Globalisation, Societies and Education

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Images of the future and contemporary education: from
Brazil’s educational reform to the international agenda
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Journal: Globalisation, Societies and Education

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Manuscript ID CGSE-2018-0056

Manuscript Type: Original Article

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Keywords: Education, Futurity, Re-timing school, Risk, Security, Responsabilization

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URL: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/cgse
Page 1 of 23 Globalisation, Societies and Education

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3 Images of the future and contemporary education:
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5 from Brazil’s educational reform to the international agenda
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11 The article examinees the connection between education and futurity in
12 contemporary society. What implications do the changes in our sense of future -
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14 increasingly marked by ideas of risks and security - have on modernity's project
15 of progress, the driving force behind modern education? Although the structure
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17 of educational institutions does not seem to have changed drastically, practices
18 have become infused with a new set of meanings. As knowledge becomes ever
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20 more contingent upon calculations of the future, a new rationale comes into
21 place, justifying pedagogical changes, surveillance systems in schools and
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23 national reforms such as Brazil’s most recent one. This also creates the demand
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24 for a re-timing of school activities and creates new educational promises for
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26 international agendas.
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Keywords: futurity- education – re-timing school – risk – security –
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30 responsabilization
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32
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33 1. Futurity and Education: a fundamental link

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35 It’s the freedom you’ve always wanted to decide your own future
36 Brazilian government TV advertisement on the reform of High
37 School, 2017
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40 Children should be educated, not with reference to their present
41 condition, but rather with regard to a possibly improved future
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42 state of the human race, that is, according to the idea of

43 humanity and its entire destiny.
44 Kant, Lectures on Education, 1803.
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47 The major slogan of the educational reform of the Brazilian secondary school, enacted
48 by President Michel Temer in 2017, was “ It is the freedom you have always wanted to
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50 decide your own future”.1 The reform was marketed as a promise to free students from
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52 the bonds of traditional disciplines, making “learning much more stimulating” and
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55 Brazilian government advertising for the Reform of High School Education, promulgated on February
56 16, 2017 (Law No 13.415). Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kdERkLO3eTs, published
57 by the Ministry of Education on December 26, 2016 by the Ministry of Education.
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3 building a “real bridge to the future”.2 Supporters of Temer’s reform argue that “the
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traditional curriculum was overly academic”, “entirely disconnected from the reality of
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6 the labour market” and largely “unattractive to young students”.3 In a reform campaign
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8 video broadcast, a young black actress, interpreting a “typical” Brazilian high school
9 student, explained the changes to the public: “now, our new high school will work
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11 according to my dreams and to what I desire for my future”.4 Basically, the reform
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made changes to the curriculum structure – such as transforming traditionally
14 compulsory disciplines into possible itineraries, converting a significant part of school
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16 time into online teaching or strengthening vocational education.5 According to the
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minister of education, it was a matter of “progress”: “Children and young people in
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19 Brazil are in a hurry. Education needs to move forward”.6
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22 As can be gleaned from these initial sentences, the reform program’s marketing
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24 campaign has revolved around the notion that Brazilian public education must “move
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ahead” into the future, becoming “stimulating”, “attractive”, “as it is in other
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27 countries”.7 It also constructs a certain imaginary about young people’s lives, especially
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29 with regard to their future. On one hand, they are apparently evoking the traditional link
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30 between education and progress, repeated since Brazil’s colonial times by

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32 spokespersons from a variety of ideological or party affiliations. On other hand,
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34 educational reform propaganda engenders these recurrent terms in a typical
35 contemporary globalized narrative, reinforcing the shift that gradually displaces the
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37 traditional relation between education and futurity. They are images of ongoing change:
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images of expectations, aspirations, anxieties and dreams that are, today, being
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40 expressed, engendered or even invented by education narratives. Images that are not
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“Bridge to the future” is the title of the Temer government’s project. The propaganda campaign can be
45 seen at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P_1iPX6Ui54
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46 Minister Mendonça Filho, report published on Education Ministry site on 22th September, 2016.
47 Available at athttp://portal.mec.gov.br/component/tags/tag/39691
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48 Education Ministry site, published on 26th January 2017. Available at https:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C-M_ewoa0iY
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The project for the reform of high school education imposed by President Temer is a text full of
50 ambiguities and lacking specifications. Meant to transform public high school education into the mere
51 production of a supply for the labor force, it sharpens significantly the differences between public and
52 private high schools. Law Nº 13.415 (February 16th, 2017). Available at
53 http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2015-2018/2017/lei/l13415.htm
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Interview with Minister of Education Mendonça Filho, in “Government launches New High School
55 including Full Time Education and new curriculum proposal”. Education Ministry site, available at
56 http://portal.mec.gov.br/component/tags/tag/39691
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57 All expressions used in the marketing campaign for Temer’s Project for High School Reform.
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Page 3 of 23 Globalisation, Societies and Education

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3 circumscribed to the Brazilian reality, but travel across continents, through national and
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international agendas, media assessment and specialist narratives, reinforcing the
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6 current role that education has in the production of our ways of feeling, thinking about
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8 and planning the future.
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11 As it is well known, the close connection between education and ideas about
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what is to come is not new. Connected by a sort of historical link, at least since the
14 advent of modernity, they have been engaged in intense dialogue. If education has been
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16 an important figure in debates on the future, pedagogical projects have also played a
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crucial role in the constitution of our sense of futurity. In Brazilian history, this link
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19 between education and images of the future has been repeatedly evoked, emerging –
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21 since the genesis of the Brazilian nation – both as a key to conservative reforms and as a
22 banner of emancipatory narratives.
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It is not surprising, for example, that in 1889, José Ricardo Pires de Almeida
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27 connected education to progress, while defending the prohibition of votes for the
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29 illiterate (which at that time meant 80% of the population). His book – the first on the
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30 History of Education in Brazil – was a propaganda piece for the imperial regime and
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32 clearly revealing, not only of how the “progress of reason” was used for attempts to
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34 maintain the monarchy, but also of how education may become a fundamental cog in
35 disputes for social hegemony with regard to the future. Education, however, also
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37 appeared as “the mother of future progress” in discourse against the Empire, as in the
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narratives of the Brazilian abolitionist Tavares Bastos, who strongly defended
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40 instruction as the only path toward emancipation (1996, 254).
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43 Despite their ideological differences, both narratives functioned as
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45 complementary components of the modern ideal of progress (and of what this meant in
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47 terms of the experience of time and history). Actually, they were both echoes of the
48 enormous temporal displacement that had been experienced in Europe at least a century
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50 earlier.8 Whether singing the praises of progress or reacting to it, both perspectives look
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In Brazil, as in others countries, this change in the horizon of expectations that unfolded in Europe
55 produced ambivalent reverberations. On the one hand, the voices of progress are seen to unveil a new
56 kind of future, something that integrates Brazilian history into world history as one singular progressive
57 collective, albeit a process that implied a much lesser degree of progress. As Reinhart Koselleck
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3 to the unknown character of the future, a quality which thereby allows for or perhaps
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instigates new struggles for control. As Koselleck (2002 and 2004) has argued, new
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6 temporal experiences are configured as a result of a long process, turning time,
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8 especially since the eighteenth century, into an absolute agent of change. The horizon of
9 expectations became a productive technology, mobilizing the entire social process and
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11 every subject on the globe in this direction. The enormous challenge of Modernity – to
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achieve or arrive at the modernity itself – was thus defined as a goal, animating and
14 temporalizing not only concepts and history, but also the idea of education and its
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16 institutionalization. Modern education became a fundamental element of the image of
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the “new man”– a necessary device for building a different and better world, fulfilling
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19 the “destiny” of humanity, as Kant claimed in his Lectures on Pedagogy, in citation that
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21 served as epigraph here in this text (Kant, 1803).
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24 Today, however, the image of future is not exactly the same as the one which
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‘inebriated’ the modern thinkers (according to Frank E. Manuel 1962). After the Second
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27 World War and, more recently, September 11, 2001, the idea of the future seems to be
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29 taking its distance from modern futurologies.9 In contrast to the modern idea of
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30 progress, the image of the future seems, nowadays, less an open resource and more a
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32 limited dimension that we are deeply interested in predicting (and also, most of the
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34 time, avoiding). It is a “globalized feeling” that came from a particular sense of futurity,
35 a sense that, placed alongside our present commentary on the future, makes us very
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37 much aware of the changes we are currently experiencing.
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40 By “futurity”, we mean a set of thoughts, images, feelings, hopes and fears that
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42 come about as we imagine whom we may become. It emerges on the surface of

43 language surface, as well as within political decisions; it justifies government
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45 investments just as it makes it possible to raise new social issues. It is present in the way
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47 people make their personal plans as well as in the subjects which become popular in
48 literature; it marks the way old people buy insurance as well as the frequency with
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50 which young people drop out of school. It is a sense that runs across the lives of
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53 comments, it is not only the phenomena of progress that are unevenly distributed socially; currently,
54 progress affects the greater part of the world negatively (Koselleck, 2002, 234). On the other hand, such
55 displacements also seem to produce their complementary aversion: conservative reactions that, losing
56 ground in Europe, try to maintain their strength in the “new world”.
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57 For a more in-depth analysis about the concept futurologies see Willer (2016).
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3 individuals as well that of the social body, in multiple dimensions. It is a kind of
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imagination which has impact on the reality of the present; it sustains certain forms of
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6 knowledge, to the same extent as it is supported by them. It is an effect of a certain
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8 actuality in the same measure that configures its limits and its powers. Finally, it is part
9 of our experience of the present, and as any experience, has historical frames.
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The contemporary sense of futurity, taken in this perspective, is a complex
14 sense, built up by multiples agents, marked, however, by a strong risk protagonism
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16 (Becker 1999). As we know, risks has become globalized, located within multiple
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narratives and perceived in many different voices. Security in turn, is now considered an
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19 imperative at all levels of contemporary society — global, national, institutional and
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21 personal; a duty that is not restricted to the state nor to particular institutions. In fact,
22 responsibility for security becomes an increasingly individualized process, a cultural
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24 and historical phenomenon that has widespread impact on many spheres of our lives,
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including on education.
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29 Actually, contemporary education narratives play a crucial role in the current
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30 configuration of our sense of the future. They are not only effects of the changes in our
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32 time experience: also, they are instruments of its intensification, being globalization
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34 agents of this discursiveness, both in local realities (as in Brazilian educational reforms)
35 and in the world landscape. They are discourses that often call for an education “re-
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37 timing”, requesting faster dynamics and new skills, producing new demands that
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individuals must live up to. As we will see below, they are pretty in line with Temer’s
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40 propaganda discourses. Using “modern terms” such as progress, freedom, and vocation,
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42 Brazilian last reform engages them, however, within another assemblage, awarding
43 them contemporary meanings. It is no coincidence that Temer’s program of reforms
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45 links “freedom” to the image of a bridge to the future: his reform is justified by the idea
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47 that the future is already accessible, and it is ‘just up to you’ to find the way to ‘get
48 there’.
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53 2. Fitness not sitness: when the historical time machine gets jammed
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The school is a forced culture. To lead the child to look upon everything
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as play is very injurious. There must be a time for recreation, but there
56 must also be a time for work. Even if the child does not see the utility of
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3 this constraint immediately, he will become aware of its great benefits
4 later. Education must be full of constraint, but this does not mean that it
shall be slavish.
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Kant (1803, 168-169)
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7 Reimagine the classroom.
8 How do students with different styles learn best?
9 Not by sitting in a two-hour lecture
10 Advertising image. Roseman University of Health Sciences,
11 Nevada, EUA
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16 Education plays a complex and ambiguous role in the present time: while
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17 remaining an echo of the modern project of progress, it is also the image of its decline.
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19 Currently, contemporary education - its institutions, knowledge, discourse– is a
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privileged locus of overlapping images of time (and senses of future); images of what
22 we one day desired and now we no longer imagine as a ‘destiny’. It is still a disciplinary
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24 time machine, but a machine in crisis: more and more trapped within, among other
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things, temporal incompatibilities. While most educational institutions do not seem to
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27 have changed drastically, the understanding and discourses that surround their practices
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29 apparently gain new or different values. In fact, changes in our temporal experience are
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30 producing not only internal “discomfort” in schools and universities, but are also
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32 changing the meanings and beliefs that underly pedagogical programs, projects and
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discourses.
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37 Thus, if education is still operating in disciplinary “formats”, the temporality
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38 presumed by the operation of the device, however, is commonly thought of and judged
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40 as “inadequate” for contemporary bodies and subjectivities demands (Sibilia 2013). The
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time we spend in the classroom, the slow processes required for reading and writing, the
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43 linearity of contents and the very principle of discipline are increasingly challenged. On
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45 a daily basis within pedagogical spaces, we can detect some kind of "incompatibility"
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between the accelerated temporality in which we are immersed outside of school and
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48 the schedules and the pedagogical grids on which the schools continue to be based.
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51 At the same time, contemporary theories, education specialists, doctors,
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53 psychologists, journalists and market experts also demand the “re-timing” of schools. It
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55 is a growing requirement appearing in the discourse of those who defend school
56 maintenance through reform as well as within that of critics of standard educational
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3 systems. Not uncommon, for instance, are analyses such as that of the American
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psychologist Peter Gray (2012) who argues that “every time we add another hour to the
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6 time that children must spend in school or at homework (…) we deprive them further of
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8 opportunities to play, explore, reflect”. According to him, if we ask the students at the
9 end of the day how many would like to spend more time in school, we would be lucky if
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11 10% responded affirmatively (Gray 2012).10 In his view, “young people are less happy
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in school than in any other setting in which they regularly find themselves (...) Some are
14 so unhappy that they commit suicide” (Gray 2018).
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In online research, linking school to words such as unhappiness, depression or
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19 boredom can get a lot of results: parental lament, psychologists’ advice, online forums,
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21 teachers’ testimonies, experts’ analyses, and so on. Among this sea of online
22 commentary, we also encounter the testimony of a considerable amount of young
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24 people expressing the profound discomfort that children seem to have with
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contemporary life at school. As in this anonymous post on an English site, supposedly
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27 in the words of an eleven year old child, pedagogical institutions are narrated as a real
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29 burden: “I need to sleep but I just can't because I know it will be time for school as soon
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30 as I wake up. I've always felt this way. School is like jail for me, I can never be myself,
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32 you're constantly locked up for 6 or so hours, then you have to do it all again the next
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34 day. I've self-harmed because of school. I don't know why I hate it so much, I don't get
35 bullied but I hate my group of friends, I only have one true friend. I never do homework
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37 because I hate bringing school into my home. I just want to be free. I don't see the point
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in doing something that depresses you so much. Aren't you supposed to do what you
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40 want in life and have fun? Well school is the exact opposite for me”.11
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42 Why does school make children so unhappy? This has become a recurrent
43 concern in our day and age, a contemporary issue that has stricken many pedagogical
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45 institutions and experts. It is truly more than a mere concern: making school more fun
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47 has become a real demand, a goal pursued by many teachers, and very much interpreted
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52 10
Doing More Time in School: an unimaginative, mean proposal. Posted on May 23, 2012. Available at
53 https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/freedom-learn/201205/doing-more-time-in-school-
54 unimaginative-mean-proposal
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55 Post entitled “Hating school so much it's making me depressed”. Published in “The Student Room: the
56 largest student community in the world - over 1.8m members”. Available at
57 https://www.thestudentroom.co.uk/showthread.php?t=1547379
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3 as a need for, among other necessary changes, “re-timing pedagogical structures”.12 In
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the Charles Pinckney Elementary School in South Carolina (EUA), for instance, the
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6 classical image of school-aged kids confined during long hours a day was altered by
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8 “unlocking children from their chairs”. Instead of traditional school furniture, some of
9 their classes are equipped with desks that double as exercise equipment.13
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In addition to this, children receive regular yoga instruction and every week
14 visit the “Brain Activity Room” learning lab, in which classes, “instruction” and
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16 “academic tasks” may be carried out while moving through different exercise stations.
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Facing the television monitors teachers use as visual aids, pupils can go from exercise
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19 bikes and staircases to a mini-basketball hoop with no worries: at each station, they
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21 find math flashcards or spelling challenges. As one of the students explains, “I think
22 they are cool, because we can pedal while we are writing and stuff”.14 According to
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24 Spurlock, the teacher who is coordinating the project, “the idea was simple: the students
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could exercise while teachers taught”.15 If the “educational incarceration” model is
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27 broken, he explains, the key to fixing it lies in applying basic principles of kinesthetics,
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29 incorporating sporting standards into their regular classroom activities: “we want to
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30 show that more movement equals better grades, better behaviour, better bodies”. For
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32 Spurlock, the experience of the Pinckney Elementary demonstrates “the end of the
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34 evolutionary line”: it is “vision of the future classroom”, “not just in Charleston, but all
35 across the country”.
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“Fitness not sit-ness” and “Exercise grows brain cells” are, actually, slogans
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40 that are not only on the walls of the Charles Pinckney School. They are also the slogans
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42 of the American movement “Let’s move! Active schools”, an initiative of Michelle

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46 Pedagogical institutions and projects across the world are increasingly trying to reform schooltime,
47 creating movements such as the English “Empty Classroom Day” (http://emptyclassroomday.eu) or the
48 “Outdoor Classroom Day” (https://outdoorclassroomday.com) – a “global campaign to celebrate and
inspire outdoor learning and play”.
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See the newspaper report “The schools where they never say ‘sit still’”, published at The Guardian,
50 on 21 Nov 2015. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/education/2015/nov/21/schools-education-
51 teaching-exercise-better-learners.
52 14
See the newspaper report “In these Charleston, S.C., Schools, children are seen, and heard, and always
53 active, published at the Washington Post on October 20, 2015. Available at
54 https://www.washingtonpost.com/sf/sports/wp/2015/10/20/educational-
55 movement/?utm_term=.8b7e2e30452a
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56 All citations on the Charleston, S.C in this paragraph are based on the two newspaper reports
57 mentioned above.
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3 Obama, which is run by a number of NGOs and corporations. In their view, “physical
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activity increases blood flow which brings more oxygen, water, and glucose to the
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6 brain, leading to improved concentration. As a result, “Active kids learn better”.16 More
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8 importantly, kids seem not to realize the health and mental benefits this entails, notes
9 Lara Latto, principal of another school engaged in the movement: “they just think it’s
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11 fun”.17
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14 Regardless of whether, in fact, this type of project introduces an improvement
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16 in children’s performance or a decrease in their disinterest, what matters for us here is to
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understand how contemporary educational narratives reverberate within a crisis in
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19 institutional dynamics that also can be understood in terms of the temporalities of and
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21 projects for ‘the future’. In fact, this “discrepancy” is also a matter of time – it appears
22 when, among others aspects, the disciplinary time frame is detached from its traditional
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24 counterpart, the time of progress. Furthermore, this incompatibility arises as our

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societies become, more and more, a ‘control society’, to use the terms proposed by
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27 Deleuze (1995a). As the author had analysed, the crisis of disciplinary institutions is a
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29 wider one, an effect of changes in the modes in which power operates, impacting all
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30 forms of reclusion.
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34 However, unlike what we might expect, schools are not really disappearing, at
35 least up until now. Instead, they are slowly developing their logics, based on other
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37 presumptions. This is why the survival of education seems more and more related to its
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ability to turn its disciplinary structures, and the “heavy temporality” they have implied,
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40 into more dynamic approaches, new rhythms and speedy forms, such as the one
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42 exemplified by the “Brain Activity Room” or proposed by the “unlocking school time”
43 project. The current viability of schools appears to be depend on some sort of
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45 “replacement” of the closed system, a ‘contortion’ of the discipline temporal frame. Yet
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47 as we will see here, it is not merely a matter of turning slow into high speed, or of
48 transforming “sitting still” through the “permanent fitness movement”. Much more than
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50 that, it refers to a broad change in the assumptions that underpin education.
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53 16
Active Schools is an American movement that intend to help schools access best practices, programs,
54 and resources. See at https://www.activeschoolsus.org
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55 See the newspaper report “The schools where they never say ‘sit still’”, published at The Guardian,
56 on 21 Nov 2015. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/education/2015/nov/21/schools-education-
57 teaching-exercise-better-learners.
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The temporality engendered in the school life as we know it – divided by age,
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6 grades, built within confined space, put together as a list of sequential, fragmented
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8 syllabi, carried out through a generalized chronometry – was no historical accident.
9 Rather, it was intrinsically linked to modern forms of governance and the rationality
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11 they implied, and continues to sustain a deep connection to the constitution of modern
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temporality itself – and, especially, to its project of the future. Time was never a mere
14 addendum to that modern power that sets itself up through a discrete yet calculated and
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16 permanent economy. Of course, it was not just any time, any temporality: even before it
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could be used productively, time had to exist within a particular format, be understood
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19 in a particular way and invested in or possessed by particular people.
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22 The process by which a very detailed analytical pedagogy is constructed also
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24 supposes that this segmentation of time is organized into a serialization that links the
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"genesis" of civilized individuals to the evolution of societies. As such, the emergence
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27 of the modern school meant the advent of a certain fixing of practices, values, and
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29 agencies tied to a unique and specific regime of temporality – a regime which created an
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30 inextricable link between the temporal regulation of the present and expectations of
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32 progress. The school was one of those specific hinges, a point of transfer between these
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34 components, where progressive history was transformed into individual life (also
35 progressive). A place and a time when (and where) the macro became micro and – again
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37 – micro-temporality became the history of progress.
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40 This should make it clear that the regulation of time regulation was no mere
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42 accessory, but a principle built into the essence of teaching practice. Although it may
43 have caused discomfort (and it is very likely that it did), the disciplinarization of time
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45 seemed to be the price institutions should pay, at least in theory, to offer the discipline
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47 and the strength people would need in order to build a civilizing project writ in terms of
48 a “better” tomorrow. Reading and writing, for instance, were fundamental tools in
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50 building the very concept of the nation state; this meant first, long hours of handwriting
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classes, later, exercises in reading out loud to the class and, during the learning process,
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53 systematic exercises in interpreting texts and memorizing contents. For such “dietetics”,
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55 a linear and progressive development was expected; solitary and introspective conduct
56 was required, and concentration was needed (Sibilia 2013).
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Today, however, the slow, linear, progressive, isolated, chronometric
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6 temporality and the very ‘experience’ of confinement seem not to be justified by any
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8 pedagogical theory or, even by any project for the future. In reality, for the new psychic
9 economy of the contemporary subject, this disciplining temporality has become almost
10
11 intolerable. It provokes, among other things, a profound malaise, especially for students,
12
13
although not exclusively so. It is a discomfort that reminds us disciplined education has
14 subjected teachers and children alike to a generalized chronometry, oppressing bodies
15
16 and minds within the gears of a machine that rarely, if ever, takes them into account as
Fo
17
individual beings.
18
19
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21 At the same time, the claim for the re-timing of school is not just a signal of
22 resistance and emancipation. More than a simple inadequacy, this incompatibility may
23
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24 also reflect a change in regimes of governance. Engendered through the call for more
25
26
dynamism, speed, flexibility and agility, movement itself becomes a claim for the
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27 adaptation of bodies and subjectivity to other machinery, to other modes of the

28
29 functioning of power. From this perspective, the discourse against discipline is not
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30 exclusively a claim for a free, autonomous and democratic school, but as also a key
31
32 argument for the current forces of neoliberal power, an important stake for the market.
iew

33
34 Our current political anatomy no longer seems to require investment in the production
35 of confined “souls” and disciplined bodies. The training that takes place today
36
37 incorporates new forms of submission, as incentives for activity, or rather,
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38
hyperactivity.18 To be obedient and useful for current mechanisms of domination today
39
40 means to surrender to logics that promote more movement than fixation, more
41
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42 dispersion than concentration, more transit than distribution, more sensation than
43 perception, more action than reflection.
44
45
46
47 In other words, the requirement of activity in school does not seem to simply
48 represent a loosening up of discipline in order to free docile bodies. It is also an effort to
49
50 reframe school time within our current normativity of activeness, to place it within
51
another regime, one which gradually undermines distinctions between activity and rest,
52
53 private and professional time, work and consumption (Crary 2013, 15). In this
54
55
56 18
57 On the ‘activity paradigm’, see also Boltanski and Chiapello (2016).
58
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1
2
3 paradigm, reflection and introspection, silence and learning, concentration and rest –
4
dualities that were once bases for school pedagogy – are being are replaced by other
5
6 pairs, such as fitness and performance, learning and action. Children are thus subjected
7
8 to endless activity and dispersive movement (“while we pedal, we listen to the
9 teacher”, “while I work on the treadmill, I decorate the multiplication tables”). It is not,
10
11 therefore, a simple temporal re-framing, but a broad temporal reconfiguration that
12
13
produces disembodied transformations, alterations in our sensibility; it first distributes
14 new forms of feeling and then asks for certain ways of living. Most importantly, it
15
16 represents an effort to frame education within the connectionist paradigm, where the
Fo
17
“highest premium is placed on activity for its own sake, to always be doing something,
18
19 to move, to change – this is what enjoys prestige, as against stability, which is often
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20
21 synonymous with inaction” (2013, 15).
22
23
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24 In this sense, becoming more agile is not exactly the same as becoming free.
25
26
Neither does it free children from bodily constraint; rather, it turns school, as a
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27 technology of our historical time technology, into another form of engineering, just as
28
29 oppressive as the modern one. The crisis of disciplinary institutions means the conquest
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30 of new freedoms, but also new forms of subjugation. In this case, it signifies compliance
31
32 with another temporal model, or better yet, with a permanently modulating time
iew

33
34 principle. Thereby, the “noise” produced by this jammed machine shows us more than
35 mere inadequacy, more than a need to “update”. It shows us that a change in
36
37 governance is underway, and, in consequence, a shift in the very role of education. It
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38
demands a re-timing of school, and requires new connections between education and the
39
40 future, individuals and risk. It is a process that interferes in the promises of education
41
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42 and imposes particular ideas about the kind of qualifications which pedagogical
43 institutions should offer, as we explain below.
44
45
46
47 3. Are students ready for the future?
48
49 In the future, if you want a job, you must be as unlike a machine as
50 possible: creative, critical and socially skilled. So why are children
51 being taught to behave like machines? (...) Our schools teach skills
52 that are not only redundant but counter-productive. Our children
suffer this life-defying, dehumanising system for nothing.
53
54
55
56
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2 19
3 George Monbiot
4
5
6 The call to update schooling is not just a petition for converting its rhythms
7
into logics of flexibility, income, production, entertainment, innovation and
8
9 performance. It is also a matter of transforming the type of qualification that this
10
11 historical device should teach into more currently “useful” and “productive skills”, in
12 line with “the demands of the future”. In particular, it is about reinventing the promises
13
14 of education, turning its utopias into another sort of dreams, such as the dream of
15
16
security. In this process, curriculum becomes another cog within a “dysfunctional
Fo
17 gear”. It becomes a piece that should be fixed not so much because it is ‘inadequate’ for
18
19 the utopias of the future that we are inventing, or because it is not appropriate for the
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20 future we want to build, but because it seems not to be preparing students for an
21
22 already-known type of future.
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24
25 In this complex process, struggles against an authoritarian and disciplinary
26
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27 education and the critique of the school curriculum is often misunderstood and mixed –
28
at least in discursive terms – with the demands of a new, no longer industrial market.
29
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30 The English writer George Monbiot, for instance, in an article published in The
31
32 Guardian, argues that future jobs will require skills that schools are not teaching.
iew

33 Because our schools “are still as they use to be when they were designed to produce the
34
35 workforce required by 19th-century factories”, when children get to school, we suppress
36
37 this “instinct by sitting them down, force-feeding them with inert facts and testing the
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38 life out of them”. What school is doing is training our kids to operate a spinning jenny, a
39
40 typical machine for the nineteenth century cotton factories.
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42
43 In fact, this notion is a sense that is quite present amongst teachers, students
44
45 and media, that we continue to send our children to schools which are extremely similar
46 to the old disciplinary model: a “land that time has forgotten”, according to Laurene
47
48 Powell Jobs, one of the founders and financiers of the XQ school project.20 According
49
50 to assumptions that underpin this project, “while the world around them has changed
51
52
53
54
19
In an age of robots, schools are teaching our children to be redundant. Posted on February, 15th, 2017.
55 The Guardian. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/feb/15/robots-schools-
56 teaching-children-redundant-testing-learn-future
20
57 See https://www.ozy.com/opinion/the-story-behind-the-xq-super-school-project/71041
58
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60 URL: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/cgse
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 Globalisation, Societies and Education Page 14 of 23

1
2
3 very fast, our high schools have barely changed at all”.21 Such analyses, however, are
4
already, to some extent, the effect of a significant displacement in the educational field.
5
6 Although pedagogical institutions may not seem to have changed drastically, in reality,
7
8 the senses and values of these institutions have been displaced, as the projects we have
9 discussed here have been demonstrating for some time.
10
11
12
13
As Deleuze pointed out, machines do not explain anything if we refrain from
14 analysis of the collective arrangements of which they are just one component. The
15
16 meaning of the machinery is fluid and it is not confined to its modus operandi. In fact,
Fo
17
its operation does not depend exclusively on the machine. It is the use of the machine,
18
19 the discourse about it, the debates surrounding it, the truths sustained by it, the beliefs
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20
21 reinforced by it, the purposes assigned to it, the new promises engendered in its olds
22 functions that may give us the clues we need to understand its current meaning. More
23
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24 and more, what we see in pedagogical discourse, in policies carried out by school
25
26
administrations, and in concepts that underlie current educational reforms is a
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27 significant change in the meanings of practices, values and truths, in the dreams and
28
29 fears that once held up its disciplinary structure. Increasingly, the practices that formed
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30 the modern worker are now invested with new purposes, lesser disciplinary logics, and
31
32 organized through other systems of evaluation and distinction. On occasions, this
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33
34 process is carried out through the substitution of significant principles, replacements or
35 conversion, within the same apparatus. Other times, it also becomes a matter of the
36
37 perverse overlapping of contemporary and modern logics, which does not necessarily
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signify exclusion.
39
40
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42 Confinement hours, for example, are intensified by gym hours (as in Brain
43 Activity laboratories) or by permanent movement requirements, complemented at the
44
45 same time by new outdoors dynamics or extra-class requirements and perpetual
46
47 training, which no longer operate in the duration of the closed system. Traditional
48 examinations are not only turned into a continuous assessment procedure, but are also
49
50 reinforced by online tasks and other responsibilities. The traditional hierarchy of
51
surveillance is strengthened by a more diffuse type of surveillance which no longer
52
53
54
55 21
56 The Super School Project is a competition that invites Amarica “to reimagine high school”.
57 https://xqsuperschool.org/about
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Page 15 of 23 Globalisation, Societies and Education

1
2
3 distinguishes between being monitored and vigilant, since the monitor’s eye ends up
4
multiplied, distributed over other surfaces of visibility.22 The discipline-docile child
5
6 (supposedly produced by the modern machine) is now also required to be creative,
7
8 inventive, entrepreneurial and ‘risk-taking’.
9
10
11 The traditional subjects taught at school now have to be dealt with through new
12
13
approaches that are faster, more exciting, “based on what interests children most”, as
14 attractive as games to the poor bored kids. The very logics of the exams are being
15
16 rearranged in meritocratic terms: they are no longer a necessary stage of a supposedly
Fo
17
long education process, but increasingly, mere data for internal and external rankings, a
18
19 result of individual success or failure. Thus, children are still submitted to frequent
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20
21 exams that demand a certain ability to accumulate content, no less scary than they used
22 to be; at the same time; they are expected to be up to par with the need for permanent
23
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24 adjustment to current information flood. More than ever, young people are supposed to
25
26
be well informed multi-taskers, fast and prepared for coping with change. The
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27 knowledge that was crucial for the civilizing project and for all its justifications
28
29 regarding the autonomy of reason is becoming less important than practical “know-how
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30 or skills”. This is not a simple change, a mere up-dating or evolution; rather, it is a

31
32 change that implies new forms of governance and of resistance. In this process of the
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33
34 shifting and substitution of logics, images of what lies ahead play a fundamental role.
35
36
37 “Will school be ready for the future?”, asks the American project “SQ super
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38 23
school”. From their perspective, teachers need to raise their expectations of students,
39
40 teaching “truly relevant skills”, moving away from abstract concepts. “To be ready for
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42 the future” means, for them, nurture “self-directed learners who can apply what they’ve
43 learned, collaborate and solve complex problems in a rapidly-changing world”. A
44
45 similar approach can be found in “The Future of Learning: Preparing for Change”, a
46
47 report written by experts in education, published in 2011 by the European Union
48 Commission. It also promotes a certain image of the future that justifies, for example,
49
50 the critique of the type of content traditionally made available by the school curriculum,
51
52
53 22
About distributed surveillance see Bruno (2013). About distributed surveillance in Brazilian schools
54 see Sanz (2014).
23
55 The Super School Project, a competition who invited America to “reimagine high school”. All quotation
56 marks in this paragraph referring to this project were excerpts from the description available on the
57 website (2015). https://xqsuperschool.org/about
58
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1
2
3 a critique that can been seen as revising the value of traditional conceptions of
4
knowledge. According to the report, “as knowledge is expected to be outdated faster
5
6 due to shorter innovation circles, pure memorization of hard facts may become
7
8 secondary to genuine understanding of general principles and how- to knowledge”
9 (JRC, 2011, 76). As stated in another report published by the European Political
10
11 Strategy Centre (EPSC), although many youth as well as adults across Europe hold
12
13
formal qualifications, they nonetheless demonstrate considerable deficits in basic
14 cognitive and non-cognitive skills, the “most important capital for the world of work
15
16 ahead” (EPSC, 2016, 8).
Fo
17
18
19 Of course, the temporality evoked here is not accidental. It appears as the
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20
21 modern connection between future and education again evoked, albeit displacing the
22 terms. As Carlos Moedas, Commissioner for Research Science and Innovation in the
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24 European Commission, stated, “based on this foresight is a growing discipline, an

25
26
important tool to help us face the future with confidence, understanding opportunities
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27 and risks” (EU 2015, The Knowledge Future, 5). Know your risks, or risk your future:
28
29 this is the motto through which a certain quality of the future (a predicted, calculated
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30 and simulated quality) is being constructed, one which in education narratives play a
31
32 fundamental, rather than an auxiliary or supporting role. The expressions “the world of
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33
34 work ahead”, “society of the future” or “the future nature of the work” not only
35 naturalize the idea that the nature of future work and society is already visible: this
36
37 naturalization takes place through clear, sharp, precise images produced by experts and
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38
new technologies.
39
40
41
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42 When the American project XQ campaign asks “are students ready for the
43 future?”, they are actually asking a rhetorical question based on their conviction that the
44
45 future is already known. It is more than mere prognoses, insofar as it presupposes the
46
47 future as a fixed picture, a table with numbers that have already been filled in. In this
48 perspective, contemporary education narratives reinforce a sense of futurity based on
49
50 prediction and risk. They strengthen the discourse of prediction, in which the images of
51
the future do not appear as the result of a political imagination, but rather of expert's
52
53 foresights, or even better, as products of sophisticated and supposedly accurate
54
55 technology of calculation and anticipation. Thereby, the probability is sketched out in
56 terms of certainty and the future seems to be already here. That which is to come then
57
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1
2
3 projects its light onto the present, as if it were dictating, for example, what kind of
4
people will be better prepared to face the multiple risks of the “world ahead”. In
5
6 particular, it casts images of what competences we should learn and what education
7
8 reforms should be undertaken.
9
10
11
12
4. Brief conclusions: now you choose your future!
13
14
15
16
Fo
17 This storm is what we call progress.
18 Walter Benjamin (2007, 257)
19
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20
One of the great political tasks to be fulfilled is the constant quest to make
what is today impossible, possible tomorrow - and only insofar as at least
21
some of that which is now impossible is made viable today.
22
Paulo Freire (2001, 108)
23
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24
25
26 The relationship between modern education and the project of progress is by no means
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27 small, with all the implications that the latter brought with it, in terms of temporality –
28
29 and above all, in our sense of futurity. Many of the pains and joys of the modern
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30
educational system are linked to the fact that it has been a fundamental technology for
31
32 the establishment of the civilizing project that has not freed us from war, nor from the
iew

33
34 atrocities of fascism. As Walter Benjamin (2007) once said, fascism had its chance
35 because “in the name of progress its opponents treat[ed] it as a historical norm”. In his
36
37 view, the typically modern belief that linked technical progress to history was, in part,
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38
39
what enabled the acceptance of fascism. Against this “unconscious optimism” and
40 rejecting the modern cult of the Goddess Progress, Benjamin placed the concept of
41
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42 catastrophe at the centre of his philosophy of history.

43
44
What Benjamin could not foresee is that catastrophe itself would be integrated
45
46 into the linear history of progress, not in order to blow its structures up, not for brewing
47
48 storms, but for reinforcing its continuity and making it an even more closed perspective.
49 It has become a change in our sense of futurity, a shift that impacts education at
50
51 different levels, forcing its temporal adaptation, to become either more agile and
52
53 efficient or to offer new promises. Over this course, education seems to be shrinking
54 progressively from the glorious duty of building a “better future”. Yet it anchors its
55
56 narratives in a no less challenging place: subsidizing the managing of a future that has
57
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1
2
3 already been foreseen, through the production of a type of “knowledge” that diminishes
4
and prevent its impacts.
5
6
7 It is not a lack of future, nor the dearth of a role for education in the future, that
8
9 we are dealing with. Rather, it is a future known and narrated especially, and
10
exhaustively, for its threat; a future that must be solved, risk that must be minimized. In
11
12 this sense, the time yet to come has not exactly been overshadowed, obscured, eclipsed.
13
14 Instead, it has been frozen within speech, preventing us from becoming freer of the
15 burden of its image (as modern resistance might, one day, have wished). It is not exactly
16
Fo
17 the interdiction of imagining the future, but the emptying of our ability to imagine a
18
future distinct from the given predictions. It is a kind of insomnia, in face of the
19
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20 expected catastrophes of our era. Insomnia that makes the future imagination as
21
22 narrowed as the trap that has been set for Kafka’s rat.24 Even more importantly, and
23
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strange as it may seem: it is the draining of our ability to be responsible for history,
24
25 since we do not seem to believe that we are really able to change its course, or more
26
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27 precisely, to solve the damage we ourselves have done over the course of history.
28
29
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30 This subtle narrative displacement slides from the duty to follow, plan and
31
build progress, to the duty of minimizing the dangers that progress brings with it. It is
32
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33 the slippage of two modes for the colonization of time, two modes of pre-orientation
34
35 regarding the future: from a moment in which future progress justifies the
36 disciplinarization of the whole social corpus in the present, to the moment in which risk
37
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38 substantiates permanent anticipation, a constant attempt to ‘correct’ the future. This is

39
40 not to claim that risk was absent from modern disputes on the future: as Jeremy
41 Bentham said in the nineteenth century, security in disciplinarian terms already had its
ly

42
43 eyes on the future. However, in addition to a shift of emphasis itself, there has also been
44
a shift in the way we respond to it. Instead of progress as a horizon of expectations,
45
46 contemporary society seems to construct risk as its great productive device, as that
47
48 which legitimizes a series of new permanent controls that are no longer restricted to
49 appropriate places or particular subjects.
50
51
52
53
54
55
56 24
57 A Little Fable in Kafka (1971: 492).
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1
2
3 In this context, contemporary narratives on education play a significant role.
4
They are not mere effects of changes in our sense of futurity. They are also instruments
5
6 of intensification of this experience, agents of the globalization of this discursivity, both
7
8 within local realities (as in Brazilian educational reforms) and the world landscape. As
9 this article has shown, the displacement of experiences of the future is related to a
10
11 widespread crisis in the meaning of education. This is a multiple, complex and
12
13
productive crisis, since it engenders resignifications and temporal adjustments of the
14 education machine as well as creating new requirements, new values and new truths. It
15
16 spawns both novel freedoms and new forms of subjugation, demanding new
Fo
17
configurations of subjectivities and aspirations.
18
19
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20
21 Thus, our discussion suggests that the challenge of education today has
22 become a matter of how to re-calibrate its promises, in order to transform the dream for
23
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24 the autonomy of reason into a desire for reducing hazards. It is a process that whittles
25
26
away at educational utopias until they become no more than dreams of security. In this
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27 context, the mission of contemporary education takes on paradoxical contours: it

28
29 presents itself, increasingly, as a technology to minimize future risks, but only insofar as
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30 it is capable of individualizing the responsibility of these same hazards. This is pushed

31
32 even further: in order to do its job, education should become capable of turning
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33
34 individuals into investors – ‘free investors’ in their own education and in their own risk
35 management. Just as in the hollow motto of the Brazilian neoliberal educational reform
36
37 campaign, “now it is you who will make your own future!”
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39
40
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42 References
43
44
45
46
ALMEIDA, José Ricardo Pires de. 2000. História da instrução pública no Brasil (1500-
47 1889): história e legislação. Tradução de Antonio Chizzotti. São Paulo: Educ.; Brasília:
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49 Inep/MEC.
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52 BASTOS, A.C.Tavares. 1938 [1863]. Cartas do solitário. SP, RJ, PA, RE: Editora
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54 BPB. Bhiblioteca pedagoógica brasileira. Disponível em:
55 http://www.brasiliana.com.br/obras/cartas-do-solitario.
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BASTOS, Tavares. 1976. Os males do presente e as esperanças do futuro. São Paulo:
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6 Companhia Editora Nacional (Coleção Brasiliana).
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9 BECK, Ulrich. 1999. World risk society. Cambridge: Polity.
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BENJAMIN, Walter. 2007. “Theses on the Philosophy of History." In Illuminations:
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34 CRARY, Jonathan. 2013. 24/7: Late Capitalism and the ends of sleep. London; New
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DELEUZE, G. 1995a. Post-script on control societies. In: Negotiations. translated by
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43 ___ Control and becoming. 1995b. Gilles Deleuze in conversation with Antonio Negri.
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45 In Negotiations. New York: Columbia University Press: 169-176.
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48 ELLIOTT, Anthony & URRY, John. 2010. Mobile Lives, London: Routledge.
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3 ___ 2007. Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1977–
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9 ___ 2008. The Birth of Bio-politics: Lectures at the Collége de France, 1978–1979, ed.
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11 Michel Senellart, trans. Graham Burchell. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
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14 FRANK E. MANUEL. 1962. The Prophets of Paris. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
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24 GRAY, Peter. 2018. Children’s & Teens’ Suicides Related to the School Calendar:
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32 GRAY, Peter. 2012. Doing More Time in School: An Unimaginative, Mean Proposal.
iew

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34 Those who want more forced schooling ignore students’ opinions. Posted on May 23th,
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37 school-unimaginative-mean-proposal
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HÖLDERLIN, Friedrich. 2002. Hyperion and selected poems. Translation of Eric
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56 KAFKA, Franz. 1971. The Complete Stories. New York : Schocken Books.
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KANT, Immanuel. 1900 [1803]. Kant on Education (Ueber Paedagogik), trans. Annette
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6 Churton, introduction by C.A. Foley Rhys Davids. Boston: D.C. Heath and Co.,
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8 Available at http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/356.
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11 KOSELLECK, Reinhart. 2004. Futures Past: on the Semantics of Historical
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Time. Trans. Keith Tribe. New York: Columbia UP, 2004.
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16 ___. 2002. The practice of conceptual history: timing history, spacing concepts.
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21 ___. 1997. The Temporalisation of Concepts. Finnish Yearbook of Political
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