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Mariela Rivera Vela S5264502

Seminar Instructors: Prof. Dr. Marianne Franklin, Jaana Serres


Research Seminar: MCI LJX087M10
Date: 01/04/2023
Annotation system: APA
Word count: 1,365 words

A Cross-Cultural Examination of Catcalling and its impact on Women’s Safety and


Wellbeing
Exploring similarities and differences between women in Groningen, The Netherlands and
Cholula, México

Introduction
“I was walking with a friend when around 10 drunk Dutch men approached us and
started whistling and screaming things. One of them was trying to pee on the street and
started repeating ‘I’ll get my dick on your mouth’ in Dutch” (@catcallsofgrunn, 2022). Many
more of these types of testimonies are now flooding social media, with accounts from all over
the world joining the initiative to raise awareness about street harassment (Sandberg, 2019).
As argued by Walton and Pedersen (2021), catcalling is a form of sexual harassment from a
stranger in a public space and ​the majority of the time, it entails a male grabbing a woman's
attention and ultimately defining her as a sexual object by words, whistles, noises, or
gestures.
Women who live in cities and choose to walk instead of driving or take a cab
experience torturous or unlawful sexual assaults every day (West, 1989; as cited by Bowman,
1993). Fairchild and Rudman (2008) claimed that often harassment is initiated by men who
do not know the victim (i.e., not a co-worker, friend, family member, or acquaintance).
Moreover, even when women may not identify the incidents as sexual harassment, they suffer
detrimental effects from the experience (Schneider et al, 1997). Despite the fact that there is a
growing corpus of literature on the impacts of sexual harassment in general, few studies have
looked at women's experiences with catcalling or other forms of public sexual harassment
and the implications that such behavior may have on women (Fisher et al, 2017). This paper
aims to explore and compare the catcalling culture and its effects on women’s perception of
safety and well-being in the cities of Cholula and Groningen.
Theoretical framework
According to the European Commission “Gender-based violence is violence directed
against a person because of that person's gender or violence that affects persons of a
particular gender disproportionately”. However, it is crucial to point out that nowadays,
gender is thought of as a complicated, multidimensional cultural construct (Anderson, 2005 et
al; as cited by Russo & Pirlott, 2006), as gender could be seen as a collection of several
components that vary and develop through time and across cultural boundaries, including
gendered features, emotions, beliefs, expectations, conventions, roles, surroundings, and
institutions (Russo & Pirlott, 2006). This led to Russo and Vaz (2001; as cited by Russo &
Pirlott, 2006) to stress that academics need to cultivate diversity awareness that recognizes
the interaction between gender and other aspects to understand the dynamics of social
identity and difference. In this paper, I will be focusing and referring to individuals that share
female traits because this type of harassment disproportionately affects women and those who
identify as female (Ferrer-Perez et al, 2021). It has been argued that gender defines social
status in society; traditionally, women are accorded less authority, privilege, and wealth than
males (Bourne & Russo, 1998; as cited by Russo & Pirlott, 2006). Therefore, understanding
how gender affects violence against women is crucial, as this phenomenon is the most
widespread, but the least recognised human rights violation in the world (Heise et al, 2002).
When it comes to street harassment, verbal and nonverbal actions are covered, such
as "wolf-whistles, leers, winks, grabs, pinches, catcalls, and street comments" which are
typically sexual in character and make judgments about a woman's appearance or presence in
public (Bowman, 1993). This is intertwined with the objectification theory suggested by
Fredickson and Roberts (1997) which “places female bodies in a sociocultural context with
the aim of illuminating the lived experiences and mental health risks of girls and women who
encounter sexual objectification” (p.174). This theory was created to describe the
implications of being in a society where women are constantly reduced to sexual objects or
treated as physical possessions rather than entire human beings (Fisher et al, 2017). The
repercussions of this phenomenon provide a framework for understanding how some risk
factors and mediators work together to shape aspects of women’s mental health and
well-being (Moradi & Huan, 2008).
The emotions of women provoked by being victims of sexual harassment in the street
might differ depending on the region and cultural background. According to a research done
in México on females between the ages of 12 and 17 years old, more than 65% of them had
experienced harassment at an average age of 10.8 years. This led to fears of being abducted
or raped (Meza-de-Luna & García-Falconi, 2015). Additionally, these authors reported that in
México, street harassment generally is silenced and is not reported. Similarly, according to a
research conducted by the Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (2021), 2 in 3 young women in
The Netherlands claimed they had been harassed in the street, leading to feelings of
uncomfort, unsafeness, anger, irritation and only 2% of these cases are reported to the police.
Ultimately, according to the social identity theory, an individual's sense of self comes from
the social groups they are a part of, and these groups have the power to influence their ideas,
attitudes, and behaviors (Mcleod, 2023). Women who experience sexual harassment in the
streets could result in their social identity being affected.

Methodology
For the purpose of this study, a mixed-methods approach will be used. The first one
includes online surveys which will be administered to women aged 21-30 that live in Cholula
and in Groningen. The surveys will be designed to learn more about the frequency and degree
of catcalling, women's responses to the street harassment and how it makes them feel,
focusing on their perception of safety and well-being in the two countries. This will take
place through online platforms such as Survey Monkey due to its attractiveness and ease to
use (Franklin, 2012), and distributed via social media. Furthermore in-depth interviews will
be conducted to those who agree to thoroughly understand the subject and its effects. Roos de
Boer, the creator of the Instagram page @catcallsofgrunn will be interviewed as well, as she
has been receiving testimonies from women in Groningen. Lastly, street observation will take
place in the streets of Groningen, specifically in the locations mentioned in @catcallsofgrunn.
As an observer, I will make the attempt to detect sexual harassment towards women.
The common ethical principles for re­search in human subjects are reported to be the
foundations for re­search in sexual violence (Duma et al, 2009). Disclosure and participants
safety will remain a priority for this study, this is why the following measures will be
followed: getting complete informed voluntary permission from participants, informing and
warning participants about the sensitive nature of the questions that will be asked during the
interviews, being aware of and knowledgeable about cultural differences between the
researcher and the participants and conducting interviews in private and safe settings (Duma
et al, 2009).
Findings
This study is expected to reveal several key findings related to catcalling culture,
including that catcalling is a common experience for women in both cities, but with different
degrees of intensity and frequency. Secondly, that catcalling has a negative impact on
women's perception of safety, as they might feel anxious, fearful, or humiliated, which can
affect their well-being and make them avoid certain areas of the city. Thirdly, that women
have different ways to respond to harassment, depending on their cultural background and
personality as some women might ignore the catcalls and others might be deeply affected by
them. Lastly, that the majority of the women harassed in the streets will not report it to the
police.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the study proposed aims to explore and compare the catcalling culture and its
effects on women's perception of safety and well-being in the cities of Cholula and
Groningen. The expected key findings can potentially help to gain a more comprehensive
understanding of the impact street harassment has on women's lives. Additionally, the
findings can contribute to the growing body of literature on gender-based violence in public
spaces, particularly in the context of catcalling culture. This research can promote gender
equality and social justice by exposing women's experiences and viewpoints, ultimately
contributing to a safer and more inclusive public environment for all.
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