. Additionally, the
term "black" in this context encompasses black African, Coloured, and Indian South
Africans, unless specific distinctions within the "black" category are necessary to
address varying forms of discrimination. Race may be highlighted in discussions
concerning the perception of homosexuality as "un-African" or instances of hate
crimes in specific contexts.
 Hate crimes, gender violence, and other rights violations
Different lenses can be used to understand negative attitudes, words, and actions
towards LGBTI people, leading to disagreements among researchers and activists.
One lens is the "hate crimes" perspective, which focuses on individual acts of hate
and utilizes legal measures against the perpetrators. Another lens is the "gender
violence" approach, which views violence against black lesbian women and those
perceived as threats to patriarchal heterosexual power as a structural issue.
The "human rights" lens emphasizes the importance of rights and mechanisms for
redress for all citizens. Additionally, a "socio-political" analysis considers the
intersection of race, class, poverty, culture, religion, and social panic surrounding
sex, sexuality, sexual orientation, and gender in exploring violence against LGBTI
individuals. It is crucial to establish a common understanding of violence against
LGBTI communities to develop a research agenda. While the primary focus of this
chapter is not on these frameworks, it will address them when relevant.
 (full version has 85 questions)
test for Introduction
1. What was the significance of South Africa's democratic transition?

A) End of formal apartheid

B) Establishment of the Employment Equity Act

C) Introduction of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act

D) Recognition of transgender rights

2. In which year were provisions against discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation
retained in the final Constitution of South Africa?

A) 1993

B) 1998

C) 2000

D) 2006

3. Which act extended rights to public accommodations and services in South Africa?

A) Employment Equity Act

B) Constitutional Court Act

C) Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act

D) Civil Marriage Act

4. When did South Africa pass legislation allowing same-sex civil marriages?

A) 1993

B) 1998

C) 2000

D) 2006
 5. What was the result of repealing discriminatory provisions in South Africa?

A) Legalization of same-sex civil marriages

B) Equalization of the age of consent to sex at sixteen

C) Gender-neutral definitions of all sexual offenses

D) All of the above

6. What was the primary focus of the chapter discussed in this section?

A) Attacks on transgender or intersex people

B) Discrimination based on sex and gender

C) Homophobic attitudes, speech, and acts

D) Corrective rape against heterosexual individuals

7. How does the intersection of gender identity, gender expression, sexual orientation, and
sex influence homophobic attacks?

A) It creates a rigid gender binary

B) It leads to assumptions about normative gender presentation

C) It results in assumptions about heterosexuality

D) All of the above

8. According to the extract, how does patriarchy enforce discriminatory attitudes, speech,
and acts in South Africa?

A) By policing heterosexuality and non-normative gender presentation

B) By promoting gender normativity

C) By advocating for gender identity rights

D) By supporting LGBTQ+ organizations

9. What organization in South Africa promotes the rights of transgender people?

A) Gender DynamiX

B) Constitutional Court

C) Employment Equity Act

D) Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act

10. What does heteronormativity refer to in the context of the extract?

A) Discrimination against heterosexual individuals

B) Assumptions that heterosexuality is the default "normality"

C) Recognition of transgender rights

D) Enforcement of patriarchal entitlement

Answers:

1. A) End of formal apartheid

2. A) 1993

3. C) Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act

4. D) 2006

5. D) All of the above

6. C) Homophobic attitudes, speech, and acts

7. D) All of the above

8. A) By policing heterosexuality and non-normative gender presentation

9. A) Gender DynamiX

10. B) Assumptions that heterosexuality is the default "normality"

 11-20
11. What does the term LGBTI stand for (no idea how to make this more difficult, lol)?

A) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex

B) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer

C) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, questioning

D) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, pansexual

12. According to the definitions provided in the extract, what does the term "lesbian" refer
to?

A) Female-identified individuals who seek relationships with male-identified individuals

B) Female-identified individuals who seek relationships with other female-identified individuals,

transgender women, or intersex women

C) Male-identified individuals who seek relationships with other male-identified individuals,

transgender men, or intersex men

D) Individuals who identify as a gender other than the gender assigned to them at birth

13. What is the definition of "transgender" according to the extract?

A) Individuals born with anatomy or physiology that differs from contemporary ideals of what
is a "normal" male or female

B) Male-identified individuals who seek relationships with other male-identified individuals,

transgender men, or intersex men

C) Female-identified individuals and male-identified individuals who seek relationships with

individuals of both sexes

D) Persons who live as a gender other than the gender assigned to them at birth
14. What does the term "intersex" refer to?

A) Individuals who identify as a gender other than the gender assigned to them at birth

B) Male-identified individuals who seek relationships with other male-identified individuals,

transgender men, or intersex men

C) Female-identified individuals and male-identified individuals who seek relationships with

individuals of both sexes

D) Individuals born with anatomy or physiology that differs from contemporary ideals of what
is a "normal" male or female

15. Why are identity labels described as contested and political?

A) Because they are used to exclude certain groups from claiming rights

B) Because they are subject to personal and social complexities and may not fully represent an
individual's experiences

C) Because they are used to reinforce stereotypes and discrimination

D) Because they are constantly evolving and changing in society

16. What terms have gained some currency for individuals who may practice same-sex
sexuality but do not identify as gay or lesbian?

A) Transgender and intersex

B) Men who have sex with men (MSM) and women who have sex with women (WSW)

C) Bisexual and pansexual

D) Queer and questioning

17. According to the extract, what does the term "black" refer to in the context of the
review?

A) All South Africans who are of African descent

B) All South Africans regardless of race or ethnicity

C) All South Africans who are black African, Coloured, or Indian

D) All South Africans who are of non-white racial backgrounds

 18. In what situations might it be important to foreground race in the context of
homosexuality being seen as "un-African" or hate crimes occurring?

A) When discussing the experiences of transgender individuals

B) When exploring discrimination based on sex and gender

C) When analyzing the impact of patriarchy on heterosexuality

D) When considering the varying contexts of discrimination

19. Why is agreement on terms and definitions important in addressing the rights to
equality and non-discrimination?

A) To exclude individuals who do not conform to societal norms

B) To increase a general understanding of the issues at stake

C) To reinforce patriarchal entitlement and gender normativity

D) To discourage discussions around discriminatory attitudes and acts

20. Which group will be the primary focus of the review discussed in the extract?

A) Individuals who identify as gay or lesbian

B) Individuals who identify as transgender or intersex

C) Individuals who identify as bisexual or pansexual

D) Individuals who identify as queer or questioning

 Answers:

11. A) Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex

12. B) Female-identified individuals who seek relationships with other female-identified

individuals, transgender women, or intersex women

13. D) Persons who live as a gender other than the gender assigned to them at birth

14. D) Individuals born with anatomy or physiology that differs from contemporary ideals of what
is a "normal" male or female

15. B) Because they are subject to personal and social complexities and may not fully represent
an individual's experiences

16. B) Men who have sex with men (MSM) and women who have sex with women (WSW)

17. C) All South Africans who are black African, Coloured, or Indian

18. D) When considering the varying contexts of discrimination

19. B) To increase a general understanding of the issues at stake

20. A) Individuals who identify as gay or lesbian

 Critical Questions (full version has 20)
1. How does the text connect the South African democratic transition to
the rights of individuals with different sexual orientations?
2. Based on the text, how might you explain the discrepancy between
legal protections for LGBTI individuals and the continued discrimination
and violence they face?
3. What does the text suggest about the relationship between gender
norms, sexual orientation, and societal attitudes in South Africa?
4. How does the text highlight the intersectionality of factors such as
race, gender, and socio-economic status when discussing violence
against LGBTI individuals?
5. In the context of the text, how might the "hate crimes" lens and the
"gender violence" approach yield different understandings of the issues
faced by LGBTI individuals in South Africa?
1. The text outlines how South Africa's democratic transition significantly influenced
the rights of individuals with different sexual orientations by implementing
legislation that recognized and protected these rights. Beginning with the interim
constitution in 1993, South Africa became one of the first countries to outlaw
discrimination based on sexual orientation, establishing a legal framework that
explicitly acknowledged and safeguarded the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
same-sex practicing individuals. These advancements were further solidified in
subsequent laws and acts, such as the Employment Equity Act and the Promotion of
Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act.

2. Despite these legislative strides, the text highlights the disconnect between the
legal protections in place and the continued prevalence of discrimination and
violence against LGBTI individuals in South Africa. This paradox suggests that laws
and constitutional rights, while necessary, are not sufficient in ensuring equal
treatment and safety for these individuals. Deep-seated societal attitudes, cultural
norms, and prejudices can persist despite legal measures, leading to a disconnect
between law and lived experience. The text highlights the need for broader societal
change and acceptance, beyond legal provisions, to truly protect and promote the
rights of LGBTI individuals.
3. The text highlights the strong influence of societal attitudes and norms related to
gender on perceptions and treatment of individuals of different sexual orientations.
In particular, it discusses the ways in which non-normative gender presentations can
lead to assumptions about a person's sexual orientation, potentially leading to
further discrimination or violence. The text also underlines that patriarchal norms
and heteronormativity can regulate experiences of gay men, lesbian women, bisexual
people, and those with non-normative gender presentations.
4. The text brings attention to the intersectionality of factors such as race, gender,
and socio-economic status in shaping experiences of violence against LGBTI
individuals. For example, black African women, particularly those in certain
provinces, are noted to be at a higher risk of violent crime. This underlines that
violence against LGBTI individuals does not exist in a vacuum, but is shaped by a
range of socio-economic and cultural factors.

5. The "hate crimes" lens and the "gender violence" approach to understanding
negative attitudes towards LGBTI people can yield differing interpretations. The
"hate crimes" perspective focuses on individual acts of hate and emphasizes legal
measures against the perpetrators, while the "gender violence" approach positions
violence against black lesbian women and those perceived as threats to patriarchal
heterosexual power as a systemic issue. These differing perspectives can lead to
different responses and approaches to combatting discrimination and violence.
 Week 7:
A portion of the 3 page summary of the foreword
In this passage, the author talks about how important Marshall Sahlins's work in the
field of economics was. Sahlins was an anthropologist. The author makes the case
that Sahlins should be nominated for a Nobel Prize in Economics because his
writings, especially his book "Stone Age Economics," have changed the way we think
about economics in a fundamental way.

The author talks about how important Sahlins' essays were, especially "On the
Sociology of Primitive Exchange," which was the first to talk about the three circles of
reciprocity. Many academic fields, such as archaeology, history, literature, political
theory, psychology, art history, sociology, philosophy, and religious studies, have
taken this idea as their own. But the author points out that economists haven't made
much use of the theoretical tools that Sahlins' work has given them. The author says
that economists are closed-minded and don't like ideas from other fields. She also
says that economics needs new perspectives.

The author admits that economics has had problems, especially with the financial
crash of 2008, which showed how limited the field is. Many economists didn't see the
crisis coming, which made people question the point and value of the field. Students
all over the world started asking for changes to the way economics was taught. They
wanted a more diverse and pluralistic approach instead of treating economics as a
truth that couldn't be questioned.

The author thinks that republishing Sahlins' work is a good idea and that it should be
a part of a reformed economics curriculum. They say that Sahlins is an intellectual
activist who is involved in social movements and whose writings have political
meaning. Sahlins and other anthropologists question the most common economic
assumptions and try to get people to think less narrowly. The author talks about what
Marcel Mauss and Sahlins did. Mauss disproved the idea that barter was the start of
economic life. Sahlins questioned the idea of "economic progress" and argued that
hunter-gatherer societies had plenty.

The author says that Sahlins' essay "The Original Affluent Society," which rejects the
idea of human progress, has had a big effect on the way people think. It has had an
effect on many political movements and ways of thinking, such as Primitivism and
Degrowth. The essay has been debated and talked about a lot in reading groups,
alternative schools, and even by Ted Kaczynski, who is known as the Unabomber.

Overall, the author says that Sahlins' work has changed the way we think about
economics and human history by making us question traditional economic theories
and questioning what the point of technological progress is.
 (The full version has 70 problems)
Foreword to the Routledge Classics Edition
Test until “humans have lived a great material abundance”
1. Which academic disciplines have adopted the notion of the three circles of
reciprocity developed in "On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange"?

a) Archaeology and psychology

b) History and sociology

c) Classicism and art history

d) Political theory and philosophy

2. What historical moment is mentioned as appropriate for the reissuing of the

volume?

a) The crash of 2008

b) The recognition of Marshall Sahlins' work

c) The global movement by economics students

d) The reformation of the core curriculum

3. Who is credited with effectively challenging the myth that economic life
"emerged from barter"?

a) Marshall Sahlins

b) Bob Dylan

c) Marcel Mauss

d) Sartre

4. What term is used to describe the anthropology of liberation?

a) Activist anthropology

b) Revolutionary anthropology

c) Liberating anthropology

d) Cultural anthropology
 5. Which intellectual tradition does Marshall Sahlins represent?

a) Activist intellectual tradition

b) Marxist tradition

c) Cooperative movement tradition

d) Economic progress tradition

6. Who invented the concept of the teach-in, which Marshall Sahlins is credited
with?

a) Bob Dylan

b) Marcel Mauss

c) Marshall Sahlins

d) Sartre

7. What does the essay "The Original Affluent Society" challenge?

a) Economic progress

b) Market behavior

c) Material abundance

d) Technological development

8. Which discipline has been described as the most insular and self-enclosing?

a) Archaeology

b) Psychology

c) Economics

d) Sociology
9. Which discipline has largely rejected theoretical tools developed by others?

a) Archaeology

b) Psychology

c) Economics

d) Sociology

10. According to the text, what did the crash of 2008 reveal about economists?

a) Their expertise in predicting market behavior

b) Their disinterest in theoretical tools

c) Their reliance on historical events

d) Their lack of understanding of the global system

Answers:

1. d) Political theory and philosophy

2. b) The recognition of Marshall Sahlins' work

3. c) Marcel Mauss

4. a) Activist anthropology

5. a) Activist intellectual tradition

6. c) Marshall Sahlins

7. a) Economic progress

8. c) Economics

9. c) Economics

10. b) Their disinterest in theoretical tools

 (full version has 15)
Critical Questions
1. In what ways does the author argue that Marshall Sahlins' work has
fundamentally changed our understanding of economics, and why do
they believe this merits a Nobel Prize in Economics?
2. How does the author characterize the response of the field of
economics to the 2008 financial crash, and what changes do they
advocate for in the teaching and practice of economics as a result?
3. How did Sahlins' essay "The Original Affluent Society" challenge
traditional notions of economic progress, and what impact has this had
on various political movements and philosophies?
4. How did Karl Polanyi's seminars at Columbia University in the 1950s
influence Sahlins' work and understanding of economics?
1. The author believes that Marshall Sahlins' work has transformed our
understanding of economics by challenging traditional economic theories and
assumptions. According to Sahlins, concepts such as "economic progress" and the
belief that barter marked the commencement of economic life are not necessarily
accurate. His book "Stone Age Economics" and his essay "On the Sociology of
Primitive Exchange" provided the concept of three circles of reciprocity, an idea
widely accepted in various academic fields including archaeology, history, political
theory, and more. Despite this broad acceptance, the author contends that
economists have underutilized Sahlins' theories, thus stunting their perspective. This
has led the author to advocate for Sahlins' nomination for the Nobel Prize in
Economics, believing that his insights could expand the field's horizons significantly.
2. According to the author, the field of economics failed to foresee the 2008 financial
crash, which was a stark demonstration of its limitations. This event led to
widespread criticism of the discipline and sparked demands for a change in its
teaching. Students across the globe called for a more diverse and pluralistic
approach, moving away from treating economics as an unquestionable truth. The
author echoes these sentiments, arguing that the incorporation of Sahlins' work,
which questions many common economic assumptions, into the economics
curriculum could foster a broader, more critical view of the subject.
3. Sahlins' essay, "The Original Affluent Society," has notably challenged traditional
economic notions, particularly the idea of human progress. In this essay, Sahlins
argued that hunter-gatherer societies were not impoverished, as generally portrayed,
but rather, they enjoyed affluence in their own terms. This idea significantly
influenced various political movements and philosophical perspectives, such as
Primitivism and Degrowth, leading to heated debates and discussions. The essay has
had a lasting impact, being discussed in alternative schools, reading groups, and even
by controversial figures like Ted Kaczynski, known as the Unabomber.
4. As a student at Columbia University in the 1950s, Marshall Sahlins attended
seminars led by economic historian Karl Polanyi. Polanyi's ideas significantly shaped
Sahlins' perspective on economics. Polanyi challenged the prevalent economic ideas
of his time, arguing that "the economy" as we understand it today was a recent
historical development and that markets were not natural occurrences but were
fostered by government policies. This perspective on historical alternatives and non-
market economies deeply influenced Sahlins and informed his future work.
 (Full version has for all sections)
Introduction

Marshall Sahlins's work challenges the common view of how hunting and gathering
affected the economy in the Palaeolithic period. He disagrees with the idea that this
part of economics is a "dismal science" and says that it is actually the most advanced
part of economics. Sahlins says that textbooks often make the Palaeolithic look like a
time of impending doom and stress how hard life was for people back then. But he
wonders if this story really shows how they live and if it can really be called "living."

Sahlins says that the traditional view of the hunter-gatherer way of life as a way to get
by is wrong. He says that the Palaeolithic period was, in fact, the first wealthy society.
This goes against the idea that a wealthy society is one where all material needs are
easily met. He says that there are two ways to get rich: one is to produce more, and
the other is to want less. Sahlins suggests a Zen road to wealth, where human wants
are limited and technical means are enough. This is different from the traditional
approach, which assumes that people have unlimited wants and limited means. From
this point of view, hunter-gatherers had plenty of things even though they had a
lower standard of living.

Sahlins says that it's easier to understand hunters' economic behaviour, like how they
tend to use up resources quickly, when you look at it through the lens of abundance
rather than scarcity. He talks about Destutt de Tracy's observations, which show that
people in so-called "poor nations" can live well, while people in "rich nations" often
live in poverty.

Sahlins says that even though hunter-gatherer societies had to work with the limits of
a pre-agricultural economy, they did so in a way that worked. Using evidence from
modern hunters and gatherers, he challenges the current formulas of palaeolithic
poverty, suggesting that the real problems of hunting-gathering economies are not
accurately described.
 Sources of Misconception
The passage challenges the idea that hunting-and-gathering economies are all about
just getting by, having little free time, and always looking for food. It seems to say
that these kinds of views come from historical and ideological prejudices against
hunters. The passage says that hunters can have rich economies even though they are
poor. It compares this to capitalist societies, which are based on the idea of scarcity,
which means that economic activity starts when there aren't enough material
resources. The market-industrial system makes things scarce and forces people to
make choices and be limited in what they can buy. The passage criticises the idea that
hunters are hopeless because they use simple tools and have desires like those of
bourgeois society. It also shows the biases and assumptions that lead to such
judgements.
The passage disagrees with the idea that scarcity is built into technical means.
Instead, it says that it depends on how the means are used. It is critical of
anthropological theories that overstate how bad hunters were at making money by
comparing them to neolithic economies. The passage shows how evolutionary
anthropology often looked down on societies that lived by hunting and gathering
while praising the progress made during the Neolithic period. It talks about the
influential view of Leslie White, who pointed out that agriculture and taming animals
gave people more energy in the neolithic era compared to the palaeolithic era, when
people had to work harder. But the passage suggests that this view is wrong because
both palaeolithic and neolithic cultures used energy from plants and animals that
was changed by people. It concludes that the amount of energy used per person per
year stayed pretty constant until the Industrial Revolution.
The passage shows how anthropologists have gotten some things wrong about
hunter-gatherer economies, especially because of how Europeans have looked at
hunter-gatherer societies. It says that because these societies live in strange and
remote places, their economic situations are often misunderstood. The passage talks
about what explorers and missionaries saw, pointing out both their mistakes and
how important their accounts were because they were closer to the native people. It
says that we need to be careful about how we understand these stories and gives
examples of how explorers disproved the idea that native Australians were poor and
desperate.
The passage also says that the anthropology of hunters is mostly about ex-savages
and people who have been forced to live in remote areas. It talks about how the
problems caused by European imperialism have hurt the economies of native people.
The passage raises questions about whether the societies' poverty and lack of
resources are a sign of their original state or a result of the pressures of colonialism.
In the end, it says that the current situation of hunter-gatherer societies is a big test
of their ability to make things, and it talks about how amazing their performances
have been.
 (full version has 150 questions)
test for Introduction
1. According to the passage, how is the study of hunting and gathering economics often
portrayed in textbooks?

a) As a dismal and impending doom

b) As a prosperous and affluent society

c) As a constant struggle for survival

d) As a leisurely and cultural lifestyle

2. The passage suggests that hunters and gatherers are often labeled as a "subsistence
economy" in discussions on economic development. What does this label imply?

a) They have limited resources and struggle to meet their basic needs.

b) They are self-sufficient and have surplus resources.

c) They are engaged in continuous work to survive.

d) They lack the ability to build culture and civilization.

3. According to the passage, what is the traditional understanding of an affluent society?

a) A society with unlimited wants and limited means

b) A society with few wants and sufficient means

c) A society with infinite wants and unlimited means

d) A society with abundant resources and high productivity

4. The passage introduces the concept of a "Zen road to affluence." What does this road
emphasize?

a) Producing more to satisfy unlimited wants

b) Desiring less and being content with what one has

c) Increasing industrial productivity to bridge the gap between means and ends

d) Believing in the perpetual disparity between wants and means

 5. According to the passage, how does the economic behavior of hunters differ from
market economies?

a) Hunters have a scarcity mindset and hoard resources.

b) Hunters have an abundance mindset and consume all available resources.

c) Hunters have a low standard of living due to limited resources.

d) Hunters have a high standard of living due to industrial productivity.

6. The passage mentions the observation that "in poor nations the people are
comfortable." What does this imply?

a) Poor nations have a high standard of living.

b) Poor nations have limited wants and sufficient means.

c) Poor nations have a low standard of living despite their wealth.

d) Poor nations have a scarcity mindset and struggle to meet their needs.

7. What does the author argue about hunting-gathering economies based on the evidence
from modern hunters and gatherers?

a) They face insurmountable difficulties and poverty.

b) They are characterized by constant scarcity and hardship.

c) They have successfully adapted and made accommodations.

d) They are inherently flawed and unsustainable.

8. According to the passage, what is missing from the current understanding of paleolithic
poverty?

a) The role of industrial productivity in narrowing the gap between means and ends.

b) The importance of market economies in achieving affluence.

c) The recognition of the Zen road to affluence and its implications.

d) The acknowledgment of hunters' economic propensities based on abundance.

9. What does the author suggest about the human condition in relation to affluence?

a) It is an ordained tragedy with unlimited wants and insufficient means.

b) It can be improved through industrial productivity and economic growth.

c) It can be an affluent society by desiring less and considering means adequate.

d) It is characterized by a perpetual disparity between wants and means.

10. What is the main purpose of the passage?

a) To challenge the conventional view of hunting and gathering economics.

b) To highlight the difficulties and limitations of hunting-gathering economies.

c) To emphasize the importance of industrial productivity in achieving affluence.

d) To discuss the contradictions and paradoxes in economic development theories.

Answers:

1. c) As a constant struggle for survival

2. a) They have limited resources and struggle to meet their basic needs.

3. a) A society with unlimited wants and limited means

4. b) Desiring less and being content with what one has

5. b) Hunters have an abundance mindset and consume all available resources.

6. b) Poor nations have limited wants and sufficient means.

7. c) They have successfully adapted and made accommodations.

8. d) The acknowledgment of hunters' economic propensities based on abundance.

9. c) It can be an affluent society by desiring less and considering means adequate.

10. a) To challenge the conventional view of hunting and gathering economics.

 Sources of Misconception
(till “as opposed to the domesticated plant and animal resources of neolithic culture)

11. According to the traditional view, how is hunting and gathering economy often
described?

a) Economically prosperous

b) Abundant in resources

c) Inefficient and meager

d) Technologically advanced

12. What does the author argue about the aboriginal Australians' economic resources?

a) They have abundant resources.

b) Their habitat is severe and lacks resources.

c) Their resources are sufficient for survival.

d) Their resources are on par with other hunter-gatherer communities.

13. What is the author's criticism of the traditional view of hunting-gathering economy?

a) It is ethnocentric and outdated.

b) It fails to consider the hunter's capacity to exploit resources.

c) It is a product of neolithic prejudice and bourgeois ethnocentrism.

d) It neglects the advancements in agricultural and pastoral arts.

14. How does the market-industrial system contribute to scarcity?

a) It increases material means for all.

b) It promotes abundance and consumer choice.

c) It creates alternative choices for consumers.

d) It prioritizes profit over satisfying wants.

15. What is the author's argument about scarcity in relation to technical means?

a) Scarcity is inherent to all economic systems.

b) Scarcity is a result of inadequate tools and technology.

c) Scarcity is a matter of perspective and means-end relation.

d) Scarcity can be eliminated with advanced technological means.

16. What does the author suggest about hunters' objectives and tools?

a) Their objectives are infinite, and tools are insufficient.

b) Their objectives are finite, and tools are adequate.

c) Their objectives are vague, and tools are irrelevant.

d) Their objectives are ambitious, and tools are primitive.

17. How does evolutionary anthropology view hunters in comparison to neolithic

economies?

a) Hunters are praised for their technological advancements.

b) Hunters are considered more advanced than neolithic societies.

c) Hunters are criticized for their inefficiency and hard work.

d) Hunters are ignored in favor of studying neolithic cultures.

18. What does Leslie White argue about the neolithic revolution?

a) It led to the decline of culture and leisure.

b) It harnessed less energy per capita compared to paleolithic culture.

c) It resulted in an increase in cultural development and energy harnessing.

d) It had a minimal impact on the evolution of human culture.

19. What is the author's critique of evolutionary anthropology's view of hunters?

a) It overemphasizes the importance of domesticated resources.

b) It neglects the advancements made in the neolithic era.

c) It downplays the cultural significance of hunting and gathering.

d) It fails to recognize the achievements of paleolithic societies.

 20. What is the main theme of the excerpt?

a) The efficiency and affluence of hunting and gathering economies

b) The superiority of neolithic societies over hunters and gatherers

c) The influence of bourgeois ethnocentrism on anthropological perspectives

d) The historical and ideological biases against the hunting-gathering lifestyle

Answers:

11. c) Inefficient and meager

12. b) Their habitat is severe and lacks resources.

13. c) It is a product of neolithic prejudice and bourgeois ethnocentrism.

14. c) It creates alternative choices for consumers.

15. c) Scarcity is a matter of perspective and means-end relation.

16. b) Their objectives are finite, and tools are adequate.

17. c) Hunters are criticized for their inefficiency and hard work.

18. c) It resulted in an increase in cultural development and energy harnessing.

19. d) It fails to recognize the achievements of paleolithic societies.

20. a) The efficiency and affluence of hunting and gathering economies

 Full version has 15 Critical Questions
1. How does Marshall Sahlins challenge the traditional view of the
hunter-gatherer lifestyle during the Palaeolithic period?
2. How does Sahlins redefine the concept of wealth in the context of the
Palaeolithic period, and how does this contrast with conventional views?
3. How does Sahlins use the idea of 'abundance' rather than 'scarcity' to
explain the economic behaviour of hunters in the Palaeolithic period?
4. In what ways does this passage criticize the assumptions and biases
regarding hunter-gatherer societies, particularly in comparison to
capitalist societies and the notion of scarcity?
1. Marshall Sahlins fundamentally challenges the traditional view of the hunter-
gatherer lifestyle during the Palaeolithic period by arguing against the prevailing
notion of this era as one of hardship and scarcity. According to Sahlins, the hunter-
gatherer society was the first affluent society, a claim that starkly contrasts with
traditional depictions of the era. He believes that the hunter-gatherer lifestyle is
often mischaracterized as a mere means of survival, when it was actually a
sustainable and effective mode of living.

2. Sahlins redefines the concept of wealth in the context of the Palaeolithic period by
introducing the idea that wealth is not only a matter of producing more but can also
be achieved by desiring less. This perspective contrasts with conventional views that
focus on abundance and accumulation of goods as indicators of wealth. Sahlins
argues that hunter-gatherers were able to meet their needs and desires effectively
with the resources at their disposal, thus making them 'wealthy' in their own right.

3. Sahlins shifts the economic lens from one of scarcity to one of abundance to
explain the economic behavior of hunters in the Palaeolithic period. Instead of
viewing the rapid utilization of resources by hunter-gatherers as a sign of scarcity
and desperation, Sahlins proposes that it was an indication of their ability to satisfy
their needs abundantly. This perspective echoes Destutt de Tracy's observations that
individuals in 'poor nations' could lead satisfying lives while those in 'rich nations'
often struggled in poverty.

4. This passage criticizes the preconceived notions and biases regarding hunter-
gatherer societies by arguing that the portrayal of these societies as impoverished
and always struggling for food is a product of historical and ideological prejudices. It
contrasts this with capitalist societies, which are rooted in the concept of scarcity,
and implies that these societies, despite their apparent wealth, often suffer from
poverty and dissatisfaction. The passage also refutes the perception of hunters as
'hopeless' due to their simple tools and desires.